Part 10

Let me give you the figures regarding education which is very interesting. The average amount spent by the Government is 85 lacs of rupees for education. The population of Bengal is 450 lacs, _i.e._, 5 persons per rupee per year. It means three annas per head per year spent for the noble cause of education! (laughter) It means again one pice per head per month! (Shame). And we are told that England's duty in India is to spread education so that the degraded people of the country may be elevated! (laughter) And three annas per head per year is spent for this noble cause! But don't you think these are purely educational expenses. It also includes the cost of building (Laughter). It includes the cost of inspection which exceeds the pay of the teachers (Shame). You can well imagine what is left for education proper. Talk of education gentlemen? Who cares for education? Not the bureaucracy.

GOVERNMENT ENCOURAGEMENT OF COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY--MR. SWAN'S RECOMMENDATIONS.

With regard to expenditure on commerce and industry, well, you may say very little, practically nothing is spent. I will simply quote to you the observations of a member of the Indian Civil Service, Mr. J. Swan, who has written a report on the industrial condition of Bengal.

"While the industrial development of the province must depend on private enterprise I think the encouragement of Government might take a more active form than it has hitherto done."

Encouragement of the Government might take a more active form! Well, you cannot expect a member of the Civil Service to write more than that. Then again:--

"Adequate capital is particularly necessary in case of industries run by Indian capital and under Indian management owing to the reluctance of banks and of firms to give them credit."

THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT

This is what Mr. Swan writes. You may gather therefore that very little is done for industry and commerce. Now that is the position. This state of things went on for years. We were sleeping. At the end of every year we used to hold a meeting of the Congress and beyond that we had no kind of activity. But from the year 1905, there was a great activity in this country which we called the Swadeshi movement. And we find from that time the Government indulged in a series of repressive measures and I believe those repressive measures in their turn gave rise to a party in Bengal, who are described by the Government as anarchists but who are, I venture to think, not anarchists at all--they are revolutionaries. I do not for a moment suggest that the methods which they employ are good or ought to be encouraged but they are not anarchists. It is not that they want to do away with all Government--what they want to do is to change the system of government (hear, hear). So far as I have been able to judge the object of these so called anarchists is not different from the object of the Congress or the Moslem League. The only difference lies in the method which they pursue. They pursue methods which are subversive of law and order whereas the Congress-League adopts methods which are legal. This is the only difference. The methods they pursue are deserving of severe condemnation but I think it is a great injustice to call them anarchists. Be that as it may--I say that after these repressive measures, one after another, in rapid succession--we have in our midst a revolutionary party in Bengal.

Now, it has been often said that we are not fit for self-government because of the existence of this revolutionary party. My answer is: I do not deny that there is a revolutionary party. I admit it and I say that no government which is not a national government will ever be able to put a stop to this revolutionary movement. What do these people want? They want freedom. They want to change the system of government. I told you just now that their object is the same as that of the Congress and the Moslem League. I go further and I say that their object--not their methods--is now recognised as legitimate by the British Cabinet. In August last year, the British Cabinet declared that some kind of responsible government should be introduced into this country. What does that mean? It means that the system of government which obtains now, which is bureaucratic, should be changed or otherwise it is an admission on the part of our masters--after all it is the British Cabinet who are our masters and not the Bureaucracy here--it is an admission on the part of our masters that a change of government, of the bureaucratic system of government is necessary for the welfare of India. I say the object of the so-called anarchists is not only the same as that of the Congress and the League but it is an object which is recognised and sanctioned by the highest authority in England. Therefore, gentlemen, I say, as I have said elsewhere, that the only way you can put a stop to this revolutionary movement is by recognising that simple fact that the people of this country--they are hungry for Freedom--should be given what they want and I say the moment you give freedom to the people, there will be an end of this revolutionary movement (hear, hear). It has been pointed out over and over again, but the Bureaucracy will not listen. Gentlemen, that is the position of affairs to-day. Our agriculture neglected, our education neglected, sanitation neglected, industry and commerce not seriously considered and along with that we have got a revolutionary movement in this country. This is the present situation and it is upon that that a memorable declaration was made by the British Cabinet in August last year. Now, gentlemen, what have we to say to that? I desire to place before you clearly what I mean: Your declaration goes one way and your action goes another way. That is the real grievance of the people of this country. Tell us, if you want, 'you are not fit for self-government, we will not give you self-government.' I can understand that position. I respect plain speaking. I am fond of plain speaking. Let the bureaucracy say in clear terms 'we cannot afford to give you responsible government. We want to have this government as bureaucratic as ever.' 'You can get a little change here and there, political lolipops with which you can amuse yourselves. But we will not give you responsible government'--let them so declare, if they like, and we will then drop this political agitation. Our difficulty is this: We believe in the words of the Declaration and in that belief we have been devising schemes, holding meetings to consider schemes of self-government and to consider what would be the best form of self-government, in this country and to help the Government with our suggestions so that the British Parliament may consider this.

