CHAPTER XV

THE PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES IN THE NORTH-WEST

VOYAGES OF THE BROTHERS CORTE-REAL

[Sidenote: Early attempts of the Portuguese to find new lands]

The Portuguese, who in the fifteenth century were the most enterprising of seafaring peoples as regards discoveries, had, as already stated, made various attempts to find new countries out in the ocean to the west of the Azores, from which islands the majority of the expeditions proceeded. It was therefore to be expected that the important discoveries of Columbus should encourage them to fresh attempts of this kind; it was also natural that such enterprises should originate especially in the Azores. From what has been stated above (p. 128), it appears that the King of Portugal (Alfonso V.) induced Christiern I. to send out expeditions (Pining and Pothorst) to search for new islands and lands in the North. It seems probable that the King of Portugal was informed of the results of these expeditions, and that in this way the Portuguese may have known of the existence of Greenland or of countries in the north-west. In the same way, as we have seen (p. 132, note 2), the fact that the earliest literary allusions to Scolvus seem to be derived from Portugal may be explained.

[Sidenote: Boundary between the Portuguese and Spanish spheres]

Possible Portuguese enterprises in the western regions were barred by the claim of the Spanish Crown to the dominion over all lands to the west of a certain boundary, and in the final treaty of Tordecillas, June 7, 1404, between Portugal and Spain, this boundary was fixed by the Pope at 370 leagues (about 1200 geographical miles) to the west of the Cape Verde Islands, and it was to follow the meridian from pole to pole. All that lay to the west of this meridian was to belong to Spain, while Portugal had the right to take advantage of all lands to the east. Thereby the Portuguese were debarred from the search for India and China to the west. These enterprising seafarers must therefore have had every reason to find out whether there were any countries on their side of the boundary-line, and it may be supposed that their attention would naturally be drawn in the direction of the north-western lands (Greenland) of which they had already heard.

And, in fact, such voyages were undertaken from Portugal (and the Azores ?) about 1500; but the accounts of them are meagre and casual, and have been interpreted in very different ways.

In order to enable one to form as unbiased a view as possible of these voyages, it will be necessary to begin by reviewing the most important contemporary documents which may contain statements of value; and afterwards to summarise what may be concluded from these documents.

[Sidenote: Letters patent to João Fernandez, 1499]

On October 28, 1499, King Manuel of Portugal issued at Lisbon to João Fernandez letters patent (preserved in the Portuguese State archives, Torre do Tombo) for discoveries, evidently in the north-west, in which it is said:

"We [the King] make known to all who may see this our letter, that Joham Fernamdez [now written João Fernandez] domiciled in our island of Terceira [Azores] has told us that he, in God's and our service, will work and travel and try to discover certain islands of [for ?] our conquest at his own cost, and we, seeing his good will and purpose, promise him and hereby give him de facto--in addition to taking him into our service--the mark of our favour and the privilege of Governor over every island or islands, both inhabited and uninhabited, that he may discover and find for the first time, and this with such revenues [taxes], dignities, profits and interests as we have given to the Governors of the islands of Madeira and others, and for this observance and our remembrance we command that this letter be given him, signed by us and sealed with our attached seal."[337]

[Sidenote: Letters patent to Gaspar Corte-Real, 1500]

On May 12, 1500, King Manuel granted to Gaspar Corte-Real letters patent, as follows:

"We [i.e., the King] make known to all who may see this deed of gift, that forasmuch as Caspar Cortereall, a nobleman of our household, has in times past made great endeavours at his own charges for ships and men, employing his own fortune and at his personal danger, to search for and discover and find certain islands and mainland, and in future will still continue to carry this into effect, and in this way will do all that he can to find the said islands and lands, and bearing in mind how much he deserves honour and favour and promotion in our service, to our honour, and to the extension of our realms and dominions through such islands and lands being discovered and found by our natives [i.e., Portuguese], and through the said Gaspar Corte-Reall thus performing so much labour, and exposing himself to so great danger; we are therefore pleased to decree that, if he discovers and finds any island, or islands, or mainland, he be granted by our own consent and royal and absolute power, the concession and gift, with the privilege of Governor and its attendant rights, etc. ... over whatsoever islands or mainland he may thus find and discover, etc. ... and we decree that he and his heirs in our name and in the name of our successors shall hold and govern those lands or islands, which are thus found, freely and without any restriction, as has been said.... The said Caspar Cortereall and his heirs shall have one quarter free of all that they can thus obtain [i.e., realise] in the said islands and lands at what time soever..." [Cf. Harrisse, 1883, pp. 196, f.].

An order is preserved dated April 15, 1501, from King Manuel to the master of the bake-house at the city gate of La Cruz to deliver biscuits to Gaspar Corte-Real, and further, a receipt of April 21, 1501, for the biscuits, signed by Gaspar Corte-Real himself, proving that the latter was in Portugal on that date.[338]

[Sidenote: Pasqualigo's letter to the Council at Venice, Oct. 1501]

Pietro Pasqualigo, the Venetian Minister at Lisbon, wrote as follows to the Council at Venice on October 18, 1501:

"On the 9th of this month there arrived here one of the two caravels which the said King's majesty sent last year to discover lands in the direction of the northern regions (verso le parte de tramontana), and they have brought seven men, women, and children from the country discovered, which is in the north-west and west, 1800 miglia distant from here. These men resemble gypsies in appearance, build, and stature. They have their faces marked in different places, some with more, others with fewer figures. They are clad in the skins of various animals, but chiefly of otter; their speech is entirely different from any other that has ever been heard in this kingdom, and no one understands it. Their limbs are very shapely, and they have very gentle faces, but their manners and gestures are bestial, and like those of savage men. The crew of the caravel believe that the land alluded to is mainland, and that it is joined to the other land which was discovered last year in the north by the other caravels belonging to this majesty, but they were unable to reach it, for the sea was frozen over with the great masses of snow, so that it rose up like land. They also thought that it was connected with the Andilii [Antilles], which were discovered by the sovereign of Spain, and with the land of Papaga [Brazil], newly found by a ship belonging to this king, on her way to Calcutta. The grounds for this belief are, in the first place, that after having sailed along the coast of the said land for a distance of six hundred miglia and more, they found no end to it; and further because they say they found many very great rivers which there fell into the sea. The second caravel, that of the commander (caravella capitania), is expected from day to day, and from it the nature and condition of the aforesaid land will be clearly understood, since it went farther along the coast in order to discover as much of it as possible. This royal majesty has been much rejoiced by this news, for he thinks that this land will be very profitable for his affairs in many respects, but especially because it is so near to this kingdom that it will be easy to obtain in a short time a very great quantity of timber for making ships' masts and yards of, and to get a sufficient supply of male slaves for all kinds of labour, for they say that that country has many inhabitants, and is full of pine-trees and other excellent wood. The news in question has rejoiced his majesty so much that he has given orders that the ships are to sail to the said place, and for the increase of his Indian fleet, in order to conquer it more quickly, as soon as it is discovered; for it seems that God is with his majesty in his undertakings, and brings all his plans to accomplishment." [Cf. Harrisse, 1883, pp. 209, ff.].

[Sidenote: Pasqualigo's letter to his brothers, Oct. 1501]

On October 19, 1501, Pietro Pasqualigo writes to his brothers at Venice:

"On the 8th of this month there arrived here one of the two caravels which this most serene majesty sent last year to discover lands in the north under Captain Gaspar Corterat [sic]; and they state that they found land two thousand miglia from here between north-west and west, which before was not known to any one; along the coast of this land they sailed perhaps six hundred or seven hundred miglia without finding an end to it; therefore they believe that it is a continent which is continuous with another land that was discovered last year in the north [by some other caravels], which caravels could not reach the end of it, because the sea was frozen and there was an infinite quantity of snow. They believed it also on account of the great number of rivers that they found there, and that certainly would not be so numerous or so large on an island. They say that this land has many inhabitants, and that their houses are made of great wooden poles, which are covered on the outside with skins of fish [i.e., seals ?]. They have brought seven men, women, and children from thence and fifty more are coming in another caravel, which is hourly expected. These are of similar colour, build, stature, and appearance to gypsies, clad in skins of various animals, but mostly otter; in the summer they turn the skin in, in winter the reverse. And these skins are not sewed together in any way, and not prepared, but they are thrown over the shoulders and arms just as they are taken off the animals. The loins are fastened together with strings made of very strong fish sinews. Although they seem to be savages, they are modest and gentle, but their arms, legs, and shoulders are indescribably well shaped; they have the face marked [tattooed] in the Indian fashion, some with six, some with eight, and some with no figures [lines ?]. They speak, but are understood by no one; I believe they have been addressed in every possible language. In their country they have no iron, but make knives of certain stones, and spearheads in the same way. They have brought from thence a fragment of a broken gilt sword, which was certainly made in Italy. A boy among them wore in his ears two silver rings, which seem without doubt to have been made in Venice. This induced me to believe that it is a continent, for it is not a place to which ships can ever have gone without anything having been heard of them.[339] They have a very great quantity of salmon, herring, cod, and similar fish. They have also great abundance of trees, and above all of pine-trees for making ships' masts and yards of. For this reason it is that this most serene King thinks he will derive the greatest profit from the said land, not only on account of the trees for shipbuilding, of which there is much need, but also on account of the men, who are excellent labourers, and the best slaves that have hitherto been obtained; this seems to me to be a thing worth giving information about, and if I hear anything more when the commander's caravel (caravella capitania) arrives, I will also communicate it." [Cf. Harrisse, 1883, pp. 211, f.].

[Sidenote: Cantino's letter, Oct. 1501]

Alberto Cantino, Minister at Lisbon of Duke Ercule d'Este of Ferrara, wrote to the Duke as follows, on October 17, 1501:

"It is already nine months since this most serene King sent two well-equipped ships to the northern regions (alle parte de tramontana) with the object of finding out whether it was possible to discover lands and islands in those parts; and now on the 11th of this month one of these ships has safely returned with a cargo, and brought people and news, which I have thought it my duty to communicate to Your Excellency, and thus I write here below accurately and clearly all that the captain [of the ship] reported to the King in my presence. First he stated that after leaving the port of Lisbon they sailed for four months at a stretch always with the same wind, and towards the same pole, and in all that time they never saw anything. When they had entered the fifth month and still wished to proceed, they say that they encountered immense masses of snow frozen together, floating on the sea and moving under the influence of the waves. On the top of these [ice-masses] clear fresh water was formed by the power of the sun, and ran down through little channels hollowed out by itself, wearing away the foot [of the ice] where it fell. As the ships were already in want of water they approached in boats, and took as much as they required; and for fear of staying in that place on account of the danger, they were about to turn back, but impelled by hope they consulted as to what they could best do, and determined to proceed for a few days yet, and they resumed their voyage. On the second day they found the sea frozen, and being obliged to abandon their purpose, they began to steer to the north-west and west, and they continued on this course for three months, always with fair weather. And on the first day of the fourth month they sighted between these two points of the compass a very great land, which they approached with the greatest joy; and many great rivers of fresh water ran through this region into the sea, and on one of them they travelled for a legha [== about three geographical miles] inland; and when they went ashore they found a quantity of beautiful and varied fruits, and trees, and pines of remarkable height and size, that would be too large for the masts of the largest ship that sails the sea. Here is no corn of any kind, but the people of the country live, they say, on nothing but fishing and hunting animals, of which the country has abundance. There are very large stags [i.e., caribou, Canadian reindeer] with long hair, whose skin they use for clothes and for making houses and boats; there are also wolves, foxes, tigers [lynxes ?], and sables. They declare, what seems strange to me, that there are as many pelerine falcons as there are sparrows in our country; and I have seen them, and they are very handsome. Of the men and women of that place they took about fifty by force, and have brought them to the King; I have seen, touched, and examined them. To begin with their size, I may say that they are a little bigger than our countrymen, with well-proportioned and shapely limbs, while their hair is long according to our custom, and hangs in curly ringlets, and they have their faces marked with large figures like those of the Indians. Their eyes have a shade of green, and, when they look at you, give the whole face a very wild aspect. Their speech is not to be understood, but it is without harshness, rather is it human. Their conduct and manners are very gentle, they laugh a good deal, and show much cheerfulness; and this is enough about the men. The women have small breasts and a very beautiful figure, and have a very attractive face; their colour may more nearly be described as white than anything else, but that of the males is a good deal darker. Altogether, if it were not for the wild look of the men, it seems to me that they are quite like us in everything else. All parts of the body are naked, with the exception of the loins, which are kept covered with the skin of the aforesaid stag. They have no weapons, nor iron, but all the work they produce is done with a very hard and sharp stone, and there is nothing so hard that they cannot cut it with this. This ship came thence in one month, and they say that it is 2800 miglia [miles] distant; the other consort has decided to sail along this coast far enough to determine whether it is an island or mainland, and thus the King is awaiting the arrival of this [the consort] and the others [i.e., his companions] with much impatience, and when they have come, if they communicate anything worthy of Your Excellency's attention, I shall immediately inform you of it..." [cf. Harrisse, 1883, pp. 204, ff.].

