In Northern Mists: Arctic Exploration in Early Times (Volume 2 of 2)
ii. 186, 192, 200
Ordericus Vitalis, i. 382; ii. 31
"Orkan" (or "Orkas"), i. 50-3, 58, 90
Orkneys, i. 52-3, 90, 107, 113, 117, 192, 195, 258; ii. 55, 148; in mediæval cartography, ii. 219, 228
Orosius, Paulus, i. 38, 44, 123, 151, 169, 184; ii. 183, 192, 193
Oseberg ship, i. 246, 247
Ostiæi, i. 69, 72
Ostiimans (Ostimnians), i. 38, 69, 72
Ost-sæ̂, i. 169
Ostyaks, i. 207; ii. 147
Ottar (Ohthere), i. 170-80, 204, 211, 213, 214, 218, 220, 225, 230, 231, 247; ii. 135-6, 142, 156, 159, 164, 173, 243
Panoti (long-eared), i. 92
Paris, Gaston, i. 359
Parmenides of Elea, i. 12, 123; ii. 182
Pasqualigo, Lorenzo, ii. 301, 302, 303, 312, 314, 316, 317
Pasqualigo, Pietro, Venetian Minister at Lisbon, ii. 347-9, 355, 360, 361, 362, 363, 365, 367, 372
Paulus Warnefridi, i. 136, 139, 155-60, 184, 187, 196, 203, 284; ii. 147, 148, 150, 153
Pechora, river, ii. 144, 146, 147, 173
Pedo, Albinovanus, i. 82-4; ii. 148
"Perdita" (the Lost Isle), i. 376; ii. 213
Permians, i. 174
Peschel, Johannes, i. 352; ii. 147
Peucini, i. 111, 112, 113, 114
Peyrere (_Relation du Groënland_), ii. 120
Phæacians, i. 347, 371, 378; ii. 53, 54
Philemon, i. 99, 100
_Phoca fœtida_, i. 177
_Phoca grœnlandica_ (saddleback seal), i. 217, 276
_Phoca vitulina_, i. 217
Phœnicians, i. 24, 25, 27, 30, 33, 34-6, 40, 41, 99, 233, 249, 346, 349, 362, 376
Pilestrina, map of 1511, attributed to, ii. 374, 376, 377
Pindar, i. 18, 348
Pining, Didrik, ii. 123-9, 133, 345
Pistorius, ii. 173
Pizigano map (1367), ii. 229, 230, 236
Plato, ii. 46, 293
Pliny, i. 15, 19, 20, 26, 28, 30, 33, 37, 38, 44, 52, 53, 55, 57, 58, 65, 70, 71, 72, 75, 84, 85, 87, 93, 96-107, 118, 121, 123, 126, 134, 155, 162, 185, 334, 348, 349, 362, 376; ii. 48, 55, 59, 214
Plutarch, i. 156, 182, 187, 349, 363, 376; ii. 43
Polar Sea, i. 169, 172, 195-6, 213, 283, 303; ii. 145, 164, 165, 166, 171, 173, 174, 176, 177, 238
Polo, Marco, ii. 288, 289
Polus (equinoctial dial), i. 46, 48
Polybius, i. 43, 44, 45, 52, 56, 66, 67, 73, 74, 78, 80; ii. 160
Pontoppidan, Erich, i. 375
Porthan, H. G., i. 179
_Portolani_, ii. 216
Portuguese adventurers, Arab tale of, ii. 51-5
Portuguese chart of about 1520, at Munich, ii. 353, 354, 355, 356
Portuguese, maritime enterprise of, ii. 292-3, 345, 377
Posidonius, i. 14, 23, 27, 52, 79, 115; ii. 292, 297
Pothorst, associate of Pining, ii. 123-9, 133, 345
Priscianus Cæsariensis, i. 123
Procopius, i. 60, 94, 132, 134, 138, 139-50, 154, 194, 203, 372
Promised Land (_see_ Tír Tairngiri _and_ Terra Repromissionis)
Provisioning of Viking ships, i. 268-9
Psalter map, ii. 187, 188
Ptolemy, i. 26, 38, 44, 72, 75, 76, 79, 93, 99, 102, 111, 112, 115-22, 128, 130, 131, 132, 142, 143, 144, 246, 349; ii. 182, 194, 195, 197, 206, 208, 210, 211, 212, 220, 236, 249, 250, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 275, 277, 278, 279, 280, 292
Puebla, Ruy Gonzales de, Spanish Ambassador to Henry VII., ii. 300, 324, 325
Pullè and Longhena, ii. 230
_Purchas his Pilgrimes_, ii. 126
Pygmies, ii. 17, 75, 76, 85, 86, 111, 117, 206, 255, 263, 269, 270
Pythagoras, i. 11, 12
Pytheas, i. 2, 29, 38, 41, 43-73, 74, 75, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 90, 92, 97, 100, 106, 116, 165, 172, 193, 234, 246; date of his voyage, i. 44; his astronomical measurements, i. 45; his ship, i. 48; in Britain, i. 50; in Thule, i. 53; on the sea beyond Thule, i. 65; voyage along the coast of Germania, i. 69
Qazwînî, i. 187, 284; ii. 57, 144, 156, 202, 209-11, 234
Qodâma, ii. 198
Querini's travels in Norway (1432), ii. 177, 286
Qvigstad, J. K., i. 173, 220, 221, 226, 228, 229, 372; ii. 210
Rafn, C., i. 304, 340; ii. 31, 33, 193
Ragnaricii (_see_ Ranrike), i. 136
Râkâ, island in Arab myth, ii. 207-8
Ramusio, G. B., ii. 298, 303, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 354, 364
Ranii, i. 136, 137
Ranisch, W., i. 18
Ranrike, i. 136
Rask, R., i. 179
Raumarici (_see_ Romerike), i. 136
Ravenna geographer, The, i. 144, 152-4, 203
Ravenstein, E. G., ii. 287, 289
Ravn Hlymreks-farer, i. 354, 366
Reeves, A. M., i. 267, 322; ii. 30
Reinach, S., i. 26, 27
Reindeer, i. 175, 176, 191, 204, 212, 217, 226, 227, 230, 276, 277
Reindeer-Lapps, i. 61, 190, 204, 205, 207, 218, 220-32; ii. 269
Reinel, Pedro, map by, ii. 321, 322, 358, 364, 370, 371, 374, 376, 377
Rheims mappamundi in MS. of Mela, ii. 282-3
Rhipæan, or Riphæan, Mountains, i. 13, 16, 79, 81, 88, 89, 98, 101, 128, 189, 190, 191, 194, 200; ii. 223
Riant, Paul, ii. 55
Ribero, Diego, map of 1529, ii. 315, 335, 356, 357, 359
Rietz, i. 373
Rimbertus, i. 167
Rink, H., ii. 8, 69, 70, 71, 106
Rock-carvings, Scandinavian, i. 236-41, 245
Rodulf, Norwegian king, i. 129, 132, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 143, 147
Roger II., Norman king of Sicily, ii. 202, 203
Rohde, E., ii. 57, 58, 234
Rök-stone, The, i. 138, 148
Rolf of Raudesand, i. 264, 315
Romerike, i. 136
Romsdal, i. 136, 137, 147
Rördan, Holger (_Monumenta Historiæ Danicæ_), ii. 129
Ross, H., i. 341, 352; ii. 13, 171
_Rudimentum Novitiorum_, Map in, ii. 32; geography in, ii. 189
Rûm (Eastern and Central Europe), ii. 197, 209, 211
Rûs (Scandinavians in Russia), ii. 196, 197, 198, 199
Rusbeas, or Rubeas, promontory, i. 99-100, 102
Russia (_see also_ Bjarmeland), i. 185, 187, 188, 191, 214, 383; ii. 141, 143, 164, 174, 195, 196, 197, 206
Ruste, Ibn, ii. 146, 198
Ruysch's map (1508), i. 262; ii, 289
Rydberg, Viktor, i. 156, 158
Ryger (Ruger, Rugii), i. 136, 138, 147, 179, 209, 246
Rygh, K., i. 173, 304, 323, 324, 369
