Part 11

Mr. Achyutaram of Bangabashi College said that he hailed from Andhra and they learnt all their national lessons at the feet of Bengal. When they saw that Bengal had not been doing anything they were getting disheartened. Now that Bengal was coming to herself again, he would be able to tell his fellow-countrymen in Andhra that things were all right in Bengal. Sriman Nagendranath Ghose said he was a student of Ripon College 1st year sec. B. When they were holding their meeting in the class about Non-Co-operation, a professor of the College remarked that the students were going to listen to the advice of "damned."--The students ought to strike for that if for nothing else.

The President, in bringing the proceedings to a close, said, that it had been already announced that a meeting would take place in College Square at 6 a.m. on Friday. A meeting would also be held at Mirzapur Park, in the afternoon at 4-30 p.m. on the same day. He hoped that on the following day all students from the remaining colleges would come out. Medical Colleges and Engineering Colleges were not to be made exceptions in this matter. The Carmichael Medical College also should be emptied. If they could boycott the examination, the bankrupt University would come down in a day. When Post-Graduate and Law students were coming out, he felt convinced, that no one would attend the convocation.

THE BATTLE OF FREEDOM.

APPEAL TO STUDENTS.

To-day I have to repeat the Message of Freedom. I have been often asked "what is the meaning of this movement." To my mind, the meaning is particularly clear. We want Freedom. We want to realise the right of regulating our own lives. We want to realise the right of building up the great Indian Nation. We want to compel the bureaucracy to recognise that right.

It is unnecessary to refer to the past. It is not my desire to perpetuate bitterness. It is my desire to strengthen our determination to achieve our freedom.

I advocate the method of Non-Co-operation, as every other method has failed. I want you to cling to this method, come what may. This is our last chance and this, at least, will not be in vain.

Do you understand what Non-Co-operation means? You must withdraw your help in moving the powerful machinery of the bureaucracy. Do you realise how you can move this machinery? The bureaucracy works its wicked will through the pleaders, through doctors, through clerks, through their police officers and through Magistrates and Judges. And you now see what the Calcutta University contributes. It contributes all the strength upon which the strength of the bureaucracy depends.

I appeal to you to take away your hands from the wheel of this machinery. The first thing, therefore, is to come out of the Colleges. I make no distinction between the Medical students, between the students of the Engineering Colleges and other students. The problem is not of education, but of Non-co-operation. If you have this in view, how can there be any distinction between classes of students? Is it not clear that all students contribute to the strength of the bureaucracy? And is it possible to defeat this bureaucracy without taking away that help? I have heard arguments based on humanitarian ground; but every humanitarian ground must yield to the supreme necessity of the moment. There is some inconvenience, some apparent want of humanitarian consideration, in every great war. Is it possible that this great war, based on peaceful method as it is, should steer clear of all inconveniences? I do not believe that there will be any the more suffering, because of the withdrawal of medical students. I have given it my anxious thought, and my decision is clear. But even if it does involve great suffering, I should welcome that suffering, rather, than leave one stone in its place in the edifice of a monstrous Education. No, my dear friend, do not delude yourselves. It is easy to quote Scripture to cover your weakness. Believe me, it is not the humanitarian ground which is keeping you away, but the imaginary prospects of worldly advancement which are dangled before your eyes. The method that I advocate is the method of sacrifice. If you have to destroy what you consider your chance of success in life, remember, it is only to defeat the bureaucracy, and to attain Swaraj. How can Swaraj be attained unless you realise your own right clearly, unhesitatingly? How can you compel the bureaucracy to recognise, that, which you yourself do not realise?

Do not listen to those who make careful calculations and tell you that this movement is bound to fail. I warn you against such doubts and hesitations. Even if the students do not realise their rights and their duty, the work of Non-co-operation will go on. But I admit that you may make it more difficult by refusing to join us.

The Battle of Freedom has never been won in the history of the world without sacrifice. The armed organizations of powerful bureaucracies, all over the world, have made armed resistance well nigh impossible. But the Soul is ever free, and he who is free in his mind can never be enslaved. I want you to turn away your face from Europe and from the organization which is of European character. I want you to concentrate your vision on the things which truly belong to us. The very simplicity of our life has become difficult of comprehension, because of the tortuous and complex organization which European culture and education have placed before us. Once you turn your face away from that, you will have faith in methods which belong to us in standards which are really part of our blood and of our bones. What is more simple than the desire and the determination to withdraw your help from that which is false and unrighteous? And yet why do you experience such difficulties in forming that desire and in fixing that determination? The answer is again the same, _viz._, that Monster of education which is rearing up its head in defiance, as it were, of everything which belongs to us and which is dear to our hearts.

I repeat again--Wake up, wake up, wake up. We have slept too long. Realise the sense of your bondage and stand out boldly and firmly on the road to Freedom.--_The Servant._

ADDRESS TO STUDENTS.

