l. Forathe: si autem non habet, ipsemet iuret, nec pardonetur ei

aliquod iuramentum.

13. "Si aduena vel peregrinus qui de longinquo venerit sit calumniatus de foresta, & talis est sua inopia vt non possit habere plegium ad primam calumniam, qualem * nullus Anglus iudicare potest: tunc subeat captionem regis, & ibi expectet quousque vadat ad iudicium ferri & aquæ: attamen si quis extraneo aut peregrino de longè venienti * * sibi ipsi nocet, si aliquod iudicium iudicauerint.

14. "Quicúnq; coram primarios homines meos forestæ in falso testimonio steterit & victus fuerit, non sit dignus imposterum stare aut portare testimonium, quia legalitatem suam perdidit, & pro culpa soluat regi [Sidenote: Halfehang.] decem solidos, quos Dani vocant Halfehang, alias Halsehang.

15. "Si quis vim aliquam primarijs forestæ meæ intulerit, si liberalis sit amittat libertatem & omnia sua, si villanus abscindatur dextra.

16. "Si alteruter iterum peccauerit, reus sit mortis.

17. "Si quis autem contra primarium pugnauerit, in plito emendet [Sidenote: Pere & Pite.] secundum pretium sui ipsus, quod Angli Pere & pite dicunt, & soluat primario quadraginta solidos.

[Sidenote: Gethbrech.] 18. "Si pacem quis fregerit, ante mediocres forestæ, quod dicunt Gethbrech, emendet regi decem solidis.

19. "Si quis mediocrium aliquem cum ira percusserit, emendetur prout interfectio feræ regalis mihi emendari solet.

20. "Si quis delinquens in foresta nostra capietur, p[oe]nas luet secundum modum & genus delicti.

[Sidenote: Ealderman.] 21. "P[oe]na & forisfactio non vna eadémq; erit liberalis (quem Dani Ealderman vocant) & illiberalis: domini & serui: noti & ignoti: nec vna eadémq; erit causarum tum ciuilium tum criminalium, ferarum forestæ, & ferarum regalium: viridis & veneris tractatio: nam crimen veneris ab antiquo inter maiora & non immeritò numerabatur: viridis verò (fractione chaceæ nostræ regalis excepta) ita pusillum & exiguum est, quòd vix ea respicit nostra constitutio: qui in hoc tamen deliquerit, sit criminis forestæ reus.

22. "Si liber aliquis feram forestæ ad cursum impulerit, siue casu, siue præhabita voluntate, ita vt cursu celeri cogatur fera anhelare, decem solidis regi emendet, si illiberalis dupliciter emendet, si seruus careat corio.

23. "Si verò harum aliquot interfecerit, soluat dupliciter & persoluat, sitque pretij sui reus contra regem.

[Sidenote: Staggon or Stagge.] 24. "Sed si regalem feram, quam Angli Staggon appellant, alteruter coegerit anhelare, alter per vnum annum, alter per duos careat libertate naturali: si verò seruus, pro vtlegato habeatur, quem Angli [Sidenote: Frendlesman.] Frendlesman vocant.

25. "Si verò occiderit, amittat liber scutum libertatis, si sit illiberalis careat libertate, si seruus vita.

26. "Episcopi, abbates, & barones mei non calumniabuntur pro venatione, si non regales feras occiderint: & si regales, restabunt rei regi pro libito suo, sine certa emendatione.

27. "Sunt aliæ (præter feras forestæ) bestiæ, quæ dum inter septa & sepes forestæ continentur, emendationi subiacent: quales sunt capreoli, lepores, & cuniculi. Sunt & alia quàm plurima animalia, quæ qu[=a]quam infra septa forestæ viuunt, & oneri & curæ mediocrium subiacent forestæ, tamen nequaqu[=a] censeri possunt, qualia sunt [Sidenote: Bubali olim in Anglia.] bubali, vaccæ, & similia. Vulpes & lupi, nec forestæ nec veneris habentur, & proinde eorum interfectio nulli emendationi subiacet. Si tamen infra limites occiduntur, fractio sit regalis chaceæ, & mitiùs emendetur. Aper verò quanquam forestæ sit, nullatenus tamen animal veneris haberi est assuetus.

28. "Bosco nec subbosco nostro sine licentia primariorum forestæ nemo manum apponat, quòd si quis fecerit reus sit fractionis regalis chaceæ.

[Sidenote: Ilices aliquando in Brit[=a]nia nisi intelligatur de quercu.] 29. "Si quis verò ilicem aut arbor[=e] aliquam, quæ victum feris suppeditat sciderit, præter fractionem regalis chaceæ, emendet regi viginti solidis.

30. "Volo vt omnis liber homo pro libito suo habeat venerem siue viridem in planis suis super terras suas, sine chacea tamen; & deuitent omnes meam, vbicúnq; eam habere voluero.

[Sidenote: Greihounds.] 31. "Nullus mediocris habebit nec custodiet canes, quos Angli Greihounds appellant. Liberali verò, dum genuiscissio eorum facta fuerit coram primario forestæ licebit, aut sine genuiscissione dum remoti sunt à limitibus forestæ per decem miliaria: quando verò propiùs venerint, emendet quodlibet miliare vno solido. Si verò infra septa forestæ reperiatur, dominus canis forisfaciet & decem solidos regi.

[Sidenote: Velter.] [Sidenote: Langeran.] 32. "Velteres verò quos Langeran appellant, quia manifestè constat in ijs nihil esse periculi, cuilibet licebit sine genuiscissione eos [Sidenote: Ramhundt.] custodire. Idem de canibus quos Ramhundt vocant.

33. "Quòdsi casu inauspicato huiusmodi canes rabidi fiant & vbiq; vag[=a]tur, negligentia dominorum, redduntur illiciti, & emendetur regi pro illicitis, &c. Quòdsi intra septa forestæ reperiantur, talis [Sidenote: Pretium hominis mediocris.] exquiratur herus, & emendet secundum pretium hominis mediocris, quòd secundum legem Werinorum. I. Churingorum, est ducentorum solidorum.

34. "Si canis rabidus momorderit feram, tunc emendet secundum [Sidenote: Pretium liberi hominis.] preti[=u] hominis liberalis, quod est duodecies solidis centum. Si verò fera regalis morsa fuerit, reus sit maximi criminis."

And these are the constitutions of Canutus concerning the forrest, verie barbarouslie translated by those that tooke the same in hand. Howbeit as I find it so I set it downe, without anie alteration of my copie in anie iot or tittle.

OF GARDENS AND ORCHARDS.

CHAP. XX.

After such time as Calis was woone from the French, and that our countriemen had learned to trade into diuerse countries (wherby they grew rich) they began to wax idle also, and therevpon not onlie left off their former painfulnesse and frugalitie, but in like sort gaue themselues to liue in excesse and vanitie, whereby manie goodlie commodities failed, and in short time were not to be had amongst vs. Such strangers also as dwelled here with vs, perceiuing our sluggishnesse, and espieng that this idlenesse of ours might redound to their great profit, foorthwith imploied their endeuours to bring in the supplie of such things as we lacked, continuallie from forren countries; which yet more augmented our idlenes. For hauing all things at reasonable prices as we supposed, by such means from them, we thought it méere madnesse to spend either time or cost about the same here at home. And thus we became enimies to our owne welfare, as men that in those daies reposed our felicitie in following the wars, wherewith we were often exercised both at home and other places. Besides this, the naturall desire that mankind hath to estéeme of things farre sought, bicause they be rare and costlie, and the irkesome contempt of things néere hand, for that they are common and plentifull, hath borne no small swaie also in this behalfe amongst vs. For hereby we haue neglected our owne good gifts of God, growing here at home as vile and of no valure, and had euerie trifle and toie in admiration that is brought hither from far countries, ascribing I wot not what great forces and solemne estimation vnto them, vntill they also haue waxen old, after which they haue béene so little regarded, if not more despised amongst vs than our owne. Examples hereof I could set downe manie, & in manie things, but sith my purpose is to deale at this time with gardens and orchards, it shall suffice that I touch them onelie, and shew our inconstancie in the same, so farre as shall séeme & be conuenient for my turne. I comprehend therefore vnder the word garden, all such grounds as are wrought with the spade by mans hand, for so the case requireth. Of wine I haue written alreadie elsewhere sufficientlie, which commoditie (as I haue learned further since the penning of that booke) hath beene verie plentifull in this Iland, not onlie in the time of the Romans, but also since the conquest, as I haue séene by record: yet at this present haue we none at all or else verie little to speake of growing in this Iland: which I impute not vnto the soile, but the negligence of my countrimen. Such herbes, fruits, and roots also as grow yéerelie out of the ground, of seed, haue béene verie plentifull in this land, in the time of the first Edward, and after his daies: but in processe of time they grew also to be neglected, so that from Henrie the fourth till the latter end of Henrie the seuenth, & beginning of Henrie the eight, there was litle or no vse of them in England, but they remained either vnknowne, or supposed as food more méet for hogs & sauage beasts to feed vpon than mankind. Whereas in my time their vse is not onelie resumed among the poore commons, I meane of melons, pompions, gourds, cucumbers, radishes, skirets, parsneps, carrets, cabbages, nauewes, turneps, and all kinds of salad herbes, but also fed vpon as deintie dishes at the tables of delicate merchants, gentlemen, and the nobilitie, who make their prouision yearelie for new séeds out of strange countries, from whence they haue them aboundantlie. Neither doo they now staie with such of these fruits as are wholesome in their kinds, but aduenture further vpon such as are verie dangerous and hurtfull, as the verangenes, mushroms, &c: as if nature had ordeined all for the bellie, or that all things were to be eaten, for whose mischiefous operation the Lord in some measure hath giuen and prouided a remedie.

Hops in time past were plentifull in this land, afterwards also their maintenance did cease, and now being reuiued, where are anie better to be found? where anie greater commoditie to be raised by them? onelie poles are accounted to be their greatest charge. But sith men haue learned of late to sow ashen keies in ashyards by themselues, that inconuenience in short time will be redressed. Madder hath growne abundantlie in this Iland, but of long time neglected, and now a little reuiued, and offereth it selfe to prooue no small benefit vnto our countrie, as manie other things else, which are now fetched from vs; as we before time when we gaue ourselues to idlenesse, were glad to haue them other. If you looke into our gardens annexed to our houses, how woonderfullie is their beautie increased, not onelie with floures, which Colmella calleth _Terrena sydera_, saieng:

"Pingit & in varios terrestria sydera flores,"

and varietie of curious and costlie workmanship, but also with rare and medicinable hearbes sought vp in the land within these fortie yeares: so that in comparison of this present, the ancient gardens were but dunghils and laistowes to such as did possesse them. How art also helpeth nature in the dailie colouring, dubling and inlarging the proportion of our floures, it is incredible to report: for so curious and cunning are our gardeners now in these daies, that they presume to doo in maner what they list with nature, and moderate hir course in things as if they were hir superiours. It is a world also to sée, how manie strange hearbs, plants, and annuall fruits, are dailie brought vnto vs from the Indies, Americans, Taprobane, Canarie Iles, and all parts of the world: the which albeit that in respect of the constitutions of our bodies they doo not grow for vs, bicause that God hath bestowed sufficient commodities vpon euerie countrie for hir owne necessitie; yet for delectation sake vnto the eie, and their odoriferous sauours vnto the nose, they are to be cherished, and God to be glorified also in them, bicause they are his good gifts, and created to doo man helpe and seruice. There is not almost one noble man, gentleman, or merchant, that hath not great store of these floures, which now also doo begin to wax so well acquainted with our soiles, that we may almost accompt of them as parcell of our owne commodities. They haue no lesse regard in like sort to cherish medicinable hearbs fetched out of other regions néerer hand: insomuch that I haue séene in some one garden to the number of three hundred or foure hundred of them, if not more; of the halfe of whose names within fortie yéeres passed we had no maner knowledge. But herein I find some cause of iust complaint, for that we extoll their vses so farre that we fall into contempt of our owne, which are in truth more beneficiall and apt for vs than such as grow elsewhere, sith (as I said before) euerie region hath abundantlie within hir owne limits whatsoeuer is needfull and most conuenient for them that dwell therein. How doo men extoll the vse of Tabacco in my time, whereas in truth (whether the cause be in the repugnancie of our constitution vnto the operation thereof, or that the ground dooth alter hir force, I cannot tell) it is not found of so great efficacie as they write. And beside this, our common germander or thistle benet is found & knowne to bée so wholesome and of so great power in medicine, as anie other hearbe, if they be vsed accordinglie. I could exemplifie after the like maner in sundrie other, as the Salsa parilla, Mochoacan, &c: but I forbeare so to doo, because I couet to be bréefe. And trulie the estimation and credit that we yéeld and giue vnto compound medicines made with forren drugs, is one great cause wherefore the full knowledge and vse of our owne simples hath bene so long raked vp in the imbers. And as this may be verified, so to be one sound conclusion, for the greater number of simples that go vnto anie compound medicine, the greater confusion is found therein, because the qualities and operations of verie few of the particulars are throughlie knowne. And euen so our continuall desire of strange drugs, whereby the physician and apothecarie onlie hath the benefit, is no small cause that the vse of our simples here at home dooth go to losse, and that we tread those herbes vnder our féet, whose forces if we knew, & could applie them to our necessities, we wold honor & haue in reuerence as to their case behooueth. Alas what haue we to doo with such Arabian & Grecian stuffe as is dailie brought from those parties, which lie in another clime? And therefore the bodies of such as dwell there, are of another constitution, than ours are here at home. Certes they grow not for vs, but for the Arabians and Grecians. And albeit that they maie by skill be applied vnto our benefit, yet to be more skilfull in them than in our owne, is follie; and to vse forren wares when our owne maie serue the turne is more follie; but to despise our owne and magnifie aboue measure the vse of them that are sought and brought from farre, is most follie of all: for it sauoureth of ignorance, or at the leastwise of negligence, and therefore woorthie of reproch.

Among the Indians, who haue the most present cures for euerie disease, of their owne nation, there is small regard of compound medicins, & lesse of forren drugs, because they neither know them nor can vse them, but worke woonders euen with their owne simples. With them also the difference of the clime dooth shew hir full effect. For whereas they will heale one another in short time with application of one simple, &c: if a Spaniard or English man stand in need of their helpe, they are driuen to haue a longer space in their cures, and now and then also to vse some addition of two or thrée simples at the most, whose forces vnto them are throughlie knowne, because their exercise is onelie in their owne, as men that neuer sought or heard what vertue was in those that came from other countries. And euen so did Marcus Cato the learned Roman indeuor to deale in his cures of sundrie diseases, wherein he not onelie vsed such simples as were to be had in his owne countrie, but also examined and learned the forces of each of them, wherewith he dealt so diligentlie, that in all his life time, he could atteine to the exact knowledge but of a few, and thereto wrote of those most learnedlie, as would easilie be séene, if those his bookes were extant. For the space also of 600 yéeres, the colewort onelie was a medicine in Rome for all diseases, so that his vertues were thoroughlie knowne in those parts.

In Plinies time the like affection to forren drugs did rage among the Romans, whereby their owne did grow in contempt. Crieng out therefore of this extreame follie, lib. 22. cap. 24, he speaketh after this maner: "Non placent remedia tam longè nascentia, non enim nobis gignuntur, immò ne illis quidem, alioquin non venderent; si placet etiam superstitionis gratiâ emantur, quoniam supplicamus, &c. Salutem quidem sine his posse constare, vel ob id probabimus, vt tanto magis sui tandem pudeat." For my part I doubt not, if the vse of outlandish drugs had not blinded our physicians of England in times passed, but that the vertues of our simples here at home would haue béene far better knowne, and so well vnto vs, as those of India are to the practisioners of those partes, and therevnto be found more profitable for vs than the forren either are or maie be. This also will I ad, that euen those which are most common by reason of their plentie, and most vile bicause of their abundance, are not without some vniuersall and especiall efficacie, if it were knowne, for our benefit: sith God in nature hath so disposed his creatures, that the most néedfull are the most plentifull, and seruing for such generall diseases as our constitution most commonlie is affected withall. Great thanks therefore be giuen vnto the physicians of our age and countrie, who not onelie indeuour to search out the vse of such simples as our soile dooth yéeld and bring foorth, but also to procure such as grow elsewhere, vp[=o] purpose so to acquaint them with our clime, that they in time through some alteration receiued from the nature of the earth, maie likewise turne to our benefit and commoditie, and be vsed as our owne.

The chiefe workeman, or as I maie call him the founder of this deuise, is Carolus Clusius, the noble herbarist, whose industrie hath woonderfullie stirred them vp vnto this good act. For albeit that Matthiolus, Rembert, Lobell, and other haue trauelled verie farre in this behalfe, yet none hath come néere to Clusius, much lesse gone further in the finding and true descriptions of such herbes as of late are brought to light. I doubt not but if this man were in England but one seuen yéeres, he would reueale a number of herbes growing with vs, whereof neither our physicians nor apothecaries as yet haue anie knowledge. And euen like thankes be giuen vnto our nobilitie, gentlemen, and others, for their continuall nutriture and cherishing of such homeborne and forren simples in their gardens, for hereby they shall not onlie be had at hand and preserued, but also their formes made more familiar to be discerned, and their forces better knowne than hitherto they haue béene.

And euen as it fareth with our gardens, so dooth it with our orchards, which were neuer furnished with so good fruit, nor with such varietie as at this present. For beside that we haue most delicate apples, plummes, peares, walnuts, filberds, &c: and those of sundrie sorts, planted within fortie yéeres passed, in comparison of which most of the old trées are nothing woorth: so haue we no lesse store of strange fruit, as abricotes, almonds, peaches, figges, corne-trees in noble mens orchards. I haue seene capers, orenges, and lemmons, and heard of wild oliues growing here, beside other strange trees, brought from far, whose names I know not. So that England for these commodities was neuer better furnished, neither anie nation vnder their clime more plentifullie indued with these and other blessings from the most high God, who grant vs grace withall to vse the same to his honour and glorie! and not as instruments and prouocations vnto further excesse and vanitie, wherewith his displeasure may be kindled, least these his benefits doo turne vnto thornes and briers vnto vs for our annoiance and punishment, which he hath bestowed vpon vs for our consolation and comfort.

We haue in like sort such workemen as are not onelie excellent in graffing the naturall fruits, but also in their artificiall mixtures, whereby one trée bringeth foorth sundrie fruits, and one and the same fruit of diuers colours and tasts, dallieng as it were with nature and hir course, as if hir whole trade were perfectlie knowne vnto them: of hard fruits they will make tender, of sowre sweet, of sweet yet more delicate, béereuing also some of their kernels, other of their cores, and finallie induing them with the sauour of muske, ambre, or swéet spices at their pleasures. Diuerse also haue written at large of these seuerall practises, and some of them how to conuert the kernels of peaches into almonds, of small fruit to make farre greater, and to remooue or ad superfluous or necessarie moisture to the trées, with other things belonging to their preseruation, and with no lesse diligence than our physicians doo commonlie shew vpon our owne diseased bodies, which to me dooth seeme right strange. And euen so doo our gardeners with their herbes, whereby they are strengthened against noisome blasts, and preserued from putrifaction and hinderance, whereby some such as were annuall, are now made perpetuall, being yéerelie taken vp, and either reserued in the house, or hauing the rosse pulled from their rootes, laid againe into the earth, where they remaine in safetie. What choise they make also in their waters, and wherewith some of them doo now and then keepe them moist, it is a world to sée; insomuch that the apothecaries shops maie séeme to be needfull also to our gardens and orchards, and that in sundrie wise: naie the kitchin it selfe is so farre from being able to be missed among them, that euen the verie dishwater is not without some vse amongest our finest plants. Whereby and sundrie other circumstances not here to bée remembred, I am persuaded, that albeit the gardens of the Hesperides were in times past so greatlie accounted of because of their delicacie: yet if it were possible to haue such an equall iudge, as by certeine knowledge of both were able to pronounce vpon them, I doubt not but he would giue the price vnto the gardens of our daies, and generallie ouer all Europe, in comparison of those times, wherein the old exceeded. Plinie and other speake of a rose that had thrée score leaues growing vpon one button: but if I should tell of one which bare a triple number vnto that proportion, I know I shall not be beléeued, and no great matter though I were not, howbeit such a one was to be séene in Antwarpe 1585, as I haue heard, and I know who might haue had a slip or stallon thereof, if he would haue ventured ten pounds vpon the growth of the same, which should haue bene but a tickle hazard, and therefore better vndoone, as I did alwaies imagine. For mine owne part, good reader, let me boast a litle of my garden, which is but small, and the whole Area thereof little aboue 300 foot of ground, and yet, such hath béene my good lucke in purchase of the varietie of simples, that notwithstanding my small abilitie, there are verie néere thrée hundred of one sort and other conteined therein, no one of them being common or vsuallie to bee had. If therefore my little plot, void of all cost in keeping be so well furnished, what shall we thinke of those of Hampton court, Nonesuch, Tibaults, Cobham garden, and sundrie other apperteining to diuerse citizens of London, whom I could particularlie name, if I should not séeme to offend them by such my demeanour and dealing?

OF WATERS GENERALLIE.

CHAP. XXI.

There is no one commoditie in England, whereof I can make lesse report than of our waters. For albeit our soile abound with water in all places, and that in the most ample maner: yet can I not find by some experience that almost anie one of our riuers hath such od and rare qualities as diuers of the maine are said to be indued withall. Virtruuius writeth of a well in Paphlagonia, whose water séemeth as it were mixed with wine, & addeth thereto that diuerse become drunke by superfluous taking of the same. The like force is found _In amne Licesio_, a riuer of Thracia, vpon whose bankes a man shall hardlie misse to find some traueller or other sléeping for drunkennesse, by drinking of that liquor. Néere also vnto Ephesus are certeine welles, which taste like sharpe vineger, and therefore are much esteemed of by such as are sicke and euill at ease in those parts. At Hieropolis is a spring of such force (as Strabo saith) that the water thereof mixed with certaine herbes of choise, dooth colour wooll with such a glosse, that the die thereof contendeth with scarlet, murreie, and purple, and oft ouercommeth the same. The Cydnus in Tarsus of Cilicia, is of such vertue, that who so batheth himselfe therein, shall find great ease of the gowt that runneth ouer all his ioints. In one of the fortunate Iles (saith Pomponius the Cosmographer) are two springs, one of the which bringeth immoderate laughter to him that drinketh thereof, the other sadnesse and restraint of that effect, whereby the last is taken to be a souereigne medicine against the other, to the great admiration of such as haue beholden it. At Susis in Persia there is a spring, which maketh him that drinketh downe anie of the water, to cast all his téeth: but if he onlie wash his mouth withall, it maketh them fast, & his mouth to be verie healthfull. So there is a riuer among the Gadarens, wherof if a beast drinke, he foorthwith casteth hoofe, haire, and hornes, if he haue anie. Also a lake in Assyria, neere vnto the which there is a kind of glewie matter to be found, which holdeth such birds as by hap doo light thereon so fast as birdlime, by means wherof verie manie doo perish and are taken that light vpon the same: howbeit if anie portion hereof happen to be set on fire by casualtie or otherwise, it will neuer be quenched but by casting on of dust, as Caietanus dooth report. Another at Halicarnassus called Salmacis, which is noted to make such men effeminate as drinke of the water of the same. Certes it maie be (saith Strabo) that the water and aire of a region maie qualifie the courage of some men, but none can make them effeminate, nor anie other thing because of such corruption in them, sooner than superfluous wealth, and inconstancie of liuing and behauiour, which is a bane vnto all nature, lib. 4. All which, with manie other not now comming to memorie, as the Letheus, Styx, Phlegeton, Cocitus, &c: haue strange & incredible reports made of them by the new and ancient writers, the like wherof are not to be found in England, which I impute wholie to the blessing of God, who hath ordeined nothing amongst vs in this our temperate region, but that which is good, wholesome, and most commodious for our nation. We haue therefore no hurtfull waters amongst vs, but all wholesome and profitable for the benefit of the people. Neuertheles as none of them is to be found without hir fish: so we know by experience, that diuerse turne ash, some other elme, and oken stakes or poles that lie or are throwne into them into hard stone, in long continuance of time, which is the strangest thing that I can learne at this present wherevpon to rest for a certentie. Yet I read of diuerse welles, wherevnto our old writers ascribe either wonderfull vertues, or rare courses, as of one vpon the shore, beyond the which the sea floweth euerie daie twise a large mile and more; and yet is the surge of that water alwaies seuen foot from the salt sea: whereby it should séeme that the head of the spring is mooueable. But alas I doo not easilie beleeue it, more than that which is written of the Lilingwan lake in Wales, which is néere to the Seuerne, and receiueth the flowing sea into hir chanell as it were a gulfe, and yet is neuer full: but when the sea goeth awaie by reason of the ebbe, it casteth vp the water with such violence, that hir banks are ouerflowne and drowned, which is an absurd report. They ad also, that if all the people of the countrie stood neere to the same, with their faces toward the lake, in such maner that the dashing of the water might touch and wet their clothes, they should haue no power to go from thence, but mawgre their resistance be drawne into that gulfe and perish; whereas if they turned their backs vnto the same, they should suffer no such inconuenience though they stood neuer so néere. Manie other such like toies I could set downe of other welles and waters of our countrie. But whie should I write that for other men to read, whereto I giue no credit my selfe, more than to the report which Iohannes du Choul dooth make in his description of Pilots lake, "In monte Pilati in Gallia," or Boccatius of the Scaphigiolo in the Appenine hils, or F[oe]lix Malliolus of Pilats lake "In monte fracto" (where Iacobus de Voragino bishop of Gene, & Ioachimus Vadianus in Pompon. Melam doo also make mention) sith I take them but for fables, & far vnworthie that anie good man should staine his paper with such friuolous matters as are reported of them, being deuised at the first by Satanas the father of lies, for the holding of the ignorant & credulous in their superstitions and errors. Such also is the tale that goeth of Wenefrids well, & nothing inferior to that of Mercurie néere to port Caperia in Rome, wherein such as went by would dip branches of baie, and sprinkle the same vpon themselues: and so manie as stood about them, calling vpon Mercurie, and crauing pardon for their sinnes, as if that ceremonie had bene of force vnto forgiuenesse and remission of their trespasses. And so it appeareth partlie by Cicero, who (being a man neither thinking well of their owne gods nor liking of the augures) dooth write in his first De legibus (except my memorie faile me) "aspersione aquæ labem tolli corpoream, & castimoniam corporis præstari," which maketh me to thinke further, that they thought it equall with our late holie-water, wherewith it maie be compared. I might further also (if I would) make relation of diuerse welles, which haue wrought manie miracles in time of superstition, as S. Butolphs well in Hadstocke, S. Germans well at Falkeburne, Holie well at S. Albones and London, and sundrie other in other places: but as their vertues are now found out to be but baits to draw men and women vnto them, either for gaine vnto the places where they were, or satisfaction of the lewd disposition of such as hunted after other gaine, so it shall suffice to haue touched them far off. Onlie this will I ad, that we haue no hurtfull waters, no not vnto our shéepe, though it please Cardan to auouch otherwise; for our waters are not the causes, but the signes of their infections when they drinke, as I elsewhere haue noted in the chapter of cattell, as also that we haue a spring neere Saffron Walden, and not farre from the house of the lord Audleie, which is of such force, that it looseth the bodie of him that drinketh therof in verie gentle maner, and beside that is verie delectable & pleasant to be taken, as I haue found by experience. I heare also of two welles néere London, of which the one is verie excellent water, the other will beare no sope, and yet so situat that the one is hard by the other. And thus much of waters.