Rygh, O., i. 304, 324, 374; ii. 211
_Rymbegla_, i. 188, 249, 287, 322, 335; ii. 11, 167, 170, 239, 240, 256, 260, 263, 264, 271, 272
Sabalingii, i. 72, 118
Sævo, Mons, (_or_ Suevus), i. 85, 101, 102
Sa'id, Ibn, ii. 177, 208-9
Sailing-directions, Icelandic, i. 262, 285, 288, 290; ii. 166, 168-71, 261
St. John, Island of, on sixteenth-century maps, ii. 320-1, 377
St. John, Valley of, New Brunswick, i. 335; ii. 3, 5
St. Lawrence, Gulf of, ii. 68
Sallust, i. 349; ii. 183, 186; "Sallust map" at Geneva, ii. 282, 283
Samoyeds, i. 212, 223; ii. 143, 146, 175
Samson Fagre's Saga, ii. 172
Sanali (long-eared), i. 91, 92
San-Marte, i. 365
Santa Cruz, Alonso de, ii. 332
Sanudo, Marino, ii. 222-5, 227, 262, 272, 282
Sargasso Sea, i. 40
Sarmatia, Sarmatians (Slavs), i. 87, 91, 95, 97, 101, 109, 113, 120, 170
Sars, J. E., i. 234, 258
Säve, P. A., i. 374
Savolotchie (the country on the Dvina), ii. 141-2
Saxo Grammaticus, i. 193, 206, 355, 364; ii. 101, 147, 165-6, 221, 222-3, 224, 227, 238, 242, 258, 259, 263
Saxons, i. 145, 153, 154, 180, 235, 242, 245
"Scadinavia," or "Scatinavia," i. 93, 101, 102-4, 105, 155, 156
"Scandia" ("Scandza"), i. 102-4, 106, 107, 119, 120, 130-1, 136, 142-4, 153, 155; ii. 254, 257
Scandinavia, regarded as a peninsula, i. 185; ii. 222; as an island, ii. 186, 188, 225; representation of, in mediæval cartography, ii. 221-5, 227, 234-6, 250, 258-69, 285, 286; geography of, in Northern writers, ii. 237-9
Schafarik, i. 185
Schanz, M., i. 83
Schiern, F., i. 191
Schirmer, G., ii. 44
Schlaraffenland, i. 352
Schliemann, H., i. 24
Schönnerböl, ii. 152, 153
Schoolcraft, H. R., ii. 7
Schrader, O., i. 24, 34, 36
Schröder, C., i. 360; ii. 9, 19, 43, 44, 50
Schübeler, Prof., ii. 5
Schuchhardt, C., i. 14
Schultz-Lorentzen, ii. 73
Sciringesheal (Skiringssal), i. 179, 247
Scirri (Skirer), i. 101, 179, 247
Scisco, Dr. L. D., ii. 43
Scolvus, Johannes, ii. 129-33
Scotland, i. 161; ii. 204; Pytheas in, i. 53-6; in mediæval cartography, ii. 221, 257
Scottish runners, Karlsevne's, i. 321, 324-5, 337, 339-43; ii. 65
Scythia, Scythians, i. 13, 16, 19, 20, 23, 69, 70, 71, 81, 85, 87, 88, 89, 95, 97, 98, 99, 101, 114, 153, 154, 185, 187
Sealand, i. 93, 94, 103, 105, 138; in mediæval cartography, ii. 219, 254, 255, 257, 265
Seals, Sealing, i. 177, 216-9, 224, 276-8, 286-7, 299, 300; ii. 72, 91, 97, 155, 156, 165, 173, 243
"Sea-lung," i. 66-7
Sébillot, P., i. 377
Seippel, Prof. Alexander, ii. 143, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 202, 203, 204, 205, 208, 210, 211
Seleucus, i. 77
Semnones, i. 85
Sena, island off Brittany, i. 29, 356; ii. 32, 47
Seneca, i. 82, 84
Seres, Serica (China), ii. 262, 271
"Sermende" (== Sarmatians ?), i. 170
Sertorius, i. 349-50
Setälä, Prof. E., i. 219; ii. 175
Seven Cities, Isle of the, ii. 293, 295, 304, 325
Seven Sleepers, Legend of the, i. 20, 156, 284
Severianus, i. 127
Shetland Isles, i. 52-3, 57, 58, 67, 90, 106, 107, 117, 161, 163, 179, 192, 234, 257, 292, 374; ii. 207; in mediæval cartography, ii. 219, 228, 266
Ship-burials, i. 239, 241
Ships, Egyptian, i. 7, 23, 235, 237, 242, 243; Greek, i. 48-9, 235, 237, 242, 243, 245; Phœnician, i. 35, 237, 243, 245; early Scandinavian, i. 110, 236-44; Viking, i. 236, 238, 241, 242, 243, 246-7; in Greenland, i. 305
Shîrazî, ii. 211-2
"Síd" (Irish fairies), i. 356, 371; ii. 16, 20, 45-6, 60
Sigurd Stefansson's map of the North, ii. 7
Simonssön, Jón, i. 227
Sinclair, Legends of, in Norway, i. 339-41
Sindbad, i. 159; ii. 57, 234
Siret, L., i. 22, 24, 29
Sitones, i. 111-2
Skaði, Norse goddess, i. 103, 207
_Skáld-Helga Rimur_, i. 298-9, 300
Skåne, i. 72, 103, 104, 180; in mediæval cartography, ii. 221, 222, 235, 257, 258, 267, 285
Skaw, The, i. 85, 100, 105, 186; ii. 204
Ski-running, i. 149, 157, 158, 203, 223; ii. 139
Skolte-Lapps, i. 214, 220, 231
Skrælings, in Greenland, i. 260, 298, 308, 312, 327; ii. 17, 77-90, 101, 108, 111, 117; in Wineland, i. 260, 312, 313, 327-30, 368; ii. 6-11, 26, 60, 90-3, 206, 208; in Markland, i. 329; ii. 15, 19, 20, 92-3; in Helluland, ii. 35; originally mythical beings, ii. 11-20, 26, 60, 75-6; meaning of the word, ii. 13; called Pygmæi, ii. 12, 17, 75, 270
Skridfinns (Screrefennæ, Scrithifini, Rerefeni, Scritobini, Scride-Finnas, Scritefini), i. 131-2, 140, 143, 144, 149-50, 153-4, 156-7, 170, 189, 191, 194, 198, 203-8, 210, 221, 222, 223, 382; ii. 139, 192
Skull-measurements, of Scandinavians, i. 209, 211; of Lapps, i. 219-20; of Eskimo, ii. 67
Slavs (_see also_ Sarmatians), i. 167, 188, 208, 209, 210; ii. 142, 143, 197, 198
Sleswick, i. 70, 72, 101, 119, 179, 180; ii. 202, 204
Sluggish sea, outside the Pillars of Hercules, and in the North, i. 38, 40-1, 68, 83, 100, 108, 112-3, 130, 165
Smith Sound, i. 304, 306; ii. 71, 72, 73, 74
"Smörland" as a name for fairyland, i. 374
Snæbjörn, Galti, i. 264, 280
Snæfell (Greenland), i. 267, 308, 310
Snæfellsnes (Iceland), i. 257, 262, 267, 288, 290, 293, 294, 295
Snedgus and Mac Riagail, Voyage of, ii. 53-4
Snorre Sturlason, i. 270, 273; ii. 18, 64, 137, 239
Snorre Thorbrandsson, Wineland voyager, i. 313, 319, 320, 326, 327, 333
Söderberg, Prof. Sven, on Wineland, ii. 63-5
Solberg, Dr. O., i. 213, 214, 217, 219, 230, 306; ii. 72, 73, 103
Soleri map (1385), ii. 229
Solinus, C. Julius, i. 52, 55, 57, 64, 66, 99, 123, 126, 151, 160, 184, 189, 193, 348
Soncino, Raimondo di, Milanese Minister in London, ii. 296-7, 298, 301, 302, 303-5, 306, 307, 308, 309, 312, 314, 316, 323
Sörensen, S. A., i. 179
Spain, tin in, i. 23, 31; suggested origin of the name of, i. 380; Viking raids in, ii. 199, 200