[Sidenote: The Cantino map, 1502]

At the request of the Duke of Ferrara Cantino had a map made at Lisbon, chiefly for the purpose of representing the Portuguese discoveries, and sent it to the Duke in 1502. In a letter to the Duke, dated November 19, 1502, he mentions having already sent it. This map, commonly called the Cantino map, and now preserved at Modena, gives a remarkably good representation of southern Greenland, which is called "A ponta de [asia]" [i.e., a point of Asia]. On its east coast are two Portuguese flags to show that it is a Portuguese discovery, one flag somewhat to the north of the Arctic Circle, the other a little to the west of the southern point, and this coast bears the following legend:

"This country, which was discovered by the command of the most highly renowned prince Dom Manuel, King of Portugal, is a point of Asia (esta a ponta d'asia). Those who made the discovery did not land but saw the land, and could see nothing but precipitous mountains. Therefore it is assumed, according to the opinion of the cosmographers, to be a point of Asia."

To the west of Greenland on the same map a country is marked, called "Terra del Rey de portuguall" (the Land of the King of Portugal); it answers approximately to Newfoundland, possibly with the southern part of Labrador (?). The north and south ends are marked with two Portuguese flags, and the country bears the following legend:

"This land was discovered by command of the most exalted and most renowned royal prince Dom Manuel, King of Portugal; Gaspar de Corte-Real, a nobleman of the said King's household, discovered it, and when he had discovered it, he sent [to Portugal] a ship with men and women taken in the said land, and he stayed behind with the other ship, and never returned, and it is believed that he perished, and there are many masts [i.e., trees for masts]."

[Sidenote: Letters patent to Miguel Corte-Real, 1502 or 1503 (?)]

On January 15, 1502,[340] King Manuel gave Gaspar's brother, Miguel Corte-Real, fresh letters patent as follows:

"We make known to all who may see this letter that Miguell Cortereall, a nobleman of our household and our head doorkeeper [chamberlain ?], now tells us that, seeing how Gaspar Cortereall, his brother, long ago sailed from this city with three ships to discover new land, of which he had already found a part, and seeing that after a lapse of time two of the said ships returned to the said city [Lisbon], and five months have elapsed without his coming,[341] he wishes to go in search of him, and that he, the said miguell corte-reall, had many outlays and expenses of his own in the said voyage of discovery, as well as in the said ships, which his said brother fitted out the first time for that purpose [i.e., for the first voyage], when he found the said land, and likewise for the second [i.e., the second voyage], wherefore the said gaspar cortereall in consideration of this promised to share with him the said land which he thus discovered and ... which we had granted and given to him by our deed of gift, for which the said gaspar cortereall asked us before his departure, etc." Therefore Miguel claimed his share of the lands discovered by his brother, which he obtained from the King by these letters patent, as well as the right to all new islands and lands he might discover that year (1502), besides that which his brother had found.[342]

[Sidenote: Portuguese chart of about 1520]

Two legends on the anonymous Portuguese chart of about 1520 are also of interest.[343] On the land "Do Lavrador" [i.e., Greenland] is written:

"This land the Portuguese saw, but did not enter."

On Newfoundland, called "Bacalnaos," is written:

"To this land came first Gaspar Corte Regalis, a Portuguese, and he carried away from thence wild men and white bears. There is great abundance of animals, birds, and fish. In the following year he suffered shipwreck there, and did not return, and his brother, Micaele, met with the same fate in the next year."

In addition to this may also be mentioned the various maps of Portuguese origin of 1502 or soon after, especially the Italian mappamundi, the so-called King map of about 1502 (p. 373), which must be a copy of a Portuguese map, where Newfoundland is called Terra Corte Real.

[Sidenote: Later notices]

Besides these documents contemporary with the voyages, or of the years immediately succeeding, there are also several much later notices of them in Gomara (1552), Ramusio (1556), Antonio Galvano (1563) and Damiam de Goes (1566), but as these were written so long after, we will leave them on one side for the present.

[Sidenote: Gaspar Corte-Real not the discoverer of Greenland (Labrador)]

When we endeavour to form an opinion as to the Portuguese voyages of these years on the basis of the oldest documents, the first thing that must strike us is that there are indications of several voyages, and of the discovery of two wholly different countries, which must undoubtedly be Greenland and Newfoundland. As it is expressly stated on the Cantino map, on the Portuguese chart of about 1520, and in many other places, that Newfoundland was discovered by Gaspar Corte-Real, while his name is not mentioned in a single place in these documents in connection with Greenland (or Labrador), and as Pasqualigo's letter to the Council of Venice expressly says that that land was seen the previous year (1500) by "the other caravels [l'altre caravelle] belonging to this majesty,"[344] the logical conclusion must be that it was not Gaspar Corte-Real who saw Greenland in the year 1500, but some other Portuguese. It may be in agreement with this that on the King map (of about 1502) Newfoundland is called Terra Cortereal (see p. 373), while the island which clearly answers to Greenland is called Terra Laboratoris. One might be tempted to suppose that both lands were named after their discoverers, one, that is, after Corte-Real, the other after a man who is described as "laborator." The generally accepted view that it was Gaspar Corte-Real who saw Greenland on his voyage of 1500 is thus unsupported by the above-mentioned documents.

[Sidenote: João Fernandez sighted Greenland, 1500 ?]

On the other hand, we seem to be able to conclude from the royal letters patent to Miguel Corte-Real that Gaspar made two voyages, one in 1500, and another in 1501, and that it was the same country (i.e., Newfoundland) that he visited on both occasions. This is also confirmed by the legend on the Portuguese chart of about 1520. If it was not he who on the first voyage, in 1500, saw Greenland without being able to approach it, we must conclude that yet another expedition, on which Greenland was sighted, left Portugal in the year 1500. One is then inclined to suppose that this was commanded by the same João Fernandez, to whom the King gave letters patent as early as October 1499. This supposition becomes still more probable when we take it in conjunction with what has already been said as to the possible origin of the name of Labrador (see p. 331). We must suppose that this is the same man from the Azores who, under the name of John Fernandus, took part in the Bristol enterprise of 1501, and who is further mentioned in documents of as early as 1492, together with another man from the Azores, Pero de Barcellos, and is described as a "llavorador." These men would already at that time have been engaged in making discoveries at sea.

If we compare the legend attached to Labrador (Greenland) on Diego Ribero's Spanish map of 1529 with the corresponding legend on the anonymous Portuguese chart of about 1520 this will also confirm our supposition. While on the latter we read that "the Portuguese saw the land, but did not enter it," Ribero's map has: "this land was discovered by the English, but there is nothing in it that is worth having." As this part of Ribero's map is evidently a copy of the Portuguese maps, we may conclude Ribero's alteration of the legend to mean that doubtless the land was first sighted by the Portuguese, but that it was the English who first succeeded in landing there, and in this way were its real discoverers. If we add to this the statement on the sixteenth-century Portuguese chart preserved at Wolfenbüttel, that the land was discovered by Englishmen from Bristol, and that the man who first gave news of it was a "labrador" from the Azores, then everything seems to be in agreement.

We may hence suppose the connection to be somewhat as follows: having obtained his letters patent in October 1499, João Fernandez fitted out his expedition, and sailed in the spring of 1500; he arrived off the east coast of Greenland and sailed along it, but the ice prevented him from landing. We have no information at all as to where else he may have been on this voyage. But having returned to Portugal, perhaps after a comparatively unsuccessful expedition, and finding furthermore that the King had issued letters patent to Gaspar Corte-Real, whose voyage had been more successful, Fernandez may have despaired of finding support for fresh enterprises in Portugal, and have turned at once to Bristol, where he took part in getting together an Anglo-Portuguese undertaking, and was thus the "llavorador" who first brought news of Greenland.

It must, of course, be admitted that the hypothesis here put forward of the voyage and discovery of João Fernandez is no more than a guess; but it seems more consistent than any of the explanations hitherto offered, and, as far as I can see, it does not conflict on any point with what contemporary documents have to tell us. It may be supposed that here, as so frequently has happened, the name of the discoverer, João Fernandez, has been more or less forgotten. His memory has perhaps only been preserved in the name Labrador itself--originally applied to Greenland, but afterwards transferred to the American continent[345]--whilst all the Portuguese discoveries in the north have been associated in later history with the other seafarer, Gaspar Corte-Real, who was of noble family and belonged to the King's household, and who came from the same island of the Azores, Terceira.

[Sidenote: Gaspar Corte-Real]

Gaspar Corte-Real belonged to a noble Portuguese family from Algarve and was born about 1450. He was the third and youngest son of João Vaz Corte-Real, who for twenty-two years, since 1474, had had a "capitanerie" as Governor of the Azores--first at Angra in the island of Terceira, later in São Jorge--and died in 1496.[346] Gaspar probably spent a part of his youth in the Azores, which were altogether "a hot-house of all kinds of ideas of maritime discovery"; he certainly became familiar at an early age with narratives of the numerous earlier attempts, and with the many plans of new ocean voyages which were discussed by the adventurous sailors of those islands. As already mentioned, the German, Martin Behaim, was also living in the Azores (cf. p. 287).

[Sidenote: Corte-Real's voyage of 1500]

From the letters patent of May 1500, we see that Gaspar Corte-Real had at his own expense been trying even before that time to discover countries in the ocean, but as no more is said about it, the attempt was doubtless unsuccessful. It was pointed out above that from the King's letters patent to his brother Miguel it looks as though Gaspar had made two voyages to the land he had discovered, which is also confirmed by the legend referred to on the anonymous Portuguese chart of about 1520. On the other hand, nothing is said about this voyage in the letters of the two Italian Ministers, nor on the Cantino map. It may seem natural to conclude that Gaspar, after having obtained his letters patent in May 1500, set out on an expedition, the expenses of which were defrayed by himself and his brother Miguel in partnership (cf. the letters patent to the latter).

On his first voyage of 1500 Gaspar had already discovered a part of Newfoundland; but we know nothing of what else he may have accomplished on this expedition. He must have returned to Lisbon by the same autumn.

[Sidenote: Corte-Real's voyage of 1501]

Encouraged by his success he then set out again with a larger expedition in 1501, after April 21, at which date he was still in Lisbon. This time the expenses were again borne by himself and his brother Miguel in partnership. According to the King's letters patent of January 1502, he had three ships on this voyage, of which two returned. This does not agree with the letters of the two Italian Ministers, which distinctly say that he left with two ships. But these letters, it is true, do not mutually agree in their statements as to the ship that had returned: Pasqualigo says that the ship arrived at Lisbon on October 9 in one of his letters, on the 8th in the other, and that it brought seven natives; while Cantino says that the ship arrived on October 11 and brought fifty natives to the King. As Pasqualigo says that the other ship was expected daily with fifty natives, it has been thought (cf. Harrisse) that this was the ship referred to by Cantino; but in that case it is puzzling that two Ministers in the same city should have heard of two different ships, and that they should both be ignorant of more than one ship having arrived, although there was an interval of no more than two or three days between each ship's arrival, and they are both writing a week after that time. Besides, both mention that the second ship, and only one, is expected, and Pasqualigo calls it the commander's caravel (caravella capitania). We may readily suppose that it is the arrival of the same ship that is alluded to by the two Ministers (no importance need be attached to the discrepancy of dates, since we see that Pasqualigo alters the date of his ship's arrival from one letter to the other). They may both have heard of fifty natives having been captured, of which they had seen some (seven, for instance); but while Cantino understood that the whole fifty had arrived, Pasqualigo thought that only the seven he had seen had come, while the other fifty were expected on the next ship. Considerable weight must be attached to the fact that in the legend on the Cantino map, which must evidently have been drawn from Portuguese documents, only one ship is mentioned as having returned. The chief difficulty is that this is in direct conflict with the King's later letters patent to Miguel. We should then have to suppose that the statement in this document as to three ships having sailed and two returned is due to a clerical error or a lapse of memory, which may seem surprising. But the question is, after all, of minor importance. The main point is that Gaspar Corte-Real's ship never returned.

In estimating the degree of trustworthiness or accuracy to be attributed to Pasqualigo's and Cantino's statements about the voyage, it must be remembered that they are both only repeating what they have heard said on the subject in a language not their own, and that when the letters were written they had probably seen no chart of the voyage or of the new discoveries. Cantino says that he was present when the captain of the ship gave his account to the King, and that he is writing down everything that was then said; so that perhaps he had only heard the narrative once, and without a chart, which easily explains his obvious errors; it is no difficult matter to fall into gross errors and misunderstandings in reproducing the account of a voyage which one hears in this way told even in one's own language. Pasqualigo does not tell us how he had heard about the voyage, but it may have been on the same occasion. The letters of the two Italians reproducing the Portuguese narrative cannot therefore be treated as exact historical documents, every detail of which is correct.

Cantino says in his letter (of October 1501) that Gaspar Corte-Real had sailed nine months before, that is, in January 1501. Pasqualigo says that he left in the previous year, which agrees with Cantino, since the civil year at that time began on March 25. But the existing receipt of April 21, 1501, from Gaspar Corte-Real proves with certainty that the two Italians were mistaken on this point. It may be supposed that they regarded the expeditions of the two consecutive years as a connected voyage (?), but even this will not agree with Cantino's nine months. According to Cantino's letter, Corte-Real on leaving Portugal held a northerly course ("towards the pole" are the words), and Pasqualigo says something of the same kind; but this is scarcely to be taken literally, for otherwise we should have to suppose that from Portugal he sailed northward towards Iceland; besides which, Pasqualigo says in both his letters that the land discovered was between north-west and west. Cantino's statement about the ice might give us firm ground for determining Corte-Real's route; if it were not unfortunately the case that there are here two possibilities, and that Cantino's words do not agree well with either of them. The description of the ice points most probably to Corte-Real's having first met with icebergs; he may have come upon these in the sea off the southern end of Greenland, and as in continuing his course he found the "sea frozen," he may have reached the edge of the ice-floes. As nothing is said about land, we must suppose that he did not sight Greenland. It is a more difficult matter when, by changing his course to the north-west and west, he finally in this direction sighted land, which according to the description, and the Cantino map, must have been Newfoundland. To arrive there from the Greenland ice he would have had to steer about west-south-west by compass, and in fact Newfoundland (Terra del Rey de portuguall) lies approximately in this direction in relation to the southern point of Greenland on the Cantino map. But it may be, of course, that Cantino's statement of the direction is due to a misunderstanding;[347] he may have heard that the newly found land lay to the north-west and west from Lisbon, as Pasqualigo says.