OF WOODS AND MARISHES.

CHAP. XXII.

[Sidenote: Great abundance of wood sometime in England.] It should séeme by ancient records, and the testimonie of sundrie authors, that the whole countries of Lhoegres and Cambria, now England and Wales, haue sometimes béene verie well replenished with great woods & groues, although at this time the said commoditie be not a little decaied in both, and in such wise that a man shall oft ride ten or twentie miles in ech of them, and find verie little or rather none at all, except it be néere vnto townes, gentlemens houses, & villages, where the inhabitants haue planted a few elmes, okes, hazels, or ashes about their dwellings for their defense from the rough winds, and keeping of the stormie weather from annoiance of the same. This scarsitie at the first grew (as it is thought) either by the industrie of man, for maintenance of tillage (as we vnderstand the like to be doone of late by the Spaniards in the west Indies, where they fired whole woods of verie great compasse therby to come by ground whereon to sow their graines) or else thorough the couetousnesse of such, as in preferring of pasture for their shéepe and greater cattell, doo make small account of firebote and timber: or finallie by the crueltie of the enimies, whereof we haue sundrie examples declared in our histories. Howbeit where the rocks and quarrie grounds are, I take the swart of the earth to be so thin, that no tree of anie greatnesse, other than shrubs and bushes, is able to grow or prosper long therein for want of sufficient moisture wherewith to feed them with fresh humour, or at the leastwise of mould, to shrowd, staie vpright, and cherish the same in the blustering winters weather, till they may grow vnto anie greatnesse, and spread or yéeld their rootes downe right into the soile about them: and this either is or may be one other cause, wherefore some places are naturallie void of wood. But to procéed. Although I must needs confesse that there is good store of great wood or timber here and there, euen now in some places of England, yet in our daies it is far vnlike to that plentie, which our ancestors haue séene heretofore, when statelie building was lesse in vse. For albeit that there were then greater number of mesuages and mansions almost in euerie place; yet were their frames so slight and slender, that one meane dwelling house in our time is able to counteruaile verie manie of them, if you consider the present charge with the plentie of timber that we bestow vpon them. In times past men were contented to dwell in houses, builded of sallow, willow, plumtree, hardbeame, and elme, so that the vse of oke was in maner dedicated wholie vnto churches, religious houses, princes palaces, noblemens lodgings, & nauigation: but now all these are reiected, and [Sidenote: Desire of much wealth and ease abateth manhood, & ouerthroweth a manlie courage.] nothing but oke anie whit regarded. And yet sée the change, for when our houses were builded of willow, then had we oken men; but now that our houses are come to be made of oke, our men are not onlie become willow, but a great manie through Persian delicacie crept in among vs altogither of straw, which is a sore alteration. In those the courage of the owner was a sufficient defense to kéepe the house in safetie, but now the assurance of the timber, double doores, lockes and bolts must defend the man from robbing. Now haue we manie chimnies and yet our tenderlings complaine of rheumes, catarhs and poses. Then had we none but reredosses, and our heads did neuer ake. For as the smoke in those daies was supposed to be a sufficient hardning for the timber of the house; so it was reputed a far better medicine to kéepe the good man and his familie from the quacke or pose, wherewith as then verie few were oft acquainted.

Of the curiousnesse of these piles I speake not, sith our workemen are growne generallie to such an excellencie of deuise in the frames now made, that they farre passe the finest of the old. And such is their husbandrie in dealing with their timber, that the same stuffe which in time past was reiected as crooked, vnprofitable, and to no vse but the fire, dooth now come in the fronts and best part of the worke. Wherby the common saieng is likewise in these daies verified in our mansion houses, which earst was said onelie of the timber for ships, that no oke can grow so crooked but it falleth out to some vse, & that necessarie in the nauie. It is a world to sée moreouer how diuerse men being bent to building, and hauing a delectable veine in spending of their goods by that trade, doo dailie imagine new deuises of their owne to guide their workemen withall, and those more curious and excellent alwaies than the former. In the procéeding also of their workes, how they set vp, how they pull downe, how they inlarge, how they restreine, how they ad to, how they take from, whereby their heads are neuer idle, their purses neuer shut, nor their bookes of account neuer made perfect.

"Destruunt, ædificant, mutant quadrata rotundis"

saith the poet. So that if a man should well consider of all the od crotchets in such a builders braine, he would thinke his head to haue euen inough of those affaires onelie, & therefore iudge that he should not well be able to deale in anie other. But such commonlie are our workemasters, that they haue beside this veine afore mentioned, either great charge of merchandizes, little lesse businesse in the commonwealth, or finallie no small dealings otherwise incident vnto them, wherby gaine ariseth, and some trouble oft among withall. Which causeth me to wonder not a little how they can plaie the parts so well of so manie sundrie men, whereas diuerse other of greater forecast in apparance can seldome shift well or thriue in anie one of them. But to our purpose.

We haue manie woods, forrests, and parks, which cherish trées abundantlie, although in the woodland countries there is almost no hedge that hath not some store of the greatest sort, beside infinit numbers of hedgerowes, groues, and springs, that are mainteined of purpose for the building and prouision of such owners as doo possesse the same. Howbeit as euerie soile dooth not beare all kinds of wood, so there is not anie wood, parke, hedgerow, groue, or forrest, that is not mixed with diuerse, as oke, ash, hasell, hawthorne, birch, béech, hardbeame, hull, sorfe, quicken aspe, poplers, wild cherie, and such like, wherof oke hath alwaies the preheminence, as most méet for building and the nauie, whervnto it is reserued. This tree bringeth foorth also a profitable kind of mast, whereby such as dwell néere vnto the aforesaid places doo cherish and bring vp innumerable heards of swine. In time of plentie of this mast, our red and fallow déere will not let to participat thereof with our hogs, more than our nete: yea our common pultrie also if they may come vnto them. But as this [Sidenote: The like haue I séene where hens doo féed vpon the tender blades of garlike.] abundance dooth prooue verie pernicious vnto the first, so these egs which these latter doo bring foorth (beside blackenesse in color and bitternesse of tast) haue not seldome beene found to bréed diuerse diseases vnto such persons as haue eaten of the same. I might ad in like sort the profit insuing by the barke of this wood, whereof our tanners haue great vse in dressing of leather, and which they buie yearelie in Maie by the fadame, as I haue oft séene: but it shall not néed at this time to enter into anie such discourse, onlie this I wish, that our sole and vpper leathering may haue their due time, and not be hasted on by extraordinarie slights, as with ash, barke, &c. Whereby as I grant that it séemeth outwardlie to be verie thicke & well doone: so if you respect the sadnes thereof, it dooth prooue in the end to be verie hollow & not able to hold out water. Neuerthelesse we haue good lawes for redresse of this enormitie, but it c[=o]meth to passe in these as in the execution of most penall statutes. For the gaines to be gotten by the same being giuen to one or two hungrie and vnthriftie persons, they make a shew of great reformation at the first, & for a litle while, till they find that following of sute in law against the offendors is somwhat too chargeable and tedious. This therefore perceiued, they giue ouer the law, and fall to the admission of gifts and rewards to winke at things past, and when they haue once gone ouer their ground with this kind of tillage, then doo they tender licences, and offer large dispensations vnto him that shall aske the same, thereby to doo what him listeth in his trade for an yearelie pension, whereby the bribour now groweth to some certeine reuenues, & the tanner to so great libertie that his lether is much worse than before. But is not this a mockerie of our lawes, & manifest illusion of the good subiect whom they thus pill & poll? Of all oke growing in England the parke oke is the softest, and far more spalt and brickle than the hedge oke. And of all in Essex, that growing in Bardfield parke is the finest for ioiners craft: for oftentimes haue I seene of their workes made of that oke so fine and faire, as most of the wainescot that is brought hither out of Danske, for our wainescot is not made in England. Yet diuerse haue assaied to deale without okes to that end, but not with so good successe as they haue hoped, bicause the ab or iuice will not so soone be remoued and cleane drawne out, which some attribute to want of time in the salt water. Neuerthelesse in building, so well the hedge as the parke oke go all one waie, and neuer so much hath beene spent in a hundred years before, as is in ten yeare of our time; for euerie man almost is a builder, and he that hath bought any small parcell of ground, be it neuer so little, will not be quiet till he haue pulled downe the old house (if anie were there standing) and set vp a new after his owne deuise. But wherevnto will this curiositie come?

Of elme we haue great store in euerie high waie and elsewhere, yet haue I not séene thereof anie togither in woods or forrests, but where they haue béene first planted and then suffered to spread at their owne willes. Yet haue I knowen great woods of béech and hasell in manie places, especiallie in Barkeshire, Oxfordshire, and Buckinghamshire, where they are greatlie cherished, & conuerted to sundrie vses by such as dwell about them. Of all the elms that euer I saw, those in the south side of Douer court, in Essex néere Harwich are the most notable, for they grow (I meane) in crooked maner, that they are almost apt for nothing else but nauie timber, great ordinance, and béetels: and such thereto is their naturall qualitie, that being vsed in the said behalfe, they continue longer, and more long than anie the like trées in whatsoeuer parcell else of this land, without cuphar, shaking, or cleauing, as I find.

Ash commeth vp euerie where of it selfe, and with euerie kind of wood. And as we haue verie great plentie and no lesse vse of these in our husbandrie, so are we not without the plane, the vgh, the sorfe, the chestnut, the line, the blacke cherrie, and such like. And although that we inioy them not in so great plentie now in most places, as in times past, or the other afore remembred: yet haue we sufficient of them all for our necessarie turnes and vses, especiallie of vgh; as may be séene betwixt Rotheram and Sheffield, and some stéeds of Kent also, as I haue béene informed.

The firre, frankincense, and pine, we doo not altogither want, especiallie the firre, whereof we haue some store in Chatleie moore in Darbishire, Shropshire, Andernesse, and a mosse néere Manchester, not far from Leircesters house: although that in time past not onelie all Lancastershire, but a great part of the coast betwéene Chester and the Solme were well stored. As for the frankincense and pine, they haue béene planted onelie in colleges and cloisters, by the cleargie and religious heretofore. Wherefore (in mine opinion) we may rather saie that we want them altogither: for except they grew naturallie, and not by force, I sée no cause whie they should be accounted for parcell of our commodities. We haue also the aspe, whereof our fletchers make their arrowes. The seuerall kinds of poplars of our turners haue great vse for bolles, treies, troughs, dishes, &c. Also the alder, whose barke is not vnprofitable to die blacke withall, and therfore much vsed by our countrie wiues in colouring their knit hosen. I might here take occasion to speake of the great sales yéerelie made of wood, whereby an infinit quantitie hath bin destroied within these few yéers: but I giue ouer to trauell in this behalfe. Howbeit thus much I dare affirme, that if woods go so fast to decaie in the next hundred yeere of Grace, as they haue doone and are like to doo in this, sometimes for increase of sheepwalks, and some maintenance of prodigalitie and pompe (for I haue knowne a well burnished gentleman [Sidenote: * This gentleman caught such an heate with this sore loade that he was faine to go to Rome for physicke, yet it could not saue his life, but hée must néeds die homewards.] [*] that hath borne threescore at once in one paire of galigascons to shew his strength and brauerie) it is to be feared that the fennie bote, broome, turffe, gall, heath, firze, brakes, whinnes, ling, dies, hassacks, flags, straw, sedge, réed, rush, and also seacole will be good merchandize euen in the citie of London, wherevnto some of them euen now haue gotten readie passage, and taken vp their innes in the greatest merchants parlours. A man would thinke that our laws were able inough to make sufficient prouision for the redresse of this error & enormitie likelie to insue. But such is the nature of our countriemen, that as manie laws are made, so they will kéepe none; or if they be vrged to make answer, they will rather séeke some crooked construction of them to the increase of their priuat gaine, than yéeld themselues to be guided by the same for a commonwealth and profit to their countrie. So that in the end whatsoeuer the law saith we will haue our willes, whereby the wholesome ordinances of the prince are contemned, the trauell of the nobilitie & councellors as it were derided, the common wealth impouerished, & a few onelie inriched by this peruerse dealing. Thus manie thousand persons doo suffer hinderance by this their lewd behauiour. Hereby the wholesome laws of the prince are oft defrauded, and the good meaning magistrate in consultation about the common wealth vtterlie neglected. I would wish that I might liue no longer than to sée foure things in this land reformed, that is: the want of discipline in the church: the couetous dealing of most of our merchants in the preferment of the commodities of other countries, and hinderance of their owne: the holding of faires and markets vpon the sundaie to be abolished and referred to the wednesdaies: and that euerie man, in whatsoeuer part of the champaine soile enioieth fortie acres of land, and vpwards, after that rate, either by frée deed, copie hold, or fee farme, might plant one acre of wood, or sowe the same with oke mast, hasell, béech, and sufficient prouision be made that it may be cherished and kept. But I feare me that I should then liue too long, and so long, that I should either be wearie of the world, or the world of me; and yet they are not such things but they may easilie be brought to passe.

Certes euerie small occasion in my time is enough to cut downe a great wood, and euerie trifle sufficeth to laie infinit acres of corne ground vnto pasture. As for the taking downe of houses, a small fine will beare out a great manie. Would to God we might once take example of the Romans, who in restreint of superfluous grasing, made an exact limitation, how manie head of cattell ech estate might kéepe, and what numbers of acres should suffice for that and other purposes. Neither was wood euer better cherished or mansion houses mainteined, than by their lawes and statutes. Such also was their care in the maintenance of nauigation, that it was a great part of the charge of their consuls, yéerelie to view and looke vnto the hilles whereon great timber did grow, least their vnnecessarie faults for the satisfaction of the priuat owner, and his couetous mind might prooue a preiudice vnto the common wealth, in the hinderance of sufficient stuffe for the furniture of their nauie. Certes the like hereof is yet obserued in Venice. Read also I praie you what Suetonius writeth of the consulship of Bibulus and Cesar. As for the wood that Ancus Martius dedicated toward the maintenance of the common nauie, I passe it ouer, as hauing elsewhere remembred it vnto another end. But what doo I meane to speake of these, sith my purpose is onlie to talke of our owne woods? Well, take this then for a finall conclusion in woods, that beside some countries are alreadie driuen to sell their wood by the pound, which is an heauie report: within these fortie yéeres we shall haue little great timber growing aboue fortie yéeres old; for it is commonlie séene that those yoong staddles which we leaue standing at one & twentie yéeres fall, are vsuallie at the next sale cut downe without any danger of the statute, and serue for fire bote, if it please the owner to burne them.

[Sidenote: Marises and fennes.] Marises and fennie bogges we haue manie in England, though not now so many as some of the old Roman writers doo specifie, but more in Wales, if you haue respect vnto the seuerall quantities of the countries. Howbeit as they are verie profitable in the summer halfe of the yeere, so are a number of them which lie lowe and néere to great riuers, to small commoditie in the winter part, as common experience dooth teach. Yet this I find of manie moores, that in times past they haue béene harder ground, and sundrie of them well replenished with great woods, that now are void of bushes. And for example hereof, we may sée the triall (beside the roots that are dailie found in the déeps of Monmouth, where turfe is digged, also in Wales, Aburgauennie, and Merioneth) in sundrie parts of Lancashire, where great store of firre hath growen in times past, as I said, and the people go vnto this daie into their fens and marises with long spits, which they dash here and there vp to the verie cronge into the ground. In which practise, (a thing commonlie doone in winter) if they happen to smite vpon anie firre trées which lie there at their whole lengths, or other blocks, they note the place, and about haruest time, when the ground is at the driest, they come againe and get them vp, and afterward carieng them home, applie them to their vses. The like doo they in Shropshire with the like, which hath beene felled in old time, within 7 miles of Salop. Some of them foolishlie suppose the same to haue lien there since Noies floud: and other more fond than the rest, imagine them to grow euen in the places where they find them, without all consideration that in times past, the most part, if not all Lhoegres and Cambria was generallie replenished with wood, which being felled or ouerthrowne vpon sundrie occasions, was left lieng in some places still on the ground, and in processe of time became to be quite ouergrowne with earth and moulds, which moulds wanting their due sadnesse, are now turned into moorie plots. Wherby it commeth to passe also, that great plentie of water commeth betwéene the new loose swart and the old hard earth, that being drawen awaie by ditching and draines (a thing soone doone if our countrie-men were painfull in that behalfe) might soone leaue a drie soile to the great lucre and aduantage of the owner. We find in our histories, that Lincolne was somtime builded by Lud brother to Cassibelan, who called it Cair Ludcoit, of the great store of woods that inuironed the same: but now the commoditie is vtterlie decaied there, so that if Lud were aliue againe, he would not call it his citie in the wood, but rather his towne in the plaines: for the wood (as I heare) is wasted altogither about the same. The hilles called the Peke were in like sort named Mennith and Orcoit, that is, the wooddie hilles and forrests. But how much wood is now to be séene in those places, let him that hath béene there testifie, if he list; for I heare of no such store there as hath béene in time past by those that trauell that waie. And thus much of woods and marises, and so far as I can deale with the same.

OF BATHS AND HOT WELLES.

CHAP. XXIII.

As almightie GOD hath in most plentifull maner bestowed infinit, and those verie notable benefits vpon this Ile of Britaine, whereby it is not a little inriched: so in hot and naturall baths (whereof we haue diuerse in sundrie places) it manifestlie appéereth that he hath not forgotten England. There are sundrie baths therefore to be found in this realme, of which the first is called saint Vincents, the second Halliewell; both being places (in my opinion) more obscure than the other two, and yet not seldome sought vnto by such as stand in need. For albeit the fame of their forces be not so generallie spread, yet in some cases they are thought to be nothing inferior to the other, as diuerse haue often affirmed by their owne experience and triall. The third place wherein hot baths are to be found is néere vnto Buxston, a towne in Darbishire, situat in the high Peke, not passing sixtéene miles from Manchester, or Markechesterford, and twentie from Darbie, where, about eight or nine seuerall welles are to be séene; of which thrée are counted to be most excellent: but of all, the greatest is the hotest, void of corruption, and compared (as Iones saith) with those of Summersetshire, so cold indéed, as a quart of boiling water would be made if fiue quartes of running water were added therevnto; whereas on the other side, those of Bath likened vnto these, haue such heat appropriated vnto them, as a gallon of hot water hath when a quart of cold is mixed with the same. Herevpon the effect of this bath worketh more temperatlie and pleasantlie (as he writeth) than the other. And albeit that it maketh not so great spéed in cure of such as resort vnto it for helpe: yet it dealeth more effectuallie and commodiouslie than those in Summersetshire, and infer with all lesse greeuous accidents in the restreining of naturall issues, strengthening the affeebled members, assisting the liuelie forces, dispersing annoious oppilations, and qualifieng of sundrie griefes, as his experience hath oft confirmed. The like vertues haue the other two, but not in such measure: and therefore their operation is not so speedilie perceiued. The fourth place where baths are, is kings Newnam, and within certeine miles of Couentrie, the water wherof (as it is thought) procéedeth from some rocke of allume, and this I vnderstand by diuerse glouers which haue béene there, and also by mine owne experience, that it hath a tast much like to allume liquor, and yet nothing vnplesant nor vnsauorie in the drinking. There are thrée welles in all, but the chiefest and best of them riseth out of an hill, and runneth toward the south, & from thence infinit plentie of water without anie notable diminution of the spring is dailie caried into sundrie parties of the realme, & droonke by such as haue néed to occupie the same. Of the other two, one is reserued for such as be comelie personages and void of lothsome diseases: the other is left common for tag and rag; but clensed dailie as the other is, whereby it becommeth the wholesomer. Manie diseases also are cured in the same, as the palsie, dimnesse of sight, dulnesse of hearing, but especiallie the collike and the stone, old sores and gréene wounds; so that I suppose there was neuer anie compound medicine of greater and more spéedie force in these behalfes, than the vse of this simple liquor is to such as doo frequent it. The said water hath a naturall propertie also following it which is rare, for if a leafe, or sticke of ash, oke, &c: doo fall into the same, within a short space, such store of fine sand (comming no doubt out of the earth with the water) will congeale and gather about it, that the forme being reserued, and the inner part not lightlie altered, it will seeme to become an hard stone, and much like vnto that which is ingendred in the kidneis of a man, as I haue séene by experience. At the first entrance it is verie cold, but after a season it warmeth the goer in, casting him into an indifferent heat. And this is furthermore remembred of it, that no man hath yet susteined anie manner of impeachment through the coldnesse of the same. The vertue thereof was found 1579 about Whitsuntide, by a man who had wounded himselfe, & comming by the same water, thought onelie to wash the blood from his hand therewith, and so to go home and séeke for helpe by surgerie: finallie finding the paine well asswaged, & the wound faire clensed, he departed, and misliking his vsuall medicins, he eftsoones came againe, and so often indéed vnto the said water till his hand was healed outright without anie other practise. By this meanes also he became a counsellor to other being hurt or in paine, that they should trie the vertue of this spring, who finding ease also, gaue out such commendation of the said water, that now at this present their fame is fullie equall, and the resort vnto them nothing inferior to that of the old baths. Beside this, the cures of such diseases as their forces do extend vnto, is much more speedie than we may haue at the other; and this is one commoditie also not smallie to be considered of. The fift place of baths or medicinable welles is at an hamlet called Newton, a little from saint Neots, or (as we pronounce it) saint Needs, which is ten or twelue miles from Cambridge, where two springs are knowne to be, of which the one is verie sweet and fresh, the other brackish & salt; this is good for scabs and leaperie (as it is said) the other for dimnesse of sight. Verie manie also doo make their repaire vnto them for sundrie diseases, some returning whole, and some nothing at all amended, bicause their cure is without the reach and working of those waters. Neuer went people so fast from the church, either vnto a faire or market, as they go to these wels, and those neere Rugbie, both places being discouered in this 1579 of Grace. I heare of another well to be found also about Ratcliffe néere London, euen at the same season. But sith rumors are now spred almost of euerie spring, & vaine tales flie about in maner of euerie water, I surcease to speake at all of anie other, till further experience doo trie whether they be medicinable or not: and yet I doubt not but most of these alredie mentioned haue heretofore bin knowne & remembred also, though confusedlie by the writers of old time; & yet in processe of time either neglected or forgotten, by meanes of sundrie troubles and turmoiles made in this realme by Danes, and other outward enimies, whereby their manifold benefit hath woonderfullie béene missed.

The last place of our baths, is a citie in Summersetshire, which taketh his name of the hot waters there to be séene and vsed. At the first it was called Cair Bledud, and not Cair Bledune, as some would haue it, for that is the old name of the ancient castell at Malmesburie, which the Saxons named Yngleburne. Ptolomie afterward called it Thermæ, other Aquæ solis, or Scamannia, or Acmancester, but now it hight generallie Bath in English, and vnder that name it is likelie to continue. The citie of it selfe is a verie ancient thing, no doubt, as may yet appeare by diuerse notable antiquities ingraued in stone, to be séene in the wals thereof; and first of all betweene the south gate and the west, and betwixt the west gate and the north.

The first is the antike head of a man, made all flat, with great locks of haire, much like to the coine that I haue seene of Antius the Romane. The second betweene the south and the north gate is an image, as I take it, of Hercules, for he held in each hand a serpent, and so dooth this. Thirdlie there standeth a man on foot with a sword in his one hand, and a buckler stretched out in the other. There is also a branch that lieth folded and wreathed into circles, like to the wreath of Alcimedon. There are moreouer two naked images, whereof the one imbraceth the other, beside sundrie antike heads, with ruffled haire, a greiehound running, and at his taile certeine Romane letters, but so defaced that no man liuing can read them at this present. There is moreouer the image of Lacaon, inuironed with two serpents, and an other inscription, and all these betwéene the south and the west gates, as I haue said before.

Now, betweene the west and north gate are two inscriptions, of which some words are euident to be read, the residue are cleane defaced. There is also the image of a naked man, and a stone in like sort, which hath "Cupidines & labruscas intercurrentes," and a table hauing at each hand an image vined and finelie florished both aboue and beneath. Finallie (sauing that I saw afterward the image of a naked man grasping a serpent in each hand) there was an inscription of a toome or buriall, wherein these words did plainelie appeare, "Vixit annos xxx" but so defusedlie written, that letters stood for whole words, and two or thrée letters combined into one. Certes I will not saie whether these were set into the places where they now stand by the gentiles, or brought thither from other ruines of the towne it selfe, and placed afterward in those wals, in their necessarie reparations. But howsoeuer the matter standeth, this is to be gathered by our histories, that Bladud first builded that citie there, and peraduenture might also kindle the sulphurous veines, of purpose to burne continuallie there in the honour of Minerua: by which occasion the springs thereabout did in processe of time become hot & not vnprofitable, for sundrie kinds of diseases. Indeed the later Pagans dreamed, that Minerua was the chéefe goddesse and gouernesse of these [Sidenote: Chap. 25.] waters, bicause of the néerenesse of hir temple vnto the same. Solinus addeth furthermore, how that in hir said temple, the fire which was continuallie kept, did neuer consume into dead sparkles; but so soone as the embers thereof were cold, they congealed into clots of hard stone: all which I take to be nothing else than the effect of the aforesaid fire, of the sulphurous veine kindled in the earth, from whence the waters doo come. That these baths or waters are deriued [Sidenote: The Pyritis is found almost in euerie veine of mettall in great plentie, diuersities and colour, and somtimes mixed with that mettall of whose excrements it consisteth.] from such, the marchasites, which the Grecians call Pyritis, per antonomasiam (for being smit with the iron, it yéeldeth more sparkes than anie flint or calcedonie, and therefore seemeth to deserue the name aboue the rest) and besides these other stones mixed with some copper, and dailie found vpon the mounteins thereabouts will beare sufficient witnesse, though I would write the contrarie. Doctor Turner also the father of English physicke, and an excellent diuine, supposeth that these springs doo draw their forces from sulphur: or if there be anie other thing mingled withall, he gesseth that it should be salt peter, bicause he found an obscure likelihood of the same, euen in the crosse bath. But that they participate with anie allume at all, he could neuer till his dieng daie be induced to beléeue. I might here (if I thought it necessarie) intreat of the notable situation of the citie, which standeth in a pleasant bottome, inuironed on euerie side with great hils, out of the which come so manie springs of pure water by sundrie waies vnto the citie, and in such abundance, as that euerie house is serued with the same by pipes of lead, the said mettall being the more plentious and lesse of value vnto them, bicause it is not had far off from those quarters. It should not be amisse also to speake of the foure gates, number of parish churches, bridges, religious houses dissolued, and their founders, if place did serue therefore: but for so much as my purpose is not to deale in this behalfe, I will omit the mention of these things, and go in hand with the baths themselues, wherof in the title of this chapiter I protested to intreat.

There are two springs of water (as Leland saith) in the west south [Sidenote: Crosse bath.] west part of the towne, whereof the biggest is called the crosse bath, of a certeine crosse that was erected sometime in the middest thereof. This bath is much frequented by such as are diseased with leaprie, pockes, scabs, and great aches: yet of it selfe it is verie temperate and pleasant, hauing eleuen or twelue arches of stone in the sides thereof, for men to stand vnder, when raine dooth ought annoie them.