Spherical form of the earth, Doctrine of, i. 11, 97, 126, 127, 151, 194, 199; ii. 185, 247
Spies, in land of Canaan, i. 339
Spitzbergen, i. 248; ii. 165, 168, 170, 172, 173, 179, 238
Steensby, H. P., ii. 69, 70
Steenstrup, Japetus, i. 172
Steenstrup, Johannes, ii. 161, 162
Stenkyrka (Gotland), Stone from, i. 239, 243
_Stjórn_ (Norwegian version of Old Testament), i. 338; ii. 4
Stokes, Whitley, i. 357
Storm, Gustav, i. 132, 174, 196, 218, 228, 254, 255, 260, 284, 285, 292, 301, 305, 313, 314, 317, 321, 322, 324, 329, 333, 369; ii. 1, 2, 3, 7, 11, 14, 17, 19, 22, 23, 25, 27, 29, 30, 35, 36, 43, 47, 48, 75, 79, 82, 86, 90, 93, 99, 100, 101, 107, 111, 112, 114, 117, 118, 121, 122, 124, 129, 131, 136, 137, 141, 147, 150, 153, 158, 167, 168, 229, 235, 237, 240, 242, 249, 250, 256, 257, 258, 262, 267, 268, 270, 272, 279, 289, 294
Stow, John, Chronicle, ii. 333
Strabo, i. 14, 15, 20, 23, 24, 27, 28, 38, 42, 43, 44, 45, 50, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 80-2, 87, 111, 112, 161, 187, 349; ii. 47, 75, 160, 201
Straumsfjord (Wineland), i. 325, 326, 329, 330, 337, 343, 345
Ström, Han (_Description of Söndmör_), i. 370, 375
Strong Men, Island of, ii. 43, 46, 50, 61
_Sturlubók_, i. 255, 256, 257, 261, 262, 293, 331, 354, 367, 368; ii. 169, 261
Styx, i. 359, 372
"Suehans" (_see_ Svear), i. 135, 137
Sueones (_see_ Svear), i. 188-9
"Suetidi," i. 136, 137
Suevi (Suebi), i. 87, 108-9
Suhm (_Historie af Danmark_), ii. 154
Suiones (_see_ Svear), i. 110-2, 236, 238, 244, 245
Sun-dial, i. 46-7
Sun's altitude, measurement of, i. 249, 250, 309-11; ii. 307
Svalbard (Spitzbergen ?), ii. 165, 166-73, 238
Svear (Swedes, Suiones, Suehans, Sveones, Sueones), i. 110-2, 135, 137, 167, 170, 188-9; ii. 190
Svein Estridsson, King of Denmark, i. 184, 188, 189, 195, 201, 383; ii. 148
Sverdrup, Otto, i. 306; ii. 70, 71
Sviatoi Nos, promontory, i. 171, 174; ii. 136, 138, 140, 155
Svinöi, name of island off Sunnmör, i. 369-70, 378; island off Nordland, i. 378; island in the Faroes, i. 375, 378; probable origin of the name, i. 378
Sweden, i. 71, 101, 112, 134-5, 178, 187, 188-9, 210, 381, 383; ii. 190, 205, 237; in mediæval cartography, ii. 219, 221, 222, 223
Swedes (_see_ Svear _and_ Göter)
Swedish legends and fairy-tales, ii. 55-6
Sydow, C. W. von, i. 342, 364
Tacitus, i. 69, 71, 83, 95, 104, 107-14, 131, 144, 149, 150, 203, 236, 238, 244, 245; ii. 47
Tanais (the Don), i. 66, 70, 78, 88, 151; ii. 186
Tarducci, F., ii. 295, 304, 319
Tarsis (Tarshish, Tartessos), i. 24, 28, 31, 38
Tartarus, i. 11, 68, 158; ii. 150, 240
Tartûshi, at-, i. 187; ii. 202
Tastris, promontory, i. 101, 105
Terfinnas, i. 171, 173-5, 204, 213, 218; ii. 146
"Terra del Rey de portuguall" on Cantino map, ii. 352, 363, 372; == Newfoundland, ii. 363, 370
"Terra Repromissionis Sanctorum," i. 357, 358, 359, 363, 364; ii. 19, 228
Teutones, i. 70, 72, 91, 93, 94
Thalbitzer, W., ii. 19, 67, 70, 73, 88, 90, 93
Thales of Miletus, i. 12, 33, 34, 47
Theodoric, King of the Goths, i. 128, 129, 136, 137, 138, 147
Theopompus, i. 12, 16, 17, 355
Thietmar of Merseburg, i. 229
Thomsen, V., ii. 175, 198, 199
Thor, i. 325, 333, 341, 343, 364; "Thor-" names, i. 332-3; ii. 51
Thorbjörn Vivilsson, i. 318, 319, 320, 332
Thorbrand Snorrason, killed in Wineland, i. 313, 328, 333; ii. 10
Thore Hund's expedition to Bjarmeland, ii. 137-8
Thorfinn, Earl of Orkney, i. 354; ii. 50
Thorgils Orrabeinsfostre, sails to Greenland, i. 280-2; ii. 81, 89
Thorgunna, Leif's mistress, i. 316, 333
Thorhall Gamlason, Wineland voyager, i. 313, 319, 320, 333, 367
Thorhall the Hunter, i. 296, 320, 321, 325-6, 329, 333, 338, 343-4; ii. 24
Thorkel Gellisson, i. 253, 258, 260, 313, 354, 366, 367, 368; ii. 42
Thormod Kolbrunarskald, i. 276; ii. 18
Thorne, Robert, ii. 324, 341; map by, 334, 335
Thoroddssen, Th., i. 262; ii. 225
Thorolf Kveldulfsson, i. 175, 231
Thorolf Smör, i. 257, 374
_Thorsdrápa_, i. 219
Thorstein Ericson, i. 249, 317-9, 320, 321, 331, 333; attempts to find Wineland, i. 318
Thorvald Ericson, i. 318, 320, 329, 332; ii. 4, 13, 17-8
Thorvard, Wineland voyager, i. 320, 332
Three Brethren, Strait of the, ii. 130, 133
Thue, H. J., i. 60
Thule (Tyle, Thyle, Ultima Tile, &c.), i. 123, 134, 147; ii. 75, 149, 188, 192, 197, 198, 200; visited by Pytheas, i. 53-64; derivation of, i. 58-9; == Norway, i. 60; Mela on, i. 92; Pliny on, i. 106; Tacitus, i. 108; Ptolemy, i. 117, 120, 121; Jordanes, i. 130; Procopius, i. 140-4; Solinus MSS., i. 160-1; Adam of Bremen, i. 193-4; Dicuil on (== Iceland), i. 164-7; Tjodrik Monk (== Iceland), i. 254; Historia Norwegiæ (== Iceland), i. 255; in mediæval cartography, ii. 219, 228, 257, 266, 268, 269
Thyssagetæ, i. 88
Tides, on W. coast of France, i. 40; observed by Pytheas, i. 50; on coast of N. America, ii. 316
Timæus, i. 44, 51, 70, 71
Tin in ancient times, i. 23-31; derivation of Greek, Celtic and Latin words for, i. 25-7; tin-trade in southern Britain, i. 68
"Tír fo-Thuin" (Land under Wave), i. 358, 370, 373
"Tír Mor" (The Great Land), i. 357, 367; ii. 48
"Tír na Fer Finn" (the White Men's Land), ii. 44
"Tír na m-Ban" (Land of Women), i. 354, 355
"Tír na m-Beo" (Land of the Living), i. 357, 371
"Tír na n-Ingen" (Land of Virgins), i. 355, 356, 363; ii. 45
"Tír na n-Og" (Land of Youth), i. 357
"Tír Tairngiri" (Promised Land), i. 357; ii. 228
Tjodhild, wife of Eric the Red, i. 267, 270, 318, 331
Tjodrik Monk, i. 166, 254, 255, 256, 257
Toby, Maurice, Bristol chronicle, ii. 302, 305-6
Torfæus, Tormodus, ii. 7, 32, 34, 154, 241
Torlacius (Gudbrand Torlaksson), ii. 241
