Book iv. C. 16.

[11] Gregory, 102; Fabyan, 565.

[12] _Rot. Pat., 1 Henry IV._, Part iv. m. 7; Add. MS. 15,664, f. 15.

[13] _Rot. Pat., 1 Henry IV._, Part viii. m. 1.

[14] _Ibid._, Part v. m. 24.

[15] _Lord Treasurer's Remembrancers_, Roll xi. m. 12, printed in Wylie, iv. 219.

[16] _Chron. Henry IV._, 7, 8; _Annales Henrici Quarti_, 323-330; _Lond. Chron._, 86; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 243-245; Higden, f. 150vo; _Chronique des Pays Bas_, 316-325.

[17] _Rot. Pat., 2 Henry IV._, Part ii. m. 22.

[18] See _Cal. Rot. Pat._, 245-249, 251, 256; _Rot. Parl._, iii. 670.

[19] _Queen's Remem. Ward. Acct._, printed in Wylie, iv. 205; Devon, _Issue Roll_, 294.

[20] Waurin, ii. 61.

[21] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 258; Gregory, 103; Elmham, _Vita_, 7.

[22] Beltz, p. clv. Humphrey's name occurs as a creation of Henry IV. in the list in Ashmole, _Order of the Garter_, 506.

[23] Anstis, _Order of the Garter_, i. 14.

[24] Beltz, p. clv.

[25] _Ibid._

[26] Rymer, IV. i. 76.

[27] _Ibid._, IV. i. 106; cf. _Chron. Henry IV._, 49.

[28] Capgrave, _Chron. of Eng._, 292; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 274; _Chron. Henry IV._, 49.

[29] Leland, _Collectanea_, vi. 300, 301.

[30] _Duc. Lanc. Accounts (Various)_, Bundle iv. No. 1.

[31] _Ibid._; _Receiver Gen. Rec._, 1 _Henry IV._ Holkham MS., p. 7, says that Humphrey was 'instructed in the fundamentals of good literature' by Sir Lewis Clifford, but there is no known authority for this statement.

[32] Bale (1559 edition), 583. He does not mention it in his 1548 edition, which seems to imply that he was using some newly acquired authority, though of course implicit confidence cannot be placed in the statement. Leland, _Commentarii_, 422, follows Bale's later statements.

[33] Rymer, iv. ii. 14, 15.

[34] Waurin, ii. 162.

[35] May 7, 1413. _Rot. Pat._, 1 _Henry V._, Part iii. m. 44.

[36] Such at least were the duties of the Chamberlain under Edward IV.; _Ordinances of the Household_, 29.

[37] _Rot. Pat._, 1 _Henry V._, Part v. m. 8.

[38] _Ibid._, Part iv. m. 4.

[39] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 297.

[40] _Rot. Pat._, 6 _Henry IV._, Part i. m. 25.

[41] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 17, 443.

[42] _Ibid._, iv. 270.

[43] _Ibid._, iv. 17.

[44] _Ibid._, iv. 24.

[45] Basin, i. 5, 6; St. Rémy also hints this.

[46] The original MS. of this treaty is preserved at Dijon. See De Beaucourt, i. 132, 133.

[47] Des Ursins, 502.

[48] Rymer, IV. i. 77, 79, 80; Des Ursins, 500.

[49] Des Ursins, 500.

[50] See St. Rémy, 586.

[51] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 305; St. Rémy, 387, 388; St. Denys, v. 499.

[52] _Ordinances_, ii. 153.

[53] _Memorials of London_, 604, 605, document printed from the City of London Letter Book, i. f. cl. London lent Henry 10,000 marks, Rymer, IV. ii. 141.

[54] Capgrave, _De Illustribus Henricis_, 114; Lydgate's poem printed in _Lond. Chron._, Appendix, p. 216.

[55] Monstrelet, 361, 362; St. Denys, v. 501.

[56] An earlier embassy to France had reported that the French were behaving treacherously (Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 301), whilst these French envoys reported on their return that Henry had never meant to come to terms (St. Denys, v. 531-533). Such distrust of each other's intentions made an agreement impossible.