[Sidenote: Common bath.] The common bath, or as some call it, the hot bath, is two hundred foot, or thereabout from the crosse bath, lesse in compasse within the wall than the other, and with onelie seauen arches, wrought out of the maine inclosure. It is worthilie called the hot bath, for at the first comming into it, men thinke that it would scald their flesh, and lose it from the bone: but after a season, and that the bodies of the commers thereto be warmed throughlie in the same, it is more tollerable and easie to be borne. Both these baths be in the middle of a little stréet, and ioine to S. Thomas hospitall, so that it may be thought that Reginald bishop of Bath made his house néere vnto these common baths, onelie to succour such poore people as should resort vnto them.

[Sidenote: Kings bath.] The kings bath is verie faire and large, standing almost in the middle of the towne, at the west end of the cathedrall church. It is compassed about with a verie high stone wall, and the brims thereof are mured round about, where in be two and thirtie arches for men and women to stand in separatlie, who being of the gentrie for the most part, doo resort thither indifferentlie, but not in such lasciuious [Sidenote: Hot houses in some countries little better than brodels.] sort as vnto other baths and hot houses of the maine, whereof some write more a great deale than modestie should reueale, and honestie performe. There went a sluce out of this bath, which serued in times past the priorie with water, which was deriued out of it vnto two places, and commonlie vsed for baths, but now I doo not thinke that they remaine in vsage.

[Sidenote: Colour of the water of the baths.] As for the colour of the water of all the bathes, it is most like to a déepe blew, and reeketh much after the maner of a seething pot, [Sidenote: Taste of the water.] commonlie yéelding somwhat a sulpherous taste, and verie vnpleasant sauour. The water also that runneth from the two small baths, goeth by a dyke into the Auon by west, and beneath the bridge: but the same that goeth from the kings bath turneth a mill, and after goeth into Auon aboue Bath bridge, where it loseth both force and tast, and is like vnto the rest. In all the three baths a man maie euidentlie see [Sidenote: Fall or issue of the water.] how the water bubbleth vp from the springs. This is also to be noted, that at certeine times all entrances into them is vtterlie prohibited, that is to saie, at high noone, and midnight: for at those two seasons, and a while before and after, they boile verie feruentlie, and become so hot that no man is able to indure their heat, or anie while susteine their force and vehement working. They purge themselues furthermore from all such filth as the diseased doo leaue in each of them, wherfore we doo forbeare the rash entrance into them at that time: and so much the rather, for that we would not by contraction of anie new diseases, depart more gréeuouslie affected than we came vnto the citie, which is in déed a thing that each one should regard. For [Sidenote: Not good to enter into baths at all seasons.] these causes therefore they are commonlie shut vp from halfe an houre after ten of the clocke in the forenoone, to halfe an houre after one in the afternoone, and likewise at midnight: at which times the kéeper of them resorteth to his charge, openeth the gates, and leaueth (or should leaue) frée passage vnto such as come vnto them. Hitherto Leland.

What cost of late hath béene bestowed vpon these baths by diuerse of the nobilitie, gentrie, communaltie, and cleargie, it lieth not in me to declare: yet as I heare, they are not onelie verie much repared and garnished with sundrie curious péeces of workemanship, partlie touching their commendation, and partlie for the ease and benefit of such as resort vnto them; but also better ordered, clenlier kept, & more friendlie prouision made for such pouertie as dailie repaireth thither. But notwithstanding all this, such is the generall estate of things in Bath, that the rich men maie spend while they will, and the poore beg whilest they list for their maintenance and diet so long as they remaine there: and yet I denie not but that there is verie good order in that citie for all degrées. But where shall a man find anie equall regard of poore and rich, though God dooth giue these his good gifts fréelie, & vnto both alike? I would here intreat further of the customs vsed in these baths, what number of physicians dailie attend vpon those waters, for no man (especiallie such as be able to interteine them) dooth enter into these baths before he consult with the physician; also, what diet is to be obserued, what particular diseases are healed there, and to what end the commers thither doo drinke oftimes of that medicinable liquor: but then I should excéed the limits of a description. Wherefore I passe it ouer to others, hoping that some man yer long will vouchsafe to performe that at large, which the famous clearke Doctor Turner hath brieflie yet happilie begun, touching the effects & working of the same. For hitherto I doo not know of manie that haue trauelled in the natures of those baths of our countrie, with anie great commendation; much lesse of anie that hath reuealed them at the full for the benefit of our nation, or commoditie of strangers that resort vnto the same.

OF ANTIQUITIES FOUND.

CHAP. XXIV.

Hauing taken some occasion to speake here and there in this treatise of antiquities, it shall not be amis to deale yet more in this chapter, with some of them apart, & by themselues, whereby the secure authoritie of the Romans ouer this Iland maie in some cases more manifestlie appeare. For such was their possession of this Iland on this side of the Tine, that they held not one or two, or a few places onelie vnder their subiection, but all the whole countrie from east to west, from the Tine to the British sea, so that there was no region void of their gouernance: notwithstanding that vntill the death of Lucius, and extinction of his issue, they did permit the successors of Lud and Cimbaline to reigne and rule amongest them, though vnder a certeine tribute, as else-where I haue declared. The chéefe cause that vrgeth me to speake of antiquities, is the paines that I haue taken to gather great numbers of them togither, intending (if euer my Chronologie shall happen to come abroad) to set downe the liuelie portraitures of euerie emperour ingrauen in the same: also the faces of Pompeie, Crassus, the seuen kings of the Romans, Cicero, and diuerse other, which I haue prouided readie for the purpose, beside the monuments and liuelie images of sundrie philosophers, and kings of this Iland, since the time of Edward the Confessor. Wherof although presentlie I want a few, yet I doo not doubt but to obteine them all, if friendship at the leastwise procured for monie shall be able to preuaile. But as it hath doone hitherto, so the charges to be emploied vpon these brasen or copper images, will hereafter put by the impression of that treatise: whereby it maie come to passe, that long trauell shall soone proue to be spent in vaine, and much cost come to verie small successe. Whereof yet I force not greatlie, sith by this means I haue reaped some commoditie vnto my selfe, by searching of the histories, which often minister store of examples readie to be vsed in my function, as occasion shall mooue me. But to procéed with my purpose.

Before the comming of the Romans, there was a kind of copper monie currant here in Britaine, as Cæsar confesseth in the fift booke of his Commentaries, but I find not of what maner it was. Hereto he addeth a report of certeine rings, of a proportionate weight, which they vsed in his time, in stead likewise of monie. But as hitherto it hath not bene my lucke (I saie) to haue the certeine view of anie of these, so after the comming of the Romans, they inforced vs to abandon our owne, and receiue such imperiall monies or coines, as for the paiment of their legions was dailie brought ouer vnto them. What coines the Romans had, it is easie to be knowne, and from time to time much of it is found in manie places of this Iland, as well of gold and siluer, as of copper, brasse, and other mettall, much like stéele, almost of euerie emperour. So that I account it no rare thing to haue of the Roman coine, albeit that it still represent an image of our captiuitie, and maie be a good admonition for vs, to take heed how we yéeld our selues to the regiment of strangers. Of the store of these monies, found vpon the Kentish coast, I haue alreadie made mention in the description of Richborow, and chapter of Iles adiacent vnto the British Albion, and there shewed also how simple fishermen haue had plentie of them, and that the conies in making profers and holes to bréed in, haue scraped them out of the ground in verie great abundance. In speaking also of S. Albans, in the chapter of townes and villages, I haue not omitted to tell what plentie of these coines haue bene gathered there: wherfore I shall not néed here to repeat the same againe. Howbeit this is certeine, that the most part of all these antiquities, to be found within the land, & distant from the shore, are to be gotten either in the ruines of ancient cities and townes decaied, or in inclosed burrowes, where their legions accustomed sometime to winter, as by experience is dailie confirmed. What store hath béene séene of them in the citie of London, which they called Augusta, of the legion that soiourned there, & likewise in Yorke named also Victrix, of the legion Victoria, or Altera Roma (because of the beautie and fine building of the same) I my selfe can partlie witnesse, that haue séene, & often had of them, if better testimonie were wanting. The like I maie affirme of Colchester, where those of Claudius, Adrian, Traian, Vespasian, and other, are oftentimes plowed vp, or found by other means: also of Cantorburie, Andredeschester (now decaied) Rochester, then called Durobreuum, Winchester, and diuerse other beyond the Thames, which for breuitie sake I doo passe ouer in silence. Onlie the chiefe of all and where most are found in deed, is néere vnto Carleon and Cairgwent in Southwales, about Kenchester, thrée miles aboue Hereford, Aldborow, Ancaster, Bramdon, Dodington, where a spurre and péece of a chaine of gold were found in king Henrie the eight his daies, besides much of the said Roman coine, Binchester, Camalet, Lacocke vpon Auon, and Lincolne, Dorchester, Warwike, and Chester, where they are often had in verie great abundance. It seemeth that Ancaster hath beene a great thing, for manie square & colored pauements, vaults, and arches are yet found, and often laid open by such as dig and plow in the fields about the same. And amongst these, one Vresbie or Rosebie, a plowman, did ere vp not long since a stone like a trough, couered with another stone, wherein was great foison of the aforesaid coines. The like also was séene not yet fortie yeares agone about Grantham. But in king Henrie the eight his daies, an husbandman had far better lucke at Harleston, two miles from the aforesaid place, where he found not onelie great plentie of this coine, but also an huge brasse pot, and therein a large helmet of pure gold, richlie fretted with pearle, and set with all kind of costlie stones: he tooke vp also chaines much like vnto beads of siluer, all which, as being (if a man might ghesse anie certeintie by their beautie) not likelie to be long hidden, he presented to quéene Katharine then lieng at Peterborow, and therewithall a few ancient rolles of parchment written long agone, though so defaced with mouldinesse, and rotten for age, that no man could well hold them in his hand without falling into péeces, much lesse read them by reason of their blindnesse.

In the beginning of the same kings daies also at Killeie a man found as he eared, an arming girdle, harnessed with pure gold, and a great massie pomell with a crosse hilt for a sword of the same mettall, beside studs and harnesse for spurs, and the huge long spurs of like stuffe, whereof one doctor Ruthall got a part into his hands. The boroughs or buries, wherof I spake before, were certeine plots of ground, wherin the Romane souldiers did vse to lie when they kept in the open fields as chosen places, from whence they might haue easie accesse vnto their aduersaries, if anie outrage were wrought or rebellion mooued against them. And as these were the vsuall aboads for those able legions that serued dailie in the wars, so had they other certeine habitations for the old and forworne souldiers, whereby diuerse cities grew in time to be replenished with Romane colonies, as Cairleon, Colchester, Chester, and such other, of which, Colchester bare the name of Colonia long time, and wherein A. Plautius builded a temple vnto the goddesse of Victorie (after the departure of Claudius) which Tacitus calleth "Aram sempiternæ dominationis," a perpetuall monument of that our British seruitude. But to returne vnto our borowes, they were generallie walled about with stone wals, and so large in compasse that some did conteine thirtie, fourtie, three score, or eightie acres of ground within their limits: they had also diuerse gates or ports vnto each of them, and of these not a few remaine to be seene in our time, as one for example not far from great Chesterford in Essex, néere to the limits of Cambridgshire, which I haue often viewed, and wherein the compasse of the verie wall with the places where the gates stood is easie to be discerned: the like also is to be séene at a place within two miles south of Burton, called the Borow hils. In these therefore and such like, and likewise at Euolsburg, now S. Neots, or S. Needs, and sundrie other places, especiallie vpon the shore and coasts of Kent, as Douer, Rie, Romneie, Lid, &c: is much of their coine also to be found, and some péeces or other are dailie taken vp, which they call Borow pence, Dwarfs monie, Hegs pence, Feirie groats, Jewes monie, & by other foolish names not woorthie to be remembred. At the comming of the Saxons, the Britons vsed these holds as rescues for their cattell in the daie and night, when their enimies were abroad; the like also did the Saxons against the Danes, by which occasions (and now and then by carieng of their stones to helpe forward other buildings néere at hand) manie of them were throwne downe and defaced, which otherwise might haue continued for a longer time, and so your honour would saie, if you should happen to peruse the thickenesse and maner of building of those said wals and borowes. It is not long since a siluer saucer of verie ancient making was found néere to Saffron Walden, in the open field among the [Sidenote: Sterbirie a place where an armie hath lien.] Sterbirie hils, and eared vp by a plough, but of such massie greatnesse, that it weighed better than twentie ounces, as I haue heard reported. But if I should stand in these things vntill I had said all that might be spoken of them, both by experience and testimonie of Leland in his Commentaries of Britaine, and the report of diuerse yet liuing, I might make a greater chapter than would be either conuenient or profitable to the reader: wherefore so much onelie shall serue the turne for this time as I haue said alreadie of antiquities found within our Iland, especiallie of coine, whereof I purposed chiefelie to intreat.

OF THE COINES OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. XXV.

The Saxon coine before the conquest is in maner vtterlie vnknowne to me: howbeit if my coniecture be anie thing, I suppose that one shilling of siluer in those daies did counterpeise our common ounce, though afterward it came to passe that it arose to twentie pence, and so continued vntill the time of king Henrie the eight, who first brought it to thrée shillings and foure pence, & afterward our siluer [Sidenote: Copper monie.] coine vnto brasse & copper monies, by reason of those inestimable charges, which diuerse waies oppressed him. And as I gather such obscure notice of the shilling which is called in Latine Solidus, so I read more manifestlie of another which is the 48 part of a pound, and this also currant among the Saxons of our Ile, so well in gold as in siluer, at such time as 240 of their penies made vp a iust pound, fiue pence went to the shilling, and foure shillings to the ounce. But to procéed with my purpose. After the death of K. Henrie, Edward his sonne began to restore the aforesaid coine againe vnto fine siluer: so quéene Marie his successour did continue his good purpose, notwithstanding that in hir time the Spanish monie was verie c[=o]mon in England, by reason of hir mariage with Philip king of Spaine.

[Sidenote: Siluer restored.] After hir decease the ladie Elizabeth hir sister, and now our most gratious quéene, souereigne and princesse, did finish the matter wholie, vtterly abolishing the vse of copper and brasen coine, and conuerting the same into guns and great ordinance, she restored sundrie coines of fine siluer, as péeces of halfepenie farding, of a penie, of three halfe pence, péeces of two pence, of thrée pence, of foure pence (called the groat) of six pence vsuallie named the testone, and shilling of twelue pence, whereon she hath imprinted hir owne image, and emphaticall superscription. Our gold is either old or [Sidenote: Old gold.] new. The old is that which hath remained since the time of king Edward the third, or béene coined by such other princes as haue reigned since his deceasse, without anie abasing or diminution of the finesse of that mettall. Therof also we haue yet remaining, the riall, the George noble, the Henrie riall, the salut, the angell, and their smaller peeces, as halfes or quarters, though these in my time are not so common to be séene. I haue also beheld the souereigne of twentie shillings, and the péece of thirtie shillings, I haue heard likewise of péeces of fortie shillings, three pounds, fiue pounds, and ten pounds. But sith there were few of them coined, and those onelie at the commandement of kings, yearelie to bestow where their maiesties thought good in lieu of new yeares gifts and rewards: it is not requisit that I should remember them here amongst our currant monies.

[Sidenote: New gold.] The new gold is taken for such as began to be coined in the latter daies of king Henrie the eight, at which time the finesse of the mettall began to be verie much alaied, & is not likelie to be restored for ought that I can see: and yet is it such as hath béene coined since by his successors princes of this realme, in value and goodnesse equall and not inferiour to the coine and currant gold of other nations, where each one dooth couet chiefelie to gather vp our old finer gold: so that the angels, rials, and nobles, are more plentifullie seene in France, Italie, and Flanders, than they be by a great deale within the realme of England, if you regard the paiments which they dailie make in those kinds of our coine. Our peeces now currant are of ten shillings, fiue shillings, and two shillings and six pence onelie: and those of sundrie stamps and names, as halfe souereigns (equall in weight with our currant shilling, whereby that gold is valued at ten times so much siluer) quarters of souereigns (otherwise called crownes) and halfe crownes: likewise angels, halfe angels, and quarters of angels, or if there be anie other, in good sooth I know them not, as one scarselie acquainted with any siluer at all, much lesse then (God it wot) with any store of gold.

The first currant shilling or siluer péeces of twelue pence stamped within memorie, were coined by K. Henrie the eight in the twentith yeare of his reigne, & those of fiue shillings, and of two shillings and six pence, & the halfe shilling by king Edward the sixt: but the od péeces aboue remembred vnder the groat by our high and mightie princesse quéene Elizabeth, the name of the groat, penie, two pence, halfe penie, and farding, in old time the greatest siluer monies if you respect their denominations onelie, being more ancient than that I can well discusse of the time of their beginnings. Yet thus much I read, that king Edward the first in the eight yeare of his reigne, did first coine the penie and smallest péeces of siluer roundwise, which before were square, and woont to beare a double crosse with a crest, in such sort that the penie might easilie be broken, either into halfes or quarters: by which shift onelie the people came by small monies, as halfe pence and fardings, that otherwise were not stamped nor coined of set purpose.

Of forren coines we haue all the ducats, the single, double, and the double double, the crusadoes, with the long crosse and the short: the portigue, a péece verie solemnelie kept of diuerse, & yet oft times abased with washing, or absolutelie counterfeited: and finallie the French and Flemish crownes, onlie currant among vs, so long as they hold weight. But of siluer coines, as the soules turnois, whereof ten make a shilling, as the franke dooth two shillings, and thrée franks the French crowne, &c: we haue none at all: yet are the dalders, and such often times brought ouer, but neuerthelesse exchanged as bullion, according to their finenesse and weight, and afterward conuerted into coine, by such as haue authoritie.

In old time we had sundrie mints in England, and those commonlie kept in abbaies and religious houses before the conquest, where true dealing was commonlie supposed most of all to dwell: as at Ramseie, S. Edmundsburie, Canturburie, Glassenburie, Peterborow, and such like, sundrie exemplificats of the grants whereof are yet to be seene in writing, especiallie that of Peterborow vnder the confirmation of pope Eugenius: wherevnto it appeereth further by a charter of king Edgar (which I haue) that they either held it or had another in Stanford. But after the Normans had once gotten the kingdome into their fingers, they trusted themselues best with the ouersight of their mints, and therefore erected diuerse of their owne, although they afterward permitted some for small péeces of siluer vnto sundrie of the houses aforesaid. In my time diuerse mints are suppressed, as Southwarke, Bristow, &c: and all coinage is brought into one place, that is to saie, the Tower of London, where it is continuallie holden and perused, but not without great gaine to such as deale withall. There is also coinage of tin holden yearelie at two seuerall times, that is to saie, Midsummer and Michaelmas in the west countrie; which at the first hearing I supposed to haue béene of monie of the said mettall, and granted by priuilege from some prince vnto the towns of Hailestone, Trurie, and Lostwithiell. Howbeit, vpon further examination of the matter, I find it to be nothing so, but an office onlie erected for the prince, wherin he is allowed the ordinarie customes of that mettall: and such blocks of tin as haue passed the hands of his officers, are marked with an especiall stampe, whereby it is knowne that the custome due for the same hath ordinarilie béene answered. It should séeme (and in my opinion is verie likelie to be true) that while the Romans reigned here, Kingstone vpon Thames (sometime a right noble citie and place where the Saxon kings were vsuallie crowned) was the chiefe place of their coinage for this prouince. For in earing of the ground about that towne in times past, and now of late (besides the curious foundation of manie goodlie buildings that haue béene ripped vp by plowes, and diuerse coines of brasse, siluer, and gold, with Romane letters in painted pots found there) in the daies of cardinall Woolseie, one such huge pot was discouered full as it were of new siluer latelie coined; another with plates of siluer readie to be coined; and the third with chaines of siluer and such broken stuffe redie (as it should appeere) to be melted into coinage, whereof let this suffice to countenance out my coniecture. Of coins currant before the comming of the Romans I haue elsewhere declared, that there were none at all in Britaine: but as the Ilanders of Scylira, the old Romans, Armenians, Scythians, Seritans, Sarmatians, Indians, and Essences did barter ware for ware, so the Britons vsed brasse or rings of iron, brought vnto a certeine proportion, in steed of monie, as the Lacedemonians & Bisantines also did, & the Achiui (as Homer writeth) who had (saith he) rough peeces of brasse and iron in stéed of coine, wherewith they purchased their wines.

* * * * *

THE

CONTENTS OF THE THIRD BOOKE.

1 _Of cattell kept for profit._ 2 _Of wild and tame foules._ 3 _Of fish vsuallie taken vpon our coasts._ 4 _Of sauage beasts and vermines._ 5 _Of hawkes and rauenous foules._ 6 _Of venemous beasts._ 7 _Of our English dogs and their qualities._ 8 _Of our saffron, and the dressing thereof._ 9 _Of quarries of stone for building._ 10 _Of sundrie minerals._ 11 _Of mettals to be had in our land._ 12 _Of pretious stones._ 13 _Of salt made in England._ 14 _Of our accompt of time and hir parts._ 15 _Of principall faires and markets._ 16 _Of our innes and thorowfaires._

OF CATTELL KEPT FOR PROFIT.

CHAP. I.

There is no kind of tame cattell vsually to be séene in these parts of the world, wherof we haue not some, and that great store in England; as horsses, oxen, shéepe, goats, swine, and far surmounting the like in other countries, as may be prooued with ease. For where are oxen commonlie more large of bone, horsses more decent and pleasant in pase, kine more commodious for the pale, shéepe more profitable for wooll, swine more wholesome of flesh, and goates more gainefull to their kéepers, than here with vs in England? But to speke of them peculiarlie, I suppose that our kine are so abundant in yéeld of milke, wherof we make our butter & chéese, as the like anie where else, and so apt for the plough in diuerse places as either our horsses or oxen. And albeit they now and then twin, yet herein they séeme to come short of that commoditie which is looked for in other countries, to wit, in that they bring foorth most commonlie but one calfe at once. The gaines also gotten by a cow (all charges borne) hath beene valued at twentie shillings yearelie: but now as land is inhanced, this proportion of gaine is much abated, and likelie to decaie more and more, if ground arise to be yet déerer, which God forbid, if it be his will and pleasure. I heard of late of a cow in Warwikshire, belonging to Thomas Bruer of Studleie, which in six yéeres had sixtéene calfes, that is, foure at once in thrée caluings and twise twins, which vnto manie may séeme a thing incredible. In [Sidenote: Oxen.] like maner our oxen are such as the like are not to be found in anie countrie of Europe, both for greatnesse of bodie and swéetnesse of flesh: or else would not the Romane writers haue preferred them before those of Liguria. In most places our grasiers are now growen to be so cunning, that if they doo but sée an ox or bullocke, and come to the féeling of him, they will giue a ghesse at his weight, and how manie score or stone of flesh and tallow he beareth, how the butcher may liue by the sale, and what he may haue for the skin and tallow; which is a point of skill not commonlie practised heretofore. Some such grasiers also are reported to ride with veluet coats, and chaines of gold about them: and in their absence their wiues will not let to supplie those turnes with no lesse skill than their husbands: which is an hard worke for the poore butcher, sith he through this means can seldome be rich or wealthie by his trade. In like sort the flesh of our oxen and kine is sold both by hand and by weight as the buier will: but in yoong ware rather by weight, especiallie for the stéere and heighfer, sith the finer béefe is the lightest, wheras the flesh of buls and old kine, &c: is of sadder substance and therefore much heauier as it lieth in the scale. Their hornes also are knowne to be more faire and large in England than in anie other places, except those which are to be séene among the Pæones, which quantitie albeit that it be giuen to our bréed generallie by nature, yet it is now and then helped also by art.

[Sidenote: _Athenæus bib._ 10. _cap._ 8.] For when they be verie yoong, manie grasiers will oftentimes annoint their budding hornes, or tender tips with honie, which mollifieth the naturall hardnesse of that substance, and thereby maketh them to grow vnto a notable greatnesse. Certes, it is not strange in England, to sée oxen whose hornes haue the length of a yard or thrée foot betweene the tips, and they themselues thereto so tall, as the heigth of a man of meane and indifferent stature is scarse equall vnto them. Neuerthelesse it is much to be lamented that our generall bréed of cattell is not better looked vnto: for the greatest occupiers weane least store, bicause they can buie them (as they saie) far better cheape than to raise and bring them vp. In my time a cow hath risen from foure nobles to foure marks by this means, which notwithstanding were no great price if they did yearelie bring foorth more than one calfe a péece, as I heare they doo in other countries.

[Sidenote: Horsses.] Our horsses moreouer are high, and although not commonlie of such huge greatnesse as in other places of the maine: yet if you respect the easinesse of their pase, it is hard to saie where their like are to be had. Our land dooth yéeld no asses, and therefore we want the generation also of mules and somers; and therefore the most part of our cariage is made by these, which remaining stoned, are either reserued for the cart, or appointed to beare such burdens as are conuenient for them. Our cart or plough horsses (for we vse them indifferentlie) are commonlie so strong that fiue or six of them (at the most) will draw thrée thousand weight of the greatest tale with ease for a long iourneie, although it be not a load of common vsage, which consisteth onelie of two thousand, or fiftie foot of timber, fortie bushels of white salt, or six and thirtie of baie, or fiue quarters of wheat, experience dailie teacheth, and I haue elsewhere remembred. Such as are kept also for burden, will carie foure hundred weight commonlie, without anie hurt or hinderance. This furthermore is to be noted, that our princes and the nobilitie haue their cariage commonlie made by carts, wherby it commeth to passe, that when the quéenes maiestie dooth remooue from anie one place to another, there are vsuallie 400 carewares, which amount to the summe of 2400 horsses, appointed out of the countries adioining, whereby hir cariage is conueied safelie vnto the appointed place. Hereby also the ancient vse of somers and sumpter horsses is in maner vtterlie relinquished, which causeth the traines of our princes in their progresses to shew far lesse than those of the kings of other nations.

[Sidenote: Geldings.] Such as serue for the saddle are commonlie gelded, and now growne to be verie déere among vs, especiallie if they be well coloured, iustlie limmed, and haue thereto an easie ambling pase. For our countriemen, séeking their ease in euerie corner where it is to be had, delight verie much in these qualities, but chieflie in their excellent pases, which besides that it is in maner peculiar vnto horsses of our soile, and not hurtfull to the rider or owner sitting on their backes: it is moreouer verie pleasant and delectable in his eares, in that the noise of their well proportioned pase dooth yéeld comfortable sound as he trauelleth by the waie. Yet is there no greater deceipt vsed anie where than among our horssekeepers, horssecorsers, and hostelers: for such is the subtill knauerie of a great sort of them (without exception of anie of them be it spoken which deale for priuat gaine) that an honest meaning man shall haue verie good lucke among them, if he be not deceiued by some false tricke or other. There are certeine notable markets, wherein great plentie of horsses and colts is bought and sold, and wherevnto such as haue néed resort yearelie to buie and make their necessarie prouision of them, as Rippon, Newport pond, Wolfpit, Harborow, and diuerse other. But as most drouers are verie diligent to bring great store of these vnto those places; so manie of them are too too lewd in abusing such as buie them. For they haue a custome to make them looke faire to the eie, when they come within two daies iourneie of the market, to driue them till they sweat, & for the space of eight or twelue houres, which being doone they turne them all ouer the backs into some water, where they stand for a season, and then go forward with them to the place appointed, where they make sale of their infected ware, and such as by this meanes doo fall into manie diseases and maladies. Of such outlandish horsses as are dailie brought ouer vnto vs I speake not, as the genet of Spaine, the courser of Naples, the hobbie of Ireland, the Flemish roile, and Scotish nag, bicause that further spéech of them commeth not within the compasse of this treatise, and for whose breed and maintenance (especiallie of the greatest sort) king Henrie the eight erected a noble studderie and for a time had verie good successe with them, till the officers waxing wearie, procured a mixed brood of bastard races, whereby his good purpose came to little effect. Sir Nicholas Arnold of late hath bred the best horsses in England, and written of the maner of their production: would to God his compasse of ground were like to that of Pella in Syria, wherin the king of that nation had vsuallie a studderie of 30000 mares and 300 stallions, as Strabo dooth remember Lib. 16. But to leaue this, let vs sée what may be said of sheepe.