Another possibility is that it was on the Newfoundland Banks that Corte-Real met with icebergs; but in that case he must have held a very westerly course, almost west-north-west, all the way from Lisbon, and there would then be little meaning in the statement that he altered his course to north-west and west to avoid the ice, even if we take into account the possibility of the variation of the compass having been 20° greater on the Newfoundland Banks than at Lisbon. Another difficulty is that on the Newfoundland Banks he would hardly have found "the sea frozen," if by this ice-floes are meant; for that he would have had to be (in June ?) farther to the north-west in the Labrador Current. In neither case would he have been very far from land, so that the times mentioned, three months with a favourable wind from the ice to land, and four months from Lisbon, are out of proportion.[348]

Thus Cantino's words cannot be brought into agreement with facts; but at the same time many things point to its having been the Greenland ice that Corte-Real first met with in 1501. Doubtless it might be objected that he is said in the previous year to have already found part of Newfoundland, and in that case he would be likely to make straight for it again; but Pasqualigo's letter gives one the impression that Gaspar Corte-Real may have been interested in finding out whether the land he had found was mainland and continuous with the country (Greenland) which in the previous year (1500) had been seen by the other caravels (João Fernandez ?), and thus it may have been natural that he should first steer in that direction, but he was then forced by the ice westward towards the land he himself had discovered.

That it was really Newfoundland, and not the coast of Labrador farther north, that Corte-Real arrived at, appears plainly enough from the maps (the Cantino map, the King map, etc.), and may also be concluded from the descriptions in the letters of Pasqualigo and Cantino. We read, amongst other things, that many great rivers ran through that country into the sea. The east coast of Labrador has no rivers of importance, with the exception of Hamilton River; but the entrance to this is by a long estuary, Hamilton Inlet and Lake Melville, up which they would hardly have sailed. On the other hand, there are in Newfoundland several considerable rivers falling into the sea on the east coast, up the mouths of which Gaspar Corte-Real might have sailed. The allusion to the country as fertile, with trees and forests of pines of remarkable height and size, and to there being abundance of timber for masts, etc., also agrees best with Newfoundland. In addition, the coast-line of the country, both on the Cantino map and on later Portuguese maps, agrees remarkably well with the coast-line along the east and north-east sides of Newfoundland.

The statement in Pasqualigo's letter of October 18, that they sailed "along the coast of the said land for a distance of six hundred miglia and more," which agrees with the extent of the coast on the Cantino map, must be an exaggeration. It is a common error to exaggerate the distance during a voyage along a coast so indented as that of Newfoundland, where Corte-Real may perhaps have sailed in and out of bays and inlets.

[Sidenote: Late authorities of the sixteenth century]

[Sidenote: Galvano on G. Corte-Real]

As already stated, Gaspar Corte-Real's voyages are mentioned in several works of the sixteenth century, but as these were written so long after the events took place, no particular importance can be attached to them in cases where they conflict with the earlier documents. The allusions to Gaspar Corte-Real in the Spanish author Gomara and the Italian Ramusio seem for the most part to be derived from Pietro Pasqualigo's letter of October 19, 1501, to his brothers at Venice, which was published for the first time as early as 1507. The Portuguese Antonio Galvano says in his "Tratado" (1563) that Gaspar Corte-Real sailed in 1500

"from the island of Terceira with two ships, fitted out at his own expense, and travelled to the region that is in the fiftieth degree of latitude, a land which is now called by his name. He returned safely to Lisbon; but when he again set out, his ship was lost, and the other ship returned to Portugal."

This, it will be seen, agrees remarkably well with the conclusions we arrived at above; but as Galvano spent the greater part of his life in the East Indies, and only came home to end his days in a hospital at Lisbon, no great importance can be attached to his statements [cf. Harrisse, 1900, p. 35], except in so far as they reproduce a Portuguese tradition.

[Sidenote: De Goes on G. Corte-Real]

Damiam de Goes, in his "Chronica do Felicissimo Rei dom Emanuel" (Lisbon, 1566), has a more detailed account of Gaspar Corte-Real's voyage of 1500, and of the land he visited. He says:

"He sailed from the port of Lisbon at the beginning of summer, 1500. On this voyage he discovered in a northerly direction a land which was very cold, and with great forests, as all those [countries] are that lie in that quarter. He gave it the name of Terra verde [i.e., green land]. The people are very barbaric and wild, almost like those of Sancta Cruz [i.e., Brazil], except that they are at first white, but become so weather-beaten from the cold that they lose their whiteness with age and become almost dark brown. They are of middle height, very active, and great archers, using sticks hardened in the fire for throwing-spears, with which they make as good casts as though they had points of good steel. They clothe themselves in the skins of beasts, of which there is abundance in that country. They live in caves, and in huts, and they have no laws. They have great belief in omens; they have marriage, and are very jealous of their wives, in which they resemble the Lapps, who also live in the north from 70° to 85°.... After he [Gaspar Corte-Real] had discovered this land, and sailed along a great part of its coast, he returned to this kingdom. As he greatly desired to discover more of this province, and to become better acquainted with its advantages, he set out again immediately in the year 1501 on May 15 from Lisbon; but it is not known what happened to him on this voyage, for he was never seen again, nor did there come any news of him" [Cf. Harrisse, 1883, p. 233].

The last statement, that Corte-Real disappeared without any more being heard of him, shows that De Goes was not well informed, in spite of his being chief custodian (Guarda m'or) of the Torre do Tombo, where the State archives were kept at Lisbon. His whole account may therefore be of doubtful value as a historical document. His description of the newly discovered land and of the inhabitants may be derived from other statements, or from literary sources, and is of the same kind as we often meet with in accounts of natives in the authorities of that time. It appears that the cold country, Terra verde, with great forests and wild, barbaric people, must be the Greenland (Gronolondes) that is referred to in the anonymous letter of about 1450 to Pope Nicholas V.[349] Most of what is said about these natives would apparently suit the Eskimo quite as well as the Indians, but as we do not know from whence the whole is derived, it is not easy to form an opinion as to which people is really referred to in the description. The remarkable statement that the natives are at first white, but turn brown through the cold, will hardly suit the Indians, but might apply to the Eskimo, who at an early age have a very fair skin, perhaps quite as light as the Portuguese.

[Sidenote: Mention of the natives in Pasqualigo and Cantino]

What is said of the natives in the letters of Pasqualigo and Cantino seems on the whole to suit the Eskimo better than the Indians; typical Eskimo features are: that they had boats covered with hides (it is true that Cantino says stags' hides, i.e., reindeer hides, but this must be a misunderstanding);[350] also houses (i.e., tents) of long poles covered with fish skin (i.e., sealskin); that the colour of their skin was rather white than anything else, that they laughed a good deal and showed much cheerfulness. It may seem somewhat surprising that the Eskimo should be "a little bigger than our countrymen" (i.e., the Italians), but, in the first place, it may have been particularly good specimens of the race that were exhibited, and in the next place the Eskimo are a race of medium stature, and, perhaps, on an average, quite as tall as Italians and Portuguese. That they were naked with the exception of a piece of skin round the loins answers to the indoor custom of the Eskimo. Pasqualigo's description: that they were clothed in the skins of various animals, mostly otter, and that the skins were unprepared and not sewed together, but thrown over the shoulders and arms as they were taken from the animals, conflicts with the words of Cantino, and is, no doubt, due to a misunderstanding; it does not sound probable. If it is correct, Pasqualigo and Cantino must have seen different natives.

It is probable that there were Eskimo in the north-east of Newfoundland at that time, and that the natives may have been brought from thence or from southern Labrador.

[Sidenote: Evidence of the Cantino map as to the Portuguese discoveries]

Of all known maps the Cantino map undoubtedly gives the most complete and trustworthy representation of the Portuguese discoveries of 1500 and 1501 in the north-west; we know, too, that it was executed with an eye to these, at Lisbon, and immediately after the return thither of those who had taken part in the later voyage. We may consequently suppose that the cartographer availed himself of the sources then at his disposal. He may either himself have had access to log-books, with courses and distances, and to the original sketch-charts of the voyages, or he may have used charts that were drawn from these sources. But he used in addition maps and authorities of a more learned kind, as appears, for instance, in the legend attached to Greenland, where he speaks of the opinion of cosmographers, and says that this country is a point of Asia. It is clear, as pointed out by Björnbo [1910, p. 167], that Greenland was connected on the map with Scandinavia, which is called "Parte de assia," but the upper edge of the map has been cut off, so that this land connection is lost,[351] as is the last part (asia) of the inscription on Greenland. The basis of this idea of a land connection must have been a map of Clavus's later type; while the delineation of Greenland itself is evidently new. In fact, it is here placed for the first time very nearly at a correct distance from Europe, and with Iceland in a relatively correct position; and in addition to this it has been given a remarkably good form. If we assume that the variation of the compass was unknown, and that the coasts were laid down according to the courses sailed by compass as though they were true, then the southern point of Greenland comes just where it should, if the variation during the voyage from Lisbon averaged 11° west. The Portuguese flags on the coast indicate that the Portuguese sailed along the east coast of Greenland from north of the Arctic Circle of the map to past Cape Farewell (without landing, according to what the legend says), and its direction on the map is explained by a variation of about 14° west. The remarkably good representation of Greenland with the characteristic form of the west coast cannot possibly be derived from the Clavus maps, where Greenland is a narrow tongue of land with its east and west coasts running very nearly parallel. The west coast has been given a form approximately as though it were laid down from courses sailed with a variation increasing towards the north-west from 20° to nearly 30° (cf. p. 371). It is also characteristic that while the east coast is without islands, a belt of skerries is shown on the north along the west coast. It may seem a bold assumption to attribute this to pure chance and the caprice of the draughtsman, even though it may be pointed out that he has given the west coast of Norway a similar curved form with a belt of skerries outside (as on the Oliveriana map, p. 375). If the cartographer was acquainted with the representation of Greenland on the Clavus maps, the probability becomes still greater that he had definite authority for his west coast, since it differs from that of the Clavus maps. It is true that the Portuguese flags on the map and the statement in the legend that the Portuguese did not land on the coast do not seem to point to their having sailed any considerable distance to the north along the west coast, for otherwise there would doubtless be mention of this; but there may have been lost authorities for the Cantino map, which were based upon voyages unknown to us, as well as to the cartographer.[352]

If we may suppose that the lighter tone of the sea off the east coast of Greenland and over to Norway (on the original map) represents ice-floes, then this again gives evidence of a knowledge of these northern waters which we cannot assume to have been derived merely from Portuguese voyages on which the east coast of Greenland was sighted; it must have had other sources, unknown to us.

[Sidenote: Construction of the Cantino map.]

There can be no doubt that the "Terra del Rey de portuguall" of the Cantino map is the east coast of Newfoundland, which, through the variation of the compass being disregarded, is given a northerly direction. If we draw the east coast of Newfoundland from Cape Race to Cape Bauld on approximately the same scale as that of the Cantino map, and turn the meridian to the west as far as the variation may have been at that time (about 20° at Cape Race, and 4° or 5° more at Belle Isle Strait), we shall have a map (see p. 364) the coast-line of which bears so great a resemblance to that of the Cantino map that it is almost too good to believe it not to be in part accidental (the Newfoundland coast on Reinel's map is also very nearly the same as that of the Cantino map). The resemblance is so thorough that we might even think it possible to recognise the various bays and headlands; but perhaps a part of the southern coast of Labrador has been included in the Cantino map. According to the scale attached to the map, in which each division represents fifty miglia, the distance between the south-eastern point of the country and the northern Portuguese flag is seven hundred miglia, which thus corresponds to the six hundred or seven hundred miglia that Pasqualigo says the Portuguese sailed along the coast. If we divide the map into degrees according to the distance between the tropic and the Arctic Circle, the extent of the country will be about eleven degrees of latitude. On Reinel's map the length of Newfoundland from north to south is between ten and eleven degrees of latitude. The distance from Cape Race to Belle Isle Strait corresponds in reality to about 5-1/2°, that is, fairly near the half.