_A monster public meeting was held at Mirzapur Square on 21st January, '21 after Mahatma Gandhi's address to the Students. Mr. C. R. Das, when asked to speak, was given a great ovation and said:--_

Gentlemen, it is impossible for me, to-night, to make a speech to you, as my voice has not yet recovered. I desire to say only this--that there is but one duty before you at the present moment. Those of you who have left your Colleges do not go back or you bring discredit on the country, not only on Bengal but on the whole of India. Remember, the success of this movement is in your hands. I said that, the first day I addressed you, and that, I say to-night, again, that the success of this movement is in your hands. We want non-co-operation, we want all Government Institutions--educational or otherwise--should be boycotted. The question to-day is of educational institutions. Do not believe those who say that the Calcutta University is a National University or can even become the National University of Bengal. Avoid that reasoning because it is a false reasoning. The national character of an educational Institution does not lie in the fact as to whether the Professors are Indians or Europeans. The national character of the educational Institutions, to-day, depends on one fact, whether it is, or it is not, connected with the Bureaucratic Government of this country. That is the only test. They lead you astray. I speak with all the conviction there is in my heart, they lead you astray. Who say, that this College, Science College or that College or the other Colleges which are manned by Indians are National Institutions? They are not. They are Bureaucratic institutions and before we attain Swaraj this University, there, a few minutes walk from here, has got to come down. The youths of Bengal must make that perfectly clear. They have taken the first step. The second step is to continue in this boycott.

Then comes the question of National University. I told you the first day that, it is not necessary for Swaraj to have national Universities, but if you want them it is in your hand; and if you want them, and if you come out, I promise you a national University. I am here to make good that promise (hear, hear.) Nothing will deter me from fulfilling my promise. But, if you expect me to carry out my promise, may I not expect you to stand firm? (hear, hear). May I not expect you to be brave, to be true to yourselves and to shun those institutions you have set your face against?

Gentlemen, I am taking a list of two classes of students of those who want to work for the country. The gospel of spinning wheel, which my revered leader Mahatma Gandhi has given you to-day, is a Gospel which India has heard before, but which, unfortunately for ourselves, India has forgotten, and it is not without pride that I am able to tell you to-day that, the curriculum which we were drawing up for the National University, makes the art of spinning and weaving a compulsory subject (hear, hear) for all students; but those who want to work for the country must not only learn spinning and weaving, but they must also be trained in that particular work and it requires, at least, two months' training in the National University which I am anxious to build up on your behalf.

I have, also, made a second list of students who had told me that they want to continue their studies for whom I am providing or trying to provide. Always, remember, when I say I am doing this, I mean you are doing it. I told you the other day, my strength comes from your strength. I am nothing if you are not prepared. I have got the strength of a million men if you are ready.

What am I? I am at your hands to-day for establishing this National University. But do not be under the impression that this university will be a replica of that monster of education which rears up its head over there. It is to be nothing like it; you will see that, when you study that curriculum which we are preparing, you must not expect luxuries. But I can assure that any student who studies in the National University for two years or even three years--I do not propose to have students in our institution for more than 3 or 4 or 5 years beginning from the age of eight or seven--and those who come out from our institutions, you will find, will be educated, will be recognizable as Indians, will be educated as Indians should be educated and will not be copyists of European maxims and European culture generally. That is the standard which I desire to apply, but be sure the work of education cannot stop; one year is nothing in the history of a nation--one year at a time when we are at war, peaceful though that war may be, when we are aspiring to the greatest, with the most powerful bureaucracy in the world--one year is nothing at all in point of time: and can anybody reasonably say that if you shun your books for that one year and take up this battle of Swaraj, you are not doing your duty? May I suggest that those of you who want to continue your studies will not be doing your duty in the battle of Swaraj? But those of you who are in the second, act in a manner true to yourselves, but whatever you do, remember that it is a non-violent war (hear, hear) Remember that if you go back to those colleges, after leaving them, you prove yourselves cowards and unworthy of being engaged in this great and glorious war.

Gentlemen, allow me, again, to thank you on behalf of my revered leader and my great friend Mr. Mahammad Ali (cries of "Bande Mataram.")

NON-CO-OPERATION

_Mr. C. R. Das, in moving the Non-co-operation resolution at the Indian National Congress, Nagapur, 1920, said:--_