HOW GOVERNMENT HAS TREATED HOME RULERS' PROPOSAL

Now, gentlemen, when things were going on in that way we had another declaration, a more memorable message from the Prime Minister, in which the Prime Minister asked our help at the time of a great crisis, asked us to avert a great danger which threatened England and which threatened India. Now what did we do under the circumstance? We held meetings again and we told the Government that at this juncture 'you must have one united India, you must create an enthusiasm in this country, real enthusiasm which will lead people to make every sacrifice for the country and for the empire' and we asked the Government to do away with the repressive measures, to release the political suspects and the political prisoners (loud cheers). The whole country regards that as an oppression. We said to the Government. Do away with that oppression: Make a definite proposal about self-government and you will have the whole country with you. You will have hundreds and thousands of soldiers fighting for you, fighting for India, fighting for the Empire--you will have the gold of the rich and the copper of the poor--every sacrifice that may be required of the people will be willingly, ungrudgingly, cheerfully made for the service of the country and for upholding the glory of the empire (cheers). How was that accepted by the bureaucracy? I must confess to a sense of hopelessness that Government paid not the slightest attention to it. Shortly after that there was the Conference at Delhi. Let me quote to you the words of His Excellency the Viceroy, words in which he pictures the great danger which threatens us:

"Germany has already thrown out into Central Asia her pioneers of intrigue, her agents of disintegration. The lesson she has learnt from the Russian Revolution that a stronger weapon than all the armaments that money can buy or science devise is the disruption of an enemy by his own internal forces."

Then later on,

"I have spoken of the cause. I have told you of the death-grip on the western front and have unfolded to you the story of German machinations in the East."

We were ready to help the Government when we were told that a great danger threatened the whole of the British Empire and India. That danger is admitted by His Excellency the Viceroy, it was suggested by the message of the Prime Minister. It was admitted and if I may have the impertinence of saying, clearly and eloquently described by His Excellency the Viceroy. But what about our suggestions? Is it not a fact that whenever we are anxious to give the bureaucracy in this country good advice, sane advice, advice which is necessary for the welfare not only of this country but of England also, the welfare of the whole empire, that advice is received with scorn and contempt? What does the Viceroy say? After describing the difficulty which threatens us, His Excellency says:

"We can, I believe, best do so (help the Amir to keep his ship straight) by showing our enemies first that India is solid as a rock."

I pause here for a moment. That must be done. It is admitted by His Excellency the Viceroy that, at this juncture we must do something by which we can present to the enemy a united India, an India which is solid as a rock. How does he propose to do that? How can India be solid as a rock unless she is strong in her rights, how can anybody expect India to stand solid as a rock unless she has got the elementary rights of citizenship, unless she can say 'I am one in this world'? (Cheers). The Viceroy says:--

"We can, I believe, best do so by showing our enemies first that India is solid as a rock, and that the lambent flame of anarchical intrigue will find nothing inflammable in this country, nay, rather will be smothered and extinguished forthwith should it approach, by the deadweight of our unity of purpose."

Now, gentlemen, so far, there is nothing in the speech of His Excellency the Viceroy from which we have any reason to differ. But in the same speech His Excellency disposes of our suggestions in this way:

"But in these days of stress and strain it is idle to ask men to come together who disagree on first principles."

DO WE DISAGREE ON FIRST PRINCIPLES?

I pause for a moment. Do we disagree--we the nationalists of India, do we disagree from the Viceroy on any question of first principles? I venture to think, not. What have we done? We have believed the Message of Hope left to us by His Majesty the King personally--we have believed that that message will be fulfilled--we have had the declaration of the British Cabinet in that behalf and we believed that Responsible Government would be introduced. We have had the message from the Prime Minister asking for our help and sympathy, asking for help in men and money. We have told the Government that in order to do this, the repressive measures must be withdrawn, political prisoners must be set free and a definite scheme of self-government must be put forward. What were we trying to do? Were we not trying to give effect to the message of the British Cabinet? Were we not giving a real response to the message of the Prime Minister? (Cheers). Why should it be said that we differ from the Viceroy on questions of first principles. What are the questions of first principles? It is statements like these which fill us with suspicion and alarm. Do they want that the King's Message will for ever remain unfulfilled and unredeemed?--That the Declaration of the British Parliament will remain a declaration and nothing but a Declaration to the end of the chapter?--Does it come to this: that whatever declaration is made the bureaucracy has made up its mind not to let responsible government be introduced in this country? What difference in first principles can there be, I ask, when all our endeavours have been to give effect to the Message of the Prime Minister?