Both Greenland and Newfoundland lie too far north on the Cantino map. The southern point of Greenland lies in about 62° 20' N. lat., instead of 59° 46', while Cape Race, the south-eastern point of Newfoundland, lies in about 50° N. lat., instead of 46° 40'. It is unnecessary to assume that the too northerly latitude of Greenland is derived from the Clavus map, where its southern point lies in 62° 40' N. lat., since a natural explanation of the position both of this point and of Cape Race is provided by the way in which the Cantino map is drawn. It is, in fact, an equidistant compass-chart, which takes no account of the surface of the earth being spherical and not a plane, and on which the courses sailed have been laid down according to the points of the compass, presumably in ignorance of the variation of the needle. If we try to draw a map of the same coasts in the same fashion, using the correct distances, and taking the courses as starting from Lisbon, and the variation to be distributed approximately as given on p. 308,[353] we shall then get a map in its main outlines as here represented. The southern point of Greenland comes in about 62° 20', or the same as on the Cantino map, and Cape Race comes still farther to the north than on it. The distance from Lisbon to Greenland is almost exactly the same on both maps, and this seems to point to remarkable capabilities of sailing by log and compass, while, on the other hand, astronomical observations were probably not used. The distance between Lisbon and Newfoundland (Terra del Rey de portuguall) is on the Cantino map a little longer than reality,[354] and the southern end of the latter is brought so far to the south that it would correspond to an average variation of about 4° west, instead of 10°, during the voyage from Lisbon. Newfoundland accordingly comes farther west in relation to Greenland, and its southern end farther south than it should do on a map constructed like this one. But we do not know whether the course from which the position of Newfoundland is laid down was taken as going directly to that country from Lisbon; perhaps, for instance, it went first up into the ice off Greenland, and in that case a greater error is natural. If we lay down the West Indian islands (and Florida) on our sketch-map according to the same method, we shall get them in a similar position to that of the Cantino map, except that there they have a far too northerly latitude, and the distance from Lisbon is much too great; but this is due to the Spanish maps which served as authorities; for we know that even Columbus was guilty of gross errors in his determination of latitude,[355] and on La Cosa's map they lie for the most part to the north of the tropic.

[Sidenote: Variation in the Portuguese representation of Greenland]

The representation of the Portuguese discoveries in the north-west evidently varied a good deal even on early maps, and sometimes diverged considerably from the Cantino map; Greenland especially was given various forms, while Newfoundland was more uniform in the different types of map. This, again, strengthens the supposition that these countries were discovered on various voyages, and not by the same man.

[Sidenote: The King map, circa 1502]

Thus, on the so-called King map--an Italian mappamundi of about 1502, which was probably taken from Portuguese sources--Newfoundland, called Terra Cortereal, lies in about the same place and has the same form as on the Cantino map (its southern point is called capo raso), while Greenland, called Terra Laboratoris, lies farther south than on the Cantino map and has become a long island, the south-east coast of which should doubtless correspond to the east coast of Greenland on the Cantino map, but has a very different direction and form, and has in addition many islands to the south of it. A similar, but still more varied, representation is found on another Italian mappamundi, the so-called "Kunstmann, No. 2." If Greenland and Newfoundland were both discovered by Gaspar Corte-Real and on the same voyage, and if these discoveries formed the basis both of the Cantino map and of the prototype of the King map, then it would be incomprehensible how the representation of one of these countries should vary so much, and not that of the other.[356]

[Sidenote: The Oliveriana map, after 1503]

The so-called Oliveriana map, an anonymous Italian compass-chart of a little later than 1503, shows more resemblance to the representation of Greenland on the Cantino map; but here that of Newfoundland is very different from what we find on the other maps, as its east coast is remarkably short and the south coast extends a long way to the west, in the same direction as the coast discovered by the English on La Cosa's map of 1500;[357] but the names have no resemblance to those of that map, unless the island "Groga Y" should be La Cosa's "S. Grigor" (?), which however lies farther east, while the island corresponding to "Groga" is called by La Cosa "I. de la trinidat." "Cauo del marco" might also remind us of the Venetian Cabot. Dr. Björnbo thinks, as mentioned above (p. 369), that the prototype of the Greenland on the Oliveriana map was Gaspar Corte-Real's own admiral's chart of his voyage of 1500. It seems to me possible that Björnbo may be right, in so far as the representation may be derived from the Portuguese expedition which sighted Greenland in 1500; but, from what has been advanced above, this was not commanded by Corte-Real, but more probably by João Fernandez. As the Newfoundland of the map has so little resemblance to reality and to the usual Portuguese representations [cf. also Björnbo, 1910, p. 315], it is improbable that the prototype of the map was due to Gaspar Corte-Real. Moreover one cannot imagine that mythical islands such as "Insula de labrador," "Insula stille," etc., were drawn by him; in such a case they would have to be explained as later additions from another source.

We saw from the letters of the two Italian Ministers that King Manuel was very well satisfied with the discoveries of Gaspar Corte-Real, and expected great advantages therefrom, both on account of the trees for masts and of the slaves, etc.; he therefore awaited his return with impatience. But he waited in vain. Gaspar Corte-Real never returned. Whether he fell fighting with the natives on an unknown coast, or whether he plunged into the mists and ice of the unknown north, there to find a cold grave, or was lost in a storm on the homeward voyage across the Atlantic, will never be revealed.

[Sidenote: Miguel Corte-Real's voyage, 1503]

As he did not return, his brother, Miguel Corte-Real, fitted out a new expedition in the hope, on the one hand of going to help his brother, and on the other of making fresh discoveries. On January (?) 15, 1502 (or 1503 ?), he obtained letters patent from King Manuel (see p. 353). On May 10, according to Damiam de Goes, he sailed from Lisbon with two ships, and nothing more was heard of him. Antonio Galvano, on the other hand, says that he had three ships, and that these arrived in Newfoundland (Terra de Corte-Real), but there separated and went into different inlets

"with the arrangement that they should all meet again on August 20th. The two other ships did so, and when they saw that Miguel Corte-Real's ship did not come at the appointed time, nor for some time after that, they returned to Portugal, and never since was any more news heard of him, nor did any other memory of him remain; but the country is called to this day the Land of the Corte-Reals."[358]

[Sidenote: The King despatches ships]

"The King felt deeply the loss of the two brothers, and, moved by his royal and compassionate feeling, he caused in the year 1503[359] two ships to be fitted out to go and search for them. But it could never be discovered how either the one or the other (of the brothers) was lost."

If this account of Galvano's is correct, then the last relief expedition returned without having accomplished its purpose. As to what discoveries it may have made, we hear nothing, nor do we see any trace of them on the maps, unless, indeed, the hint of an extension of Newfoundland to the north on the so-called Pilestrina map of about 1511 (see p. 377) may be due to this expedition or to the ship that returned from Miguel Corte-Real's voyage of 1502. On Pedro Reinel's map (p. 321) there is marked a land answering to Cape Breton, with a coast extending westward from it. It is possible that this may be derived from these expeditions, and in the same way all the Portuguese names along Newfoundland, the coast-line of which must be taken from the same source as the Cantino map. It is, however, more probable that the names are due to Portuguese fishermen; though there is also a possibility that Reinel's additions may be referred to the Anglo-Portuguese expeditions from Bristol in 1501 and the following years. His island, Sam Joha [St. John], points, as has been said (p. 321), to a possible connection with John Cabot's discoveries.

[Sidenote: Vasqueanes Corte-Real refused leave to sail]

When neither of the brothers returned, the eldest brother, Vasqueanes Corte-Real--who held very high positions both at the King's Court and as Governor of the islands of São Jorge and Terceira in the Azores--wished "to fit out ships at his own expense in order to go out and search for them. But when he asked the King to excuse his absence, his Majesty could not consent to his going further in the matter, and insisted that it was useless, and that all had been done that could be done" (De Goes). Thus the spirit of the capable and enterprising Portuguese for further exploration in these difficult northern waters seems to have become cooled, and we do not hear much more of official expeditions despatched from Portugal to find other new countries in that quarter. Meanwhile Newfoundland (Terra de Corte-Real) continued through the whole of the sixteenth century to be regarded as a province under the Portuguese Crown, and the post of its Governor, with special privileges, was hereditary in the family of Corte-Real, until Manuel Corte-Real II., the last of the male line, fell fighting by the side of King Sebastian, in the fatal battle of Kas-rel-Kebir in 1578.[360]

The Portuguese seem for a long time to have kept up the connection with Newfoundland, more especially in order to avail themselves of the rich fisheries that had been discovered there. But of this it is only by the merest accident that history has anything to relate. It appears as though this fishery became active immediately after Corte-Real's discovery; for we see that as early as 1506 King Manuel gave orders that the fishermen on their return from Newfoundland to Portugal were to pay one-tenth of the proceeds in duties [cf. Kunstmann, 1859, p. 69].

CONCLUSION

If we would discover how a watercourse is formed, from the very first bog-streams up in the mountain, we must follow a multitude of tiny rills, receiving one fresh stream after another from every side, running together into burns, which grow and grow and form little rivers, till we come to the end of the wooded hillside and are suddenly face to face with the great river in the valley below.

A similar task confronts him who endeavours to explore the first trickling rivulets of human knowledge; he must trace all the minute, uncertain, often elusive beginnings, follow the diversity of tributaries from all parts of the earth, and show how the mass of knowledge increases constantly from age to age, sometimes reposing in long stretches of dead water, half choked with peat and rushes, at other times plunging onward in foaming rapids. And then he too is rewarded; the stream grows broader and broader, until he stands beside the navigable river.

But a simile never covers the whole case. The latter task is rendered not only wider, but incomparably more difficult, by the fact that the brooks and rivers whose course is to be followed are even more intricate and scarcely ever flow in an open stream. True knowledge is so seldom undiluted; as a rule it is suffused with myths and dogmatic conceptions, often to such a degree that it becomes entirely lost, and something new seems to have arisen in its place.

For one thing, man's power of grasping reality varies greatly; in primitive man it is clouded to a degree which we modern human beings can hardly understand. He is as yet incapable of distinguishing between idea and reality, between belief and knowledge, between what he has seen and experienced and the explanation he has provided for his experience.

But even with those who have long outgrown the primitive point of view imagination steps in, supplying detail and explanation wherever our information fails us and our knowledge falls short; it spreads its haze over the first uncertain outlines of perception, and the distant contours are sometimes wholly lost in the mists of legend.

This is a universal experience in the history of intellectual life. In the domain to which this work is devoted, it makes itself felt with perhaps more than its usual force.

The inquiry embraces long periods. In all times and countries we have seen the known world lose itself in the fogs of cloudland--never uniformly, it is true, but in constantly changing proportions. Here and there we have a glimpse, now and again a vision over wider regions; and then the driving mists once more shut out our view. Therefore all that human courage and desire of knowledge have wrested in the course of long ages from this cloudland remains vague, uncertain, full of riddles. But for this very reason it is all the more alluring.

We saw that to the eyes of the oldest civilisation in history and down through the whole of antiquity, the North lay for the most part concealed in the twilight of legend and myth; here and there genuine information finds its way into literature, but is again effaced. At the beginning of the Middle Ages the dark curtain thickens.

Again there is a glimmer of light, first from the intermingling of nations at the time of the migrations, then from new trading voyages and intercourse, until the great change is brought about by the Norsemen, who with their remarkable power of expansion overran western and southern Europe and penetrated the vast unknown solitudes in the North, found their way to the White Sea, discovered the wide Polar Sea and its shores, colonised the Faroes, Iceland and Greenland, and were the first discoverers of the Atlantic Ocean and of North America.

As early as in the writings of King Alfred and Adam of Bremen the Norsemen's initiatory knowledge of this new northern world made its way into European literature.

No doubt the mists closed again, much of the knowledge gained was forgotten even by the Norsemen themselves, and in the latter part of the Middle Ages it is mostly mythical echoes of this knowledge that are to be traced in the literature of Europe and that have left their mark on its maps. None the less were the discoveries of the Norsemen the great dividing line. For the first time explorers had set out with conscious purpose from the known world, over the surrounding seas, and had found lands on the other side. By their voyages they taught the sailors of Europe the possibility of traversing the ocean. When this first step had been taken the further development came about of itself.

It was in the Norsemen's school that the sailors of England had their earliest training, especially through the traffic with Iceland; and even the distant Portuguese, the great discoverers of the age of transition, received impulses from them.

Through all that is uncertain, and often apparently fortuitous and chequered, we can discern a line, leading towards the new age, that of the great discoveries, when we emerge from the dusk of the Middle Ages into fuller daylight. Of the new voyages we have, as a rule, accounts at first hand, less and less shrouded in mediævalism and mist. From this time the real history of polar exploration begins.

Cabot had then rediscovered the mainland of North America, Corte-Real had reached Newfoundland, the Portuguese and the English were pushing northward to Greenland and the ice. And this brings in the great transformation of ideas about the Northern World.

It is true that as yet we have not passed the northern limits of our forefathers' voyages; and that views of the arctic regions are still obscure and vague. While some imagine a continent at the pole, others are for a wreath of islands around it with dangerous currents between them, and others again reckon upon an open polar sea. There is obscurity enough. But new problems are beginning to shape themselves.

When it became apparent to the seamen of Europe that the new countries of the West were not Asia, but part of a new continent, the idea suggested itself of seeking a way round the north--as also round the south--of this continent, in order to reach the coveted sources of wealth, India and China: the problem of the North-West Passage was presented--a continuation on a grand scale of the routes opened up by the Norsemen towards the north-west.

But equally present was the thought that perhaps there was another and shorter way round the north of the old world; and the problem of the North-East Passage arose. The working out of this problem was simply a continuation of the north-eastern voyages of the Norwegians to the White Sea.