Torp, Prof. Alf, i. 25, 26, 27, 58, 59, 94, 107, 148, 181, 183, 210, 304, 361, 371; ii. 13, 14, 228
Toscanelli, ii. 287, 292, 296, 372
Trade-routes to the North in ancient times, i. 14, 21-2, 28, 31, 36, 75, 96
"Trág Mór" (the Great Strand), i. 339, 357, 371; ii. 48
Triads, in legend, i. 337-8; ii. 6
Triquetrum (regula Ptolemaica), i. 47
Trolls, attributes of, i. 327, 344; ii. 10, 14-6, 19, 76
Trondhjem, i. 192; ii. 85, 117, 177, 205, 227, 235, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270
Troy, Bronze in, i. 24, 25
Turcæ, i. 88
Tylor, E. B., i. 380
Tyrker (in Wineland story), i. 341, 343-4, 360; ii. 4
Ua Corra, Navigation of the Sons of, i. 338-9, 355, 361; ii. 20
Unger, C. R., i. 331, 338, 360
Unipeds (Einfötingar, Ymantopodes), i. 189, 329; ii. 11, 13, 17, 263
_Urus_ (aurochs), i. 191
"Uttara Kuru," i. 19, 351
Vandals, i. 247
Vangensten, O., i. 226; ii. 85, 111, 233, 268, 286
Van Linschoten, i. 376
Varanger Fjord, i. 213, 214, 217, 219, 220; ii. 178, 210-11
Varangians' Sea (_see_ Warank), ii. 210, 211, 212, 213
Vardöhus fortress, ii. 126, 127, 141
Varzuga, river, i. 174; ii. 135
Vaux, C. de, ii. 213
Velleius, i. 85
Venedi (Wends), i. 101, 113
Vener, Lake, i. 131; ii. 266
Veneti, i. 39, 40, 242
Venusberg myth, i. 355, 371
Verrazano's map of 1529, ii. 335
Vesconte, Perrinus, map of 1327, ii. 229; atlas of 1321, ii. 230
Vesconte, Pietro, ii. 222-5, 230, 255, 257, 258, 259, 276, 282, 283, 284, 285
Vigfússon, Gudbrand, i. 258, 314
Viking expeditions, the earliest, i. 234-5; in Spain, ii. 200
Vikings, origin of the name, i. 244, 245
Viladeste, Mecia de, compass-chart of 1413, ii. 234
"Villuland" (Norse land of glamour), i. 377; ii. 206
Vincent of Beauvais, ii. 158
Vine, Wild, (_Vitus vulpina_), in N. America, i. 317; ii. 3-4
"Vinili," i. 136
"Vinoviloth," i. 136, 203
Virgil, i. 130, 157, 159, 363
Vistula, i. 71, 75, 95, 96, 101, 104, 119, 120, 121, 130, 131, 181
Vogel, i. 235
Volga, ii. 142, 143, 144, 146, 197
Voyage of 1267, to the north of Baffin's Bay, i. 250, 307-11; ii. 82, 83, 88
Wackernagel, W., ii. 32, 189
Walkendorf, Archbishop Eric, ii. 86, 112, 117, 163, 174
Walrus, ii. 112, 155, 163, 165, 243; hunting, i. 172, 176-8, 212, 216, 221, 276-8, 287, 300; ii. 72, 163-4, 173-8; tusks, i. 172, 176, 192, 212, 217, 277, 300, 303; ii. 163, 174; hide for ropes, i. 172, 176, 212, 277, 303; ii. 164, 178
Walsperger, Andreas, mappamundi by, ii. 283, 284, 286
Warank, Varyag, Varangi (Arab, Russian and Greek name for Scandinavians), ii. 196, 199, 200, 210-1
Wattenzone, Die, i. 68
Welcher, F. G., i. 371
Wends, i. 101, 113, 169, 180
Western Settlement of Greenland, i. 266, 271, 272, 300, 301, 302, 307, 311, 321, 322, 334; ii. 71, 90; decline of, ii. 95-100, 102, 106, 107-111; visit of Ivar Bárdsson to, ii. 108
West-sæ̂, i. 169, 170
Whales, Whaling, i. 251; ii. 145, 173; in Bay of Biscay, i. 39; ii. 159, 161; in Normandy, ii. 159, 161; Norwegian, i. 172; ii. 155-9, 178, 243; in Greenland, i. 276, 277; ii. 72; in Ireland, ii. 156; in the Mediterranean, ii. 162; in legend, i. 325-6, 344, 363, 364; ii. 213, 234
Whirlpools (_see_ Maelstrom)
White Men's Land, The (_see_ Hvítra-manna-land, _and_ Tír na Fer Finn)
White Sea, i. 169, 171, 172, 174, 175, 218-9, 222; ii. 135-42, 164, 173, 179, 237
Wichmann, Prof., i. 219
_Wîdsîð_, i. 234
Wieland, C. M., i. 352, 362; ii. 54, 150
Wieser, von, ii. 249
Wiklund, K. B., i. 112; ii. 175
"Wildlappenland," i. 226; ii. 256, 263, 268; "Wildlappmanni," ii. 269, 270
Wilhelmi, ii. 366
Wille, Prof. N., ii. 3
William of Malmesbury, i. 378
Wilse, J. N., i. 352
Wineland (Vínland, Vinland, Vindland, Winland, Wyntlandia, etc.), i. 184, 195, 196-8, 201, 249, 260, 273, 312-84; ii. 1-65, 90-3, 110, 154, 188, 190-1, 228, 239, 240, 293, 294, 304; called "the Good," i. 313, 353, 369, 373; ii. 60; vines and wheat in, i. 195, 197-8, 317, 325, 326-7, 345-53, 382-3; ii. 3-6, 59; == the Fortunate Isles, i. 345-53, 382-4; ii. 1-2, 61; authorities for the Wineland voyages, i. 312-3; discovered by Leif Ericson, i. 317; Karlsevne's voyage, i. 320-30; Irish origin of ideas of, i. 167, 258, 353-69; ii. 60; the name of, i. 353, 367; ii. 61; summary of conclusions on, ii. 58-62
Winge, Herluf, i. 275
Winship, G. P., ii. 295, 305, 319, 320, 324, 326, 333, 336, 340, 341, 342
"Wîsu" (or "Isû"), Arabic name for a people in North Russia, ii. 143-6, 200, 270
Wizzi, i. 188, 383; ii. 64, 143
Wolf, Jens Lauritzön, i. 364
Wolfenbüttel, Portuguese 16th century map at, ii. 331, 332, 335, 356
Women, Land of (_Terra Feminarum_), on the Baltic, i. 186-7, 383; ii. 214
Women's boats (umiaks), Eskimo, ii. 19, 70, 72, 74, 85, 92, 269, 270
_Wonders, Book of_ (Arabic), ii. 207, 213-4
Worcester, Willemus de, ii. 294
Wulfstan, i. 104, 180
Wuttke, H., i. 154
Wytfliet, Cornelius, ii. 131
Xamati, i. 88
Xenophon of Lampsacus, i. 71, 99, 100
Yâǵûǵ and Mâǵûǵ, ii. 144, 212, 213
_Ynglinga Saga_, i. 135
York, Cape, i. 306; ii. 71
Yugrians, ii. 173, 174, 200
Zarncke, ii. 242
Zeno map, ii. 131, 132
Zeuss, K., i. 112, 120, 145, 234, 235
Ziegler, Jacob, i. 294; ii. 17, 86, 106, 111, 127, 128
Zimmer, H., i. 234, 281, 334, 336, 339, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 360, 361, 363, 364, 371; ii. 9, 10, 20, 44, 45, 53, 54, 150, 151
_Zizania aquatica_ (wild rice), in N. America, ii. 5
Zones, Doctrine of, i. 12, 76, 86, 123; ii. 182, 193, 247
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FOOTNOTES:
[1] Cf. Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. pp. 216, 220; G. Storm, 1888, p. 12. The latter part (in parenthesis) does not occur in the oldest MS.