[Sidenote: Shéepe.] Our shéepe are verie excellent, sith for sweetnesse of flesh they passe all other. And so much are our woolles to be preferred before those of Milesia and other places, that if Iason had knowne the value of them that are bred, and to be had in Britaine, he would neuer haue gone to Colchis to looke for anie there. For as Dionysius Alexandrinus saith in his De situ orbis, it may by spinning be made comparable to the spiders web. What fooles then are our countrimen, in that they séeke to bereue themselues of this commoditie, by practising dailie how to transfer the same to other nations, in carieng ouer their rams & ewes to bréed & increase among them? The first example hereof was giuen vnder Edward the fourth, who not vnderstanding the botome of the sute of sundrie traitorous merchants, that sought a present gaine with the perpetuall hinderance of their countrie, licenced them to carie ouer certeine numbers of them into Spaine, who hauing licence but for a few shipped verie manie: a thing commonlie practised in other commodities also, whereby the prince and hir land are not seldome times defrauded. But such is our nature, and so blind are we in déed, that we sée no inconuenience before we féele it: and for a present gaine we regard not what damage may insue to our posteritie. Hereto some other man would ad also the desire that we haue to benefit other countries, and to impech our owne. And it is so sure as God liueth, that euerie trifle which commeth from beyond the sea, though it be not woorth thrée pence, is more estéemed than a continuall commoditie at home with vs, which far excéedeth that value. In time past the vse of this commoditie consisted (for the most part) in cloth and woolsteds: but now by meanes of strangers succoured here from domesticall persecution, the same hath béene imploied vnto sundrie other vses, as mockados, baies, vellures, grograines, &c: whereby the makers haue reaped no small commoditie. It is furthermore to be noted, for the low countries of Belgie know it, and dailie experience (notwithstanding the sharpenesse of our lawes to the contrarie) dooth yet confirme it: that although our rams & weathers doo go thither from vs neuer so well headed according to their kind: yet after they haue remained there a while, they cast there their heads, and from thencefoorth they remaine [Sidenote: Shéepe without hornes.] polled without any hornes at all. Certes this kind of cattell is more cherished in England, than standeth well with the commoditie of the commons, or prosperitie of diuerse townes, whereof some are wholie conuerted to their féeding: yet such a profitable sweetnesse is their fléece, such necessitie in their flesh, and so great a benefit in the manuring of barren soile with their doong and pisse, that their superfluous numbers are the better borne withall. And there is neuer an husbandman (for now I speake not of our great shéepemasters of whom some one man hath 20000) but hath more or lesse of this cattell féeding on his fallowes and short grounds, which yéeld the finer fléece, as Virgil (following Varro) well espied Georg. 3. where he saith:

"Si tibi lanicium curæ, primum aspera sylua, Lappæque tribulíque absint, fuge pabula læta."

Neuerthelesse the shéepe of our countrie are often troubled with the rot (as are our swine with the measels though neuer so generallie) and manie men are now and then great losers by the same: but after the calamitie is ouer, if they can recouer and kéepe their new stocks sound for seauen yeares togither, the former losse will easilie be recompensed with double commoditie. Cardan writeth that our waters are hurtfull to our shéepe, howbeit this is but his coniecture: for we know that our shéepe are infected by going to the water, and take the same as a sure and certeine token that a rot hath gotten hold of them, their liuers and lights being alredie distempered through excessiue heat, which inforceth them the rather to séeke vnto the water. Certes there is no parcell of the maine, wherin a man shall generallie find more fine and wholesome water than in England; and therefore it is impossible that our shéepe should decaie by tasting of the same. Wherfore the hinderance by rot is rather to be ascribed to the vnseasonablenes & moisture of the weather in summer, also their licking in of mildewes, gossamire, rowtie fogs, & ranke grasse, full of superfluous iuice: but speciallie (I saie) to ouer moist wether, whereby the continuall raine pearsing into their hollow felles, soketh foorthwith into their flesh, which bringeth them to their baines. Being also infected their first shew of sickenesse is their desire to drinke, so that our waters are not vnto them "Causa ægritudinis," but "Signum morbi," what so euer Cardan doo mainteine to the contrarie. There are (& peraduenture no small babes) which are growne to be so good husbands, that they can make account of euerie ten kine to be cléerelie woorth twentie pounds in c[=o]mon and indifferent yeares, if the milke of fiue shéepe be dailie added to the same. But as I wote not how true this surmise is, bicause it is no part of my trade, so I am sure hereof, that some housewiues can and doo ad dailie a lesse proportion of ewes milke vnto the chéese of so manie kine, whereby their cheese dooth the longer abide moist, and eateth more brickle and mellow than otherwise it would.

[Sidenote: Goats.] Goats we haue plentie, and of sundrie colours in the west parts of England; especiallie in and towards Wales, and amongst the rockie hilles, by whome the owners doo reape no small aduantage: some also are cherished elsewhere in diuerse stéeds for the benefit of such as are diseased with sundrie maladies, vnto whom (as I heare) their milke, chéese, and bodies of their yoong kids are iudged verie profitable, and therefore inquired for of manie farre and néere. Certes I find among the writers, that the milke of a goat is next in estimation to that of the woman; for that it helpeth the stomach, remooueth oppilations and stoppings of the liuer, and looseth the bellie. Some place also next vnto it the milke of the ew: and thirdlie that of the cow. But hereof I can shew no reason; onelie this I know, that ewes milke is fulsome, sweet, and such in tast, as except such as are vsed vnto it no man will gladlie yéeld to liue and féed withall.

[Sidenote: Swine.] As for swine, there is no place that hath greater store, nor more wholesome in eating, than are these here in England, which neuerthelesse doo neuer anie good till they come to the table. Of these some we eat greene for porke, and other dried vp into bakon to haue it of more continuance. Lard we make some though verie little, because it is chargeable: neither haue we such vse thereof as is to be séene in France and other countries, sith we doo either bake our meat with swéet suet of beefe or mutton, and bast all our meat with sweet or salt butter, or suffer the fattest to bast it selfe by leisure. In champaine countries they are kept by herds, and an hogherd appointed to attend and wait vpon them, who commonlie gathereth them togither by his noise and crie, and leadeth them foorth to féed abroad in the fields. In some places also women doo scowre and wet their cloths with their doong, as other doo with hemlocks and netles: but such is the sauor of the cloths touched withall, that I cannot abide to weare them on my bodie, more than such as are scowred with the reffuse sope, than the which (in mine opinion) there is none more vnkindlie sauor.

[Sidenote: Bores.] Of our tame bores we make brawne, which is a kind of meat not vsuallie knowne to strangers (as I take it) otherwise would not the swart Rutters and French cookes, at the losse of Calis (where they found great store of this prouision almost in euerie house) haue attempted with ridiculous successe to rost, bake, broile, & frie the same for their masters, till they were better informed. I haue heard moreouer, how a noble man of England, not long since, did send ouer an hogshead of brawne readie sowsed to a catholike gentleman of France, who supposing it to be fish, reserued it till Lent, at which time he did eat thereof with verie great frugalitie. Thereto he so well liked of the prouision it selfe, that he wrote ouer verie earnestlie & with offer of great recompense for more of the same fish against the yeare insuing: whereas if he had knowne it to haue beene flesh, he would not haue touched it (I dare saie) for a thousand crownes without the popes dispensation. A fréend of mine also dwelling sometime in Spaine, hauing certeine Iewes at his table, did set brawne before them, whereof they did eat verie earnestlie, supposing it to be a kind of fish not common in those parties: but when the goodman of the house brought in the head in pastime among them, to shew what they had eaten, they rose from the table, hied them home in hast, ech of them procuring himselfe to vomit, some by oile, and some by other meanes, till (as they supposed) they had clensed their stomachs of that prohibited food. With vs it is accounted a great péece of seruice at the table, from Nouember vntill Februarie be ended; but chéeflie in the Christmasse time. With the same also we begin our dinners ech daie after other: and because it is somewhat hard of digestion, a draught of malueseie, bastard, or muscadell, is vsuallie droonke after it, where either of them are conuenientlie to be had: otherwise the meaner sort content themselues with their owne drinke, which at that season is generallie verie strong, and stronger indéed than in all the yeare [Sidenote: Brawne of the bore.] beside. It is made commonlie of the fore part of a tame bore, set vp for the purpose by the space of a whole yere or two, especiallie in gentlemens houses (for the husbandmen and farmers neuer franke them for their owne vse aboue thrée or foure moneths, or halfe a yéere at the most) in which time he is dieted with otes and peason, and lodged on the bare planks of an vneasie coat, till his fat be hardened sufficientlie for their purpose: afterward he is killed, scalded, and cut out, and then of his former parts is our brawne made, the rest is nothing so fat, and therefore it beareth the name of sowse onelie, and is commonlie reserued for the seruing man and hind, except it please [Sidenote: Baked hog.] the owner to haue anie part therof baked, which are then handled of custome after this manner. The hinder parts being cut off, they are first drawne with lard, and then sodden; being sodden they are sowsed in claret wine and vineger a certeine space, and afterward baked in pasties, and eaten of manie in stéed of the wild bore, and trulie it is verie good meat: the pestles may be hanged vp a while to drie before they be drawne with lard if you will, and thereby prooue the better. But hereof inough, and therefore to come againe vnto our brawne. The necke peeces being cut off round, are called collars of brawne, the shoulders are named shilds, onelie the ribs reteine the former denomination, so that these aforesaid péeces deserue the name of brawne: the bowels of the beast are commonlie cast awaie because of their ranknesse, and so were likewise his stones; till a foolish fantasie got hold of late amongst some delicate dames, who haue now found the meanes to dresse them also with great cost for a deintie dish, and bring them to the boord as a seruice among other of like sort, though not without note of their desire to the prouocation of fleshlie lust, which by this their fond curiositie is not a little reuealed. When the bore is thus cut out, ech peece is wrapped vp, either with bulrushes, ozier péeles, tape, inkle, or such like, and then sodden in a lead or caldron togither, till they be so tender that a man may thrust a brused rush or soft straw cleane through the fat: which being doone, they take it vp, and laie it abroad to coole: afterward putting it into close vessels, they powre either good small ale or béere mingled with veriuice and salt thereto till it be couered, and so let it lie (now and then altering and changing the sowsing drinke least it should wax sowre) till occasion serue to spend it out of the waie. Some vse to make brawne of great barrow hogs, and séeth them, and sowse the whole, as they doo that of the bore; and in my iudgement it is the better of both, and more easie of digestion. But of brawne thus much; and so much may seeme sufficient.

OF WILD AND TAME FOULES.

CHAP. II.

Order requireth that I speake somewhat of the foules also of England, which I may easilie diuide into the wild & tame: but alas such is my small skill in foules, that to say the truth, I can neither recite their numbers, nor well distinguish one kind of them from another. Yet this I haue by generall knowledge, that there is no nation vnder the sunne, which hath alreadie in the time of the yere more plentie of wild foule than we, for so manie kinds as our Iland dooth bring foorth, and much more would haue, if those of the higher soile might be spared but one yeare or two, from the greedie engins of couetous foulers, which set onlie for the pot & purse. Certes this enormitie bred great trouble in K. Iohns daies, insomuch that going in progresse about the tenth of his reigne, he found little or no game wherewith to solace himself, or exercise his falcons. Wherfore being at Bristow in the Christmas insuing, he restreined all maner of hawking or taking of wild-foule throughout England for a season, whereby the land within few yeares was throughlie replenished againe. But what stand I vpon this impertinent discourse? Of such therefore as are bred in our land, we haue the crane, the bitter, the wild & tame swan, the bustard, the herron, curlew, snite, wildgoose, wind or doterell, brant, larke, plouer of both sorts, lapwing, teele, wigeon, mallard, sheldrake, shoueler, pewet, seamew, barnacle, quaile (who onelie with man are subiect to the falling sickenesse) the notte, the oliet or olife, the dunbird, woodcocke, partrich and feasant, besides diuerse other, whose names to me are vtterlie vnknowne, and much more the taste of their flesh, wherewith I was neuer acquainted. But as these serue not at all seasons, so in their seuerall turnes there is no plentie of them wanting, whereby the tables of the nobilitie and gentrie should séeme at anie time furnisht. But of all these the production of none is more maruellous in my mind, than that of the barnacle, whose place of generation we haue sought oft times so farre as the Orchades, whereas peraduenture we might haue found the same neerer home, and not onelie vpon the coasts of Ireland, but euen in our owne riuers. If I should say how either these or some such other foule not much vnlike vnto them haue bred of late times (for their place of generation is not perpetuall, but as opportunitie serueth, and the circumstances doo minister occasion) in the Thames mouth, I doo not thinke that manie will beleeue me: yet such a thing hath there béene scene, where a kind of foule had his beginning vpon a short tender shrub standing néere vnto the shore, from whence when their time came, they fell downe, either into the salt water and liued, or vpon the drie land and perished, as Pena the French herbarian hath also noted in the verie end of his herball. What I for mine owne part haue séene here by experience, I haue alreadie so touched in the chapter of Ilands, that it should be but time spent in vaine to repeat it here againe. Looke therefore in the description of Man or Manaw for more of these barnacles, as also in the eleuenth chapter of the description of Scotland, & I doo not doubt but you shall in some respect be satisfied in the generation of these foules. As for egrets, pawpers, and such like, they are dailie brought vnto vs from beyond the sea, as if all the foule of our countrie could not suffice to satisfie our delicate appetites.

Our tame foule are such (for the most part) as are common both to vs and to other countries, as cocks, hens, géese, duckes, peacocks of Inde, pigeons, now an hurtfull foule by reason of their multitudes, and number of houses dailie erected for their increase (which the bowres of the countrie call in scorne almes houses, and dens of theeues, and such like) wherof there is great plentie in euerie farmers yard. They are kept there also to be sold either for readie monie in the open markets, or else to be spent at home in good companie amongst their neighbors without reprehension or fines. Neither are we so miserable in England (a thing onelie granted vnto vs by the especiall grace of God, and libertie of our princes) as to dine or sup with a quarter of a hen, or to make so great a repast with a cocks combe, as they doo in some other countries: but if occasion serue, the whole carcasses of manie capons, hens, pigeons, and such like doo oft go to wracke, beside béefe, mutton, veale, and lambe: all which at euerie feast are taken for necessarie dishes amongest the communaltie of England.

The gelding of cocks, whereby capons are made, is an ancient practise brought in of old time by the Romans when they dwelt here in this land: but the gelding of turkies or Indish peacocks is a newer deuise: and certeinlie not vsed amisse, sith the rankenesse of that bird is verie much abated thereby, and the strong taste of the flesh in sundrie wise amended. If I should say that ganders grow also to be gelded, I suppose that some will laugh me to scorne, neither haue I tasted at anie time of such a foule so serued, yet haue I heard it more than once to be vsed in the countrie, where their géese are driuen to the field like heards of cattell by a gooseheard, a toie also no lesse to be maruelled at than the other. For as it is rare to heare of a gelded gander, so is it strange to me to sée or heare of géese to be led to the field like shéepe: yet so it is, & their gooseheard carieth a rattle of paper or parchment with him, when he goeth about in the morning to gather his goslings togither, the noise whereof commeth no sooner to their eares, than they fall to gagling, and hasten to go with him. If it happen that the gates be not yet open, or that none of the house be stirring, it is ridiculous to sée how they will peepe vnder the doores, and neuer leaue creaking and gagling till they be let out vnto him to ouertake their fellowes. With vs where I dwell they are not kept in this sort, nor in manie other places, neither are they kept so much for their bodies as their feathers. Some hold furthermore an opinion, that in ouer ranke soiles their doong dooth so qualifie the batablenesse of the soile, that their cattell is thereby kept from the garget, and sundrie other diseases, although some of them come to their ends now and then, by licking vp of their feathers. I might here make mention of other foules producted by the industrie of man, as betwéene the fesant cocke and doonghill hen, or betwéene the fesant and the ringdooue, the peacocke and the turkie hen, the partrich and the pigeon: but sith I haue no more knowledge of these, than what I haue gotten by mine eare, I will not meddle with them. Yet Cardan speaking of the second sort, dooth affirme it to be a foule of excellent beautie. I would likewise intreat of other foules which we repute vncleane, as rauens, crowes, pies, choughes, rookes, kites, iaies, ringtailes, starlings, woodspikes, woodnawes, rauens, &c: but sith they abound in all countries, though peraduenture most of all in England (by reason of our negligence) I shall not néed to spend anie time in the rehearsall of them. Neither are our crowes and choughs cherished of purpose to catch vp the woormes that bréed in our soiles (as Polydor supposeth) sith there are no vplandish townes but haue (or should haue) nets of their owne in store to catch them withall. Sundrie acts of parlement are likewise made for their vtter destruction, as also the spoile of other rauenous fouls hurtfull to pultrie, conies, lambs, and kids, whose valuation of reward to him that killeth them is after the head: a deuise brought from the Goths, who had the like ordinance for the destruction of their white crowes, and tale made by the becke, which killed both lambs and pigs. The like order is taken with vs for our vermines, as with them also for the rootage out of their wild beasts, sauing that they spared their greatest beares, especiallie the white, whose skins are by custome & priuilege reserued to couer those planchers wherevpon their priests doo stand at Masse, least he should take some vnkind cold in such a long péece of worke: and happie is the man that may prouide them for him, for he shall haue pardon inough for that so religious an act, to last if he will till doomes day doo approch; and manie thousands after. Nothing therefore can be more vnlikelie to be true, than that these noisome creatures are nourished amongst vs to deuoure our wormes, which doo not abound much more in England than elsewhere in other countries of the maine. It may be that some looke for a discourse also of our other foules in this place at my hand, as nightingales, thrushes, blackebirds, mauises, ruddocks, redstarts or dunocks, larkes, tiuits, kingsfishers, buntings, turtles white or graie, linets, bulfinshes, goldfinshes, washtailes, cheriecrackers, yellowhamers, felfares, &c: but I should then spend more time vpon them than is conuenient. Neither will I speake of our costlie and curious auiaries dailie made for the better hearing of their melodie, and obseruation of their natures: but I cease also to go anie further in these things, hauing (as I thinke) said inough alreadie of these that I haue named.

OF FISH VSUALLIE TAKEN VPON OUR COASTS.

CHAP. III.

I haue in my description of waters, as occasion hath serued, intreated of the names of some of the seuerall fishes which are commonlie to bée found in our riuers. Neuerthelesse as euerie water hath a sundrie mixture, and therefore is not stored with euerie kind: so there is almost no house, euen of the meanest bowres, which haue not one or mo ponds or holes made for reseruation of water vnstored with some of them, as with tench, carpe, breame, roch, dace, eeles, or such like as will liue and bréed togither. Certes it is not possible for me to deliuer the names of all such kinds of fishes as our riuers are found to beare: yet least I should séeme iniurious to the reader, in not deliuering so manie of them as haue béene brought to my knowledge, I will not let to set them downe as they doo come to mind. Besides the salmons therefore, which are not to be taken from the middest of September to the middest of Nouember, and are verie plentifull in our greatest riuers, as their yoong store are not to be touched from mid Aprill vnto Midsummer, we haue the trout, barbell, graile, powt, cheuin, pike, goodgeon, smelt, perch, menan, shrimpes, creuises, lampreies, and such like, whose preseruation is prouided for by verie sharpe lawes, not onelie in our riuers, but also in plashes or lakes and ponds, which otherwise would bring small profit to the owners, and doo much harme by continuall maintenance of idle persons, who would spend their whole times vpon their bankes, not coueting to labour with their hands, nor follow anie good trade. Of all these there are none more preiudiciall to their neighbours that dwell in the same water, than the pike and éele, which commonlie deuoure such fish or frie and spawne as they may get and come by. Neuerthelesse the pike is fréend vnto the tench, as to his leach & surgeon. For when the fishmonger hath opened his side and laid out his riuet and fat vnto the buier, for the better vtterance of his ware, and can not make him away at that present, he laieth the same againe into the proper place, and sowing vp the wound, he restoreth him to the pond where tenches are, who neuer cease to sucke and licke his greeued place, till they haue restored him to health, and made him readie to come againe to the stall, when his turne shall come about. I might here make report how the pike, carpe, and some other of our riuer fishes are sold by inches of cleane fish, from the eies or gilles to the crotch of the tailes, but it is needlesse: also how the pike as he ageth receiueth diuerse names, as from a frie to a gilthed, from a gilthed to a pod, from a pod to a iacke, from a iacke to a pickerell, from a pickerell to a pike, and last of all to a luce; also that a salmon is the first yeare a grauellin, and commonlie so big as an herring, the second a salmon peale, the third a pug, and the fourth a salmon: but this is in like sort vnnecessarie.

I might finallie tell you, how that in fennie riuers sides if you cut a turffe, and laie it with the grasse downewards, vpon the earth, in such sort as the water may touch it as it passeth by, you shall haue a brood of éeles, it would seeme a wonder; and yet it is beleeued with no lesse assurance of some, than that an horse haire laid in a pale full of the like water will in short time stirre and become a liuing creature. But sith the certeintie of these things is rather prooued by few than the certeintie of them knowne vnto manie, I let it passe at this time. Neuerthelesse this is generallie obserued in the maintenance of frie so well in riuers as in ponds, that in the time of spawne we vse to throw in faggots made of willow and sallow, and now and then of bushes for want of the other, whereby such spawne as falleth into the same is preserued and kept from the pike, perch, éele and other fish, of which the carpe also will féed vpon his owne, and thereby hinder the store and increase of proper kind. Some vse in euerie fift or seauenth yeere to laie their great ponds drie for all the summer time, to the end they may gather grasse, and a thin swart for the fish to feed vpon; and afterwards store them with bréeders, after the water be let of new againe into them: finallie, when they haue spawned, they draw out the bréeders, leauing not aboue foure or six behind, euen in the greatest ponds, by meanes whereof the rest doo prosper the better: and this obseruation is most vsed in carpe and breame; as for perch (a delicate fish) it prospereth euerie where, I meane so well in ponds as riuers, and also in motes and pittes, as I doo know by experience, though their bottoms be but claie. More would I write of our fresh fish, if anie more were needfull; wherefore I will now turne ouer vnto such of the salt water as are taken vpon our coasts. As our foules therefore haue their seasons, so likewise haue all our sorts of sea fish: whereby it commeth to passe that none, or at the leastwise verie few of them are to be had at all times. Neuerthelesse, the seas that inuiron our coasts, are of all other most plentifull: for as by reason of their depth they are a great succour, so our low shores minister great plentie of food vnto the fish that come thereto, no place being void or barren, either through want of food for them, or the falles of filthie riuers, which naturallie annoie them. In December therefore and Ianuarie we commonlie abound in herring and red fish, as rochet, and gurnard. In Februarie and March we féed on plaice, trowts, turbut, muskles, &c. In April and Maie, with makrell, and cockles. In Iune and Iulie, with conger. In August and September, with haddocke and herring: and the two moneths insuing with the same, as also thornbacke and reigh of all sorts; all which are the most vsuall, and wherewith our common sort are best of all refreshed.

For mine owne part I am greatlie acquainted neither with the seasons, nor yet with the fish it selfe: and therefore if I should take vpon me to describe or speake of either of them absolutelie, I should enterprise more than I am able to performe, and go in hand with a greater matter than I can well bring about. It shall suffice therefore to declare what sorts of fishes I haue most often séene, to the end I may not altogither passe ouer this chapter without the rehersall of something, although the whole summe of that which I haue to saie be nothing indeed, if the performance of a full discourse hereof be anie thing hardlie required.

Of fishes therefore as I find fiue sorts, the flat, the round, the [Sidenote: Flat fish.] long, the legged and shelled: so the flat are diuided into the smooth, scaled and tailed. Of the first are the plaice, the but, the turbut, birt, floke or sea flounder, dorreie, dab, &c. Of the second the soles, &c. Of the third, our chaits, maidens, kingsons, flath and thornbacke, whereof the greater be for the most part either dried and carried into other countries, or sodden, sowsed, & eaten here at home, whilest the lesser be fried or buttered; soone after they be taken as prouision not to be kept long for feare of putrifaction. Vnder the [Sidenote: Round fish.] round kinds are commonlie comprehended lumps, an vglie fish to sight, and yet verie delicat in eating, if it be kindlie dressed: the whiting (an old waiter or seruitor in the court) the rochet, sea breame, pirle, hake, sea trowt, gurnard, haddocke, cod, herring, pilchard, sprat, and such like. And these are they whereof I haue best knowledge, and be commonlie to be had in their times vpon our coasts. Vnder this kind also are all the great fish conteined, as the seale, the dolphin, the porpoise, the thirlepole, whale, and whatsoeuer is [Sidenote: Long fish.] round of bodie be it neuer so great and huge. Of the long sort are congers, eeles, garefish, and such other of that forme. Finallie, of [Sidenote: Legged fish.] the legged kind we haue not manie, neither haue I seene anie more of this sort than the Polypus called in English the lobstar, crafish or creuis, and the crab. As for the little crafishes they are not taken in the sea, but plentifullie in our fresh riuers in banks, and vnder stones, where they kéepe themselues in most secret maner, and oft by likenesse of colour with the stones among which they lie, deceiue euen the skilfull takers of them, except they vse great diligence. Carolus Stephanus in his maison rustique, doubted whether these lobstars be fish or not; and in the end concludeth them to grow of the purgation of the water as dooth the frog, and these also not to be eaten, for that they be strong and verie hard of digestion. But hereof let other determine further.

I might here speake of sundrie other fishes now and then taken also vpon our coasts: but sith my mind is onelie to touch either all such as are vsuallie gotten, or so manie of them onelie as I can well rehearse vpon certeine knowledge, I thinke it good at this time to forbeare the further intreatie of them. As touching the shellie sort, we haue plentie of oisters, whose valure in old time for their swéetnesse was not vnknowne in Rome (although Mutianus as Plinie noteth lib. 32, cap. 6. preferre the Cyzicene before them) and these we haue in like maner of diuerse quantities, and no lesse varietie also of our muskles and cockles. We haue in like sort no small store of great whelkes, scalops and perewinkles, and each of them brought farre into the land from the sea coast in their seuerall seasons. And albeit our oisters are generallie forborne in the foure hot moneths of the yeare, that is to saie, Maie, Iune, Iulie, and August, which are void of the letter R: yet in some places they be continuallie eaten, where they be kept in pits as I haue knowne by experience. And thus much of our sea fish as a man in maner vtterlie vnacquainted with their diuersitie of kinds: yet so much haue I yéelded to doo, hoping hereafter to saie somewhat more, and more orderlie of them, if it shall please God that I may liue and haue leasure once againe to peruse this treatise, and so make vp a perfect péece of worke, of that which as you now sée is verie slenderlie attempted and begun.