In this way were born the two great illusions, which for centuries held the minds of explorers spellbound. They could never be of value as trade-routes, these difficult passages through the ice. They were to be no more than visions, but visions of greater worth than real knowledge; they lured discoverers farther and farther into the unknown world of ice; foot by foot, step by step, it was explored; man's comprehension of the earth became extended and corrected; and the sea-power and imperial dominion of England drew its vigour from these dreams.

What a vast amount of labour lies sunk in man's knowledge of the earth, especially in those remote ages when development proceeded at such an immeasurably slower pace, and when man's resources were so infinitely poorer. By the most manifold and various ways the will and intelligence of man achieve their object. The attraction of long voyages must often enough have been the hope of finding riches and favoured lands, but deeper still lay the imperious desire of getting to know our own earth. To riches men have seldom attained, to the Fortunate Isles never; but through all we have won knowledge.

The great Alexander, the conquering king, held sway over the greater part of the world of his day; the bright young lord of the world remained the ideal for a thousand years, the hero above all others. But human thought, restless and knowing no bounds, found even his limits too narrow. He grew and grew to superhuman dimensions, became the son of a god, the child of fortune, who in popular belief held sway from the Pillars of Hercules, the earth's western boundary, to the trees of the sun and moon at the world's end in the east; to whom nothing seemed impossible; who descended to the bottom of the sea in a glass bell to explore the secrets of the ocean; who, borne by tamed eagles, tried to reach heaven, and who was fabled by Mohammedans and Christians to have even attempted to scale the walls of Paradise itself--there to be checked for the first time: "Thus far and no farther." No man that is born of woman may attain to the land of heart's desire.

The myth of Alexander is an image of the human spirit itself, seeking without intermission, never confined by any bounds, eternally striving towards height after height, deep after deep, ever onward, onward, onward....

The world of the spirit knows neither space nor time.

FINIS

LIST OF THE MORE IMPORTANT WORKS REFERRED TO

1876 ADAM of Bremen: Adami Gesta Hamburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum ex recensione Lappenbergii. Editio altera. "Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum." Hannoverae, 1876.

1862 ADAM of Bremen: Om Menigheden i Norden o. s. v. Overs. af P. W. Christensen. Copenhagen, 1862.

1893 ADAMS von Bremen Hamburgische Kirchengeschichte. Übers. von J. C. W. Laurent. 2. Aufl. Leipzig, 1893.

1839 AELIANUS (Claudius): Varia. "Vermischte Nachrichten," Werke, Bd. I, übers. von Ephorus Dr. Wunderlich. "Griech. Prosaiker in neuen Uebers.," hgb. v. Tafel, Osiander, und Schwab, Bd. 182. Stuttgart, 1839.

1894 AHLENIUS (Karl): Pytheas' Thuleresa, "Språkvetenskapliga Sällsk. i Upsala Förhandl.," I, 1882-94, pp. 101-124, in "Upsala Universitets Årsskrift," 1894.

1900 AHLENIUS (K.): Die älteste geographische Kenntnis von Skandinavien. "Eranos," III, 1898-1899. Upsala, 1900.

1859 ALFRED, King: Anglo-Saxon Version of Orosius. Ed. by JOSEPH BOSWORTH, London, 1859. As to Ottar, see also HENRY SWEET: An Anglo-Saxon Reader, Oxford, 1884; R. RASK in "Skandinaviske Litteraturselskabs Skrifter," XI, Copenhagen, 1815, with Danish transl. and notes; G. PORTHAN: "Kgl. Vitterh. Hist. o. Antique Acad. Handl." VI, Stockholm, 1800, with Swedish transl. and notes.

1845 d'AVEZAC (M. P.): Les Iles fantastiques de l'océan occidental au moyen-âge. Paris, 1845.

1887 AVIENUS (Rufus Festus): Rufi Festi Avieni Carmina. Ed. Alfred Holder, Innsbruck, 1887.

BATÛTA (Ibn): Voyages d'Ibn Batoutah, Texte arabe et traduction par DEFRÉMERY et SANGUINETTI.

1902 BAUMGARTNER (A.): Island und die Färöer. 3 Aufl. Freiburg, 1902.

1876 BAUMSTARK (Anton), See TACITUS.

1880 BAUMSTARK (A.): Ausführliche Erläuterung des besondern völkerschaftlichen Theiles der Germania des Tacitus. Leipzig, 1880.

1904 1905 BEAUVOIS (Eug.): "Journal de la Société des Américanistes de Paris," 1904, No. 2; 1905, No. 2.

1897 1906 BEAZLEY (C. Raymond): The Dawn of Modern Geography, I, 1897; II, 1901; III, 1906, London.

1898 BEAZLEY (C. R.): John and Sebastian Cabot. London, 1898.

1902 BÉRARD (Victor): Les Phéniciens et l'Odyssée. I, 1902; II, 1903. Paris.

1880 BERGER (Hugo): Die geographischen Fragmente des Eratosthenes. Leipzig, 1880.

1887-93 BERGER (H.): Geschichte der wissenschaftlichen Erdkunde der Griechen. I, 1887; II, 1889; III, 1891; IV, 1893. Leipzig.

1904 BERGER (H.): Mythische Kosmographie der Griechen. Appendix to Roscher's "Mythol. Lexikon." Leipzig, 1904.

1878 BETHMANN (L.) and WAITZ(G.), see PAULUS WARNEFRIDI.

1909 BJÖRNBO (Axel Anthon): Adam af Bremens Nordensopfattelse. "Aarb. f. nord. Oldk o. Hist." Copenhagen, 1909.

1910 BJÖRNBO (A. A.) Cartographia Groenlandica. Indledning og Perioden til Aar 1576. Medd. om Grönland, XLVIII, 1. Copenhagen, 1911.

1910a BJÖRNBO (A. A.): Die echte Corte-Real-Karte. "Peterm. Geogr. Mitt." 1910, II.

1904 BJÖRNBO (A. A.) and PETERSEN (Carl S.): Fyenboen Claudius Claussön Swart o.s.v. "Kgl. Danske. Vid. Selsk. Skr." 6. R., hist. filos. Afd. VI. 2. Copenhagen, 1904.

1908 BJÖRNBO (A. A.) and PETERSEN (C. S.): Anecdota Cartographica Septentrionalia. Havnia, 1908.

1909 BJÖRNBO (A. A.) and PETERSEN (C. S.): Der Däne Claudius Claussön Swart. Innsbruck, 1909.

1867 BLOM (O.): Om Kongespeilets Affattelsestid. "Aarb. f. nord. Oldk. o. Hist." Copenhagen, 1867.

1901 BOAS (Franz): Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay. "Bull. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist." XV, 1901.

1909 BOBÉ (Louis): Aktstykker til Oplysning om Grönlands Besejling. "Danske Magazin," 5. R., VI. Copenhagen, 1909.

1859 BOSWORTH (J.), see King ALFRED.

1910 BREDA (O. J.): Rundt Kensington-stenen. "Symra," VI. Decorah 1910.

1877 BRENNER (Oskar): Nord- und Mitteleuropa in den Schriften der Alten. Zuang. Diss. München, 1877.

1909 BRÖGGER (A. W.): Den Arktiske Stenalder i Norge. "Vid. Selsk. Skr." II Hist. filos. Kl., 1909. No. 1. Christiania.

1896 BRUUN (Daniel): Arkæologiske Undersögelser i Julianehaabs Distrikt, 1895. "Medd. om Grönland," XVI. Copenhagen, 1896.

1902 BRUUN (D.): Det höie Nord. Copenhagen, 1902.

1899 BUGGE (Alexander): Vore forfædres opdagelsesreiser i Polaregnene. "Kringsjå," XI. Christiania, 1899.

1900 BUGGE (A.): Contributions to the History of the Norsemen in Ireland, III. "Vid.-Selsk Skr.," II Hist. filos. Kl. 1900. Christiania, 1901.

1904-06 BUGGE (A.): Vikingerne. Billeder fra vore forfædres liv. I, 1904; II, 1906. Christiania.

1905 BUGGE (A.): Vesterlandenes Indflydelse på Nordboernes og særlig Nordmændenes ydre Kultur o. s. v. i Vikingetiden. "Vid.-Selsk. Skr." II Hist. filos. Kl. 1904, No. 1. Christiania, 1905.

1908 BUGGE (A.): Nordlands skiftende Skjæbne. "Hist. Tidsskrift." 4. R., V. Christiania, 1908.

1890 BUGGE (Sophus): Bidrag til Nordiske Navnes Historie. "Arkiv för Nordisk Filologi," VI. Lund, 1890.

1896 BUGGE (S.): Germanische Etymologien, Beiträge 3. "Gesch. d. Deutschen Sprache in Literatur," XXI. Halle, 1896.

1902 BUGGE (S.): Norges Indskrifter med de yngre Runer. Hönen-Runerne fra Ringerike. Christiania, 1902.

1904 BUGGE (S.): Foranskudts, især i Navne. "Arkiv. för Nordisk Filologi," XXI. Lund, 1904.

1907 BUGGE (S.): Om nordiske folkenavne hos Jordanes. "Fornvännen." Stockholm, 1907.

1910 BUGGE (S.): Der Runenstein von Rök in Ostergötland, Schweden. Hgb. durch Magnus Olsen. Stockholm, 1910.

1883 BUNBURY (E. H.): A History of Ancient Geography. London, 1883.

1904 CALLEGARI (G. V.): Pitea di Massilia. "Rivista di Storia Antica," VII, 4; VIII, 2; IX, 2. Padova, 1904.

1866 CHRIST (Wilhelm): Avien und die ältesten Nachrichten über Iberien und die Westküste Europa's. "Abhandl. d. Philos.-Philol. Classe d. K. Bayerischen Akad. d. Wiss.," XI. München, 1866.

1867 COLLINSON (Richard): The three Voyages of Martin Frobisher, 1576-8. London, 1867.

1880 COSTA (B. F. de): Arctic Exploration. "Journ. of the American Geogr. Soc. of New York," XII. 1880.

1828 CROKER (T. Crofton): Fairy Legends and Traditions of the South of Ireland. London, 1828.

1890 CRUSIUS (O.): Hyperboreer in "Roscher's Mythol. Lexikon," I, 2. Leipzig, 1890.

1871 CUNO (J. G.): Forschungen im Gebiete der Alten Völkerkunde. Berlin, 1871.

1882 DAAE (Ludvig): Didrik Pining. "Hist. Tidsskrift" 2. R. III. Christiania, 1882.

1888 DAAE (L.): Italieneren Francesco Negris Reise i Norge 1664-1665. "Hist. Tidsskrift" 2. R. VI. Christiania, 1888.

1894 DAWSON (Samuel Edward): The Voyages of the Cabots in 1497 and 1498; with an attempt to determine their landfall and to identify their island of St. John. "Proc. and Trans. of the R. Soc. of Canada 1894," XII. Ottawa, 1895.

1896 DAWSON (S. E.): The Voyages of the Cabots in 1497 and 1498. A sequel etc. "Proc. and Trans. of the R. Soc. of Canada." 2 Ser. II, 1896.

1897 DAWSON (S. E.): The Voyages of the Cabots. Latest Phases of the Controversy. "Proc. and Trans. of the R. Soc. of Canada." 2 Ser. III, 1897.

1673 DEBES (Lucas Jacobsön): Færoe et Færoa Reserata. Det er: Færöernis oc Færöeske Indbyggeris Beskrivelse o. s. v. Copenhagen, 1673.

1849 DELISLE (L.): Des Revenus Publics en Normandie au Douzième Siècle. "Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes." IIIe Série, I. Paris, 1849.

1881 DESIMONI (Cornelio): Intorno a Giovanni Caboto Genovese etc. "Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria." Genova, 1881.

1897 DETLEFSEN (D.): Zur Kenntniss der Alten von der Nordsee. "Hermes," XXXII. Berlin, 1897.

1904 DETLEFSEN (D.): Die Entdeckung des germanischen Nordens im Altertum. "Quellen u. Forsch. z. alten Gesch. u. Geographie." Hgb. v. W. Sieglin. H. 8. Berlin, 1904.

DICUIL, see LETRONNE.

1870 DICUIL: De mensura orbis terræ, ed. Parthey. Berlin, 1870.

1890 DIODORUS SICULUS: Bibliotheca Historica. Ed. F. VOGEL. Leipzig, 1890.

1881 DOZY (R.): Recherches sur l'Histoire et Littérature de l'Espagne. 3. éd. Paris, Leyde, 1881.

1836 EDRISI: Géographie d'Edrisi. Trad. par P. A. JAUBERT. "Recueil de Voyages et de Mémories publ. p. l. Soc. de Géographie." V. Paris, 1836.

1866 EDRISI: Description de l'Afrique et de l'Espagne par Edrisi. Publ. avec trad. par R. Dozy et M. J. de Goeje. Leyden, 1866.

1741 EGEDE (Hans): De gamle Grönlands nye Perlustration eller Naturel-Historie. Kiöbenhafn, 1741.

1794 EGGERS (H. P.): Om Grönlands Österbygds sande Beliggenhed. "Det kgl. danske Landhusholdnings Selskabs Skrifter." IV. Copenhagen, 1794.

1845 EINHARDI: Vita Caroli magni, ed. B. H. PERTZ. Hannover, 1845.

1891 EIRIKS Saga Rauda, og Flatöbogens Groenlendingaþáttr o. s. v. ved Gustav Storm. "Samfund til Utg. af gammel nordisk Literatur," XXI. Copenhagen, 1891.

ERATOSTHENES, see BERGER.