[2] Storm thinks that Sir William Alexander's "red wineberries" from the south-east coast of Nova Scotia (in 1624) would be grapes, but this is uncertain.
[3] "Vínber" (grapes) are mentioned in the whole of Old Norse literature only in the translation of the Bible called "Stjórn," in the "Grönlendinga-þáttr," and in a letter (Dipl. Norv.) where they are mentioned as raisins or dried grapes. In addition, "vínberjakǫngull" (a bunch of grapes) occurs in the Saga of Eric the Red.
[4] Schübeler, Christiania Videnskabs-Selskabs Forhandlinger for 1858, pp. 21, ff.; Viridarium Norvegium, i. pp. 253, f.
[5] It should be mentioned that the American botanist, M. L. Fernald, has recently [1910] made an attempt to locate the Icelanders' Wineland the Good in southern Labrador, explaining the "vínber" of the Icelandic sagas as a sort of currant or as whortleberry, the self-sown wheat as the Icelanders' lyme-grass (Elymus arenarius), and the "másurr" as "valbirch." By assuming "vinber" to be whortleberries he even thinks he can explain how it was that Leif in the "Grönlendinga-Þáttr" was able to fill the ship with "grapes" in the spring (and what of the vine-trees that he cut down to load his ship, were they whortleberry-bushes?). Apart from the surprising circumstance of the Icelanders having called a country Wineland the Good because whortleberries grew there, the explanation is inadmissible on the ground that whortleberries were never called "vinber" (wineberries) in Old Norse or Icelandic. Currants have in more recent times been called "vinbær" in Norway and Iceland, but were not known there before the close of the Middle Ages. In ancient times the Norse people did not know how to make wine from any berry but the black crowberry; but there are plenty of these in Greenland, and it was not necessary to travel to Labrador to collect them. Fernald does not seem to have remarked that the sagas most frequently use the expression "vínviðr," or else "vínviðr" and "vínber" together, and this can only mean vines and grapes. His explanation of the self-sown wheat-fields does not seem any happier. That the Icelanders should have reported these as something so remarkable in Wineland is not likely, if it was nothing but the lyme-grass with which they were familiar in Iceland. On the other hand, it is possible that the "másurr" of the sagas only meant valbirch. But apart from this, how can the sagas' description of Wineland--where no snow fell, where there was hardly any frost, the grass scarcely withered, and the cattle were out the whole winter--be applied to Labrador? Or where are Markland or Helluland to be looked for, or Furðustrandir and Kjalarnes? Nor do we gain any more connection in the voyage as a whole. It will therefore be seen that, even if Professor Fernald had been right in his interpretation of the three words above mentioned, this would not help us much; and when we find that these very features of the vine and the wheat are derived from classical myths, such attempts at explanation become of minor interest.
[6] Professor Alexander Bugge has pointed out to me that Schoolcraft [1851, i. p. 85, pl. 15] mentions a tradition among the Algonkin Indians that they had used as a weapon of war in ancient times a great round stone, which was sewed into a piece of raw hide and fastened thereby to the end of a long wooden shaft. The resemblance between such a weapon with a shaft for throwing and the Skrælings' black ball is distant; but it is not impossible that ancient reports of something of the sort may have formed the nucleus upon which the "modernised" description of the saga has crystallised; although the whole thing is uncertain. This Algonkin tradition has a certain similarity with some Greenland Eskimo fairy-tales [cf. Rink, 1866, p. 139].
[7] As arquebuses or guns had not yet been invented at that time, this strange name may, as proposed by Moltke Moe, come from "fusillus" or "fugillus" (an implement for striking fire) and mean "he who makes fire," "the fire-striker."
[8] Evidently saltpetre has been forgotten here, and so we have gunpowder, which thus must have been already employed in war at that time, and perhaps long before.
[9] Moltke Moe has found a curious resemblance to the description of the "herbrestr" given above in the Welsh tale of Kulhwch and Olwen [Heyman: Mabinogion, p. 78], where there is a description of a war-cry so loud that "all women who are with child fall into sickness, and the others are smitten with disease, so that the milk dries up in their breasts." But this "herbrestr" may also be compared with the "vábrestr" spoken of in the Fosterbrothers' Saga [Grönl. hist. Mind., ii. pp. 334, 412], which M. Hægstad and A. Torp [Gamalnorsk Ordbog] translate by "crash announcing disaster or great news" [cf. I. Aasen, "vederbrest"]. Fritzner translates it by "sudden crash causing surprise and terror," and K. Maurer by "Schadenknall." It would therefore seem to be something supernatural that causes fear [cf. Grönl. hist. Mind., ii. p. 198]. The "Grönlandske historiske Mindesmærker" mention in the same connection "isbrestr" or "jökulbrestr" in Iceland. I have myself had good opportunities of studying that kind of report in glaciers, and my opinion is that it comes from a starting of the glacier, or through the latter skrinking from changes of temperature; similar reports, but less loud, are heard in the ice on lakes and fjords. Burgomaster H. Berner tells me that the small boys of Krödsherred make what they call "kolabrest," by heating charcoal on a flat stone and throwing water upon it while simultaneously striking the embers with the back of an axe, which produces a sharp report.
[10] Scorium (slag) is also used in mediæval Latin for "corium," animal's skin, hide.
[11] The poles that are swung the way of the sun or against it seem incomprehensible, and something of the meaning must have been lost in the transference of this incident from the tale from which it was borrowed. It may be derived from the kayak paddles of the Greenland Eskimo, which at a distance look like poles being swung, with or against the sun according to the side they are seen from. It may be mentioned that in the oldest MS. of Eric the Red's Saga, in the Hauksbók, the reading is not "trjánum" as in the later MS., but "triom" and "trionum." Now "triónum" or "trjónum" might mean either poles or snouts, and one would then be led to think of the Indians' animal masks, or again, of the trolls' long snouts or animal trunks, which we find again in fossil forms in the fairy-tales, and even in games that are still preserved in Gudbrandsdal, under the name of "trono" (the regular Gudbrandsdal phonetic development of Old Norse "trjóna"), where people cover their heads with an animal's skin and put on a long troll's snout with two wooden jaws. But that snouts were waved with or against the sun does not give any better meaning; there may be some confusion here.
[12] It is worth remarking that Gustav Storm, although he did not doubt that the Skrælings of Wineland were really the natives, seems nevertheless to have been on the track of the same idea as is here put forward, when he says in his valuable work on the Wineland voyages [1887, p. 57, note 1]: "It should be remarked, however, that this inquiry [into 'the nationality of the American Skrælings'] is rendered difficult by the fact that in the old narratives the Skrælings are everywhere enveloped, wholly or in part, by a mythical tinge; thus even here [in the Saga of Eric the Red] they are on the way to becoming trolls, which they really become in the later sagas. No doubt it is learned myths of the outskirts of the inhabited world that have here been at work." In a later work [1890a, p. 357] he says that it is "certain enough that in the Middle Ages the Scandinavians knew no other people in Greenland and the American countries lying to the south of it than 'Skrælings,' who were not accounted real human beings and whose name was always translated into Latin as 'Pygmæi.'" If Storm had remarked the connection between the classical and Irish legends and the ideas about Wineland, the further step of regarding the Skrælings as originally mythical beings would have been natural.