[57] Monstrelet, 363; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 305; St. Denys, v. 513-525; St. Rémy, 387, 388; Redmayne, 32-37.

[58] Holkham MS., p. 13, ascribes the discovery of the conspiracy to the 'prudence and careful circumspection' of Gloucester.

[59] Edmund, Earl of March, was the grandson of Philippa, daughter of Lionel, Duke of Clarence, third son of Edward III., and so had a claim to the throne of England as a descendant of that King by an elder line than Henry V., who claimed through John of Gaunt, the younger brother of Lionel, Duke of Clarence.

[60] St. Rémy. 389.

[61] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 306, 307.

[62] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 65; Stowe, 346, 347.

[63] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 66. Probably the Duke of York was made to serve in order to minimise the dynastic aspect of the plot.

[64] _Eng. Chron._, 40. See also Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 305-307; Redmayne, 41. Certain hitherto unused matter with regard to this conspiracy is to be found in the Deputy Keeper's Forty-third Report, 579-594.

[65] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 64.

[66] _Gesta_, 13; Hardyng's _Journal_, 389; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 307. Cotton MS., Claudius, A. VIII. f. 2, says there were only three hundred and twenty sail.

[67] Elmham, _Vita_, 35.

[68] For discussion of probable number of army, see Ramsay, i. 200, and Kingsford, 137, note.

[69] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 320.

[70] _Ordinances_, iii. 9.

[71] Hunter's _Tracts_, i. 21, 22.

[72] Printed in Nicholas's _Agincourt_, 373.

[73] _Ordinances_, v. 26.

[74] Hunter's _Tracts_, i. 21, 22.

[75] Nicholas's _Agincourt_, 333-336.

[76] Hunter's _Tracts_, i. 22.

[77] _Gesta_, 13; Elmham, _Vita_, 36, 37.

[78] Elmham, _Vita_, 40.

[79] _Gesta_, 15; Hardyng's _Journal_, 389.

[80] So at least says St. Denys, v. 535.

[81] Elmham, _Vita_, 37-39; _Gesta_, 15; Livius, 8; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 307; Hardyng's _Journal_, 389.

[82] _Gesta_, 15, 19; Hardyng's _Journal_, 389; Elmham, _Vita_, 38, 39; St. Denys, v. 537; Delpit, _Doc. Fr._, 217, No. CCCXXIX.

[83] Livius, 8.

[84] _Gesta_, 16, 17.

[85] Elmham, _Vita_, 38-41; _Gesta_, 20; Livius, 9; Hardyng's _Journal_, 389.

[86] Elmham, _Vita_, 42; Livius, 10.

[87] Elmham, _Vita_, 42. Livius, 9, says that Gloucester was given control over the whole siege. He is followed by Stow, 348. This, however, is very improbable.

[88] Elmham, _Vita_, 42.

[89] Hardyng's _Journal_, 389; Elmham, _Vita_, 43.

[90] St. Denys, v. 537; _Gesta_, 21.

[91] _Gesta_, 22, 24, 25; Hardyng's _Journal_, 389; Livius, 10; Waurin, ii 184.

[92] _Gesta_, 26.

[93] _Epist. Acad._, 237. For a short account of Ægidius de Columna (Romanus), who lived from 1296 to 1316, see W. Cave, _Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Historia Literaria_ (Oxford, 1743), ii. 340.

[94] Cambridge University Library MS., Ee. 2. 17.

[95] _Gesta_, 23, 24.

[96] _Ibid._, 27.

[97] _Ibid._, 28.

[98] _Gesta_, 29-32; Elmham, _Vita_, 46, 47; Hardyng's _Journal_, 390; Delpit, _Doc. Fr._, 217, No. CCCXXIX.

[99] St. Denys, v. 542.

[100] St. Rémy, 391. The two castles at the mouth of the harbour held out for two more days; Waurin, ii. 187.

[101] 'Le souverain port de toute Northmandie, et le plus prouffitable pour leur guerre mener en ce quartier'; Waurin, ii. 184.

[102] Monstrelet, 367. Elmham, _Vita_, 44, denies the scarcity of provisions.