1897 FABRICIUS (A.): Nordmannertogene til den Spanske Halvö. "Aarb. f. Nord. Oldk. og Hist." 2. R. XII. Copenhagen, 1897.

1865 FAQÎH (Ibn al-): Kitâb al-buldân. Ed. M. J. de Goeje. Lugduni-Batavorum, 1865.

1910 FERNALD (M. L.): Notes on the Plants of Wineland the Good. "Rhodora," Journal of the New England Botanical Club. XII. Boston, 1910.

1872 FISCHER (M. P.): Documents pour servir à l'Histoire de la Baleine des Basques. "Ann. d. Sciences Nat. Zoologie." XV. Paris, 1872.

1886 FISCHER (Theobald): Beiträge zur Geschichte der Erdkunde und der Kartographie in Italien im Mittelalter. Samml. Mittelalterl. Welt- und Seekarten italienischen Ursprungs. F. Ongania. Venice, 1886.

1842-48 FORBIGER (Alb.): Handbuch der alten Geographie. I, 1842; II, 1844; III, 1848. Leipzig.

1823 FRÄHN (C. M.): Ibn-Foszlan's und anderer Araber Berichte über die Russen älterer Zeit. St. Petersburg, 1823.

1881 FRIIS (Peder Claussön): Samlede Skrifter, utg. av Gustav Storm. Christiania, 1881.

1883 GEELMUYDEN (H.): De gamle Kalendere, særlig Islændernes. "Naturen," VII. Christiania, 1883.

1883a GEELMUYDEN (H.): Den förste Polarexpedition. "Naturen," VII. Christiania, 1883.

1825 GEIJER (E. G.): Svea Rikes Häfder. I. Upsala, 1825.

1898 GEMINI Elementa Astronomiae. Ed. C. Manitius. Leipzig, 1898. (Greek, with German transl.)

1895 GERLAND (G.): Zu Pytheas Nordlandsfahrt. "Beiträge zur Geophysik," II. Stuttgart, 1895.

1909 GJESSING (Helge): Runestenen fra Kensington. "Symra," V. Decorah, 1909.

1891 GOEJE (M. J. de): La légende de Saint Brandan. "Actes du Huitième Congrès internat. des Orientalistes, 1889." Leiden, 1891.

1901-04 v. GRIENBERGER: Die nordischen Völker bei Jordanes. "Zeitschrift für Deutschen Altertum." XLV, 1901, XLVII, 1904. Berlin.

1854 GRIMM (Jacob): Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer. 2. Ausg. Göttingen, 1854.

1875-78 GRIMM (J.): Deutsche Mythologie. 4. Ausg. I, 1875; II, 1876; III, 1878. Berlin.

1880 GRIMM (J): Geschichte der Deutschen Sprache. I. 4. Ausg. Leipzig, 1880.

1863 GRÖNDAL (B.): Folketro i Norden, "Ann. f. Nord. Oldk. o. Hist." Copenhagen, 1863.

1838-45 "Grönlands Historiske Mindesmærker." Utg. af d. Kgl. Nordiske Oldskrift-Selskab. Copenhagen, 1838-1845.

1889 GUDMUNDSSON (Valtýr): Privatboligen paa Island i Sagatiden; samt delvis det övrige Norden. Copenhagen, 1889.

1884 GUICHOT Y SIERRA (Alejandro): Supersticiones populares, recojidas en Andalucia y comparados con las Portuguesas. "Biblioteca de las tradiciones populares Españolas." Madrid, 1884.

1889 GULDBERG (Gustav A.): En kort historisk Udsigt over Hvalfangsten i ældre Tider. "Folkevennen." N. R. XIII. Christiania, 1889.

1890 GULDBERG (G. A.): Om Skandinavernes hvalfangst. "Nord. Tidsskrift." Stockholm, 1890.

1894 GÜNTHER (S.): Adam von Bremen, der erste deutsche Geograph. "Sitzungsberichte der Königlich böhmischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften Phil. histor. Kl." 1894.

1850 HAKLUYT (Richard): Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of America and its Islands Adjacent. Hakluyt Society. London, 1850.

1903 HAKLUYT (R.): The Principal Navigations, etc. Hakluyt Society. Glasgow, 1903.

1907 HAMBERG (Axel): Om eskimaernes härkomst och Amerikas befolkande. "Ymer," XXVII. Stockholm, 1907.

1855 HAMMERSHAIMB (V. U.): Færöiske Kvæder. 2. hefte. Copenhagen, 1855.

1891 HAMMERSHAIMB (V. U.): Færöisk Anthologi, I. Copenhagen, 1891.

1907 HANSEN (Andr. M.): Oldtidens Nordmænd Ophav og Besætning. "Gammel Norsk Kultur i Tekst og Billeder," Norsk Folkemuseum. Christiania, 1901.

1908 HANSEN (A. M.): Om Helleristningerne. Foren. t. norske Fortidsmindesmærkers Bevaring, Aarsbog. 1908.

1909 HANSEN (A. M.): Peder Claussön om Sjöfinnernes Sprog. "Maal og Minne." Christiania, 1909.

1882 HARRISSE (Henry): Jean et Sebastian Cabot, leur origine et leurs voyages, etc. "Recueil de voyages et de documents," etc. I. Paris, 1882.

1883 HARRISSE (H.): Les Corte-Real et leurs voyages au Nouveau-Monde. "Rec. de voy. et de doc.," etc. III. Paris, 1883.

1892 HARRISSE (H.): The Discovery of North America. London, 1892.

1896 HARRISSE (H.): John Cabot the Discoverer of North America and Sebastian his Son. London, 1896.

1900 HARRISSE (H.): Découverte et évolution cartographique de Terre-Neuve et des Pays Circonvoisins, 1497-1501-1769. London, Paris, 1900.

1892-96 "Hauks bôk," utg. af det kgl. Nordiske Oldskrift-Selskab (ved Finnur Jónsson). Copenhagen, 1892-96.

1904 HEFFERMEHL (A. V.): Presten Ivar Bodde o. s. v. Hist. Skrifter tilegn. Prof. Ludvig Daae o. s. v. af Venner og Diciple. Christiania, 1904.

1878 HEIBERG (Jacob): Lappische Gräber-schädel. "Archiv for Math. og Naturvid.," III. Christiania, 1878.

1905 HELLAND (Amund): Finmarkens Amt. "Norges Land og Folk," XX. Christiania, 1905.

1908 HELLAND (A.): Nordlands Amt. "Norges Land og Folk," XVIII. Christiania, 1908.

1893 HERGT (Gustav): Die Nordlandfahrt des Pytheas. Inaug.-Diss. Halle, 1893.

1901 HERRMANN (Paul): Erläuterungen zu den ersten neun Büchern der Dänischen Geschichte des "Saxo Grammaticus," I. Leipzig, 1901.

1904 HERTZBERG (Ebbe): Nordboernes gamle Boldspil. Hist. Skrifter tilegn. Prof. Ludwig Daae o. s. v. af Venner og Diciple. Christiania, 1904.

1880 "Historia Norwegiæ," see STORM, 1880.

1909 HOEGH (Knut): Om Kensington og Elbow Lake-stenene. "Symra," V. Decorah, 1909.

1865 HOFMANN (Conrad): Ueber das Lebermeer. "Sitzungsber. d. königl. bayer. Akad. d. Wissenschaften," II, 1. München, 1865.

1909 HOLAND (R. Hjalmar): Kensington-stenens sprog og runer. "Symra," V. Decorah, 1909.

1883 HOLM (G. F.): Beskrivelse af Ruiner i Julianehaabs Distrikt, der er undersögte i Aaret 1880. "Medd. om Grönland," VI. Copenhagen, 1883.

1894 HOLZ (Georg): Beiträge zur deutschen Altertumskunde. H. 1. Über die Germanische Völkertafel des Ptolemaeus. Halle, 1894.

1870 HOMEYER (C. G.): Die Haus- und Hofmarken. Berlin, 1870.

1904 IRGENS (O.): Et Spörsmaal, vedkommende de gamle Nordmænds översöiske fart. "Skrifter utg. av Bergens hist. Forening," Nr. 10. Bergen, 1904.

1888 "Islandske Annaler" indtil 1578. Udg. f. d. "Norske hist. Kildeskriftfond" ved Gustav Storm. Christiania, 1888.

1891 JACOB (Georg): Welche Handelsartikel bezogen die Araber des Mittelalters aus den nordisch-baltischen Ländern? 2. Ausg. Berlin, 1891.

1891a JACOB (G.): Die Waaren beim arabisch-nordischen Verkehr im Mittelalter. Berlin, 1891.

1892 JACOB (G.): Studien in arabischen Geographen. IV. Berlin, 1892.

1896 JACOB (G.): Ein arabischer Berichterstatter aus dem 10. Jahrhundert etc. Artikel aus Qazwînîs Athâr al-bilâd. 3. verm. u. verb. Aufl. Berlin, 1896.

1866 JACUT'S Geographisches Wörterbuch. Hgb. v. F. Wüstenfeld. Leipzig, 1866.

1898 1902 JAKOBSEN (Jakob): Færöiske Folkesagn og Æventyr. Copenhagen, 1898-1902.

1901 JAKOBSEN (J.): Shetlandsöernes stednavne. "Aarb. f. nord. Oldk. o. s. v." 1901.

1900 JANTZEN (Hermann): Saxo Grammaticus. Die ersten neun Bücher der dänischen Geschichte, uebersetzt und erläutert. Berlin, 1900.

1892-96 JÓNSSON (Finnur), see "Hauks bôk."

1893 JÓNSSON (F.): En kort Udsigt over den Islandsk-Grönlandske Kolonis Historie. "Nord. Tidsskrift." Stockholm, 1893.

1894 JÓNSSON (F.): Den oldnorske og oldislandske Litteraturs Historie. I, 1894; II 1. 1898; II 2, 1901. Copenhagen. 1901

1897 JÓNSSON (F.): Sigurdarkvida en Skamma. "Aarb. f. Nord. Oldk." o. s. v. 2 R., XII. Copenhagen, 1897.

1899 JÓNSSON (F.): Grönlands gamle Topografi efter Kilderne. "Medd. om Grönland," XX. Copenhagen, 1899.

1900 JÓNSSON (F.): Landnámabók. Copenhagen, 1900.

1882 JORDANIS Romana et Getica, rec. Th. Mommsen, "Monumenta Germaniae Historica." Berolini, 1882.

1884 JORDANES Gothengeschichte. Übers. v. Wilhelm Martens. I. W. Wattenbach: "Die Geschichtschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit. 6. Jahr." I. Leipzig, 1884.

1879 JOYCE (P. W.): Old Celtic Romances. London, 1879.

1903 KÄHLER (Friedrich): Forschungen zu Pytheas' Nordlandsreisen. Stadtgymnasium zu Halle a. S. Festschrift z. Begrüss. d. 47 Vers. Deutscher Philologen u. Schulmänner im Halle. 1903.

1839 1868 KEYSER (R.): Om Nordmændenes Herkomst og Folkeslægtskab, "Samlinger til det norske Folks Sprog og Historie," VI, 1839. Reprinted in "Samlede Afhandlinger." Christiania, 1868.

1865 KHORDÂDHBEH (Ibn): Le Livre des Routes et des Provinces. Trad. par C. BARBIER DE MEYNARD. Paris, 1865.

1889 KHORDÂDHBEH (Ibn): Kitâb al-Masâlik wa'l-mamâlik, auctore Abn'l-Kâsim ... Ibn Khordâdhbeh, etc. "Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum," ed. M. J. de Goeje, VI. Lugduni-Batavorum, 1889.

1883 KOCH (John): Die Siebenschläferlegende, ihr Ursprung und ihre Verbreitung. Leipzig, 1883.

1869 KOHL (J. G.): Die erste Deutsche Entdeckungsfahrt zum Nordpol. "Peterm. geogr. Mitt.," 1869.

1880 KOHL (J. G.): Documentary History of the Discovery of the State of Maine. "Maine Historical Soc. Collections." Portland, 1880.

1908 KOHLMANN (Phipp Wilhelm): Adam von Bremen. "Leipzigs Historische Abhandlungen." X. Leipzig, 1908.

1908 KOHT (Halvdan): Om Haalogaland og Haalöyg-Ætten. "Hist. Tidsskrift," 4. R. VI. Christiania, 1908.

1909 KOHT (H.): Sagnet om Hvítramannaland. "Hist. Tidsskrift," 4. R. VI. Christiania, 1909.

1909 KRABBO (Hermann): Nordeuropa in der Vorstellung Adams von Bremen. "Hansische Geschichtsblätter." Heft. 1. Leipzig, 1909.

1891 KRETSCHMER (Konrad): Marino Sanudo der Ältere und die Karten des Petrus Vesconte. "Zeitschr. d. Gesellsch. f. Erdkunde z. Berlin." XXVI. 1891.

1891a KRETSCHMER (K.): Eine neue mittelalterliche Weltkarte der vatikanischen Bibliothek. "Zeitschr. d. Gesellsc. f. Erdkunde z. Berlin," XXVI. 1891.

1892 KRETSCHMER (K.): Die Entdeckung Amerika's in ihre Bedeutung für die Geschichte des Weltbildes. "Festschr. d. Gesellsch. f. Erdkunde z. Berlin." 1892.