[13] This is the same word as the Old Norse "skratti" or "skrati" for troll (poet.) or wizard. "Skræa," "sickly shrunken and bony person," in modern Norwegian, from north-west Telemarken [H. Ross], is evidently the same word as Skræling; cf. also "skræaleg" and "skræleg"; further, "Skreda" (Skreeaa), "sickly, feeble person, poor wretch," from outer Nordmör [H. Ross].
[14] It is, perhaps, of importance, as Professor Torp has mentioned to me, that the word "blá" is more often used than "svart" (black), when speaking of trolls and magic, as an uncanny colour. This may have been a common Germanic trait; cf. Rolf Blue-beard.
[15] Grönl. hist. Mind., i. p. 242; G. Storm, 1891, p. 68.
[16] W. Thalbitzer's attempt [1905, pp. 190, ff.] to explain the words, not as originally names, but as accidental, misunderstood Eskimo sentences, which are supposed to have survived orally for over 250 years, does not appear probable (see next chapter).
[17] Moltke Moe has called my attention to the possibility of a connection between "Avalldamon" and the Welsh myth of the isle of "Avallon" (the isle of apple-trees; cf. vol. i. pp. 365, 379), to which Morgan le Fay carried King Arthur. It is also possible that it may be connected with "dæmon" and "vald" (== power, might). The possibility suggested above seems, however, to be nearer the mark.
The Skrælings of Markland having kings agrees, of course, neither with Indians nor Eskimo, who no more had kings than the Greenlanders and Icelanders themselves. On the other hand, it exactly fits elves and gnomes. The Ekeberg king and other mountain kings are well known in Norway. The elves of Iceland had a king who was subject to the superior elf-king in Norway. The síd-people in Ireland, the pygmies and gnomes in other lands (such as Wales) also have kings. This feature again points, therefore, in the direction of the fairy-nature of the Skrælings, like the name "Vætthildr."
[18] It might be objected that when it is so distinctly stated that "it was there more equinoctial [i.e., the day and night were more nearly equal in length] than in Greenland or Iceland, the sun there had 'eykt' position and 'dagmål' position [i.e., was visible between 8 a.m. and 4 p.m.] on the shortest day" [cf. Gr. h. Mind., i. p. 218; G. Storm, 1891, p. 58; 1887, pp. 1, ff.], this shows that the Greenlanders were actually there and made this observation. In support of this view it might also be urged that it was not so very long (about forty years) before the Flateyjarbók was written that the ship from Markland (see later) arrived at Iceland in 1347, and through the men on board her the Icelanders might have got such information as to the length of days. This can hardly be altogether denied; but it would have been about Markland rather than Wineland that they would have heard, and Markland is only once mentioned in passing in the "Grönlendinga-þáttr." Moreover, it was common in ancient times to denote the latitude by the length of the longest or shortest day (cf. vol. i. pp. 52, 64), and the latter in particular must have been natural to Northerners (cf. vol. i. p. 133). The passage quoted above would thus be a general indication that Wineland lay in a latitude so much to the south of Greenland as its shortest day was longer; they had no other means of expressing this in a saga, nor had they perhaps any other means of describing the length of the day than that here used. It appears from the Saga of Eric the Red that Kjalarnes was reckoned to be in the same latitude as Ireland (see vol. i. p. 326); as a consequence of this we might expect that Wineland would lie in a more southern latitude than the south of Ireland, the latitude of which (i.e., the length of the shortest day) was certainly well known in Iceland. If, therefore, in a tale of the fourteenth century, the position of Wineland is to be described, it is natural that its shortest day should be given a length which according to Professor H. Geelmuyden [see G. Storm, 1886, p. 128; 1887, p. 6] would correspond to 49° 55' N. lat. or south of it; in other words, the latitude of France, and that was precisely the land that the Icelanders knew as the home of wine, and that they would therefore naturally use in the indication of a Wineland.
[19] Cf. Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. 220; Storm, 1887, p. 12. "Húsa-snotra" is explained as a vane or similar decoration on the gable of a house or a ship's stern [cf. V. Guðmundsson, 1889, pp. 158, ff.]. The statement given above shows that a "húsa-snotra" was something to which great importance was attached, otherwise attention would not have been called to it in this way. And in the "Grönlendinga-Þáttr" [Gr. hist. Mind., i. p. 254] we read that Karlsevne, when he was in Norway, would not sell his "húsa-snotra" (made of "mausurr" from Wineland) to the German from Bremen, until the latter offered him half a mark of gold for it. One might suppose that this ornament (vane-staff) on the prow of a ship or the gable of a house was connected with religious or superstitious ideas of some kind, like the posts of the high seat within the house, or the totem-poles of the North American Indians, which stood before the house.
[20] On the initiative of Professors Sophus Bugge and Gustav Storm, a thorough examination of the spot was made in 1901, the first-named being himself present; but the stone was not to be found.
[21] I cannot accept the conjectures that Professor Yngvar Nielsen thinks may be based upon this inscription [1905].
[22] It is true that only a portion of this work has been preserved, and that Wineland may have been mentioned in the part that has not come down to us (if indeed the work was ever finished); but this is not likely.
[23] Cf. Storm's edition, 1888, pp. 19, 59, 112, 252, 320, 473.
[24] "Upsi" (or "ufsi") would mean "big coalfish" or "coalfish."
[25] It has been generally considered that it was not until 1124, when Bishop Arnaldr was consecrated at Lund. In any case this is the first ordination of which we have any information.
[26] Cf. G. Storm, 1887, p. 26; Reeves, 1895, p. 82.
[27] Cf. Ordericus Vitalis, Hist. Eccles., iii. 1, x. c. 5; Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. 428; Rafn, 1837, pp. 337, 460, ff.; A. A. Björnbo, 1909, p. 206.
[28] In a similar fashion Torfæus [1705] confused Vinland and Vindland.
[29] Cf. Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden, etc. Rerum Britanicarum Medii Ævi Scriptores, London, 1865, i. p. 322; Eulogium Historiarum, etc. Rer. Brit. Script., 1860, ii. pp. 78, f.; W. Wackernagel, 1844, pp. 494, f.
[30] Cf. Nordenskiöld, 1889, p. 3; A. A. Björnbo, 1909, pp. 197, 205, 240.
[31] Cf. Hammershaimb, 1855, pp. 105, ff.; Rafn, Antiqu. Americ., pp. 330, ff.
[32] This image of blood upon snow is taken from Irish mediæval texts, as Moltke Moe informs me.
[33] Cf. Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. pp. 516, ff.; Storm, 1887, pp. 37, ff.
[34] G. Storm [1890, P. 347] thinks that something is omitted in Gripla and that it should read: "suðr frá er Helluland, þá er Markland, þat er kallat Skrælingaland" (to the South is Helluland, then there is Markland, which is called Skrælingaland). But this seems doubtful; it would not in any case explain why Furðustrandir is placed to the north of Helluland. When Storm alleges as a reason that Helluland is never mentioned as a place of human habitation, but only for trolls (in the later legendary sagas), he forgets that the Skrælings were trolls, or, as he himself puts it elsewhere [1890a, p. 357], that the Skrælings were not accounted "true human beings."
[35] The Menomini Indians, Fourteenth Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1892-1893. Washington, 1896, vol. i. pp. 127, ff.; cf. also "American Anthropologist," vol. iii. pp. 134, f., Washington, 1890.