Then His Excellency goes on to say:

"While they are wrangling over those, while the house is burning, there are those who would exploit England's difficulty. I believe that these people gravely misinterpret India's attitude. I am sure that there are none here who will countenance such a policy. There are those, again, who would wish to bargain. Again I decline to believe that anyone has come to this Conference in a huckstering spirit."

IS WHAT GOVERNMENT DOING NOT BARGAINING?

There are those who would wish to bargain, that is to say, when we are suggesting to the Government in all seriousness that certain measures are necessary for carrying out the Prime Minister's Message we are told that it is bargaining, that we want to exploit England's difficulty! What is England doing now? This is a simple fact and I do not wish to conceal it. What is our interest in the war? Our only interest is our country. What is England doing now? England asks us to help her in this war. And why should we help her? If we are to help her, we must first of all feel that this country is our own country (Cheers)--that India has in fact and not in name, her rightful place in the British Empire (Loud Cheers). That is what we say. That is what great statesmen in England have said again and again. If this is your real intention, tell the people so--tell them "it is your own country, manage your own affairs and defend your own country" and you will then see what we can do (Hear, Hear). The only thing that we want is to feel that this is our country. If it is not our country, what does it matter to us? (Cheers). If it is our country it affects us; it affects our personal interests, it affects our selfish interests, it affects our future--and we are ready for any sacrifice. You say that we want to exploit England's difficulty. And if we say that England is exploiting at this time our helplessness, that would at once be condemned as unwise and unworthy. Those who wish to realise themselves, those who wish to make the people of this country realise that India is their own country, that India is a part, an integral part--not shadowy or imaginary but a real part of the British Empire--well, they are to be condemned as persons who would exploit England's difficulty (Shame). That is how the Conference was held at Delhi.

HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR OF BENGAL'S ADVICE.

From Delhi we come to Bengal. There again we have the speech of His Excellency the Governor. His Excellency advised us--he did not command--His Excellency advised us that we should stop all political agitation at the present moment and he gave two reasons for it. One reason is this:

"Now let me give you my first reason. We have always been slow as a people, as in Great Britain and India to realise how closely the enemy keeps his eye upon us how quick he is to note our actions, indeed our very words, and what a difference it makes to his own morals whether he sees arrayed against him the serried ranks of a united people or whether he detects or thinks he detects in this part of the Empire or in that some note of dissension, some indication of lack of unity of purpose."

Therefore, do not show that you are wanting in a unity of purpose. I was thinking what His Excellency really meant because it seems to me that we are in complete agreement with what His Excellency said. That is the very reason for which we made the suggestions. Let not the enemy think that England is not united in its purpose and that India is not prepared to take its place in the fight. That is the very reason for which we suggested that all causes which led to resentment of the people of this country and drew them away from this united purpose should be removed--that the people of this country should be allowed to feel that India is their own country, that it is their birthright to defend their own country, that it is their right, not right alone but it is their proud privilege to fight the common enemy. His Excellency said we should do nothing so that the enemy could think that we are not united. My answer is: Make us united. It can be done with a stroke of the pen to-morrow if you really want to do it (Hear, Hear). If you do that, the enemy will detect no lack of unity of purpose. It is possible to make it appear that there is no lack of unity of purpose.--Is it not a hundred times more desirable that there should be real unity of purpose?

IF THE KAISER CAME TO CALCUTTA?

"If the Kaiser came to Calcutta what would all the talk of freedom of individual, of the liberty of the subject, of the right of this people or that people to self-determination, of this constitutional reform or that constitutional reforms--what would be the value of all such talk if the Kaiser came to Calcutta?"

Again, I say, we are in complete agreement with His Excellency, the Governor of Bengal. I believe, if the Kaiser came to this country to-morrow there would be no talk of liberty of the subject, of the right of freedom of the individual and of constitutional rights and that is the very reason why I am personally interested in not letting the Kaiser come to Calcutta (Laughter) and that is the very reason why we have been asking the Government again and again, why our leaders have asked the Government repeatedly, to do away with these repressive measures to call forth loyalty, not lip-loyalty but real and genuine loyalty--not loyalty to the Bureaucracy but to the Empire. You cannot call that up by sweet words alone, we want deeds--and as I say, this can be done by a stroke of the pen to-morrow if you really want to do it. (Hear, Hear and Laughter.)