OF SAUAGE BEASTS AND VERMINES.

CHAP. IV.

It is none of the least blessings wherewith God hath indued this Iland, that it is void of noisome beasts, as lions, beares, tigers, pardes, wolfes, & such like, by means whereof our countrimen may trauell in safetie, & our herds and flocks remaine for the most part abroad in the field without anie herdman or kéeper.

This is cheefelie spoken of the south and southwest parts of the Iland. For wheras we that dwell on this side of the Twed, may safelie boast of our securitie in this behalfe: yet cannot the Scots doo the like in euerie point within their kingdome, sith they haue greeuous [Sidenote: Woolfes.] woolfes and cruell foxes, beside some other of like disposition continuallie conuersant among them, to the generall hinderance of their husbandmen, and no small damage vnto the inhabiters of those quarters. The happie and fortunate want of these beasts in England is vniuersallie ascribed to the politike gouernement of king Edgar, who to the intent the whole countrie might once be clensed and clearelie rid of them, charged the conquered Welshmen (who were then pestered with these rauenous creatures aboue measure) to paie him a yearelie [Sidenote: Tribute of Woolfes skins.] tribute of woolfes skinnes, to be gathered within the land. He appointed them thereto a certeine number of three hundred, with free libertie for their prince to hunt & pursue them ouer all quarters of the realme; as our chronicles doo report. Some there be which write how Ludwall prince of Wales paid yearelie to king Edgar this tribute of thrée hundred woolfes, whose carcases being brought into Lhoegres, were buried at Wolfpit in Cambridgeshire, and that by meanes thereof within the compasse and terme of foure yeares, none of those noisome creatures were left to be heard of within Wales and England. Since this time also we read not that anie woolfe hath béene séene here that hath beene bred within the bounds and limits of our countrie: howbeit there haue béene diuerse brought ouer from beyond the seas for gréedinesse of gaine, and to make monie onlie by the gasing and gaping of our people vpon them, who couet oft to see them being strange beasts in their eies, and sildome knowne (as I haue said) in England.

Lions we haue had verie manie in the north parts of Scotland, and those with maines of no lesse force than they of Mauritania were sometimes reported to be; but how and when they were destroied as yet I doo not read. They had in like sort no lesse plentie of wild and cruell buls, which the princes and their nobilitie in the frugall time of the land did hunt, and follow for the triall of their manhood, and by pursute either on horssebacke or foot in armor; notwithstanding that manie times they were dangerouslie assailed by them. But both these sauage cretures are now not heard of, or at the least wise the later scarselie known in the south parts. Howbeit this I gather by their being here, that our Iland was not cut from the maine by the great deluge or flood of Noah: but long after, otherwise the generation of those & other like creatures could not haue extended into our Ilands. For, that anie man would of set purpose replenish the countrie with them for his pleasure and pastime in hunting, I can in no wise beléeue.

[Sidenote: Foxes.] [Sidenote: Badgers.] Of foxes we haue some but no great store, and also badgers in our sandie & light grounds, where woods, firzes, broome, and plentie of shrubs are to shrowd them in, when they be from their borrowes, and thereto warrens of conies at hand to féed vpon at will. Otherwise in claie, which we call the cledgie mould, we sildom heare of anie, bicause the moisture and toughnesse of the soile is such, as will not suffer them to draw and make their borrowes déepe. Certes if I may fréelie saie what I thinke, I suppose that these two kinds (I meane foxes and badgers) are rather preserued by gentlemen to hunt and haue pastime withall at their owne pleasures, than otherwise suffered to liue, as not able to be destroied bicause of their great numbers. For such is the scantitie of them here in England, in comparison of the plentie that is to be seene in other countries, and so earnestlie are the inhabitants bent to root them out, that except it had béene to beare thus with the recreations of their superiors in this behalfe, it could not otherwise haue béene chosen, but that they should haue béene vtterlie destroied by manie yeares agone.

I might here intreat largelie of other vermine, as the polcat, the miniuer, the weasell, stote, fulmart, squirrill, fitchew, and such like, which Cardan includeth vnder the word Mustela: also of the [Sidenote: Beuers.] otter, and likewise of the beuer, whose hinder féet and taile onlie are supposed to be fish. Certes the taile of this beast is like vnto a thin whetstone, as the bodie vnto a monsterous rat: the beast also it selfe is of such force in the téeth, that it will gnaw an hole through a thicke planke, or shere thorough a dubble billet in a night; it loueth also the stillest riuers: & it is giuen to them by nature, to go by flockes vnto the woods at hand, where they gather sticks wherewith to build their nests, wherein their bodies lie drie aboue the water, although they so prouide most commonlie, that their tailes may hang within the same. It is also reported that their said tailes are a delicate dish, and their stones of such medicinable force, that (as Vertomannus saith) foure men smelling vnto them each after other did bleed at the nose through their attractiue force, procéeding from a vehement sauour wherewith they are indued: there is greatest plentie of them in Persia, chéefelie about Balascham, from whence they and their dried cods are brought into all quarters of the world, though not without some forgerie by such as prouide them. And of all these here remembred, as the first sorts are plentifull in euerie wood and hedgerow: so these latter, especiallie the otter (for to saie the truth we haue not manie beuers, but onelie in the Teifie in Wales) is not wanting or to séeke in manie, but most streams and riuers of this Ile: but it shall suffice in this sort to haue named them as I doo [Sidenote: Marterns.] finallie the marterne, a beast of the chase, although for number I worthilie doubt whether that of our beuers or marterns may be thought to be the lesse.

Other pernicious beasts we haue not, except you repute the great plentie of red & fallow déere, whose colours are oft garled white and blacke, all white or all blacke, and store of conies amongst the hurtfull sort. Which although that of themselues they are not offensiue at all, yet their great numbers are thought to be verie preiudiciall, and therfore iustlie reprooued of many; as are in like sort our huge flocks of shéepe, whereon the greatest part of our soile is emploied almost in euerie place, and yet our mutton, wooll, and felles neuer the better cheape. The yoong males which our fallow deere doo bring foorth, are commonlie named according to their seuerall ages: for the first yéere it is a fawne, the second a puckot, the third a serell, the fourth a soare, the fift a bucke of the first head; not bearing the name of a bucke till he be fiue yéers old: and from hencefoorth his age is commonlie knowne by his head or horns. Howbeit this notice of his yéers is not so certeine, but that the best woodman may now and then be deceiued in that account: for in some grounds a bucke of the first head will be so well headed as another in a high rowtie soile will be in the fourth. It is also much to be maruelled at, that whereas they doo yéerelie mew and cast their horns; yet in fighting they neuer breake off where they doo grife or mew. Furthermore, in examining the condition of our red déere, I find that the yoong male is called in the first yéere a calfe, in the second a broket, the third a spaie, the fourth a stagon or stag, the fift a great stag, the sixt an hart, and so foorth vnto his death. And with him in degrée of venerie are accounted the hare, bore, and woolfe. The fallow déere as bucks and does, are nourished in parkes, and conies in warrens and burrowes. As for hares, they run at their owne aduenture, except some gentleman or other (for his pleasure) doo make an [Sidenote: Stags.] inclosure for them. Of these also the stag is accounted for the most noble game, the fallow déere is the next, then the roe, whereof we haue indifferent store; and last of all the hare, not the least in estimation, because the hunting of that seelie beast is mother to all the terms, blasts, and artificiall deuises that hunters doo vse. All which (notwithstanding our custome) are pastimes more méet for ladies and gentlewomen to exercise (whatsoeuer Franciscus Patritius saith to the contrarie in his institution of a prince) than for men of courage to follow, whose hunting should practise their armes in tasting of their manhood, and dealing with such beasts as eftsoones will turne againe, and offer them the hardest rather than their horsses féet, which manie times may carrie them with dishonour from the field. Surelie this noble kind of hunting onelie did great princes frequent in times past, as it may yet appéere by the histories of their times, especiallie of Alexander, who at vacant times hunted the tiger, the pard, the bore, and the beare, but most willinglie lions, because of the honorable estimation of that beast; insomuch that at one time he caused an od or chosen lion (for force and beautie) to be let foorth vnto him hand to hand, with whome he had much businesse, albeit that in the end he ouerthrew and killed the beast. Herevnto beside that which we read of the vsuall hunting of the princes and kings of Scotland, of the wild bull, woolfe, &c: the example of king Henrie the first of England, who disdaining (as he termed them) to follow or pursue cowards, cherished of set purpose sundrie kinds of wild beasts, as bears, libards, ounces, lions at Woodstocke, & one or two other places in England, which he walled about with hard stone, An. 1120, and where he would often fight with some one of them hand to hand, when they did turne againe and make anie raise vpon him: but chéeflie he loued to hunt the lion and the bore, which are both verie dangerous exercises, especiallie that with the lion, except some policie be found wherwith to trouble his eiesight in anie manner of wise. For though the bore be fierce, and hath learned by nature to harden his flesh and skin against the trées, to sharpen his teeth, and defile himselfe with earth, thereby to prohibit the entrance of the weapons: yet is the sport somewhat more easie, especiallie where two stand so neere togither, that the one (if néed be) may helpe and be a succour to the other. Neither would he cease for all this to follow his pastime, either on horssebacke or on foot, as occasion serued, much like the yoonger Cyrus. I haue read of wild bores and bulles to haue béene about Blackleie néere Manchester, whither the said prince would now and then resort also for his solace in that behalfe, as also to come by those excellent falcons then bred thereabouts; but now they are gone, especiallie the bulles, as I haue said alreadie.

King Henrie the fift in his beginning thought it a méere scofferie to pursue anie fallow déere with hounds or greihounds, but supposed himselfe alwaies to haue doone a sufficient act when he had tired them by his owne trauell on foot, and so killed them with his hands in the vpshot of that exercise and end of his recreation. Certes herein he resembled Polymnestor Milesius, of whome it is written, how he ran so swiftlie, that he would and did verie often ouertake hares for his pleasure, which I can hardlie beleeue: and therefore much lesse that one Lidas did run so lightlie and swiftlie after like game, that as he passed ouer the sand, he left not so much as the prints of his feet behind him. And thus did verie manie in like sort with the hart (as I doo read) but this I thinke was verie long agone, when men were farre higher and swifter than they are now: and yet I denie not, but rather grant willinglie that the hunting of the red deere is a right princelie pastime. In diuerse forren countries they cause their red and fallow déere to draw the plough, as we doo our oxen and horsses. [Sidenote: Hinds haue béene milked.] In some places also they milke their hinds as we doo here our kine and goats. And the experience of this latter is noted by Giraldus Cambrensis to haue beene séene and vsed in Wales, where he did eat cheese made of hinds milke, at such time as Baldwine archbishop of Canturburie preached the croisad there, when they were both lodged in a gentlemans house, whose wife of purpose kept a deirie of the same. As for the plowing with vres (which I suppose to be vnlikelie) because they are (in mine opinion) vntameable and alkes a thing commonlie vsed in the east countries; here is no place to speake of it, since we want these kind of beasts, neither is it my purpose to intreat at large of other things than are to be seene in England. Wherfore I will omit to saie anie more of wild and sauage beasts at this time, thinking my selfe to haue spoken alreadie sufficientlie of this matter, if not too much in the iudgement of the curious.

OF HAWKES AND RAUENOUS FOULES.

CHAP. V.

I can not make (as yet) anie iust report how manie sorts of hawkes are bred within this realme. Howbeit which of those that are vsuallie had among vs are disclosed with in this land, I thinke it more easie and lesse difficult to set downe. First of all therefore that we haue the egle, common experience dooth euidentlie confirme, and diuerse of our rockes whereon they bréed, if speach did serue, could well declare the same. But the most excellent aierie of all is not much from Chester, at a castell called Dinas Bren, sometime builded by Brennus, as our writers doo remember. Certes this castell is no great thing, but yet a pile sometime verie strong and inaccessible for enimies, though now all ruinous as manie other are. It standeth vpon an hard rocke, in the side whereof an eagle bréedeth euerie yeare. This also is notable in the ouerthrow of hir nest (a thing oft attempted) that he which goeth thither must be sure of two large baskets, and so prouide to be let downe thereto, that he may sit in the one and be couered with the other: for otherwise the eagle would kill him, and teare the flesh from his bones with hir sharpe talons though his apparell were neuer so good. The common people call this foule an erne, but as I am ignorant whither the word eagle and erne doo shew anie difference of sexe, I meane betwéene the male and female, so we haue great store of them. And néere to the places where they bréed, the commons complaine of great harme to be doone by them in their fields: for they are able to beare a yoong lambe or kid vnto their neasts, therwith to féed their yoong and come againe for more. I was once of the opinion that there was a diuersitie of kind betwéene the eagle and the erne, till I perceiued that our nation vsed the word erne in most places for the eagle. We haue also the lanner and the lanneret: the tersell and the gosehawke: the musket and the sparhawke: the iacke and the hobbie: and finallie some (though verie few) marlions. And these are all the hawkes that I doo heare as yet to be bred within this Iland. Howbeit as these are not wanting with vs, so are they not verie plentifull: wherefore such as delite in hawking doo make their chiefe purueiance & prouision for the same out of Danske, Germanie, and the Eastcountries, from whence we haue them in great abundance, and at excessiue prices, whereas at home and where they be bred they are sold for almost right naught, and vsuallie brought to the markets as chickins, pullets and pigeons are with vs, and there bought vp to be eaten (as we doo the aforesaid foules) almost of euerie man. It is said that the sparhawke preieth not vpon the foule in the morning that she taketh ouer euen, but as loth to haue double benefit by one seelie foule, dooth let it go to make some shift for it selfe. But hereof as I stand in some doubt, so this I find among the writers worthie the noting, that the sparhawke is enimie to yoong children, as is also the ape; but of the pecocke she is maruellouslie afraid & so appalled, that all courage & stomach for a time is taken from hir vpon the sight thereof. But to proceed with the rest. Of other rauenous birds we haue also verie great plentie, as the bussard, the kite, the ringtaile, dunkite, & such as often annoie our countrie dames by spoiling of their yoong bréeds of chickens, duckes and goslings, wherevnto our verie rauens and crowes haue learned also the waie: and so much are our rauens giuen to this kind of spoile, that some idle and curious heads of set purpose haue manned, reclaimed, and vsed them in stéed of hawkes, when other could not be had. Some doo imagine that the rauen should be the vulture, and I was almost persuaded in times past to beleeue the same: but finding of late a description of the vulture, which better agreeth with the forme of a second kind of eagle, I fréelie surcease to be longer of that opinion: for as it hath after a sort the shape, colour, and quantitie of an eagle, so are the legs and feet more hairie and rough, their sides vnder their wings better couered with thicke downe (wherewith also their gorge or a part of their brest vnder their throtes is armed, and not with fethers) than are the like parts of the eagle, and vnto which portraiture there is no member of the rauen (who is also verie blacke of colour) that can haue anie resemblance: we haue none of them in England to my knowledge, if we haue, they go generallie vnder the name of eagle or erne. Neither haue we the pygargus or gripe, wherefore I haue no occasion to intreat further. I haue séene the carren crowes so cunning also by their owne industrie of late, that they haue vsed to soare ouer great riuers (as the Thames for example) & suddenlie comming downe haue caught a small fish in their féet & gone awaie withall without wetting of their wings. And euen at this present the aforesaid riuer is not without some of them, a thing (in my opinion) not a little to be wondered at. We haue also ospraies which bréed with vs in parks and woods, wherby the kéepers of the same doo reape in bréeding time no small commoditie: for so soone almost as the yoong are hatched, they tie them to the but ends or ground ends of sundrie trees, where the old ones finding them, doo neuer cease to bring fish vnto them, which the keepers take & eat from them, and commonlie is such as is well fed, or not of the worst sort. It hath not béene my hap hitherto to see anie of these foules, & partlie through mine owne negligence: but I heare that it hath one foot like an hawke to catch hold withall, and another resembling a goose wherewith to swim; but whether it be so or not so, I refer the further search and triall thereof vnto some other. This neuertheles is certeine that both aliue and dead, yea euen hir verie oile is a deadlie terrour to such fish as come within the wind of it. There is no cause wherefore I should describe the cormorant amongst hawkes, of which some be blacke and manie pied chiefelie about the Ile of Elie, where they are taken for the night rauen, except I should call him a water hawke. But sith such dealing is not conuenient, let vs now sée what may be said of our venemous wormes, and how manie kinds we haue of them within our realme and countrie.

OF VENEMOUS BEASTS.

CHAP. VI.

If I should go about to make anie long discourse of venemous beasts or wormes bred in England, I should attempt more than occasion it selfe would readilie offer, sith we haue verie few worms, but no beasts at all, that are thought by their naturall qualities to be either venemous or hurtfull. First of all therefore we haue the adder (in our old Saxon toong called an atter) which some men doo not rashlie take to be the viper. Certes if it be so, then is it not the viper author [Sidenote: * _Galenus de Theriaca ad Pisonem._ * _Plin. lib. 10. cap. 62._] of the death of hir [*] parents, as some histories affirme; and thereto Encelius a late writer in his "De re metallica," lib. 3. cap. 38. where he maketh mention of a she adder which he saw in Sala, whose wombe (as he saith) was eaten out after a like fashion, hir yoong ones lieng by hir in the sunne shine, as if they had béene earth worms. Neuerthelesse as he nameth them "Viperas," so he calleth the male Echis, and the female Echidna, concluding in the end that Echis is the same serpent which his countrimen to this daie call Ein atter, as I haue also noted before out of a Saxon dictionarie. For my part I am persuaded that the slaughter of their parents is either not true at all, or not alwaies (although I doubt not but that nature hath right well prouided to inhibit their superfluous increase by some meanes or other) and so much the rather am I led herevnto, for that I gather by Nicander, that of all venemous worms the viper onelie bringeth out hir yoong aliue, and therefore is called in Latine "Vipera quasi viuipara:" but of hir owne death he dooth not (to my remembrance) saie any thing. It is testified also by other in other words, & to the like sense, that "Echis id est vipera sola ex serpentibus non oua sed animalia parit." And it may well be, for I remember that I haue read in Philostratus "De vita Appollonij,"

[Sidenote: Adder or viper.] how he saw a viper licking hir yoong. I did see an adder once my selfe that laie (as I thought) sléeping on a moulehill, out of whose mouth came eleuen yoong adders of twelue or thirtéene inches in length a péece, which plaied to and fro in the grasse one with another, till some of them espied me. So soone therefore as they saw my face, they [Sidenote: See _Aristotle Animalium lib._ 5. _cap. vltimo_, & _Theophrast. lib._ 7. _cap._ 13.] ran againe into the mouth of their dam, whome I killed, and then found each of them shrowded in a distinct cell or pannicle in hir bellie, much like vnto a soft white iellie, which maketh me to be of the opinion that our adder is the viper indéed. The colour of their skin is for the most part like rustie iron or iron graie: but such as be verie old resemble a ruddie blew, & as once in the yeare, to wit, in Aprill or about the beginning of Maie they cast their old skins (whereby as it is thought their age reneweth) so their stinging bringeth death without present remedie be at hand, the wounded neuer ceasing to swell, neither the venem to worke till the skin of the one breake, and the other ascend vpward to the hart, where it finisheth the naturall effect, except the iuice of dragons (in Latine called "Dracunculus minor") be spéedilie ministred and dronke in strong ale, or else some other medicine taken of like force, that may counteruaile and ouercome the venem of the same. The length of them is most commonlie two foot and somwhat more, but seldome dooth it extend vnto two foot six inches, except it be in some rare and monsterous one: [Sidenote: Snakes.] whereas our snakes are much longer, and séene sometimes to surmount a yard, or thrée foot, although their poison be nothing so grieuous and deadlie as the others. Our adders lie in winter vnder stones, as Aristotle also saith of the viper Lib. 8. cap. 15. and in holes of the earth, rotten stubs of trees, and amongst the dead leaues: but in the heat of the summer they come abroad, and lie either round on heapes, or at length vpon some hillocke, or elsewhere in the grasse. They are found onelie in our woodland countries and highest grounds, where sometimes (though seldome) a speckled stone called Echites, in Dutch "Ein atter stein," is gotten out of their dried carcases, which diuers [Sidenote: _Sol. cap._ 40. _Plin. lib._ 37. _cap._ 11.] report to be good against their poison. As for our snakes, which in Latine are properlie named "Angues," they commonlie are seene in moores, fens, lomie wals, and low bottoms.

[Sidenote: Todes.] [Sidenote: Frogs.] [Sidenote: Sloworme.] And as we haue great store of todes where adders commonlie are found, so doo frogs abound where snakes doo kéepe their residence. We haue also the sloworme, which is blacke and graiesh of colour, and somewhat shorter than an adder. I was at the killing once of one of them, and thereby perceiued that she was not so called of anie want of nimble motion, but rather of the contrarie. Neuerthelesse we haue a blind worme to be found vnder logs in woods, and timber that hath lien long in a place, which some also doo call (and vpon better ground) by the name of slow worms, and they are knowen easilie by their more or lesse varietie of striped colours, drawen long waies from their heads, their whole bodies little excéeding a foot in length, & yet is there venem deadlie. This also is not to be omitted, that now and then in our fennie countries, other kinds of serpents are found of greater quantitie than either our adder or our snake: but as these are not ordinarie and oft to be séene, so I meane not to intreat of them among our common annoiances. Neither haue we the scorpion, a plague of God sent not long since into Italie, and whose poison (as Apollodorus saith) is white, neither the tarantula or Neopolitane spider, whose poison bringeth death, except musike be at hand. Wherfore I suppose our countrie to be the more happie (I meane in part) for that it is void of these two grieuous annoiances, wherewith other nations are plagued.

[Sidenote: Efts.] [Sidenote: Swifts.] We haue also efts, both of the land and water, and likewise the noisome swifts, whereof to saie anie more it should be but losse of time, sith they are well knowne; and no region to my knowledge found [Sidenote: Flies.] to be void of manie of them. As for flies (sith it shall not be amisse a little to touch them also) we haue none that can doo hurt or [Sidenote: Cutwasted.] [Sidenote: Whole bodied.] [Sidenote: Hornets.] [Sidenote: Waspes.] hinderance naturallie vnto anie: for whether they be cut wasted, or whole bodied, they are void of poison and all venemous inclination. The cut or girt wasted (for so I English the word Insecta) are the hornets, waspes, bées, and such like, whereof we haue great store, and of which an opinion is conceived, that the first doo bréed of the corruption of dead horsses, the second of peares and apples corrupted, and the last of kine and oxen: which may be true, especiallie the first and latter in some parts of the beast, and not their whole substances, as also in the second, sith we haue neuer waspes, but when our fruit beginneth to wax ripe. In déed Virgil and others speake of a generation of bées, by killing or smoothering of a brused bullocke or calfe, and laieng his bowels or his flesh wrapped vp in his hide in a close house for a certeine season; but how true it is hitherto I haue not tried. Yet sure I am of this, that no one liuing creature corrupteth without the production of another; as we may see by our selues, whose flesh dooth alter into lice; and also in shéepe for excessiue numbers of flesh flies, if they be suffered to lie vnburied or vneaten by the dogs and swine, who often and happilie preuent such néedlesse generations.

As concerning bées, I thinke it good to remember, that wheras some ancient writers affirme it to be a commoditie wanting in our Iland, it is now found to be nothing so. In old time peraduenture we had none in déed, but in my daies there is such plentie of them in maner euerie where, that in some vplandish townes, there are one hundred, or two hundred hiues of them, although the said hiues are not so huge as those of the east countrie, but far lesse, as not able to conteine aboue one bushell of corne, or fiue pecks at the most. Plinie (a man that of set purpose deliteth to write of woonders) speaking of honie noteth that in the north regions the hiues in his time were of such quantitie, that some one combe conteined eight foot in length, & yet (as it should séeme) he speketh not of the greatest. For in Podolia, which is now subiect to the king of Poland, their hiues are so great, and combes so abundant, that huge bores ouerturning and falling into them, are drowned in the honie, before they can recouer & find the meanes to come out.

[Sidenote: Honie.] Our honie also is taken and reputed to be the best, bicause it is harder, better wrought, and clenlier vesselled vp, than that which commeth from beyond the sea, where they stampe and streine their combs, bées, and yoong blowings altogither into the stuffe, as I haue béene informed. In vse also of medicine our physicians and apothecaries eschew the forren, especiallie that of Spaine and Ponthus, by reason of a venemous qualitie naturallie planted in the same, as some write, and choose the home made: not onelie by reason of our soile, which hath no lesse plentie of wild thime growing therein than in Sicilia, & about Athens, and makth the best stuffe; as also for that it bréedeth (being gotten in haruest time) lesse choler, and which is oftentimes (as I haue séene by experience) so white as sugar, and corned as if it were salt. Our hiues are made commonlie of rie straw, and wadled about with bramble quarters: but some make the same of wicker, and cast them ouer with claie. Wée cherish none in trées, but set our hiues somewhere on the warmest side of the house, prouiding that they may stand drie and without danger both of the mouse and moth. This furthermore is to be noted, that wheras in vessels of oile, that which is néerest the top is counted the finest, and of wine that in the middest; so of honie the best which is heauiest and moistest is alwaies next the bottome, and euermore casteth and driueth his dregs vpward toward the verie top, contrarie to the nature of other liquid substances, whose groonds and léeze doo generallie settle downewards. And thus much as by the waie of our bées and English honie.

As for the whole bodied, as the cantharides, and such venemous creatures of the same kind, to be abundantlie found in other countries, we heare not of them: yet haue we béetles, horseflies, turdbugs or borres (called in Latine _Scarabei_) the locust or the grashopper (which to me doo séeme to be one thing, as I will anon declare) and such like, whereof let other intreat that make an exercise in catching of flies, but a far greater sport in offering them to spiders. As did Domitian sometime, and an other prince yet liuing, who delited so much to sée the iollie combats betwixt a stout flie and an old spider, that diuerse men haue had great rewards giuen them for their painfull prouision of flies made onelie for this purpose. Some parasites also in the time of the aforesaid emperour, (when they were disposed to laugh at his follie, and yet would seeme in appearance to gratifie his fantasticall head with some shew of dutifull demenour) could deuise to set their lord on worke, by letting a flesh flie priuilie into his chamber, which he foorthwith would egerlie haue hunted (all other businesse set apart) and neuer ceased till he had caught hir into his fingers: wherevpon arose the prouerbe, "Ne musca quidem," vttered first by Vibius Priscus, who being asked whether anie bodie was with Domitian, answered, "Ne musca quidem," wherby he noted his follie. There are some cockescombs here and there in England, learning it abroad as men transregionate, which make account also of this pastime, as of a notable matter, telling what a fight is séene betwene them, if either of them be lustie and couragious in his kind. One also hath made a booke of the spider and the flie, wherein he dealeth so profoundlie, and beyond all measure of skill, that neither he himselfe that made it, neither anie one that readeth it, can reach vnto the meaning therof. But if those iollie fellows in stéed of the straw that they thrust into the flies tale (a great iniurie no doubt to such a noble champion) would bestow the cost to set a fooles cap vpon their owne heads: then might they with more securitie and lesse reprehension behold these notable battels.