[36] "Journal de la Société des Américanistes de Paris," 1905, No. 2, p. 319.
[37] Storm's explanation [1887, pp. 68, ff.]: that it was Dicuil's account of the discovery of Iceland by Irish monks (see vol. i. p. 164) which formed the basis of the myth of Hvítramanna-land, may appear very attractive and simple; but Storm does not seem to have noticed the connection that exists between the Irish mythical islands in the west and those of classical literature. When he points out the similarity between the six days' voyage west of Ireland and Dicuil's statement of six days' voyage to Iceland (Thule) northward from Britain, it must be remembered that in Dicuil this is merely a quotation from Pliny, and, further, that the six days' voyage has Britain and not Ireland for its starting-point. In the Saga of Eric the Red Wineland lies six "dœgr's" sail from Greenland. Cf. that in Plutarch ["De facie in orbe Lunæ," 941] Ogygia lies five days' voyage west of Britain, and to the north-west of it are three islands, to which the voyage might thus be one of six days. Let us suppose, merely as an experiment, that Ogygia, the fertile vine-growing island of the "hulder" Calypso, was Wineland, then the other three islands to the north-west might be Hvítramanna-land, Markland and Helluland, which would fit in. The northernmost would then have to be the island on which the sleeping Cronos is imprisoned, with "many spirits about him as his companions and servants" (cf. vol. i. pp. 156, 182). Dr. Scisco [1908, pp. 379, ff., 515, ff.] and Professor H. Koht [1909, pp. 133, ff.] think that Are Mársson may have been baptized in Ireland and have been chief of a Christian tribe on its west coast, where Hvítramanna-land may have been a district inhabited by fair Norsemen.
[38] Since the above was printed in the Norwegian edition of this book, Professor Moltke Moe has found a "Tír na Fer Finn," or the White Men's Land, mentioned in Irish sagas of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The white men (fer finn) are evidently the same as the "Albati" (i.e., the baptized dressed in white). Tír na Fer Finn and Hvítramanna-land are consequently direct renderings of the "Terra Albatorum" (i.e., the land of the baptized dressed in white), which is mentioned in earlier Irish literature. The origin of the Icelandic legend about Hvítramanna-land seems thus to be quite clear.
[39] Hermits like this, covered with white hair, also occur outside Ireland. Three monks from Mesopotamia wished to journey to the place where heaven and earth meet, and after many adventures, which often resemble those of the Brandan legend, they came to a cave, where dwelt a holy man, Macarius, who was completely covered with snow-white hair, but the skin of his face was like that of a tortoise [cf. Schirmer, 1888, p. 42]. The last feature might recall an ape.
[40] The resemblance to the hairy women (great apes ?) that Hanno found on an island to the west of Africa and whose skin he brought to Carthage (cf. vol. i. p. 88) is doubtless only accidental. The hair-covered hermits may be connected with stories of hermits and the hairy wild man, "wilder Mann," "Silvanus," who, in the opinion of Moltke Moe, is the same that reappears in the Norwegian tale of "Villemand og Magnhild" (== der wilde Mann and Magdelin).
[41] White and snow-white women and maidens are, moreover, of common occurrence also in Germanic legends [cf. J. Grimm, 1876, ii. pp. 803, ff.]. Expressions like white or snow-white to depict the dazzling beauty of the female body also occur in Icelandic literature, just as the lily-white arms are already found in Homer. Cf. further such names as Snjófriðr, Snelaug, Schneewitchen (Snow-white), etc. [Cf. Moltke Moe's communications in A. Helland, 1905, ii. pp. 641, f.]
[42] Before the convent on this island Brandan and his companions were met by the monks "with cross, and cloaks [white clothes ?], and hymns"; cf. the men in white clothes who cried aloud and carried poles in Eric the Red's Saga. On the "Strong Men's Island" they also sang psalms, and one generation wore white clothes.
[43] Cf. Dozy and de Goeje, 1866, p. 223, ff.; de Goeje, 1891, pp. 56, 59. Moltke Moe has called my attention to this resemblance.
[44] The stench may be connected with ideas like those in the "Meregarto," the sailors stuck fast and rotted in the Liver-sea, see vol. i. p. 181.
[45] As Portugal was at that time under the Moors, Arabic must be regarded as these men's mother-tongue.
[46] They first drifted to the north-west in the outer ocean, and after three days suffered intolerable thirst; but Christ took pity on them and brought them to a current which tasted like tepid milk. Zimmer's explanation [1889, p. 216] of this current as the Gulf Stream to the west of the Hebrides is due to modern maps, and is an example of how even the most acute of book-learned inquirers may be led astray by formal representations. That the Irish should have possessed such comprehensive oceanographical knowledge as to regard this ocean-drift as a definitely limited current is not likely, and still less that they should have regarded it as so much warmer than the water inshore as to be compared to tepid milk. The difference in temperature on the surface is in summer (August) approximately nil, and in spring and autumn perhaps three or four degrees; and of course the Irish had no thermometers. Last summer I investigated this very part of the ocean without finding any conspicuous difference. The feature may be derived from Lucian's Vera Historia, where the travellers come to a sea of milk [Wieland, 1789, iv. p. 188].
[47] It is doubtless due to this communication that an unknown Arabic author (of the twelfth century) relates that the "Fortunate Isles" lie to the north of Cadiz, and that thence come the northern Vikings ("Maǵûs"), who are Christians. "The first of these islands is Britain, which lies in the midst of the ocean, at a great distance to the north of Spain. Neither mountains nor rivers are found there; its inhabitants are compelled to resort to rain-water both for drinking and for watering the ground" [Fabricius, 1897, p. 157]. It is clear that there is here a confusion of rumours of islands in the north--of which Britain was the best known, whence the Vikings were supposed to come--with Pliny's Fortunate Isles: "Planaria" (without mountains) and "Pluvialia" (where the inhabitants had only rain-water). That the Orkneys in particular should have been intended, as suggested by R. Dozy [Recherches sur l'Espagne, ii. pp. 317, ff.] and Paul Riant [Expéditions et Pèlerinages des Scandinaves en Terre Sainte, Paris, 1865, p. 236] is not very probable. We might equally well suppose it to be Ireland, which through Norse sailors ("Ostmen") and merchants had communication with the Spaniards from the ninth till as late as the fourteenth century [cf. A. Bugge, 1900, pp. 1, f.]. The Arabic name "Maǵûs" for the Norman Vikings comes from the Greek μάγος; (Magian, fire-worshipper), and originally meant heathens in general.
[48] In one of his lays Björn Breidvikinge-kjæmpe also, as it happens, speaks of Thurid as the snow-white ("fannhvít") woman.
[49] See D. Brauns: Japanische Märchen und Sagan. Leipzig, 1885, p. 146, ff.
[50] Cf. the resemblance to the second voyage of Sindbad, to the tales in Abû Hâmid, Qaswînî, Pseudo-Callisthenes' romance of Alexander, Indian tales, etc. [cf. E. Rohde, 1900, p. 192].
[51] The Ringerike runic stone is not given here, as its mention of Wineland is uncertain.
[52] It should be remarked that the beginning of this saga, dealing with the discovery of Greenland by Eric the Red, is taken straight out of the Landnámabók, and is thus much older.
[53] It would be otherwise on the west coast of Greenland, with its excellent belt of skerries; but as the Eskimo could not reach this coast without having developed, at least in part, their peculiar maritime culture, it is, of course, out of the question that this can have been their cradle.
[54] Cf. on this subject H. Rink [1871, 1887, 1891]; F. Boas [1901]; cf. also H. P. Steensby [1905], Axel Hamberg [1907] and others. These authors hold various views as to the origin of the Eskimo, which, however, are all different from that set forth here. While Rink thought the Eskimo came from Alaska and first developed their sea-fishing on the rivers of Alaska, Boas thinks they come from the west coast of Hudson Bay, and Steensby that they developed on the central north coasts of Canada. Since the above was written W. Thalbitzer has also dealt with the question [1908-1910].