[103] _Gesta_, 26, 27, 31.

[104] Waurin, ii. 187; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 309. The Earls of March and Arundel and the Earl Marshal also returned home.

[105] Delpit, _Doc. Fr._, 217, No. CCCXXIX.; Livius, 11.

[106] Livius, 10.

[107] _Gesta_, 34; St. Rémy, 391. Complaint of the Sieur de Gaucourt printed in Nicholas's _Agincourt_, App. VI. p. 25.

[108] Rymer, IV. ii. 147.

[109] _Gesta_, 36, which, however, gives October 7 in another place. Hardyng gives October 1, but he is a week too early all through. Waurin, ii. 188, says the English stopped a fortnight at Harfleur.

[110] So _Gesta_, 36; Hardyng's _Journal_, 390; but Waurin, ii. 188, gives 2000 lances and 14,000 archers, an absurd estimate. _See_ Nicholas's _Agincourt_, 78, where it is concluded that Henry had between six and nine thousand men.

[111] Roll of men at Agincourt printed in Nicholas's _Agincourt_, 336.

[112] _Gesta_, 36; Livius, 11, 12.

[113] Waurin, ii. 188.

[114] _Gesta_, 37; Elmham, _Vita_, 52: Livius, 13.

[115] _Gesta_, 39; Hardyng's _Journal_, 390; Waurin, ii. 191; Monstrelet, 371.

[116] St. Rémy, 393. Cf. Waurin, ii, 191.

[117] _Gesta_, 42. Stow, 349, attributes these stakes to the forethought of the Duke of York.

[118] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 310.

[119] _Gesta_, 43, 44; St. Rémy, 393; Waurin, ii. 193; Monstrelet, 371.

[120] Livius, 14; Elmham, _Vita_, 54, 55; Waurin, ii. 195; _Gesta_, 45.

[121] Monstrelet, 373; St. Rémy, 396; Elmham, _Vita_, 58, 59.

[122] _Gesta_, 47; Livius, 16; St. Rémy, 396.

[123] St. Rémy, 397, 399.

[124] Des Ursins, 518.

[125] Waurin, ii. 211; St. Rémy, 399; _Gesta_, 49.

[126] Monstrelet, 369; St. Rémy, 395. For the letters which passed between the Duke of Burgundy and the King of France at this time, see Des Ursins, 510-518.

[127] _Gesta_, 50; St. Rémy, 397; Redmayne, 43.

[128] St. Rémy. 400.

[129] _Gesta_, 50; Basin, i. 20.

[130] St. Rémy, 398. Cf. Des Ursins, 520.

[131] Des Ursins, 518.

[132] _Gesta_, 52; St. Rémy, 400.

[133] _Gesta_, 53; St. Rémy, 400.

[134] Livius, 20; _Gesta_, 59.

[135] _Polit. Songs_, ii. 125. This poem is also printed in Nicholas's _Agincourt_, 281.

[136] _Dux incautius_, Livius, 20. _Indiscreet hardiness_, Holkham MS., p. 14.

[137] Livius, 20; Elmham, _Vita_, 67; _Gesta_, 59; Redmayne, 47. Cf. Stow, 350; Holkham MS., p. 15.

'Hic frater Regis Humfredus nobilis est Dux Inguine percursus; defluit ense cruor Huic ad humum presso Rex succurrendo superstans Fratris defensor hoc in agone fuit.'

Elmham, _Liber Metricus_, 121.

[138] _Gesta_, 55; Livius, 20; Elmham, _Vita_, 68; St. Rémy, 401.

[139] _Gesta_, 59.

[140] Poem printed in Nicholas's _Agincourt_, 323, and also at the end of _Lond. Chron._

[141] Holkham MS., p. 15.

[142] _Gesta_, 58; Basin, i. 23.

[143] _Gesta_, 58; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 313.

[144] St. Rémy, 402; _Lond. Chron._, 102; _Gesta_, 59; Elmham, _Vita_, 71. There is a long account of the entry into London in the _Gesta_, 61-68, and in Lydgate's poem printed in _Lond. Chron._, 231-233.