Now as concerning the locust, I am led by diuerse of my countrie, who (as they say) were either in Germanie, Italie, or Pannonia, 1542, when those nations were greatly annoied with that kind of flie, and affirme verie constantlie, that they saw none other creature than the grashopper, during the time of that annoiance, which was said to come to them from the Meotides. In most of our translations also of the bible, the word _Locusta_ is Englished a grashopper, and therevnto Leuit. 11. it is reputed among the cleane food, otherwise Iohn the Baptist would neuer haue liued with them in the wildernesse. In [Sidenote: Sée _Diodorus Sicutus_.] Barbarie, Numidia, and sundrie other places of Affrica, as they haue beene, so are they eaten to this daie powdred in barels, and therefore the people of those parts are called _Acedophagi:_ neuertheles they shorten the life of the eaters by the production at the last of an irkesome and filthie disease. In India they are thrée foot long, in Ethiopia much shorter, but in England seldome aboue an inch. As for the cricket called in Latin _Cicada_, he hath some likelihood, but not verie great, with the grashopper, and therefore he is not to be brought in as an vmpier in this case. Finallie Matthiolus, and so manie as describe the locust, doo set downe none other forme than that of our grashopper, which maketh me so much the more to rest vpon my former imagination, which is, that the locust and grashopper are one.

OF OUR ENGLISH DOGS AND THEIR QUALITIES.

CHAP. VII.

There is no countrie that maie (as I take it) compare with ours, in number, excellencie, and diuersite of dogs. And therefore if Polycrates of Samia were now aliue, he would not send to Epyro for such merchandize: but to his further cost prouide them out of Britaine, as an ornament to his countrie, and péece of husbandrie for his common wealth, which he furnished of set purpose with Molossian and Lacaonian dogs, as he did the same also with shéepe out of Attica and Miletum, gotes from Scyro and Naxus, swine out of Sicilia, and artificers out of other places. Howbeit the learned doctor Caius in his Latine treatise vnto Gesner "De canibus Anglicis," bringeth them all into thrée sorts: that is, the gentle kind seruing for game: the homelie kind apt for sundrie vses: and the currish kind méet for many toies. For my part I can say no more of them than he hath doone alredie. Wherefore I will here set downe onelie a summe of that which he hath written of their names and natures, with the addition of an example or two now latelie had in experience, whereby the courages of our mastiffes shall yet more largelie appeare. As for those of other countries I haue not to deale with them: neither care I to report out of Plinie, that dogs were sometime killed in sacrifice, and sometime their whelps eaten as a delicate dish, Lib. 29. cap. 4. Wherefore if anie man be disposed to read of them, let him resort to Plinie lib. 8. cap. 40. who (among other woonders) telleth of an armie of two hundred dogs, which fetched a king of the Garamantes out of captiuitie, mawgre the resistance of his aduersaries: also to Cardan, lib. 10. "De animalibus," Aristotle, &c: who write maruels of them, but none further from credit than Cardan, who is not afraid to compare some of them for greatnesse with oxen, and some also for smalnesse vnto the little field mouse. Neither doo I find anie far writer of great antiquitie, that maketh mention of our dogs, Strabo excepted, who saith that the Galles did somtime buy vp all our mastiffes, to serue in the forewards of their battels, wherein they resembled the Colophonians, Castabalenses of Calicute and Phenicia, of whom Plinie also speaketh, but they had them not from vs.

The first sort therefore he diuideth either into such as rowse the beast, and continue the chase, or springeth the bird, and bewraieth hir flight by pursute. And as these are commonlie called spaniels, so the other are named hounds, whereof he maketh eight sorts, of which the formost excelleth in perfect smelling, the second in quicke espieng, the third in swiftnesse and quickenesse, the fourth in smelling and nimblenesse, &c: and the last in subtiltie and deceitfulnesse. These (saith Strabo) are most apt for game, and called _Sagaces_ by a generall name, not onelie bicause of their skill in hunting, but also for that they know their owne and the names of their fellowes most exactlie. For if the hunter see anie one to follow skilfullie, and with likelihood of good successe, he biddeth the rest to harke and follow such a dog, and they eftsoones obeie so soone as they heare his name. The first kind of these are also commonlie called hariers, whose game is the fox, the hare, the woolfe (if we had anie) hart, bucke, badger, otter, polcat, lopstart, wesell, conie, &c: the second hight a terrer, and it hunteth the badger and graie onelie: the third a bloudhound, whose office is to follow the fierce, and now and then to pursue a théefe or beast by his drie foot: the fourth hight a gasehound, who hunteth by the eie: the fift a greihound, cherished for his strength, swiftnes, and stature, commended by Bratius in his "De venatione," and not vnremembred by Hercules Stroza in a like treatise, but aboue all other those of Britaine, where he saith:

---- & magna spectandi mole Britanni,

also by Nemesianus, libro Cynegeticôn, where he saith:

Diuisa Britannia mittit Veloces nostríq; orbis venatibus aptos,

of which sort also some be smooth, of sundrie colours, and some shake haired: the sixt a liemer, that excelleth in smelling and swift running: the seuenth a tumbler: and the eight a théefe, whose offices (I meane of the latter two) incline onelie to deceit, wherein they are oft so skilfull, that few men would thinke so mischiefous a wit to remaine in such sillie creatures. Hauing made this enumeration of dogs, which are apt for the chase and hunting, he commeth next to such as serue the falcons in their times, whereof he maketh also two sorts. One that findeth his game on the land, an other that putteth vp such foule as keepeth in the water: and of these this is commonlie most vsuall for the net or traine, the other for the hawke, as he dooth shew at large. Of the first he saith, that they haue no peculiar names assigned to them seuerallie, but each of them is called after the bird which by naturall appointment he is allotted to hunt or serue, for which consideration some be named dogs for the feasant, some for the falcon, and some for the partrich. Howbeit the common name for all is spaniell (saith he) and therevpon alludeth, as if these kinds of dogs had bin brought hither out of Spaine. In like sort we haue of water spaniels in their kind. The third sort of dogs of the gentle kind, is the spaniell gentle, or comforter, or (as the common terme is) the fistinghound, and those are called _Melitei_, of the Iland Malta, from whence they were brought hither. These are little and prettie, proper and fine, and sought out far and néere to satisfie the nice delicacie of daintie dames, and wanton womens willes; instruments of follie to plaie and dallie withall, in trifling away the treasure of time, to withdraw their minds from more commendable exercises, and to content their corrupt concupiscences with vaine disport, a sillie poore shift to shun their irkesome idlenes. These Sybariticall puppies, the smaller they be (and thereto if they haue an hole in the foreparts of their heads) the better they are accepted, the more pleasure also they prouoke, as méet plaiefellowes for minsing mistresses to beare in their bosoms, to keepe companie withall in their chambers, to succour with sléepe in bed, and nourish with meat at boord, to lie in their laps, and licke their lips as they lie (like yoong Dianaes) in their wagons and coches. And good reason it should be so, for coursenesse with finenesse hath no fellowship, but featnesse with neatnesse hath neighbourhead inough. That plausible prouerbe therefore verefied sometime vpon a tyrant, namelie that he loued his sow better than his sonne, may well be applied to some of this kind of people, who delight more in their dogs, that are depriued of all possibilitie of reason, than they doo in children that are capable of wisedome & iudgement. Yea, they oft féed them of the best, where the poore mans child at their doores can hardlie come by the woorst. But the former abuse peraduenture reigneth where there hath béene long want of issue, else where barrennesse is the best blossome of beautie: or finallie, where poore mens children for want of their owne issue are not readie to be had. It is thought of some that it is verie wholesome for a weake stomach to beare such a dog in the bosome, as it is for him that hath the palsie to féele the dailie smell and sauour of a fox. But how truelie this is affirmed let the learned iudge: onelie it shall suffice for Doctor Caius to haue said thus much of spaniels and dogs of the gentle kind.

[Sidenote: Homelie kind of dogs.] Dogs of the homelie kind, are either shepheards curs, or mastiffes. The first are so common, that it néedeth me not to speake of them. Their vse also is so well knowne in keeping the heard togither (either when they grase or go before the sheepheard) that it should be but in vaine to spend anie time about them. Wherefore I will leaue this curre [Sidenote: Tie dogs.] vnto his owne kind, and go in hand with the mastiffe, tie dog, or banddog, so called bicause manie of them are tied vp in chaines and strong bonds, in the daie time, for dooing hurt abroad, which is an huge dog, stubborne, ouglie, eager, burthenous of bodie (& therefore but of little swiftnesse) terrible and fearfull to behold, and oftentimes more fierce and fell than anie Archadian or Corsican cur. Our Englishmen to the intent that these dogs may be more cruell and fierce, assist nature with some art, vse and custome. For although this kind of dog be capable of courage, violent, valiant, stout and bold: yet will they increase these their stomachs by teaching them to bait the beare, the bull, the lion, and other such like cruell and bloudie beasts, (either brought ouer or kept vp at home, for the same purpose) without anie collar to defend their throats, and oftentimes thereto they traine them vp in fighting and wrestling with a man (hauing for the safegard of his life either a pike staffe, club, sword, priuie coate) wherby they become the more fierce and cruell vnto strangers. The Caspians made so much account sometime of such great dogs, that euerie able man would nourish sundrie of them in his house of set purpose, to the end they should deuoure their carcases after their deaths, thinking the dogs bellies to be the most honourable sepulchers. The common people also followed the same rate, and therfore there were tie dogs kept vp by publike ordinance, to deuoure them after their deaths: by means whereof these beasts became the more eger, and with great difficultie after a while restreined from falling vpon the liuing. But whither am I digressed? In returning [Sidenote: Some barke and bite not.] [Sidenote: Some bite and barke not.] therefore to our owne, I saie that of mastiffes, some barke onelie with fierce and open mouth but will not bite, some doo both barke and bite, but the cruellest doo either not barke at all, or bite before they barke, and therefore are more to be feared than anie of the other. They take also their name of the word mase and théefe (or master théefe if you will) bicause they often stound and put such persons to their shifts in townes and villages, and are the principall causes of their apprehension and taking. The force which is in them surmounteth all beleefe, and the fast hold which they take with their téeth excéedeth all credit: for thrée of them against a beare, foure against a lion, are sufficient to trie mastries with them. King Henrie the seauenth, as the report goeth, commanded all such curres to be hanged, bicause they durst presume to fight against the lion, who is their king and souereigne. The like he did with an excellent falcon, as some saie, bicause he feared not hand to hand to match with an eagle, willing his falconers in his owne presence to pluck off his head after he was taken downe, saieng that it was not méet for anie subiect to offer such wrong vnto his lord and superiour, wherein he had a further meaning. But if king Henrie the seauenth had liued in our time, what would he haue doone to one English mastiffe, which alone and without anie helpe at all pulled downe first an huge beare, then a pard, and last of all a lion, each after other before the French king in one daie, when the lord Buckhurst was ambassador vnto him, and whereof if I should write the circumstances, that is, how he tooke his aduantage being let lose vnto them, and finallie draue them into such excéeding feare, that they were all glad to run awaie when he was taken from them, I should take much paines, and yet reape but small credit: wherefore it shall suffice to haue said thus much thereof. Some of our mastiffes will rage onelie in the night, some are to be tied vp both daie and night. Such also as are suffered to go lose about the house and yard, are so gentle in the daie time, that children may ride on their backs, & plaie with them, at their pleasures. Diuerse of them likewise are of such gelousie ouer their maister and whosoeuer of his houshold, that if a stranger doo imbrace or touch anie of them, they will fall fiercelie vpon them, vnto their extreame mischéefe if their furie be not preuented. Such an one was the dog of Nichomedes king sometime of Bithinia, who séeing Consigne the quéene to imbrace and kisse hir husband as they walked togither in a garden, did teare hir all to peeces, mauger his resistance, and the present aid of such as attended on them. Some of them moreouer will suffer a stranger to come in and walke about the house or yard where him listeth, without giuing ouer to follow him: but if he put foorth his hand to touch anie thing, then will they flie vpon him and kill him if they may. I had one my selfe once, which would not suffer anie man to bring in his weapon further than my gate: neither those that were of my house to be touched in his presence. Or if I had beaten anie of my children, he would gentlie haue assaied to catch the rod in his teeth and take it out of my hand, or else pluck downe their clothes to saue them from the stripes: which in my opinion is not vnworthie to be noted. And thus much of our mastiffes, creatures of no lesse faith and loue towards their maisters than horsses; as may appeare euen by the confidence that Masinissa reposed in them, in so much that mistrusting his houshold seruants he made him a gard of dogs, which manie a time deliuered him from their treasons and conspiracies, euen by their barking and biting, nor of lesse force than the Molossian race, brought from Epiro into some countries, which the poets feigne to haue originall from the brasen dog that Vulcan made, and gaue to Iupiter, who also deliuered the same to Europa, she to Procris, and Procris to Cephalus, as Iulius Pollux noteth, lib. 5. cap. 5: neither vnequall in carefulnesse to the mastiffe of Alexander Phereus, who by his onelie courage and attendance kept his maister long time from slaughter, till at the last he was remooued by policie, and the tyrant killed sléeping: the storie goeth thus. Thebe the wife of the said Phereus and hir three brethren conspired the death of hir husband, who fearing the dog onelie, she found the means to allure him from his chamber doore by faire means, vnto another house hard by, whilest they should execute their purpose. Neuerthelesse, when they came to the bed where he laie sléeping, they waxed faint harted, till she did put them in choise, either that they should dispatch him at once, or else that she hir selfe would wake hir husband, and giue him warning of his enimies, or at the least wise bring in the dog vpon them, which they feared most of all: and therefore quicklie dispatched him.

The last sort of dogs consisteth of the currish kind méet for manie toies: of which the whappet or prickeard curre is one. Some men call them warners, bicause they are good for nothing else but to barke and giue warning when anie bodie dooth stirre or lie in wait about the house in the night season. Certes it is vnpossible to describe these curs in anie order, bicause they haue no anie one kind proper vnto themselues, but are a confused companie mixt of all the rest. The second sort of them are called turne spits, whose office is not vnknowne to anie. And as these are onelie reserued for this purpose, so in manie places our mastiffes (beside the vse which tinkers haue of them in carieng their heauie budgets) are made to draw water in great whéeles out of déepe wels, going much like vnto those which are framed for our turne spits, as is to be séene at Roiston, where this feat is often practised. Besides these also we haue sholts or curs dailie brought out of Iseland, and much made of among vs, bicause of their sawcinesse and quarrelling. Moreouer they bite verie sore, and loue candles excéedinglie, as doo the men and women of their countrie: but I may saie no more of them, bicause they are not bred with vs. Yet this will I make report of by the waie, for pastimes sake, that when a great man of those parts came of late into one of our ships which went thither for fish, to see the forme and fashion of the same, his wife apparrelled in fine sables, abiding on the decke whilest hir husband was vnder the hatches with the mariners, espied a pound or two of candles hanging at the mast, and being loth to stand there idle alone, she fell to and eat them vp euerie one, supposing hir selfe to haue béene at a iollie banket, and shewing verie plesant gesture when hir husband came vp againe vnto hir.

The last kind of toiesh curs are named dansers, and those being of a mongrell sort also, are taught & exercised to danse in measure at the musicall sound of an instrument, as at the iust stroke of a drum, sweet accent of the citharne, and pleasant harmonie of the harpe, shewing manie trickes by the gesture of their bodies: as to stand bolt vpright, to lie flat vpon the ground, to turne round as a ring, holding their tailes in their teeth, to saw and beg for meat, to take a mans cap from his head, and sundrie such properties, which they learne of their idle rogish masters whose instruments they are to gather gaine, as old apes clothed in motleie, and coloured short wasted iackets are for the like vagabunds, who séeke no better liuing, than that which they may get by fond pastime and idlenesse. I might here intreat of other dogs, as of those which are bred betwéene a bitch and a woolfe, and called _Lycisca_: a thing verie often séene in France saith Franciscus Patricius in his common wealth, as procured of set purpose, and learned as I thinke of the Indians, who tie their sault bitches often in woods, that they might be loined by tigers: also betweene a bitch and a fox, or a beare and a mastiffe. But as we vtterlie want the first sort, except they be brought vnto vs: so it happeneth sometime, that the other two are ingendered and seene at home amongst vs. But all the rest heretofore remembred in this chapter, there is none more ouglie and odious in sight, cruell and fierce in déed, nor vntractable in hand, than that which is begotten betwéene the beare and the bandog. For whatsoeuer he catcheth hold of, he taketh it so fast, that a man may sooner teare and rend his bodie in sunder, than get open his mouth to separate his chaps. Certes he regardeth neither woolfe, beare, nor lion, and therfore may well be compared with those two dogs which were sent to Alexander out of India (& procreated as it is thought betwéene a mastiffe and male tiger, as be those also of Hircania) or to them that are bred in Archadia, where copulation is oft seene betweene lions and bitches, as the like is in France (as I said) betwéene shée woolfes and dogs, whereof let this suffice; sith the further tractation of them dooth not concerne my purpose, more than the confutation of Cardans talke, "De subt." lib. 10. who saith, that after manie generations, dogs doo become woolfes, and contrariwise; which if it were true, than could not England be without manie woolfes: but nature hath set a difference betwéene them, not onelie in outward forme, but also in inward disposition of their bones, wherefore it is vnpossible that his assertion can be sound.

OF OUR SAFFRON, AND THE DRESSING THEREOF.

CHAP. VIII.

As the saffron of England, which Platina reckneth among spices, is the most excellent of all other: for it giueth place neither to that of Cilicia, whereof Solinus speaketh, neither to anie that commeth from Cilicia, where it groweth vpon the mount Taurus, Tmolus, Italie, Ætolia, Sicilia or Licia, in swéetnesse, tincture, and continuance; so of that which is to be had amongst vs, the same that grows about Saffron Walden, somtime called Waldenburg, in the edge of Essex, first of all planted there in the time of Edward the third, and that of Glocester shire and those westerlie parts, which some thinke to be better than that of Walden, surmounteth all the rest, and therefore beareth worthilie the higher price, by six pence or twelue pence most commonlie in the pound. The root of the herbe that beareth this commoditie is round, much like vnto an indifferent chestnut, & yet it is not cloued as the lillie, nor flaked as the scallion, but hath a sad substance "Inter bulbosa," as Orchis, hyacinthus orientalis, and Statyrion. The colour of the rind is not much differing from the innermost shell of a chestnut, although it be not altogither so brickle as is the pill of an onion. So long as the leafe flourisheth the root is litle & small; but when the grasse is withered, the head increaseth and multiplieth, the fillets also or small roots die, so that when the time dooth come to take them vp, they haue no roots at all, but so continue vntill September that they doo grow againe: and before the chiue be grounded the smallest heads are also most esteemed; but whether they be great or small, if sheepe or neat may come to them on the heape, as they lie in the field, they will deuoure them as if they were haie or stuble, some also will wroot for them in verie eager maner. The leafe or rather the blade thereof is long and narrow as grasse, which come vp alwaies in October after the floures be gathered and gone, pointed on a little tuft much like vnto our siues. Sometimes our cattell will féed vpon the same; neuerthelesse, if it be bitten whilest it is gréene, the head dieth, and therefore our crokers are carefull to kéepe it from such annoiance vntill it begin to wither, and then also will the cattell soonest tast thereof: for vntill that time the iuice thereof is bitter. In euerie floure we find commonlie thrée chiues, and three yellowes, and double the number of leaues. Of twisted floures I speake not; yet is it found, that two floures grow togither, which bring foorth fiue chiues, so that alwaies there is an od chiue and od yellow, though thrée or foure floures should come out of one root. The whole herbe is named in Gréeke _Crocos_, but of some (as Dioscorides saith) _Castor_, _Cynomorphos_, or Hercules blood: yet in the Arabian spéech, (from whence we borow [Sidenote: Occasion of the name.] the name which we giue thervnto) I find that it is called _Zahafaran_, as Rembert dooth beare witnesse. The cause wherefore it was called Crocus was this (as the poets feigne) speciallie those from whome Galen hath borowed the historie, which he noteth in his ninth booke "De medicamentis secundum loca," where he writeth after this maner (although I take Crocus to be the first that vsed this comoditie.) A certeine yong gentleman called Crocus went to plaie at coits in the field with Mercurie, and being héedlesse of himselfe, Mercuries coit happened by mishap to hit him on the head, whereby he receiued a wound that yer long killed him altogither, to the great discomfort of his freends. Finallie, in the place where he bled, saffron was after found to grow, wherevpon the people seeing the colour of the chiue as it stood (although I doubt not but it grew there long before) adiudged it to come of the blood of Crocus, and therefore they gaue it his name. And thus farre Rembert, who with Galen, &c: differ verie much from Ouids Metamorphos. 4. who writeth also thereof. Indéed the chiue, while it remaineth whole & vnbrused, resembleth a darke red, but being broken and conuerted into vse, it yéeldeth a yellow tincture. But what haue we to doo with fables?

The heads of saffron are raised in Iulie, either with plough, raising, or tined hooke; and being scowred from their rosse or filth, and seuered from such heads as are ingendred of them, since the last setting, they are interred againe in Iulie and August by ranks or rowes, and being couered with moulds, they rest in the earth, where they cast forth litle fillets and small roots like vnto a scallion, vntill September, in the beginning of which moneth the ground is [Sidenote: Paring.] pared, and all wéeds and grasse that groweth vpon the same remooued, to the intent that nothing may annoie the floure when as his time dooth come to rise.

[Sidenote: Gathering.] These things being thus ordered in the latter end of the aforesaid moneth of September, the floure beginneth to appeere of a whitish blew, fesse or skie colour, and in the end shewing it selfe in the [Sidenote: Sée _Rembert_.] owne kind, it resembleth almost the Leucotion of Theophrast, sauing that it is longer, and hath in the middest thereof thrée chiues verie red and pleasant to behold. These floures are gathered in the morning before the rising of the sunne, which otherwise would cause them to welke or flitter. And the chiues being picked from the floures, these are throwne into the doonghill; the other dried vpon little kelles couered with streined canuasses vpon a soft fire: wherby, and by the weight that is laied vpon them, they are dried and pressed into cakes, and then bagged vp for the benefit of their owners. In good yeeres we gather foure score or an hundred pounds of wet saffron of an acre, which being dried dooth yeeld twentie pounds of drie and more. Whereby, and sith the price of saffron is commonlie about twentie shillings in monie, or not so little, it is easie to sée what benefit is reaped by an acre of this commoditie, towards the charges of the setter, which indeed are great, but yet not so much, as he shall be thereby a looser, if he be anie thing diligent. For admit that the triple tillage of an acre dooth cost 13 shillings foure pence before the saffron be set, the clodding sixtéene pence, the taking of euerie load of stones from the same foure pence, the raising of euerie quarter of heads six pence, and so much for clensing of them, besides the rent of ten shillings for euerie acre, thirtie load of doong which is woorth six pence the load to be laid on the first yéere, for the setting three and twentie shillings and foure pence, for the paring fiue shillings, six pence for the picking of a pound wet, &c: yea though he hire it readie set, and paie ten pounds for the same, yet shall he susteine no damage, if warme weather and open season doo happen at the gathering. This also is to be noted, that euerie acre asketh twentie quarters of heads, placed in ranks two inches one from an other in long beds, which conteine eight or ten foot in breadth. And after thrée yeeres that ground will serue well, and without compest for barleie by the space of eightéene or twentie yéeres togither, as experience dooth confirme. The heads also of euerie acre at the raising will store an acre and an halfe of new ground, which is a great aduantage, and it will floure eight or ten daies togither. But the best saffron is gathered at the first; at which time foure pounds of wet saffron will go verie neere to make one of drie; but in the middest fiue pounds of the one will make but one of the other, because the chiue waxeth smaller, as six at the last will doo no more but yéeld one of the dried, by reason of the chiue which is now verie leane and hungrie. After twentie yeeres also the same ground may be set with saffron againe. And in lieu of a conclusion, take this for a perpetuall rule, that heads comming out of a good ground will prosper best in a lighter soile; and contrariwise: which is one note that our crokers doo carefullie obserue.

[Sidenote: Raising.] The heads are raised euerie third yeare about vs, to wit, after Midsummer, when the rosse commeth drie from the heads; and commonlie in the first yéere after they be set they yéeld verie little increase: yet that which then commeth is counted the finest and greatest chiue, & best for medicine, and called saffron Du hort. The next crop is much greater; but the third exceedeth, and then they raise againe about Walden and in Cambridge shire. In this period of time also the heads are said to child, that is, to yéeld out of some parts of them diuerse other headlets, whereby it hath béene séene, that some one head hath béene increased (though with his owne detriment) to three, or foure, or fiue, or six, which augmentation is the onlie cause wherby they are sold so good cheape. For to my remembrance I haue not knowne foure bushels or a coome of them to be valued much aboue two shillings eight pence, except in some od yéeres that they arise to eight or ten shillings the quarter, and that is when ouer great store of winters water hath rotted the most of them as they stood within the ground, or heat in summer parched and burnt them vp.

In Norffolke and Suffolke they raise but once in seuen yéeres: but as their saffron is not so fine as that of Cambridgeshire and about Walden, so it will not cake, ting, nor hold colour withall, wherein lieth a great part of the value of this stuffe. Some craftie iackes vse to mix it with scraped brazell or with the floure of Sonchus, which commeth somewhat neere indeed to the hue of our good saffron (if it be late gathered) but it is soone bewraied both by the depth of the colour and hardnesse. Such also was the plentie of saffron about twentie yeeres passed, that some of the townesmen of Walden gaue the one halfe of the floures for picking of the other, and sent them ten or twelue miles abroad into the countrie, whilest the rest, not thankfull for the abundance of Gods blessing bestowed vpon them (as wishing rather more scarsitie thereof because of the kéeping vp of the price) in most contemptuous maner murmured against him, saieng that he did shite saffron therewith to choake the market. But as they shewed themselues no lesse than ingrat infidels in this behalfe, so the Lord considered their vnthankfulnesse, & gaue them euer since such scarsitie, as the greatest murmurers haue now the least store; and most of them are either worne out of occupieng, or remaine scarse able to mainteine their grounds without the helpe of other men. Certes it hath generallie decaied about Saffron Walden since the said time, vntill now of late within these two yeares, that men began againe to plant and renew the same, because of the great commoditie. But to procéed. When the heads be raised and taken vp, they will remaine sixteene or twentie daies out of the earth or more: yea peraduenture a full moneth. Howbeit they are commonlie in the earth againe by saint Iames tide, or verie shortlie after. For as if they be taken vp before Midsummer, or beginning of Iulie, the heads will shrinke like a rosted warden: so after August they will wax drie, become vnfruitfull, and decaie. And I know it by experience, in that I haue carried some of them to London with me; and notwithstanding that they haue remained there vnset by the space of fortie dais and more: yet some of them haue brought foorth two or thrée floures a peece, and some floures thrée or fiue chiues, to the greeat admiration of such as haue gathered the same, and not béene acquainted with their nature and countrie where they grew. The crokers or saffron men doo vse an obseruation a litle before the comming vp of the floure, and sometime in the taking vp at Midsummer tide, by opening of the heads to iudge of plentie and scarsitie of this commoditie to come. For if they sée as it were manie small hairie veines of saffron to be in the middest of the bulbe, they pronounce a fruitfull yeare. And to saie truth, at the cleauing of ech head, a man shall discerne the saffron by the colour, and sée where abouts the chiue will issue out of the root. Warme darke nights, swéet dews, fat grounds (chéeflie the chalkie) and mistie mornings are verie good for saffron; but frost and cold doo kill and keepe backe the floure, or else shrinke vp the chiue. And thus much haue I thought good to speake of English saffron, which is hot in the second and drie in the first degrée, and most plentifull as our crokers hold, in that yéere wherein ewes twin most. But as I can make no warrantize hereof, so I am otherwise sure, that there is no more deceit vsed in anie trade than in saffron. For in the making they will grease the papers on the kell with a little candle grease, to make the woorst saffron haue so good a colour as the best: afterwards also they will sprinkle butter thereon to make the weight better. But both these are bewraied, either by a quantitie thereof holden ouer the fire in a siluer spoone, or by the softnesse thereof betwéene the fore finger and the thumbe; or thirdlie, by the colour thereof in age: for if you laie it by farre worse saffron of other countries, the colour will bewraie the forgerie by the swartnesse of the chiue, which otherwise would excell it, and therevnto being sound, remaine crispe, brickle, and drie: and finallie, if it be holden néere the face, will strike a certeine biting heat vpon the skin and eies, whereby it is adiudged good and merchant ware indéed among the skilfull crokers.