1897 KRETSCHMER (K.): Die Katalanische Weltkarte der Biblioteca Estense zu Modena. "Zeitschr. d. Gesellsch. f. Erdkunde z. Berlin," XXXII. 1897.

1909 KRETSCHMER (K.): Die italienischen Portolane des Mittelalters. Veröff. d. Instituts f. Meereskunde u. d. geogr. Instituts a. d. Universität Berlin, XIII. 1909.

1859 KUNSTMANN (Fr.): Die Entdeckung Amerikas nach den ältesten Quellen geschichtlich dargestellt. "Monum. saec. Kgl. Bayerischen Akad. d. Wissensch." München, 1859.

1894 LAFFLER (L. Fr.): Om de Östskandinaviska Folknamnen hos Jordanes. "Bidrag till Kännedom om de Svenska Landsmålen ock Svensk Folklif," XIII, No. 9. Stockholm, 1894.

1907 LÄFFLER (L. Fr.): Anmärkningar till professor Sophus Bugges uppsats "Om nordiske Folkenavne hos Jordanes." "Fornvännen," 1907. Stockholm.

1870 "LAGENIENSIS": Irish Folk Lore. Glasgow, 1870.

1881 LAMPROS (S. P.): Cananos Lascaris and Basileios Batatzes, two Greek travellers of the 14th and 15th centuries. "Parnassos," V. Athens, 1881. (In Greek.)

1888 LANCARBANENSI (Caradoco): Vita Gildae, in "Monumenta Germaniae Historica," 4to. "Auctores antiguissimi," XIII, III: Chronica Minora, Sæc. IV, V, VI, VII, ed. Th. Mommsen. Berolini, 1888.

1900 "Landnámabók" utg. av det kgl. nordiske Oldskrift-Selskab, ved Finnur Jónsson. Copenhagen, 1900.

1838 LAPPENBERG (I. M.): Von den Quellen, Handschriften und Bearbeitungen des Adam von Bremen. "Archiv. der Gesellsch. f. ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde." VI. Hannover, 1838.

1876 LAPPENBERG, see Adam of Bremen.

1767 LEEM (Knud): Beskrivelse over Finmarkens Lapper. Copenhagen, 1767.

1852 LELEWEL (Joachim): Géographie du Moyen Âge. Breslau, 1852. Atlas, 1851.

1814 LETRONNE (A.): Recherches Géographiques et Critiques sur le livre de Mensura Orbis Terræ, etc. par Dicuil. Paris, 1814.

1872 LIEBRECHT (Felix): Sanct Brandan. Ein lateinischer und drei deutsche Texte. Herausg. von Schröder. "The Academy," III, 1872.

1689 LILLIENSKIOLD (Hans Hansen): Speculum boreale, 1689. MS. (No. 948-949) in the Thott Collection in the Royal Library at Copenhagen. Copy in the collections of the Norwegian Historical MSS. Commission.

1897 LÖNBORG (Sven Erik): Adam af Bremen och hans skildring af Nordeuropas Länder och Folk. Akad. Afh. Upsala, 1897.

1861 MAÇOUDI: Les Prairies d'or. Par C. Barbier de Meynard et Pavet de Courteille. "Coll d'ouvr. orient. Soc. Asiatique." Paris, 1861.

1896 MAÇOUDI: Le livre de l'avertissement et de la revision. Par Carra de Vaux. "Coll. d'ouvr. orient. Soc. Asiatique." Paris, 1896.

1883 MANDEVILLE (John): The Voiage and Travaile of Sir John Maundevile. Ed. by J. O. Halliwell. London, 1883.

1893 MARKHAM (Clements R.): Pytheas, the Discoverer of Britain. "Geogr. Journal," I. London, 1893.

1893 MARKHAM (C. R.): The Journal of Christopher Columbus and Documents relating to the Voyages of John Cabot and Gaspar Corte Real. The Hakluyt Society, LXXXVI. London, 1893.

1897 MARKHAM (C. R.): Fourth Centenary of the Voyage of John Cabot 1497. "Geogr. Journal," IX. London, 1897.

1895 MARX (Friedrich): Aviens ora Maritima. "Rheinisches Museum für Philologie," N. F. L. Frankfurt, 1895.

1901 1902 MATTHIAS (Franz): Über Pytheas von Massilia und die ältesten Nachrichten von den Germanen. Wissensch. Beilage z. "Jahresbericht des Königl. Luisengymnasiums zu Berlin." Programm No. 62, 1901: Programm No. 64, 1902. Berlin.

1855 MAURER (Konrad): Die Bekehrung des Norwegischen Stammes zum Christenthume. München, 1855.

1874 MAURER (K.): I. Grönland im Mittelalter. II. Grönlands Wiederentdeckung. "Die zweite Deutsche Nordpolarfahrt," 1869-1870. I. Leipzig, 1874.

1874a MAURER (K.): Island von seiner ersten Entdeckung etc. München, 1874.

1857 MEHREN (A. F.): Fremstilling af de Islamitiske Folks almindelige geographiske Kundskaber, o. s. v. "Ann. f. nord. Oldk. o. Hist." Copenhagen, 1857.

1874 MEHREN (A. F.): Manuel de la Cosmographie du Moyen Âge. Copenhague, 1874.

1902 MEISSNER (R.): Die Strengleikar. Halle a. S., 1902.

1822 MELA (Pomponius): Jordbeskrivelse. Ovs. a. J. H. Bredsdorff. Copenhagen, 1822.

1895 METELKA (J.): O neznámêm dosud vydáni mapy Islandu Olaa Magna zr. 1548. "Sitzungsber. d. kgl. böhmischen Gesellsch. d. Wissensch., Cl. f. Philos., Gesch. u. Philol." Jahrg. 1895. Prag, 1896.

1895-97 MEYER (Kuno) and NUTT (Alfred): The Voyage of Bran son of Febal to the Land of the Living. I, 1895; II, 1897. London.

1853 MICHELSEN (A. L. J.): Die Hausmarke. Jena, 1853.

1895-98 MILLER (Konrad): Mappe mundi. Die ältesten Weltkarten, I-III, 1895; IV-V, 1896; VI, 1898. Stuttgart.

1892 MOGK (E.): Die Entdeckung Amerikas durch die Nordgermanen. "Mitt. d. Vereins f. Erdkunde z. Leipzig." 1892.

1882 MOMMSEN (Th.), see JORDANES

1895 MOMMSEN (Th.), see SOLINUS.

1893 MUCH (Rudolf): Goten und Ingvaeonen. "Beitr. z. Gesch. d. Deutschen Spr. u Lit." XVII. Halle, 1893.

1895 MUCH (R.): Germanische Völkernamen. "Zeitsch. f. Deutsches Altertum," XXXIX. Berlin, 1895.

1895a MUCH (R.): "Alokiai Beitr. z. Gesch. d. Deutschen Spr. u. Lit.," XX. Halle, 1895.

1905 MUCH (R.): Deutsche Stammeskunde. "Sammlung Göschen." Leipzig, 1905.

1870-1900 MÜLLENHOFF (Karl): Deutsche Altertumskunde. I, 1870; II, 1887; III, 1892; IV, 1900. Berlin.

1889 MÜLLENHOFF (K.): Beovulf. Berlin, 1889.

1892 MÜLLENHOFF (K.): and SCHERER (W.): Denkmäler Deutscher Poesie und Prosa. 3. Ausg. Berlin, 1892.

1909 MÜLLER (Sophus): De forhistoriske Tider i Europa. "Verdens Kulturen" ved Aage Friis, II. Copenhagen, 1909.

1851 MUNCH (P. A.): Det norske Folks Historie. Christiania, 1851.

1852 MUNCH (P. A.): Geographiske Oplysninger om de i Sagaerne forekommende skotske og irske Stedsnavne. "Ann. f. Nord. Oldk. o. Hist." Copenhagen 1852.

1860 MUNCH (P. A.): Chronica Regum Manniæ ed. Christiania, 1860.

1895 MURRAY (John): A Summary of the Scientific Results, etc. Historical Introduction. "Challenger's Report," Summary, I. London, 1895.

1890 NANSEN (Fridtjof): På ski over Grönland, Christiania, 1890. (Engl. transl.) "The First Crossing of Greenland," London, 1890.

1891 NANSEN (F.): Eskimoliv. Christiania, 1891. (Engl. transl., "Eskimo Life," London, 1893.)

1905 NIELSEN (Yngvar): Nordmænd og Skrælinger i Vinland. "Hist. Tidsskrift," 4. R. III: and in "Norsk geogr. Selsk. Årbog." 1905.

1892 NIESE (B.): Entwickelung der Homerischen Poesie. Berlin, 1882.

1837 NILSSON (Sven): Några Commentarier till Pytheas' fragmenter om Thule. "Physiographiska Sällskapets Tidsskrift," I, 1837. Lund, 1837-1838.

1838 NILSSON (S.): Einige Bemerkungen zu Pytheas Nachrichten über Thule (from Swedish). "Zeitschr. Alterthumwiss." 1838.

1862 1865 NILSSON (S.): Skandinaviske Nordens Ur-Invånare. Bronsålderen. 2. utg. Stockholm, 1862. Tillägg, 1865. In German translation: "Die Ureinwohner des scandinavischen Nordens." Das Bronzealter. 2. Ausg. Hamburg, 1866.

1815 NOEL (S. B. J.): Histoire Generale des Pêches Anciennes et Modernes. Paris, 1815.

1889 NORDENSKIÖLD (A. E.): Facsimile Atlas. Stockholm, 1889.

1892 NORDENSKIÖLD (A. E.): Bidrag til Nordens äldsta Kartografi. Utg. af "Svenska Sällsk. f. Antr. o. Geogr." Stockholm, 1892.

1897 NORDENSKIÖLD (A. E.): Periplus. Stockholm, 1897.

1899 NYSTRÖM (J. F.): Geografiens och de Geografiska Upptäckternas Historia, till Början af 1800-Talet. Stockholm, 1899.

1905 OLSEN (Magnus): Det gamle norske önavn Njarðarlog. "Forh. i Vid. Selsk." Christiania, 1905.

1909 OLSEN (M.): Peder Claussön om Sjöfinnernes Sprog. "Maal og Minne." Christiania, 1909.

ONGANIA, see TH. FISCHER.

1878 PAULUS WARNEFRIDI: Historia Langobardorum. Ed. L. Bethmann et G. Waitz. Script. Rer. Langob. et Italic. Saec. VI-IX. "Monumenta Germaniae Historica." Hannover, 1878.

1878 PESCHEL (Johannes): Das Märchen vom Schlaraffenlande. "Beitr. z. Gesch. d. Deutschen Spr. u. Lit.," V. Halle, 1878.

1866 PLINII (C.) Secundi: Naturalis Historia. Rec. D. Detlefsen. Berolini, 1866.

1881 PLINIUS: Die Naturgeschichte des Cajus Plinius Secundus. Übs. v. G. C. Wittstein. Leipzig, 1881.

1893 PLUTARCH: Moralia, ed. BERNARDABIS. V. Leipzig, 1893.

1753 PONTOPPIDAN (Erich): Det förste Forsög paa Norges Naturlige Historie. Copenhagen, 1753.

1800 PORTHAN (H. G.), see King ALFRED.

1829 PROCOPIUS: Des Prokopius von Cäsarea Geschichte seiner Zeit; III og IV, Gothische Denkwürdigkeiten. Ubers. von P. F. Kanngiesser. Greifswald, 1829 og 1831.

1905 PROCOPIUS: Procopii Caesariensis opera omnia. Recognovit Jacobus Haury, Leipzig, 1905.

1838 PTOLEMAEUS (Claudius): Claudii Ptolemæi Geographiæ libri octo. Ed. F. G. Wilberg. Essendiæ, 1838.

1907 PULLÈ (F. L.) and LONGHENA (M.): Illustrazione del Mappamondo Catalano della Biblioteca Estense di Modena. "VI Congresso Geografico Itaniano, Venezia, 1907." Venezia, 1908.

1848 QAZWÎNÎ: Zakarija b. Muhammed b. Mahmud el-Caswini's Kosmographie. Hgb. von F. Wüstenfeld. Göttingen, 1848.

1893 QVIGSTAD (J. K.): Nordische Lehnwörter in Lappischen. "Forhandl. i Vid. Selsk." Christiania, 1893.

1909 QVIGSTAD (J. K.): Peder Claussön om Sjöfinnernes Sprog. "Maal og Minne." Christiania, 1909.

1837 RAFN (C. Chr.): Antiquitates Americanae. Copenhagen, 1837.

1900 RANISCH (Wilhelm): Die Gautreksaga. "Palaestra," XI. Berlin, 1900.

1815 RASK (R.), see King ALFRED.

1860 RAVENNA GEOGRAPHER: Ravennatis Anonymi Cosmographia et Guidonis Geographican. Ed. M. Pinder et G. Parthey. Berolini, 1860.

1908 RAVENSTEIN (E. G.): Martin Behaim, his Life and his Globe. London, 1908.

1895 REEVES (Arthur Middleton): The Finding of Wineland the Good. London, 1895.

1892 REINACH (Salomon): L'étain celtique. "L'Anthropologie," III. Paris, 1892.

1852-57 RINK (H.): Grönland, geografisk og statistisk beskrevet. Copenhagen, 1852-57.