I rise to move the resolution on Non-co-operation. I shall presently read the resolution before you; but before I do that, I ask you to consider it very carefully, word by word, and line by line, because I must emphatically deny the charge that the Non-co-operation resolution which was passed in the Subjects Committee, is weaker, and not stronger, than the resolution, which was passed in Calcutta. Let me first read this resolution. (Reads resolution). Gentlemen, let me put before you in a few words the scheme of it. We say that our wrongs, including the Khilafat, and the Punjab wrongs--I do not enumerate the wrongs because they are so many--that each wrong, so far as I am concerned, is a cause of the attitude that I have taken up. We declare that our wrongs are of such a nature that we must attain Swaraj immediately (hear, hear). Then, we declare that all other methods, which we have employed up to now, have failed and that, the only method which is left for us, is, the method of non-violent non-co-operation (hear, hear); and we declare that there must not be any mistake about it that this Congress has resolved definitely, clearly and without any ambiguity, that the whole of this scheme of non-co-operation shall be put in force to secure our rights and to attain Swaraj; and we declare further that, in the meantime, those things which we resolved upon at Calcutta, are to continue but not only those things, we are to direct our activities in other directions as well. Here I pause for a moment to consider the question which, I regret, has been raised, namely, that this resolution is weaker than the Calcutta resolution. May I ask you to consider in what respect is it weaker? I claim it is stronger it is fuller, it is more complete. In the Calcutta resolution, there was no clear declaration that this National Congress has resolved to put in force the entire scheme of non-co-operation down to the non-payment of taxes although I believe with Mahatma Gandhi that that may not be necessary. But still if that is necessary I want it to be clearly stated that the people of India will not shirk from putting that into force. Then we say that, in the meantime, till that call is sounded--and you must remember, gentlemen, directly the call is sounded, that call has to be obeyed by all sections of the community, lawyers, students, trades-men, merchants, agriculturists, every body, every section in the country must respond to that call (hear, hear) and do you understand what that means. That means that this tyrannical machinery of the Government is regulated--is driven, not regulated--by whom, not by the Bureaucracy but by the Indians; and it means that the moment that call is sounded, every Indian is to take his hands off that machinery (hear, hear) and compel this Government to do what you like. But ours are not the hands which will move your machinery (hear, hear). That is putting in force the entire scheme. Then, let us consider what we have got to do in the meantime. The Calcutta resolution was confined to the students and lawyers and a general resolution about boycott of foreign goods. Here we say we keep the same injunction with regard to students but we differentiate between students under 16 and students above 16. Then, with regard to lawyers, we keep not only the same thing, we re-affirm the Calcutta resolution, but we say that we are not satisfied with the way in which that resolution has been responded to by lawyers; and we say that greater effort must be made to secure that; and also we refer to the scheme of settlement of disputes by private arbitration. Then comes the economic question, and we say that the economic drainage is one of the greatest wrongs from which we have suffered: and we say that a Committee of experts must be appointed at once to form and organise a plan of boycott of foreign goods. Then we come to the other question. We come to the boycott of Councils. We say that it has succeeded, and we say further what naturally follows from that, namely, that the men who are at present occupying those seats are not representatives of the people of India (Hear, Hear). Not only do we stop there, but we go further, that those people who pretend to represent them do not represent them, and therefore we call upon the voters not to take any political assistance from those people. And then we appeal generally, for unity in favour of the depressed classes, in favour of every section of the community which require protection and development more than we do. This is the scheme of the resolution. In what respect is it weaker? In respect of lawyers? I say 'no,' because it re-affirms but it continues to call upon lawyers to act up to that resolution. Is it weaker in any point? From the point of view of students, I say 'no.' I have guarded against students coming out under false sentiment. I think that it is right, that this greatest national assembly in India should declare that those students who feel the call of duty and conscience should immediately come out, regardless of consequence (Hear, hear). Is it weaker in respect of the boys under 16 years? I say what is weakness, and what is strength? We make it stronger by making it more just and more practical. Is it weaker in respect of the economic question? I do not admit that, because in the general resolution which you had and which Mahatma Gandhi himself was to carry out, we have got a systematic plan of economic boycott and a practical boycott--a boycott which will not only be spoken of but acted upon by every Indian worth the name. I ask again,--where lies the weakness of such a resolution? It is nothing but the result of undue suspicion. I am making no appeal. I am making no personal appeal in my favour; but I do ask you to remember that when I say anything I mean it, and in my life on public questions I have never said anything which I do not believe in. Some of you may suspect, but all I can say, brother, ask me any question and I will answer, ask me what I intend to do, I will answer. Beyond that I will not refer to personal questions. I call upon you, in the name of all that is holy, to carry this resolution without one single dissentient voice. I want you to declare it to the nation and to the bureaucracy, and to the nation to realise their God-given rights. The rights exist, but rights have got to be realised. The rights exist because this is the eternal law of life; but still every man and woman and every nation on earth has got to realise those rights. Realise the fact that we have got those rights and the moment you realise that the bureaucracy or any cracies in the world cannot stand against you and I want you to tell the bureaucracy that we have made up our minds to realise it, and we have made up our minds to compel you to recognise that which we have got. May God grant us strength not only to pass this resolution but to work upon this resolution and to carry out the great idea of which this resolution is the expression (loud cheers).

NON-CO-OPERATION

_A very largely attended meeting was held in Maulana Mazhar-ul-Haqu's Compound on Friday, the 11th February 1921 at Patna when Mr. C. R. Das addressed as follows:--_