Now if it please you to heare of anie of the vertues thereof, I will note these insuing at the request of one, who required me to touch a few of them with whatsoeuer breuitie I listed. Therefore our saffron (beside the manifold vse that it hath in the kitchin and pastrie, also in our cakes at bridals, and thanksgiuings of women) is verie profitably mingled with those medicins which we take for the diseases of the breast, of the lungs, of the liuer, and of the bladder: it is good also for the stomach if you take it in meat, for it comforteth the same and maketh good digestion: being sodden also in wine, it not onelie kéepeth a man from droonkennesse, but incorageth also vnto procreation of issue. If you drinke it in sweet wine, it inlargeth the breath, and is good for those that are troubled with the tisike and shortnesse of the wind: mingled with the milke of a woman, and laied vpon the eies, it staieth such humors as descend into the same, and taketh awaie the red wheales and pearles that oft grow about them: it killeth moths if it be sowed in paper bags verie thin, and laid vp in presses amongst tapistrie or apparell: also it is verie profitablie laid vnto all inflammations, painefull aposthumes, and the shingles; and dooth no small ease vnto deafnes, if it be mingled with such medicins as are beneficiall vnto the eares: it is of great vse also in ripening of botches and all swellings procéeding of raw humors. Or if it shall please you to drinke the root thereof with maluesie, it will maruellouslie prouoke vrine, dissolue and expell grauell, and yéeld no small ease to them that make their water by dropmeales. Finallie, thrée drams thereof taken at once, which is about the weight of one shilling nine pence halfepenie, is deadlie poison; as Dioscorides dooth affirme: and droonke in wine (saith Platina) lib. 3. cap. 13. "De honesta voluptate," dooth hast on droonkennesse, which is verie true. And I haue knowne some, that by eating onelie of bread more than of custome streined with saffron, haue become like droonken men, & yet otherwise well known to be but competent drinkers. For further confirmation of this also, if a man doo but open and ransake a bag of one hundred or two hundred weight, as merchants doo when they buie it of the crokers, it will strike such an aire into their heads which deale withall, that for a time they shall be giddie and sicke (I meane for two or three houres space) their noses and eies in like sort will yéeld such plentie of rheumatike water, that they shall be the better for it long after, especiallie their eiesight, which is woonderfullie clarified by this meanes: howbeit some merchants not liking of this physike, muffle themselues as women doo when they ride, and put on spectacles set in leather, which dooth in some measure (but not for altogither) put by the force thereof. There groweth some saffron in manie places of Almaine, and also about Vienna in Austria, which later is taken for the best that springeth in those quarters. In steed of this some doo vse the Carthamus, called amongst vs bastard saffron, but neither is this of anie value, nor the other in any wise comparable vnto ours. Whereof let this suffice as of a commoditie brought into this Iland in the time of Edward 3. and not commonlie planted till Richard 2. did reigne. It would grow verie well (as I take it) about the Chiltern hils, & in all the vale of the White horsse so well as in Walden and Cambridgeshire, if they were carefull of it. I heare of some also to be cherished alreadie in Glocestershire, and certeine other places westward. But of the finenesse and tincture of the chiue, I heare not as yet of anie triall. Would to God that my countriemen had beene heretofore (or were now) more carefull of this commoditie! then would it no doubt haue prooued more beneficiall to our Iland than our cloth or wooll. But alas! so idle are we, and heretofore so much giuen to ease, by reason of the smalnesse of our rents, that few men regard to search out which are their best commodities. But if landlords hold on to raise the rents of their farms as they begin, they will inforce their tenants to looke better vnto their gains, and scratch out their rent from vnder euerie clod that may be turned aside. The greatest mart for saffron is at Aquila in Abruzo, where they haue an especiall weight for the same of ten pounds lesse in the hundred than that of Florens and Luke: but how it agréeth with ours it shall appéere hereafter.

OF QUARRIES OF STONE FOR BUILDING.

CHAP. IX.

Quarries with vs are pits or mines, out of which we dig our stone to build withall, & of these as we haue great plentie in England, so are they of diuerse sorts, and those verie profitable for sundrie necessarie vses. In times past the vse of stone was in maner dedicated to the building of churches, religious houses, princely palaces, bishops manours, and holds onlie: but now that scrupulous obseruation is altogither infringed, and building with stone so commonlie taken vp, that amongst noble men & gentlemen, the timber frames are supposed to be not much better than paper worke, of little continuance, and least continuance of all. It farre passeth my cunning to set downe how manie sorts of stone for building are to be found in England, but much further to call each of them by their proper names. Howbeit, such is the curiositie of our countrimen, that notwithstanding almightie God hath so blessed our realme in most plentifull maner, with such and so manie quarries apt and meet for piles of longest continuance, yet we as lothsome of this abundance, or not liking of the plentie, doo commonlie leaue these naturall gifts to mould and cinder in the ground, and take vp an artificiall bricke, in burning whereof a great part of the wood of this land is dailie consumed and spent, to the no small decaie of that commoditie, and hinderance of the poore that perish oft for cold.

Our elders haue from time to time, following our naturall vice in misliking of our owne commodities at home, and desiring those of other countries abroad, most estéemed the cane stone that is brought hither out of Normandie: and manie euen in these our daies following the same veine, doo couet in their works almost to vse none other. Howbeit experience on the one side, and our skilfull masons on the other (whose iudgement is nothing inferiour to those of other countries) doo affirme, that in the north and south parts of England, and certeine other places, there are some quarries, which for hardnesse and beautie are equall to the outlandish greet. This maie also be confirmed by the kings chappell at Cambridge, the greatest part of the square stone wherof was brought thither out of the north. Some commend the veine of white frée stone, slate, and méere stone, which is betwéene Pentowen, and the blacke head in Cornewall, for verie fine stuffe. Other doo speake much of the quarries at Hamden, nine miles from Milberie, and pauing stone of Burbecke. For toph stone, not a few allow of the quarrie that is at Dreslie, diuerse mislike not of the veines of hard stone that are at Oxford, and Burford. One praiseth the free stone at Manchester, & Prestburie in Glocestershire; another the quarries of the like in Richmont. The third liketh well of the hard stone in Clee hill in Shropshire; the fourth of that of Thorowbridge, Welden, and Terrinton. Whereby it appeareth that we haue quarries inow, and good inough in England, sufficient for vs to build withall, if the péeuish contempt of our owne commodities, and delectations to inrich other countries, did not catch such foolish hold vpon vs. It is also verified (as anie other waie) that all nations haue rather néed of England, than England of anie other. And this I thinke may suffice for the substance of our works. Now if you haue regard to their ornature, how manie mines of sundrie kinds of course & fine marble are there to be had in England? But chieflie one in Staffordshire, an other neere to the Peke, the third at Vauldrie, the fourth at Snothill (longing to the lord Chaindois) the fift at Eglestone, which is of blacke marble, spotted with graie or white spots, the sixt not farre from Durham. Of white marble also we haue store, and so faire as the Marpesian of Paris Ile. But what meane I to go about to recite all, or the most excellent? sith these which I haue named alredie are not altogether of the best, nor scarselie of anie value in comparison of those, whose places of growth are vtterlie vnknowne vnto me, and whereof the blacke marble spotted with greene is none of the vilest sort, as maie appeare by parcell of the pauement of the lower part of the quire of Paules in London, and also in Westminster, where some péeces thereof are yet to be séene and marked, if anie will looke for them. If marble will not serue, then haue we the finest alabaster that maie elsewhere bée had, as about saint Dauids of Wales; also neere to Beau manour, which is about foure or fiue miles from Leicester, & taken to be the best, although there are diuerse other quarries hereof beyond the Trent, as in Yorkeshire, &c: and fullie so good as that, whose names at this time are out of my remembrance. What should I talke of the plaister of Axholme (for of that which they dig out of the earth in sundrie places of Lincolne and Darbishires, wherewith they blanch their houses in stead of lime, I speake not) certes it is a fine kind of alabaster. But sith it is sold commonlie but after twelue pence the load, we iudge it to be but vile and course. For my part I cannot skill of stone, yet in my opinion it is not without great vse for plaister of paris, and such is the mine of it, that the stones thereof lie in flakes one vpon an other like plankes or tables, and vnder the same is an excéeding hard stone verie profitable for building, as hath often times béene prooued. This is also to be marked further of our plaister white and graie, that not contented with the same, as God by the quarrie dooth send and yéeld it foorth, we haue now deuised to cast it in moulds for windowes and pillers of what forme and fashion we list, euen as alabaster it selfe: and with such stuffe sundrie houses in Yorkshire are furnished of late. But of what continuance this deuise is like to proue, the time to come shall easilie bewraie. In the meane time sir Rafe Burcher knight hath put the deuise in practise, and affirmeth that six men in six moneths shall trauell in that trade to sée greater profit to the owner, than twelue men in six yeares could before this tricke was inuented.

If neither alabaster nor marble doeth suffice, we haue the touchstone, called in Latine _Lydius lapis_, shining as glasse, either to match in sockets with our pillers of alabaster, or contrariwise: or if it please the workeman to ioine pillers of alabaster or touch with sockets of brasse, pewter, or copper, we want not also these mettals. So that I think no nation can haue more excellent & greater diuersitie of stuffe for building, than we maie haue in England, if our selues could so like of it. But such alas is our nature, that not our own but other mens do most of all delite vs; & for desire of noueltie, we oft exchange our finest cloth, corne, tin, and woolles, for halfe penie cockhorsses for children, dogs of wax or of chéese, two pennie tabers, leaden swords, painted feathers, gewgaws for fooles, dogtricks for disards, hawkeswhoods, and such like trumperie, whereby we reape iust mockage and reproch in other countries. I might remember here our pits for milstones, that are to be had in diuerse places of our countrie, as in Angleseie, Kent, also at Queene hope of blew gréet, of no lesse value than the Colaine, yea than the French stones: our grindstones for hardware men. Our whetstones are no lesse laudable than those of Creta & Lacedemonia, albeit we vse no oile with them, as they did in those parties, but onelie water, as the Italians and Naxians doo with theirs: whereas they that grow in Cilicia must haue both oile and water laid vpon them, or else they make no edge. These also are diuided either into the hard greet, as the common that shoemakers vse, or the soft gréet called hones, to be had among the barbars, and those either blacke or white, and the rub or brickle stone which husbandmen doo occupie in the whetting of their sithes.

In like maner slate of sundrie colours is euerie where in maner to be had, as is the flint and chalke, the shalder and the peble. Howbeit for all this wée must fetch them still from farre, as did the Hull men their stones out of Iseland, wherewith they paued their towne for want of the like in England: or as sir Thomas Gresham did, when he bought the stones in Flanders, wherwith he paued the Burse. But as he will answer peraduenture, that he bargained for the whole mould and substance of his workemanship in Flanders: so the Hullanders or Hull men will saie, how that stockefish is light loding, and therfore they did balasse their vessels with these Iseland stones, to keepe them from turning ouer in their so tedious a voiage. And thus much brieflie of our quarries of stone for building, wherein oftentimes the workemen haue found strange things inclosed, I meane liuelie creatures shut vp in the hard stones, and liuing there without respiration or breathing, as frogs, todes, &c: whereof you shall read more in the chronologie following: also in Caius Langius, William of Newburie, Agricola, Cornelius of Amsterdam, Bellogius de aquatilibus, Albert the great, lib. 19. cap. 9. "De rebus metallicis," and Goropius in Niloscopio, pag. 237, &c. Sometime also they find pretious stones (though seldome) and some of them perfectlie squared by nature, and much like vnto the diamond, found of late in a quarrie of marble at Naples, which was so perfectlie pointed, as if all the workemen in the world had c[=o]sulted about the performance of that workemanship. I know that these reports vnto some will séeme incredible, and therefore I stand the longer vpon them; neuerthelesse omitting to speake particularlie of such things as happen amongst vs, and rather séeking to confirme the same by the like in other countries, I will deliuer a few more examples, whereby the truth hereof shall so much the better appeare. For in the middest of a stone not long since found at Chius, vpon the breaking vp thereof, there was séene _Caput panisci_ inclosed therin, very perfectlie formed as the beholders doo remember. How come the grains of gold to be so fast inclosed in the stones that are & haue béene found in the Spanish Bætis? But this is most maruellous, that a most delectable and sweet oile, comparable to the finest balme, or oile of spike in smell, was found naturallie included in a stone, which could not otherwise be broken but with a smiths hammer. Goropius dooth tell of a pearch perfectlie formed to be found in Britaine: but [Sidenote: * [_Sic._]] as then [*] committed into hard stone, vpon the top of a crag. Aristotle and Theophrast speake of fishes digged out of the earth, farre from the sea in Greece, which Seneca also confirmeth, but with addition that they are perillous to be eaten. In pope Martins time, a serpent was found fast inclosed in a rocke, as the kernell is within the nut, so that no aire could come to it: and in my time another in a coffin of stone at Auignion, wherein, a man had béene buried, which so filled the roome, and laie so close from aire, that all men woondered how it was possible for the same to liue and continue so long time there. Finallie I my selfe haue séene stones opened, and within them the substances of corrupted wormes like vnto adders (but far shorter) whose crests and wrinkles of bodie appeared also therein, as if they had bene ingraued in the stones by art and industrie of man. Wherefore to affirme; that as well liuing creatures, as pretious stones, gold, &c: are now and then found in our quarries, shall not hereafter be a thing so incredible as manie talking philosophers, void, of all experience, doo affirme, and wilfullie mainteine against such as hold the contrarie.

ON SUNDRIE MINERALS.

CHAP. X.

With how great benefits this Iland of ours hath béene indued from the beginning, I hope there is no godlie man but will readilie confesse, and yéeld vnto the Lord God his due honour for the same. For we are blessed euerie waie, & there is no temporall commoditie necessarie to be had or craued by anie nation at Gods hand, that he hath not in most aboundant maner bestowed vpon vs Englishmen, if we could sée to vse it, & be thankefull for the same. But alas (as I said in the chapter precedent) we loue to inrich them that care not for vs, but for our great commodities: and one trifling toie not woorth the cariage, c[=o]ming (as the prouerbe saith) in thrée ships from beyond the sea is more woorth with vs, than a right good iewell, easie to be had at home. They haue also the cast to teach vs to neglect our owne things, for if they see that we begin to make anie account of our commodities (if it be so that they haue also the like in their owne countries) they will suddenlie abase the same to so low a price, that our gaine not being woorthie our trauell, and the same commoditie with lesse cost readie to be had at home from other countries (though but for a while) it causeth vs to giue ouer our indeuours, and as it were by and by to forget the matter wherabout we went before, to obteine them at their hands. And this is the onelie cause wherefore our commodities are oft so little estéemed of. Some of them can saie without anie teacher, that they will buie the case of a fox of an Englishman for a groat, and make him afterward giue twelue pence for the taile. Would to God we might once wax wiser, and each one indeuor that the common-wealth of England may flourish againe in hir old rate, and that our commodities may be fullie wrought at home (as cloth if you will for an example) and not caried out to be shorne and dressed abroad, while our clothworkers here doo starue and beg their bread, and for lacke of dailie practise vtterlie neglect to be skilfull in this science! But to my purpose.

We haue in England great plentie of quicke siluer, antimonie, sulphur, blacke lead, and orpiment red and yellow. We haue also the finest [Sidenote: The lord Mountioy.] alume (wherein the diligence of one of the greatest fauourers of the common-wealth of England of a subiect hath béene of late egregiouslie abused, and euen almost with barbarous inciuilitie) & of no lesse force against fire, if it were vsed in our parietings than that of Lipara, which onlie was in vse somtime amongst the Asians & Romans, & wherof Sylla had such triall that when he meant to haue burned a tower of wood erected by Archelaus the lieutenant of Mithridates, he could by no meanes set it on fire in a long time, bicause it was washed ouer with alume, as were also the gates of the temple of Jerusalem with like effect, and perceiued when Titus commanded fire to be put vnto the same. Beside this we haue also the naturall cinnabarum or vermilion, the sulphurous glebe called bitumen in old time for morter, and yet burned in lamps where oile is scant and geason: the chrysocolla, coperis, and minerall stone, whereof petriolum is made, and that which is most strange the minerall pearle, which as they are for greatnesse and colour most excellent of all other, so are they digged out of the maine land, and in sundrie places far distant from the shore. Certes the westerne part of the land hath in times past greatlie abounded with these and manie other rare and excellent commodities, but now they are washed awaie by the violence of the sea, which hath deuoured the greatest part of Cornewall and Deuonshire on either side: and it dooth appéere yet by good record, that whereas now there is a great distance betweene the Syllan Iles and point of the lands end, there was of late yeares to speke of scarselie a brooke or draine of one fadam water betwéene them, if so much, as by those euidences appeereth, and are yet to be séene in the hands of the lord and chiefe owner of those Iles. But to procéed.

Of colemines we haue such plentie in the north and westerne parts of our Iland, as may suffice for all the realme of England: and so must they doo hereafter in deed, if wood be not better cherrished than it is at this present. And to saie the truth, notwithstanding that verie manie of them are caried into other countries of the maine, yet their greatest trade beginneth now to grow from the forge into the kitchin and hall, as may appéere alreadie in most cities and townes that lie about the coast, where they haue but little other fewell, except it be turffe and hassocke. I maruell not a little that there is no trade of these into Sussex and Southampton shire, for want whereof the smiths doo worke their iron with charcoale. I thinke that far carriage be the onelie cause, which is but a slender excuse to inforce vs to carrie them vnto the maine from hence.

Beside our colemines we haue pits in like sort of white plaster, and of fat and white and other coloured marle, wherewith in manie places the inhabitors doo compest their soile, and which dooth benefit their land in ample maner for manie yeares to come. We haue saltpeter for our ordinance, and salt soda for our glasse, & thereto in one place a kind of earth (in Southerie as I weene hard by Codington, and sometime in the tenure of one Croxton of London) which is so fine to make moulds for goldsmiths and casters of mettall, that a load of it was woorth fiue shillings thirtie yeares agone: none such againe they saie in England. But whether there be or not, let vs not be vnthankefull to God for these and other his benefits bestowed vpon vs, whereby he sheweth himselfe a louing and mercifull father vnto vs, which contrariewise returne vnto him in lieu of humilitie and obedience, nothing but wickednesse, auarice, meere contempt of his will, pride, excesse, atheisme, and no lesse than Iewish ingratitude.

OF METTALS TO BE HAD IN OUR LAND.

CHAP. XI.

All mettals receiue their beginning of quicksiluer and sulphur, which are as mother and father to them. And such is the purpose of nature in their generations: that she tendeth alwaies to the procreation of gold, neuerthelesse she sildome reacheth vnto that hir end, bicause of the vnequall mixture and proportion of these two in the substance ingendered, whereby impediment and corruption is induced, which as it is more or lesse, dooth shew it selfe in the mettall that is producted. First of all therefore the substance of sulphur and quicksiluer being mixed in due proportion, after long and temperate decoction in the bowels of the earth, orderlie ingrossed and fixed, becommeth gold, which Encelius dooth call the sunne and right heire of nature: but if it swarue but a little (saith he) in the commixtion and other circumstances, then dooth it product siluer the daughter, not so noble a child as gold hir brother, which among mettall is worthilie called the cheefe. Contrariwise, the substances of the aforesaid parents mixed without proportion, and lesse digested and fixed in the entrailes of the earth, whereby the radicall moisture becommeth combustible and not of force to indure heat and hammer, dooth either turne into tin, lead, copper, or iron, which were the first mettals knowne in time past vnto antiquitie, although that in these daies there are diuerse other, whereof neither they nor our alchumists had euer anie knowledge. Of these therfore which are reputed among the third sort, we here in England haue our parts, and as I call them to mind, so will I intreat of them, and with such breuitie as may serue [Sidenote: Gold.] [Sidenote: Siluer.] the turne, and yet not altogither omit to saie somewhat of gold and siluer also, bicause I find by good experience how it was not said of old time without great reason, that all countries haue need of Britaine, and Britaine it selfe of none. For truelie if a man regard such necessities as nature onelie requireth, there is no nation vnder the sunne, that can saie so much as ours: sith we doo want none that are conuenient for vs. Wherefore if it be a benefit to haue anie gold at all, we are not void of some, neither likewise of siluer: whatsoeuer Cicero affirmeth to the contrarie, Lib. 4. ad Atticum epi. 16. in whose time they were not found, "Britannici belli exitus (saith he) expectatur, constat enim aditus insulæ esse munitos mirificis molibus: etiam illud iam cognitum est, neque argenti scrupulum esse vllum in illa insula, neque vllam spem prædæ nisi ex mancipijs, ex quibus nullos puto te litteris aut musicis eruditos expectare." And albeit that we haue no such abundance of these (as some other countries doo yéeld) yet haue my rich countrimen store inough of both in their pursses, where in time past they were woont to haue least, bicause the garnishing of our churches, tabernacles, images, shrines and apparell of the préests consumed the greatest part, as experience hath confirmed.

Of late my countriemen haue found out I wot not what voiage into the west Indies, from whence they haue brought some gold, whereby our countrie is inriched: but of all that euer aduentured into those parts, none haue sped better than sir Francis Drake whose successe 1582 hath far passed euen his owne expectation. One Iohn Frobisher in like maner attempting to séeke out a shorter cut by the northerlie regions into the peaceable sea and kingdome of Cathaie, happened 1577 vpon certeine Ilands by the waie, wherein great plentie of much gold appeared, and so much that some letted not to giue out for certeintie, that Salomon had his gold from thence, wherewith he builded the temple. This golden shew made him so desirous also of like successe, that he left off his former voiage, & returned home to bring news of such things as he had seene. But when after another voiage it was found to be but drosse, he gaue ouer both the enterprises, and now keepeth home without anie desire at all to séeke into farre countries. In truth, such was the plentie of ore there séene and to be had, that if it had holden perfect, might haue furnished all the world with abundance of that mettall; the iorneie also was short and performed in foure or fiue moneths, which was a notable incouragement. But to proceed.

[Sidenote: Tin.] [Sidenote: Lead.] Tin and lead, mettals which Strabo noteth in his time to be carried vnto Marsilis from hence, as Diodorus also confirmeth, are verie plentifull with vs, the one in Cornewall, Deuonshire (& else-where in the north) the other in Darbishire, Weredale, and sundrie places of this Iland; whereby my countriemen doo reape no small commoditie, but especiallie our pewterers, who in time past imploied the vse of pewter onelie vpon dishes, pots, and a few other trifles for seruice here at home, whereas now they are growne vnto such exquisit cunning, that they can in maner imitate by infusion anie forme or fashion of cup, dish, salt, bowle, or goblet, which is made by goldsmiths craft, though they be neuer so curious, exquisite, and artificiallie forged. Such furniture of houshold of this mettall, as we commonlie call by the name of vessell, is sold vsuallie by the garnish, which dooth conteine twelue platters, twelue dishes, twelue saucers, and those are either of siluer fashion, or else with brode or narrow brims, and bought by the pound, which is now valued at six or seuen pence, or peraduenture at eight pence. Of porringers, pots, and other like I speake not, albeit that in the making of all these things there is such exquisite diligence vsed, I meane for the mixture of the mettall and true making of this commoditie (by reason of sharpe laws prouided in that behalfe) as the like is not to be found in any other trade. I haue béene also informed that it consisteth of a composition, which hath thirtie pounds of kettle brasse to a thousand pounds of tin, whervnto they ad thrée or foure pounds of tinglasse: but as too much of this dooth make the stuffe brickle, so the more the brasse be, the better is the pewter, and more profitable vnto him that dooth buie and purchase the same. But to proceed.

In some places beyond the sea a garnish of good flat English pewter of an ordinarie making (I saie flat, bicause dishes and platters in my time begin to be made déepe like basons, and are indéed more conuenient both for sawce, broth, and kéeping the meat warme) is estéemed almost so pretious, as the like number of vessels that are made of fine siluer, and in maner no lesse desired amongst the great estates, whose workmen are nothing so skilfull in that trade as ours, neither their mettall so good, nor plentie so great, as we haue here in England. The Romans made excellent looking glasses of our English tin, howbeit our workemen were not then so exquisite in that feat as the Brundusiens: wherefore the wrought mettall was carried ouer vnto them by waie of merchandize, and verie highlie were those glasses estéemed of till siluer came generallie in place, which in the end brought the tin into such contempt, that in manner euerie dishwasher refused to looke in other than siluer glasses for the attiring of hir head. Howbeit the making of siluer glasses had béene in vse before Britaine was knowne vnto the Romans, for I read that one Praxiteles deuised them in the yoong time of Pompeie, which was before the comming of Cæsar into this Iland.

There were mines of lead sometimes also in Wales, which indured so long till the people had consumed all their wood by melting of the same (as they did also at Comeristwith six miles from Stradfleur) and I suppose that in Plinies time the abundance of lead (whereof he speaketh) was to be found in those parts, in the seauentéenth of his thirtie fourth booke: also he affirmeth that it laie in the verie swart of the earth, and dailie gotten in such plentie, that the Romans made a restraint of the cariage thereof to Rome, limiting how much should yearelie be wrought and transported ouer the sea. And here by the waie it is worthie to be noted, of a crow which a miner of tin, dwelling néere Comeristwith (as Leland saith) had made so tame, that it would dailie flie and follow him to his worke and other places where soeuer he happened to trauell. This labourer working on a time in the bottome or vallie, where the first mine was knowne to be, did laie his pursse and girdle by him, as men commonlie doo that addresse themselues to applie their businesse earnestlie, and he himselfe also had vsed from time to time before. The crow likewise was verie busie flittering about him, and so much molested him, that he waxed angrie with the bird, & in his furie threatened to wring off his necke, if he might once get him into his hands; to be short, in the end the crow, hastilie caught vp his girdle and pursse, and made awaie withall so fast as hir wings could carrie hir. Héerevpon the poore man falling into great agonie (for he feared to lose peraduenture all his monie) threw downe his mattocke at aduenture and ran after the bird, curssing and menacing that he should lose his life if euer he got him againe: but as it fell out, the crow was the means whereby his life was saued, for he had not béene long out of the mine, yer it fell downe and killed all his fellowes. If I should take vpon me to discourse and search out the cause of the thus dealing of this bird at large, I should peraduenture set my selfe further into the briers than well find which waie to come out againe: yet am I persuaded, that the crow was Gods instrument herein, wherby the life of this poore labourer was preserued. It was doone also in an other order than that which I read of another tame crow, kept vp by a shoomaker of Dutch land in his shop or stoue: who séeing the same to sit vpon the pearch among his shoone, verie heauilie and drousie, said vnto the bird: What aileth my iacke, whie art thou sad and pensiue? The crow hearing his maister speake after this sort vnto him, answered (or else the diuell within him) out of the psalter: "Cogitaui dies antiquos & æternos in mente habui." But whither am I digressed, from lead vnto crowes, & from crowes vnto diuels? Certes it is now high time to returne vnto our mettals, and resume the tractation of such things as I had earst in hand.