MUST WE FEEL TO ORDER?

His Excellency advanced another reason. It is this:--

"The British people have a temper of their own. Some people call them a stubborn and a stiff-necked race. They are, I believe, a fair and a just people. You can without difficulty reason with them, you can without difficulty excite their interest, excite their sympathy and above all, you can excite their gratitude. But they are people, believe me, who resent, perhaps more deeply than any other people on this earth any suspicion that anybody is bent upon making an attempt to take advantage of them when their backs are against the wall."

Therefore, gentlemen, what does it come to? We must consider that wicked capacity of the German people who are for ever on their watch to find out a flaw in the constitution of this country. You must also regard the temperament of the British nation, who will be angry if you want your rights at this juncture, but the only people whose interests and whose sentiments are to be set at naught are the Indian people (Shame). We are not men! We are not a race! Our feeling need not be considered--our sentiments are nothing! Our feelings must be those of our masters. We must feel to order and suppress our real feelings! (Shame).

NOT OBEDIENCE TO THE BUREAUCRACY BUT LOYALTY TO THE EMPIRE.

Well, gentlemen, I must say that I have read this part of His Excellency's speech with considerable pain. It is the duty of the Government, here, to consult and to consider the sentiments of the people. The people of this country are loyal to the Empire. They may not like the bureaucracy and they do not. And the British Cabinet has declared that the people are not wrong when they say that the Bureaucracy has mismanaged matters. They do not like the Bureaucracy, and for sufficient reasons; but they are loyal to the Empire. Again, my earnest appeal to the Government is: "Take care, do not disregard the people's sentiments. Do not wish to substitute obedience to the Bureaucracy in place of the people's loyalty to the Empire. The people of this country are impatient and they will not bear it."

"For God's sake let this be the last chapter in the story of the great denial." (Loud Cheers).

ADVICE TO STUDENTS.

_There was a huge meeting of students of Bangabashi and Ripon colleges on the 14th January 1921, at Mirzapur Park, when Mr. Das said_:

Srijut Chittaranjan Das, who, on rising to speak, was given a very hearty ovation said "I am unable to deliver any speech to-day. My heart is full, and my voice is choked and I have not power and strength enough to express the feelings that are surging in my mind to-day. God has not given me power to express in language the happiness that you have given me by coming out of your Colleges. I feel it in my heart of hearts that, those of you who have come out, are greater than any of us here, and I humbly bow to you--to the manifestation of strength that you have displayed to-day. I want you to realise that,--to realise the strength in you. It is not yours--it is not human, it is the will--the divine will of the country and the God of our being. It is the will of _Deshamabrika_ that has been manifested through you. What, she is, I do not know, but she is the Goddess of our Nation. I now can say with head erect--blessed be thy waters, Mother Bengal, blessed be thy trees--blessed be thy sons.

I know people will call you mad. People call me mad too. But who are mad really? Are not the merchants and traders who are running after wealth and rolling in luxury--the lawyers and their clients who spend their all and are ruined by litigation--is it not they who are really mad? Whatever people may call you--you have got to realise the truth that is in you. Do stand upon that and stick to it, whatever difficulties may come or whatever sufferings may await you in the path. Dark and difficult are the ways, but Divine Light will guide you. Give up all weakness of the heart. Man can do everything. Remember we are men determined to emancipate our Motherland from bondage. Should we not be able to deliver her from the shackles that bind her?

We shall rather go ignorant than be educated in those schools and colleges. We want to be educated according to our own standard of living, keeping harmony with our past culture and tradition. I do not know what Bolshevism is. We want to realise what is truth--what is eternal--what is in our blood--for the salvation of our country. I want that. I do not want Bolshevism--I do not want industrialism. In short, I do not want Europeanism. I want to be a free man, and be myself again. If that is truth, depending upon that truth, fear not.

Another word, and I have done. I promise before you all, to-day, that, within fifteen days or utmost a month, we shall have a College--a National College established, of which there is no equal here, and where you will get your national education, where you will learn to love your country and appreciate freedom. I want to see that edifice standing on the road-side of Goldighi pulled down brick by brick."

He concluded by saying that even the Medical Students also must come out. They would rather go, he said, without doctors than get the help of those who come out of that Institution aided by the Government.