1866 RINK (H.): Eskimoiske Eventyr og Sagn. Copenhagen, 1866.

1871 RINK (H.): Om Eskimoernes Herkomst. "Aarb. f. nord. Oldk. o. Hist." Copenhagen, 1871.

1885 RINK (H.): Om de eskimoiske Dialekter som Bidrag til Bedömmelsen af Spörgamaalet om Eskimoernes Herkomst og Vandringer. "Aarb. f. nord. Oldk. o. Hist." Copenhagen, 1885.

RINK (H.): The Eskimo Dialects as serving to determine the Relationship between the Eskimo Tribes. Anthrop. Inst. of Great Britain and Ireland, XV.

1887 1891 RINK (H.): The Eskimo Tribes. "Medd. om Grönland," XI. Copenhagen, 1887; and "Supplement" to XI. 1891.

1900 ROHDE (Erwin): Der Griechische Roman und seine Vorläufer. 2. Aufl. Leipzig, 1900.

1892 RUGE (Sophus): Die Entdeckungs-Geschichte der Neuen Welt. "Festschrift der Hamburgischen Amerika-Feier," I. Hamburg, 1892.

1892 RUGE (S.): Die Entwickelung der Kartographie von Amerika bis 1570. "Peterm. geogr. Mitt." Erg. heft No. 106. Gotha, 1892.

1886 1790 RYDBERG (Viktor): Undersökningar i Germanisk Mythologi. Stockholm, 1886. "Rymbegla" sive rudimentum compasti ecclesiatici veterum islandorum. Ed. Stephanus Biörnonis. Havniæ, 1780.

1853 SAN-MARTHE: Die Sagen von Merlin. Halle, 1853.

1877 SARS (J. Ernst): Udsigt over den norske Historie. Christiania, I-IV, 1877 (2. utg.)--1891.

SAXO GRAMMATICUS, see HERRMANN and JANTZEN.

1873 SCHIERN (Frederik): Om Oprindelsen til Sagnet om de guldgravende Myrer. Ovs. over det Kgl. Danske Vid.-Selsk. Forh. Copenhagen, 1873.

1888 SCHIRMER (Gustav): Zur Brendanus-Legende. Habilitationsschrift. Leipzig, 1888.

1881 SCHLIEMANN (H.): Ilion. Leipzig, 1881.

1851 SCHOOLCRAFT (Henry R.): Historical and Statistical Information respecting the History, Condition and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States. Philadelphia, 1851.

1901 SCHRADER (O.): Reallexikon der Indogermanischen Altertumskunde. Strassburg, 1901.

1871 SCHRÖDER (Carl): Sanct Brandan. Erlangen, 1871.

1890 SCHUCHHARDT: Schliemanns Ausgrabungen im Lichte der heutigen Wissenschaft. Leipzig, 1890.

1904 SCHULTZ-LORENTZEN: Eskimoernes Indvandring i Grönland. "Medd. om Grönland," XXVI. Copenhagen, 1904.

1898 SCHWEIGER-LERCHENFELD (A. v.): Der Bernstein als Handelsartikel bei den Alten. "Oesterr. Monatschrift für den Orient." Wien, 1898, No. 12, Anhang.

1884 SCHWERIN (H. H. von): Herodots framställning af Europas Geografi. Lund, 1884.

1905 SCHWERIN (H. H. von): De Geografiska Upptäckternas Historia. Forntiden och Medeltiden. Stockholm, 1905.

1908 SCISCO (L. D.): The Tradition of Hvittramanna-land. "American Historical Magazine," III. 1908.

1896 SEIPPEL (Alexander): Rerum Normannicarum fontes Arabici. Fasc. I. Christiania, 1896. (In Arabic.)

1886 SERBILLOT (Paul): Légendes, croyances et superstitions de la Mer. Paris, 1886.

1908-09 SIRET (Louis): Les Cassitérides et l'empire Colonial des Phéniciens. "L'Anthropologie," XIX, 1908; XX, no. 2-4. Paris, 1909.

1899 SNORRE STURLASON: Kongesagaer oversat av G. Storm. Christiania, 1899.

1909 1910 SOLBERG (O.): Die Wohnplätze auf der Kjelminsel in Süd-Waranger. "Vid. Selsk. Skr.," II, 1909, No. 7. Christiania, 1910.

1907 SOLBERG (O.): Beiträge zur Vorgeschichte der Ost-Eskimo. "Vid. Selsk. Skr.," II, No. 2. Christiania, 1907.

1895 SOLINI (C. Julii): Collectanea rerum memorabilium, ed. Th. Mommsen. Berolini, 1895.

1905 STEENSBY (H. P.): Om Eskimokulturens Oprindelse. Copenhagen, 1905.

1889 STEENSTRUP (Japetus): Nogle Bemerkninger om Ottar's Beretning til Kong Alfred om Hvalros- og Hvalfangst i Nordhavet på hans Tid. "Hist. Tidsskr.," 6. R. II. Copenhagen, 1889.

1876 STEENSTRUP (Johannes C. H. R.): Normannerne, I. Copenhagen, 1876.

1899 STEENSTRUP (K. I. V.): Om Österbygden. "Medd. om Grönland," IX. Copenhagen, 1899.

1880 STORM (Gustav): "Monumenta Historica Norvegiæ." Latinske Kildeskrifter til Norges Historie i Middelalderen, udgivne ved G. Storm. Christiania, 1880.

1881 STORM (G.): see Peder Claussön FRIIS.

1886 STORM (G.): Om Betydningen av "Eyktarstadr" i Flatöbogens Beretning om Vinlandsreiserne. "Arkiv. f. Nord. Filologi," III. Christiania, 1886.

1887 STORM (G.): Studier over Vinlandsreiserne, Vinlands Geografi og Ethnografi. Reprinted from "Aarb. for Nord. Oldk. o. Hist." 1887. Copenhagen, 1888.

1888 1889 STORM (G.): Studies on the Vineland Voyages. Extracts from "Mém. d. l. Soc. Royale d. Antiquaires du Nord," 1888. Copenhagen, 1889.

1888 STORM (G.): see "Islandske Annaler."

1888 STORM (G.): Om Kilderne til Lyschanders "Gröndlandske Cronica." "Aarb. for Nord. Oldk. o. Hist." Copenhagen, 1888.

1888a STORM (G.): Om det i 1285 fra Island fundne "Nye Land." "Hist. Tidsskr." 2. R. VI. Christiania, 1888.

1889 1891 STORM (G.): Den danske Geograf Claudius Clavus eller Nicolaus Niger. "Ymer." Stockholm, 1889, 1891.

1890 STORM (G.): Ginnungagap. "Arkiv f. Nord. Filologi," VI. (N. F. II). Lund, 1890.

1890a STORM (G.): Om Biskop Gisle Oddsöns Annaler. "Arkiv f. Nord. Filologi," VI. (N. F. II). Lund. 1890.

1891 STORM (G.): see Eiriks Saga Rauða.

1892 STORM (G.): Nye Efterretninger om det gamle Gröland. "Hist. Tidsskr.," 3. R. II. Christiania, 1892.

1893 STORM (G.): Columbus på Island og vore Forfædres Opdagelser i det nordvestlige Atlanterhav. "Norske geogr. Selsk. Aarbog," IV. Christiania, 1893.

1894 STORM (G.): Om opdagelsen av "Nordkap" og veien til "det Hvite Hav." "Norske geogr. Selsk. Aarbog." V. Christiania, 1893-94.

1895 STORM (G.): Utg. av Historisk-topografiske Skrifter om Norges og norske Landsdele forfattede i Norge i det 16de Aarhundrede. Christiania, 1895.

1899 STORM (G.): Et brev til pave Nicolaus den 5te om Norges beliggenhet og undre. "Norske geogr. Selsk. Aarbog," X. Christiania, 1899.

1899a STORM (G.): Erik den Rödes Saga eller Sagaen om Vinland, oversat. Christiania, 1899.

1899 STORM (G.): see SNORRE STURLASON.

1856 STRABO'S Erdbeschreibung, übs. v. A. Forbiger. Stuttgart, 1856-58.

1877 STRABONIS Geographica. Recogn. Aug. Meineke. Leipzig, 1877.

1776 STRÖM (G.): Beskrivelse over Söndmör. Soröe, 1776.

1910 SYDOW (C. W. von): Tors Färd till Utgård. "Danske Studier," 1910.

1870 TACITI (C. Cornelii): Agricola. Ovs. a. H. W. Ottesen. Christiania, 1870

1881 TACITI (Cornelii): Germania. Erb. v. A. Baumstark. Leipzig, 1881.

1873 TACITUS (Cornelius): Germania Antiqva, etc. Ed. Karolus Muellenhoffivs. Berolini, 1873.

1873 TACITUS (C.): Die Germania des Tacitus. Übs. v. Anton Baumstark. Freiburg in Br., 1876.

1892 TARDUCCI (Francesco): Di Giovanni e Sebastiano Caboto. "R. Deputazione Veneta di Storia Patria." Venezia, 1892.

1894 TARDUCCI (F.): H. Harrisse e la Fama di Sebastiano Caboto. "Revista Storica Italiana," XI. fasc. IV. Torino, 1894.

1904 THALBITZER (William): A phonetical study of the Eskimo Language. "Medd. om Grönland," XXXI. Copenhagen, 1904.

1905 THALBITZER (W.): Skrælingerne i Markland og Grönland, deres Sprog og Nationalitet. "Overs. over Kgl. Danske Vid. Selsk. Forh.," No. 2. Copenhagen, 1905.

1908-10 THALBITZER (W.): Bidrag til Eskimoernes Fortidshistorie. "Geogr. Tidsskrift," XIX, 1908; XX, 1909-1910. Copenhagen.

1822 THEOPHRASTUS: Historia Plantarum. German transl. Naturgeschichte der Gewächse, ed. R. Sprengel. Altona, 1822.

1882 THOMSEN (Vilhelm): Ryska Rikets Grundläggning genom Skandinaverna. Ofvers. ved Sven Söderberg. "Ur Vår Tids Forskning," XXX. Stockholm, 1882.

1897 THORODDSEN (Th.): Geschichte der Isländischen Geographie, I, 1897; II, 1898. Leipzig.

1889 TOMASCHEK (Wilhelm): Kritik der ältesten Nachrichten über den skythischen Norden. "Sitzungsber. d. Philos.-Hist. Cl. d. R. Akad. d. Wiss." Wien, CLXX, 1889.

1843 THUE (H. J.): Om Pytheas fra Marseille og hans Reiser til det nordlige Europa. "Nor," II. Christiania, 1843.

1908 VANGENSTEN (Ove C. L.): Michel Beheims Reise til Danmark og Norge i 1450. "Vid.-Selsk. Skr.," 1908, II, No. 2. Christiania.

1910 VANGENSTEN (Ove C. L.): Middelalderens Norges-Karter. "Norske Geogr. Selsk. Aarb.," 1910. Christiania.

1898 VAUX (Carra de): L'Abrégé des Merveilles, traduit de l'Arabe. Paris, 1898.

1856 VIGFÚSSON (Gudbrand): Safn til sǫgn Islands og Islenzkra Bókmenta að fornu og nýju. Copenhagen, 1856.

1878 VIGFÚSSON (G.): Sturlunga saga. Oxford, 1878.

1844 WACKERNAGEL (Wilh.): Geographie des Mittelalters. "Zeitschr. f. Deutsches Alterthum," IV. Leipzig, 1844.

1902 WALKENDORF (Erik): Finmarkens Beskrivelse. Utg. av K. H. Karlsson og Gustav Storm. "Norske Geogr. Selsk. Aarb.," XII, 1900-1901. Christiania, 1902.

1833 WELCHER (F.G.): Die Homerischen Phäaken und die Inseln der Seligen. "Rhenisches Museum für Philologie," I. Bonn, 1833.

1789 WIELAND (C. M.): Lucians von Samosata Sämtliche Werke, IV, Wahre Geschichte. Leipzig, 1789.

1895 WIKLUND (K. B.): Om kvänerna och deras nationalitet. "Arkiv f. nord. Filologi," XII. Lund, 1895.

1854 WUTTKE (H.): Cosmographia Aethici Istrici. Leipzig, 1854.

1837 ZEUSS (Kaspar): Die Deutschen und die Nachbarstämme. München, 1837.

1889 ZIMMER (Heinrich): Keltische Beiträge. "Zeitschr. f. Deutsches Alterthum," XXXIII. Berlin, 1889.

1891 ZIMMER (H.): Über die frühesten Berührung der Iren mit den Nordgermanen. "Sitzüngsber. der Berliner Akademie," 1891.

1893 ZIMMER (H.): Nennius Vindicatus. Über Entstehung, Geschichte und Quellen der Historia Brittonum. Berlin, 1893.

1909 ZIMMER (H.): Über direkte Handelsverbindungen Westgalliens mit Irland im Altertum und frühen Mittelalter. "Sitzüngsber. d. Kgl. Preussischen Akad. d. Wissenschaften." Berlin, 1909.

INDEX

Aasen, I., i. 352; ii. 9

Abalus, Island of, i. 70, 71, 72, 73, 118, 365

Ablabius, i. 129, 142, 144, 155

Abû Hâmid, ii. 145, 146

Abyss, at the edge of the world, i. 12, 84, 157-9, 195, 199; ii. 150, 154, 240

Adam of Bremen, i. 21, 59, 84, 112, 135, 159, 179, 182, 183, 184-202, 204, 206, 229, 252, 258, 303, 312, 353, 362, 363, 365, 367, 382-4;