[55] This has been definitely and finally proved by the researches of Dr. O. Solberg [1907], referred to in vol. i. (p. 306). It results from these that the oldest stone implements of the Eskimo from the districts round Disco Bay must be of very great age--far older, indeed, than I was formerly [1891, pp. 6, f.; Engl. ed., pp. 8, ff.] inclined to suppose. It results also from Solberg's researches that, while the Eskimo occupied the districts from Umanak-fjord southward to Egedesminde and Holstensborg (from 71° to 68° N. lat.) during long prehistoric periods, they do not appear to have settled in the more southern part of Greenland until much later. As will be pointed out later (p. 83), it was especially in the districts around Kroksfjarðarheidr that according to the historical authorities the Skrælings were to be found. Since we may assume, as shown in vol. i. p. 301, that this was Disco Bay, the conclusion from historical sources agrees remarkably well with the archæological finds.
[56] Solberg, however, in the researches referred to, has been able to show some development in Eskimo sealing appliances in the course of the period since their first arrival in Greenland, but perhaps chiefly after they had come in contact with the Norsemen and learnt the use of iron.
[57] As will be seen (cf. p. 72), this agrees surprisingly well with the conclusions which Dr. Solberg has reached in another way in the work already mentioned [1907], which was published since the above was written.
[58] Cf. also William Thalbitzer's valuable work on the Eskimo language [1904].
[59] Cf. Gualteri Mapes, De nugis curialium. Ed. by Thomas Wright, 1850, pp. 14, ff.
[60] If it was the tradition of Karlsevne's encounter with the Skrælings that was referred to, then of course neither he nor the greater part of his men were Greenlanders, but Icelanders, so that it might equally well have been said that the Icelanders called them Skrælings.
[61] Cf. Christian Koren-Wiberg: "Bidrag til Bergens Kulturhistorie," Bergen, 1908, pp. 151, f. I owe it to Professor A. Bugge that my attention was drawn to this interesting find.
[62] Jón Egilsson's continuation of Húngurvaka, Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. 469.
[63] It is striking how accurately this agrees with what we have arrived at in an entirely different way with regard to the places inhabited by the Eskimo in ancient times (see p. 73).
[64] From this it cannot, of course, be concluded that they were not living there too at that time; it only shows that the voyagers did not meet with them in the most northerly regions, although they saw empty sites. As the Eskimo leave their winter houses in the spring and lead a wandering life in tents, this need not surprise us.
[65] Cf. Björnbo and Petersen, 1904, pp. 179, 236.
[66] Jacob Ziegler (circa 1532), who probably made use of statements from Walkendorf, confuses the Norsemen and Eskimo in Greenland together into one people, who breed cattle, have two episcopal churches, etc.; but "on account of the distance and the difficulty of the voyage the people have almost reverted to heathendom, and are ... especially addicted to the arts of magic, like the Lapps...." They use light boats of hides, with which they attack other ships [cf. Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. 499].
[67] In the account attributed to Ivar Bárdsson, first written down in Norway, the Skrælings also receive a good deal of attention.
[68] William Thalbitzer, the authority on the Eskimo, has lately [1909, p. 14] adduced the silence of the "King's Mirror" and of the Icelandic Annals on the subject of the Skrælings of Greenland as evidence that the Norsemen had not met with them on their northern expeditions to Nordrsetur; but what has been brought forward above shows that nothing of the kind can be concluded from the silence of the "King's Mirror" (which, moreover, says nothing about the Nordrsetur expeditions); and why in particular the Icelandic Annals should allude to the Skrælings in Greenland seems difficult to understand. This is no evidence, especially as we see that the Skrælings are mentioned in other contemporary authorities, such as the Historia Norwegiæ, Ivar Bárdsson's description, the account of the voyages in 1266 and 1267, etc. Besides, in the last authority it is expressly stated that there were Skrælings in Nordrsetur (Kroksfjardarheidr, cf. p. 83).
[69] E. Beauvois, 1904, 1905; Y. Nielsen, 1904, 1905; W. Thalbitzer, 1904, 1905.
[70] As so much weight has been attached to single words in order to prove the similarity of culture between the Skrælings in Wineland and Markland and those in Greenland, it is strange that no notice has been taken of points of difference such as this, that the Skrælings in Markland are said to dwell in caves, while the Greenlanders must have known, at any rate from the dwelling-sites they had found, that the Skrælings in Greenland lived in houses and tents.
[71] If we might suppose (which is not probable) that the missile mentioned on p. 7, note, from a myth of the Algonkin Indians has any connection with the Skrælings' black ball which frightened Karlsevne's people, this would be another feature pointing to knowledge of the Indians. Hertzberg's demonstration that the Indian game of lacrosse is probably the Norse "knattleikr" (pp. 38, ff.) may point in the same direction; for it seems less probable that the transmission, if it occurred, should have been brought about by the Eskimo.
[72] That it was due to changes in the climate, as some have thought, is not the case. The ancient descriptions of the voyage thither and of the drift-ice (cf. for instance, the "King's Mirror," vol. i. p. 279) show exactly the same conditions as now.
[73] The driftwood that was washed ashore along the coasts could not possibly suffice for shipbuilding; but they doubtless obtained timber also from Markland (cf. pp. 25, 37).
[74] Existing royal documents show that the prohibition of trade with these tributary countries was again strictly enforced by Magnus Smek in 1348, and by Eric of Pomerania in 1425.
[75] Cf. Islandske Annaler, ed. by Storm, 1888, p. 228.
[76] It is shown by Solberg's [1907] researches that they did so.
[77] As stated on p. 86, Jacob Ziegler (circa 1532) also says that the people of Greenland "have almost lapsed to heathendom," etc. Although mythical, this shows a similar tradition.
[78] Cf. Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. 258; F. Jónsson, 1899, p. 328.
[79] This seems very doubtful, as it is not known that a bishop ever resided in the Western Settlement.
[80] It is true that this is not stated in the narrative; it is only said that the Skrælings possessed the whole Western Settlement, and that Ivar and his companions found no people there, either Christian or heathen, but only wild cattle; and it may, of course, be doubtful whether the meaning was that the whole settlement had been destroyed by a predatory incursion.
[81] This explanation offers, of course, the difficulty that it would not be applicable to dairy cattle; but in this way of life the settlers may have had to give up milking.
[82] These last ideas may well be supposed to have originated in a confusion with the tales about Wineland.
[83] We find conceptions of the Skrælings as dangerous opponents or assailants in Michel Beheim in 1450 [Vangensten, 1908, p. 18], Paulus Jovius in 1534, Jacob Ziegler in 1532, Olaus Magnus in 1555, and others. But it is evident that these conceptions are to a great extent due to myth and superstition.
[84] Cf. Islandske Annaler, ed. by Storm [1888], pp. 365, f., 414, f. Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. pp. 135, ff., 436, ff.
[85] According to my experience the bear avoids the walrus, and I have never seen a sign of their fighting on land or on the ice.
[86] A complaint previously sent to the Pope, which, however, was false, as will be shown later.
[87] Mention should be made of two other factors, which Dr. Björnbo has suggested to me. It is possible that while the majority of the Norsemen were compelled more and more to adopt the Eskimo mode of life in order to support themselves, some more strong-minded individuals among them, and a few zealous priests, may have resisted stubbornly, and this may have led to fighting such as is spoken of in the legends. Nor must it be forgotten that the relentlessness of the Eskimo is usually accentuated when dealing with individuals who are only a burden to the community without benefiting it; and no doubt some among the Norsemen may have been reduced to such a position after the cessation of imports from abroad, since they were inferior to the Eskimo in skill as fishermen and sealers.
[88] It is true that Clavus mentions the warrior hosts of the infidel Karelians in Greenland; but this is evidently myth or invention (cf.