[Sidenote: Iron.] Iron is found in manie places, as in Sussex, Kent, Weredale, Mendip, Walshall, as also in Shropshire, but chéeflie in the woods betwixt Beluos and Willocke or Wicberie néere Manchester, and elsewhere in Wales. Of which mines diuerse doo bring foorth so fine and good stuffe, as anie that commeth from beyond the sea, beside the infinit gaines to the owners, if we would so accept it, or bestow a little more cost in the refining of it. It is also of such toughnesse, that it yéeldeth to the making of claricord wire in some places of the realme. Neuerthelesse, it was better cheape with vs when strangers onelie brought it hither: for it is our qualitie when we get anie commoditie, to vse it with extremitie towards our owne nation, after we haue once found the meanes to shut out forreners from the bringing in of the like. It breedeth in like manner great expense and waste of wood, as dooth the making of our pots and table vessell of glasse, wherein is much losse sith it is so quicklie broken; and yet (as I thinke) easie to be made tougher, if our alchumists could once find the true birth or production of the red man, whose mixture would induce a metallicall toughnesse vnto it, whereby it should abide the hammer.

[Sidenote: Copper.] Copper is latelie not found, but rather restored againe to light. For I haue read of copper to haue béene heretofore gotten in our Iland; howbeit as strangers haue most commonly the gouernance of our mines, so they hitherto make small gains of this in hand in the north parts: for (as I am informed) the profit dooth verie hardlie counteruaile the charges; whereat wise men doo not a litle maruell, considering the abundance which that mine dooth séeme to offer, and as it were at hand. Leland our countrieman noteth sundrie great likelihoods of naturall copper mines to be eastwards, as betwéene Dudman and Trewardth in the sea cliffes, beside other places, whereof diuerse are noted here and there in sundrie places of this booke alreadie, and therefore it shall be but in vaine to repeat them here againe: as for that which is gotten out of the marchasite, I speake not of it, sith it is not incident to my purpose. In Dorsetshire also a copper mine latelie found is brought to good perfection.

[Sidenote: Stéele.] As for our stéele, it is not so good for edge-tooles as that of Colaine, and yet the one is often sold for the other, and like tale vsed in both, that is to saie, thirtie gads to the sheffe, and twelue sheffes to the burden. Our alchumie is artificiall, and thereof our spoones and some salts are commonlie made, and preferred before our pewter with some, albeit in truth it be much subiect to corruption, putrifaction, more heauie and foule to handle than our pewter; yet some ignorant persons affirme it to be a mettall more naturall, and the verie same which Encelius calleth _Plumbum cinereum_, the Germans, wisemute, mithan, & counterfeie, adding, that where it groweth, siluer can not be farre off. Neuerthelesse it is knowne to be a mixture of brasse, lead, and tin (of which this latter occupieth the one halfe) but after another proportion than is vsed in pewter. But alas I am persuaded that neither the old Arabians, nor new alchumists of our time did euer heare of it, albeit that the name thereof doo séeme to come out of their forge. For the common sort indeed doo call it alchumie, an vnwholsome mettall (God wot) and woorthie to be banished and driuen out of the land. And thus I conclude with this discourse, as hauing no more to saie of the mettals of my countrie, except I should talke of brasse, bell mettall, and such as are brought ouer for merchandize from other countries: and yet I can not but saie that there is some brasse found also in England, but so small is the quantitie, that it is not greatlie to be estéemed or accounted of.

OF PRETIOUS STONES.

CHAP. XII.

The old writers remember few other stones of estimation to be found in [sidenote: Geat.] this Iland than that which we call geat, and they in Latine _Gagaies_: wherevnto furthermore they ascribe sundrie properties, as vsuallie [Sidenote: Laon.] [Sidenote: Chalchondile.] practised here in times past, whereof none of our writers doo make anie mention at all. Howbeit whatsoeuer it hath pleased a number of strangers (vpon false surmise) to write of the vsages of this our countrie, about the triall of the virginitie of our maidens by drinking the powder hereof against the time of their bestowing in mariage: certeine it is that euen to this daie there is some plentie to be had of this commoditie in Darbishire and about Barwike, whereof rings, salts, small cups, and sundrie trifling toies are made, although that in manie mens opinions nothing so fine as that which is brought ouer by merchants dailie from the maine. But as these men are drowned with the common errour conceiued of our nation, so I am sure that in discerning the price and value of things, no man now liuing can go beyond the iudgement of the old Romans, who preferred the geat of Britaine before the like stones bred about Luke and all other countries wheresoeuer. Marbodeus Gallus also writing of the same among other of estimation, saith thus:

Nascitur in Lycia lapis & propè gemma Gagates, Sed genus eximium fæcunda Britannia mittit, Lucidus & niger est, leuis & leuissimus idem, Vicinas paleas trahit attritu calefactus, Ardet aqua lotus, restinguitur vnctus oliuo.

The Germane writers confound it with amber as it were a kind therof: but as I regard not their iudgement in this point, so I read that it taketh name of Gagas a citie and riuer in Silicia, where it groweth in plentifull maner, as Dioscorides saith. Nicander in Theriaca calleth it Engangin and Gangitin, of the plentie thereof that is found in the place aforesaid, which he calleth Ganges, and where they haue great vse of it in driuing awaie of serpents by the onelie perfume thereof. Charles the fourth emperour of that name glased the church withall that standeth at the fall of Tangra, but I cannot imagine what light should enter therby. The writers also diuide this stone into fiue kinds, of which the one is in colour like vnto lion tawnie, another straked with white veines, the third with yellow lines, the fourth is garled with diuerse colours, among which some are like drops of bloud (but those come out of Inde) and the fift shining blacke as anie rauens feather.

Moreouer, as geat was one of the first stones of this Ile, whereof anie forren account was made, so our pearles also did match with it in renowme; in so much that the onelie desire of them caused Cæsar to aduenture hither, after he had séene the quantities and heard of our plentie of them, while he abode in France, and whereof he made a taberd which he offered vp in Rome to Venus, where it hoong long after as a rich and notable oblation and testimonie of the riches of our countrie. Certes they are to be found in these our daies, and thereto of diuerse colours, in no lesse numbers than euer they were in old time. Yet are they not now so much desired bicause of their smalnesse, and also for other causes, but especiallie sith churchworke, as copes, vestments, albes, tunicles, altarclothes, canopies, and such trash, are worthilie abolished; vpon which our countrimen superstitiously bestowed no small quantities of them. For I thinke there were few churches or religious houses, besides bishops miters, bookes and other pontificall vestures, but were either throughlie fretted, or notablie garnished with huge numbers of them. Marbodeus likewise speaking of pearles, commendeth them after this maner:

Gignit & insignes antiqua Britannia baccas, &c.

Marcellinus also Lib. 23, "in ipso fine," speaketh of our pearls and their generation, but he preferreth greatlie those of Persia before them, which to me dooth séeme vnequallie doone. But as the British geat or orient pearle were in old time estéemed aboue those of other countries; so time hath since the conquest of the Romans reuealed manie other: insomuch that at this season there are found in England the Aetites (in English called the ernestone, but for erne some pronounce eagle) and the hematite or bloodstone, and these verie pure and excellent: also the calcedonie, the porphyrite, the christall, and those other which we call calaminares and speculares, besides a kind of diamond or adamant, which although it be verie faire to sight, is yet much softer (as most are that are found & bred toward the north) than those that are brought hither out of other countries. We haue also vpon our coast the white corall, nothing inferiour to that which is found beyond the sea in the albe, néere to the fall of Tangra, or to the red and blacke, whereof Dioscorides intreateth, Lib. 5. cap. 8. We haue in like sort sundrie other stones dailie found in cliffes and rocks (beside the load stone which is oftentimes taken vp out of our mines of iron) whereof such as find them haue either no knowledge at all, or else doo make but small account, being seduced by outlandish lapidaries, whereof the most part discourage vs from the searching and séeking out of our owne commodities, to the end that they maie haue the more frée vtterance of their naturall and artificiall wares, whereby they get great gaines amongst such as haue no skill.

[Sidenote: Triall of a stone.] I haue heard that the best triall of a stone is to laie it on the naile of the thombe, and so to go abroad into the cleare light, where if the colour hold in all places a like, the stone is thought to be naturall and good: but if it alter, especiallie toward the naile, then is it not sound, but rather to be taken for an artificiall péece of practise. If this be true it is an experiment woorthie the noting. [Sidenote: Lib. 7.] Cardan also hath it in his "De subtilitate;" if not, I haue read more lies than this, as one for example out of Cato, who saieth, that a cup of iuie will hold no wine at all. I haue made some vessels of the same wood, which refuse no kind of liquor, and therefore I suppose that there is no such _Antipathia_ betweene wine and our iuie, as some of our reading philosophers (without all maner of practise) will seeme to infer amongst vs: and yet I denie not but the iuie of Gréece or Italie may haue such a propertie; but why should not the iuie then of France somewhat participat withall in the like effect, which groweth in an hotter soile than ours is? For as Baptista porta saith, it holdeth not also in the French iuie, wherfore I can not beléeue that it hath anie such qualitie at all as Cato ascribeth vnto it. What should I say more of stones? Trulie I can not tell, sith I haue said what I may alreadie, and peraduenture more than I thinke necessarie: and that causeth me to passe ouer those that are now & then taken out of our oisters, todes, muskels, snailes and adders, and likewise such as are found vpon sundrie hils in Glocestershire, which haue naturallie such sundrie proportions, formes & colours in them, as passe all humane possibilitie to imitate, be the workeman neuer so skilfull and cunning, also those that are found in the heads of our perches and carps much desired of such as haue the stone, & yet of themselues are no stones but rather shels or gristles, which in time consume to nothing. This yet will I ad, that if those which are found in muskels (for I am vtterlie ignorant of the generation of pearls) be good pearle in déed, I haue at sundrie times gathered more than an ounce of them, of which diuerse haue holes alreadie entered by nature, some of them not much inferiour to great peason in quantitie, and thereto of sundrie colours, as it happeneth amongst such as are brought from the esterlie coast to Saffron Walden in Lent, when for want of flesh, stale stinking fish and welked muskels are thought to be good meat; for other fish is too déere amongst vs when law dooth bind vs to vse it. Sée more for the generation of pearls in the description of Scotland, for there you shall be further informed out of Boetius in that behalfe. They are called orient, because of the cléerenesse, which resembleth the colour of the cléere aire before the rising of the sun. They are also sought for in the later end of August, a little before which time the swéetnesse of the dew is most conuenient for that kind of fish, which dooth ingender and conceiue them, whose forme is flat, and much like vnto a lempet. The further north also that they be found the brighter is their colour, & their substances of better valure, as lapidaries doo giue out.

OF SALT MADE IN ENGLAND.

CHAP. XIII.

There are in England certein welles where salt is made, whereof Leland hath written abundantlie in his c[=o]mentaries of Britaine, and whose words onlie I will set downe in English as he wrote them, bicause he seemeth to haue had diligent consideration of the same, without adding anie thing of mine owne to him, except it be where necessitie dooth inforce me for the méere aid of the reader, in the vnderstanding of his mind. Directing therefore his iournie from Worcester in his peregrination and laborious trauell ouer England, he saith thus: From Worcester I road to the Wich by inclosed soile, hauing meetlie good corne ground, sufficient wood and good pasture, about a six miles off, Wich standeth somewhat in a vallie or low ground, betwixt two small hils on the left ripe (for so he calleth the banke of euerie brooke through out all his English treatises) of a pretie riuer which not far beneath the Wich is called Salope brooke. The beautie of the towne in maner standeth in one stréet, yet be there manie lanes in the towne besides. There is also a meane church in the maine stréet, and once in the wéeke an indifferent round market. The towne of it selfe is somewhat foule and durtie when anie raine falleth by reason of much cariage through the stréets, which are verie ill paued or rather not paued at all. The great aduancement also hereof is by making of salt. And though the commoditie thereof be singular great, yet the burgesses be poore generallie, bicause gentlemen haue for the most part gotten the great gaine of it into their hands, whilest the poore burgesses [Sidenote: A common plague in all things of anie great commoditie, for one beateth the bush but another catcheth the birds, as we may sée in bat-fowling.] yeeld vnto all the labour. There are at this present time thrée hundred salters, and thrée salt springs in the towne of Wich, whereof the principall is within a butshoot of the right ripe (or banke) of the riuer that there commeth downe: and this spring is double so profitable in yéelding of salt liquor, as both the other. Some saie (or rather fable) that this salt spring did faile in the time of Richard de la Wich bishop of Chichester, and that afterwards by his intercession it was restored to the profit of the old course (such is the superstition of the people) in remembrance whereof, or peraduenture for the zeale which the Wich men and salters did beare vnto Richard de la Wich their countriman, they vsed of late times on his daie (which commeth once in the yeare) to hang this salt spring or well about with tapistrie, and to haue sundrie games, drinkings, and foolish reuels at it. But to procéed. There be a great number of salt cotes about this well, wherein the salt water is sodden in leads, and brought to the perfection of pure white salt. The other two salt springs be on the left side of the riuer a pretie waie lower than the first, and (as I found) at the verie end of the towne. At these also be diuerse fornaces to make salt, but the profit and plentie of these two are nothing comparable to the gaine that riseth by the greatest. I asked of a salter how manie fornaces they had at all the three springs, and he numbred them to eightéene score, that is, thrée hundred and sixtie, saieng how euerie one of them paied yearelie six shillings and eight pence to the king. The truth is that of old they had liberties giuen vnto them for three hundred fornaces or more, and therevpon they giue a fee farme (or _Vectigal_) of one hundred pounds yearelie. Certes the pension is as it was, but the number of fornaces is now increased to foure hundred. There was of late search made for another salt spring there abouts, by the meanes of one Newport a gentleman dwelling at the Wich, and the place where it was appéereth, as dooth also the wood and timber which was set about it, to kéepe vp the earth from falling into the same. But this pit was not since occupied, whether it were for lacke of plentie of the salt spring, or for letting or hindering of the profit of the other three. Me thinke that if wood and sale of salt would serue, they might dig and find more salt springs about the Wich than thrée, but there is somewhat [Sidenote: Priuileges doo somtimes harme.] else in the wind. For I heard that of late yeares a salt spring was found in an other quarter of Worcestershire, but it grew to be without anie vse, sith the Wich men haue such a priuilege, that they alone in those quarters shall haue the making of salt. The pits be so set about with gutters, that the salt water is easilie turned to euerie mans house, and at Nantwich verie manie troughs go ouer the riuer for the commoditie of such as dwell on the other side of the same. They séeth also their salt water in fornaces of lead, and lade out the salt some in cases of wicker, through which the water draineth, and the salt remaineth. There be also two or thrée but verie little salt springs at Dertwitch, in a low bottome, where salt is sometime made.

Of late also a mile from Cumbremere abbaie a peece of an hill did sinke, and in the same pit rose a spring of salt water, where the abbat began to make salt; but the men of the citie compounded with the abbat & couent that there should be none made there, whereby the pit was suffered to go to losse. And although it yéelded salt water still of it selfe, yet it was spoiled at the last and filled vp with filth. The Wich men vse the c[=o]moditie of their salt springs in drawing and decocting the water of them onlie by six moneths in the yeare, that is, from Midsummer to Christmas, as (I gesse) to mainteine the price of salt, or for sauing of wood, which I thinke to be their principall reason. For making of salt is a great and notable destruction of wood, and shall be greater hereafter, except some prouision be made for the better increase of firing. The lacke of wood also is alreadie perceiued in places néere the Wich, for whereas they vsed to buie and take their wood neere vnto their occupiengs, those woonted springs are now decaied, and they be inforced to seeke their wood so far as Worcester towne, and all the parts about Brenisgraue, Alchirch, and Alcester. I asked a salter how much wood he supposed yearelie to be spent at these fornaces? and he answered that by estimation there was consumed about six thousand load, and it was round pole wood for the most, which is easie to be cleft, and handsomelie riuen in péeces. The people that are about the fornaces are verie ill coloured, and the iust rate of euerie fornace is to make foure loads of salt yearelie, and to euerie load goeth fiue or six quarters as they make their accounts. If the fornace men make more in one fornace than foure loads, it is (as it is said) imploied to their owne auaile. And thus much hath Leland left in memorie of our white salt, who in an other booke, not now in my hands, hath touched the making also of baie salt in some part of our countrie. But sith that booke is deliuered againe to the owner, the tractation of baie salt can not be framed in anie order, bicause my memorie will not serue to shew the true maner and the place. It shall suffice therfore to haue giuen such notice of it, to the end the reader may know that aswell the baie as white are wrought and made in England, and more white also vpon the west coast toward Scotland, in Essex and else where, out of the salt water betwéene Wire and Cokermouth, which commonlie is of like price with our wheat. Finallie, hauing thus intermedled our artificiall salt with our minerals, let vs giue ouer, and go in hand with such mettals as are growing here in England.

OF OUR ACCOMPT OF TIME & HIR PARTS.

CHAP. XIV.

As _Libra_ is _As_ or _Assis_ to the Romans for their weight, and the foot in standard measure: so in our accompt of the parts of time, we take the daie consisting of foure and twentie houres, to be the greatest of the least, and least of the greatest, whereby we keepe our reckoning: for of the houre (to saie the truth) the most ancient Romans, Greeks, nor Hebrues had anie vse; sith they reckoned by watches: and whereof also Censorinus cap. 19. sheweth a reason wherefore they were neglected. For my part I doo not sée anie great difference vsed in the obseruation of time & hir parts, betwéene our owne & any other forren nation, wherfore I shall not néed to stand long on this matter. Howbeit to the end our exact order herein shall appéere vnto all men, I will set downe some short rehearsall thereof, and that in so briefe manner as vnto me is possible. As for our astronomicall practises, I meane not to meddle with them, sith their course is vniformelie obserued, ouer all. Our common order therefore is to begin at the minut, which conteineth 1/60 part of an houre, as at the smallest part of time knowne vnto the people, notwithstanding that in most places they descend no lower than the halfe quarter or quarter of the houre; and from whence they procéed vnto the houre, to wit, the foure and twentith part of that which we call the common and naturall daie, which dooth begin at midnight, and is obserued continuallie by clockes, dialles, and astronomicall instruments of all sorts. The artificiall varietie of which kind of ware is so great here in England, as no place else (in mine opinion) can be comparable therein to this Ile. I will not speake of the cost bestowed vpon them in perle and stone, neither of the valure of mettall, whereof they haue béene made, as gold, siluer, &c: and almost no abbeie or religious house without some of them. This onelie shall suffice to note here (as by the waie) that as antiquitie hath delighted in these things, so in our time pompe and excesse spendeth all, and nothing is regarded that bringeth in no bread. Of vnequall or temporall houres or daies, our nation hath no regard, and therefore to shew their quantities, differences, and diuisions, into the greater and the lesser, (whereof the later conteineth one vnequall houre, or the rising of halfe a signe, the other of a whole signe, which is in two houres space, wherof Marke seemth to speake cap. 15 c 25, as the rest of the euangelists (yea and he also ibid. vers. 33) doo of the other, Matth. 27 e 45, Luke 23 e 44, John 19 b 14) it should be but in vaine. In like sort, wheras the elder Aegyptians, Italians, Bohemians, latter Atheniens, and Iews begin their daie at the sun set ouer night; the Persians, Babylonians, Grecians, and Noribergians, at the sun rising (ech of them accompting their daies and nights by vnequall houres) also the elder Atheniens, Arabians, Dutchmen, Vmbers, Hetrurians, and Astronomers at high noone, and so reckon from noone to noone: we after Hipparchus and the latter Aegyptians, or to speake more properlie, imitating the Roman maner vsed in the church there of long time, choose the verie point of midnight; from whence we accompt twelue equall houres vnto middaie insuing, and other twelue againe vnto the aforesaid point, according to these verses;

Manè diem Græca gens incipit astra sequentes In medio lucis Iudæis vespere sancta, Inchoat ecclesia media sua tempora nocte.

And this is our generall order for the naturall daie. Of the artificiall we make so farre accompt, as that we reckon it daie when the sun is vp, and night when the sun leaueth our horizon. Otherwise also we diuide it into two parts, that is to saie, fore noone and after noone, not regarding the ruddie, shining, burning and warming seasons (of thrée vnequall houres a péece, which others séeme to diuide into spring time, summer, autumne, and winter, in like curious manner) and whereof I read these verses:

Solis equi lucis dicuntur quatuor horæ, Hæc rubet, hæc splendet, hæc calet, illa tepet.

Indéed our physicians haue another partition of the daie, as men of no lesse learning no doubt than the best of forren countries, if we could so conceiue of them. And herein they concurre also with those of other nations, who for distinction in regiment of our humors, diuide the artificiall daie and night in such wise as these verses doo import, and are indéed a generall rule which ech of them doth follow:

Tres lucis primas, noctis tres sanguinis imas, Vis choleræ medias lucis sex vendicat horas. Dátque melam primas noctis, tres lucis & imas, Centrales ponas sex noctis phlegmatis horas.

Or thus, as Tansteter hath giuen them foorth in his prelections:

A nona noctis donec sit tertia lucis, Est dominus sanguis, sex inde sequentibus horis Est dominans cholera, dum lucis nona sit hora Post niger humid inest donec sit tertia noctis, Posthæc phlegma venit, donec sit nona quietis.

_In English thus in effect_:

Three houres yer sun doo rise, and so manie after, blud, From nine to three at after noone, hot choler beares the swaie, Euen so to nine at night, swart choler hath to rule, As phlegme from thence to three at morne; six houres ech one I saie.

[Sidenote: Night.] [Sidenote: Vesper.] In like sort for the night we haue none other parts than the twilight, darkenight, midnight, and cocks crowing: wheras the Latins diuide the same into 7 parts, as _Vesper_ or _Vesperugo_, as Plautus calleth it, as Virgil vseth the word _Hesper_ the euening, which is immediatlie [Sidenote: Crepsuculum.] after the setting of the sun. _Crepusculum_ the twilight (which some call _Prima fax_, because men begin then to light candles) when it is betwéene daie and night, light and darkenesse, or properlie neither [Sidenote: Concubium.] daie nor night. _Concubium_ the still of the night, when ech one is laid to rest.

[Sidenote: Intempestum.] _Intempestum_, the dull or dead of the night, which is midnight, when [Sidenote: Gallicinium.] [Sidenote: Conticinium.] [Sidenote: Matutinum.] [Sidenote: Diluculum.] men be in their first or dead sléepe. _Gallicinium_, the cocks crowing. _Conticinium_, when the cocks haue left crowing. _Matutinum_, the breach of the daie, and _Diluculum siue aurora_, the ruddie, orenge, golden or shining colour, séene immediatlie before the rising of the sun, and is opposite to the euening, as _Matutinum_ is to the twilight.

[Sidenote: Watches.] Other there are which doo reckon by watches, diuiding the night after sun setting into foure equall parts. Of which the first beginneth at euening called the first watch, and continueth by thrée vnequall houres, and so foorth vntill the end of the ninth houre, whereat the fourth watch entreth, which is called the morning watch, bicause it concurreth partlie with the darke night, and partlie with the morning and breach of the daie before the rising of the sun.

[Sidenote: Houre.] As for the originall of the word houre, it is verie ancient; but yet not so old as that of the watch, wherof we shall read abundantlie in the scriptures, which was deuised first among souldiors for their better safegard and change of watchmen in their camps; the like whereof is almost vsed among our seafaring men, which they call clearing of the glasse, and performed from time to time with great héed and some solemnitie. Herevnto the word _Hora_ among the Grecians signified so well the foure quarters of the yéere, as the foure and twentith part of the daie, and limits of anie forme. But what stand I vpon these things to let my purpose staie? To procéed therefore.

[Sidenote: Wéeke.] Of naturall daies is the wéeke compacted, which consisteth of seauen of them, the fridaie being commonlie called among the vulgar sort either king or worling, bicause it is either the fairest or foulest of the seauen: albeit that I cannot ghesse of anie reason whie they should so imagine. The first of these entreth with mondaie, whereby it commeth to passe, that we rest vpon the sundaie, which is the seauenth in number, as almightie God hath commanded in his word. The Iews begin their wéeke vpon our saturdaie at the setting of the sun: and the Turks in these daies with the saturdaie, whereby it commeth to passe, that as the Iews make our last daie the first of their wéeke, so the Turks make the Iewish sabaoth the beginning of their _Hebdoma_: bicause Mahomet their prophet (as they saie) was borne and dead vpon the fridaie, and so he was indéed, except their Alcharon deceiue them. The Iews doo reckon their daies by their distance from their sabaoth, so that the first daie of their wéeke is the first daie of the sabaoth, and so foorth vnto the sixt. The Latins and Aegyptians accompted their daies after the seauen planets, choosing the same for the denominator of the daie, that entreth his regiment with the first vnequall houre of the same after the sun be risen. Howbeit, as this order is not wholie reteined with vs, so the vse of the same is not yet altogither abolished, as may appéere by our sunday, mondaie, and saturdaie. The rest were changed by the Saxons, who in remembrance of Theut sometime their prince, called the second day of the wéek Theutsdach, the third Woden, Othin, Othon, or Edon, or Wodensdach. Also of Thor they named the fourth daie Thorsdach, and of Frea wife to Woden the fift was called Freadach. Albeit there are (and not amisse as I thinke) that suppose them to meane by Thor, Iupiter, by Woden, Mercurie, by Frea (or Frigga as Saxo calleth hir) Venus, and finallie by Theut, Mars: which if it be so, then it is an easie matter to find out the german Mars, Venus, Mercurie, and Iupiter, whereof you may read more hereafter in my chronologie. The truth is, that Frea albeit that Saxo giueth hir scant a good report, for that she loued one of hir husbands men better than himselfe, had seauen sonnes by Woden; the first, father to Wecca, of whome descended those that were afterwards kings of Kent. Fethelgeta was the second, and of him came the kings of Mercia. Baldaie the third, father to the kings of the west Saxons. Beldagius the fourth, parent to the kings of Brenicia or Northumberland. Weogodach the fift, author of the kings of Deira. Caser the sixt race of the east Angle race, & Nascad originall burgeant of the kings of Essex. As for the kings of Sussex, although they were of the same people, yet were they not of the same streine, as our old monuments doo expresse. But to procéed.

As certeine of our daies suffered this alteration by the Saxons, so in [Sidenote: * _Ferias._] our churches we reteined for a long time the number of daies or of [*] feries from the sabaoth, after the manner of the Iews, I meane vntill the seruice after the Romane vse was abolished, which custome was first receiued (as some thinke) by pope Syluester, though other saie by Constantine; albeit another sort doo affirme, that Syluester caused the sundaie onelie to be called the Lords day, and dealt not with the rest.

[Sidenote: Moneth.] In like maner of wéekes our moneths are made, which are so called of the moone, each one conteining eight and twentie daies, or foure wéekes, without anie further curiositie. For we reckon not our time by the yeare of the moone, as the Iews, Grecians, or Romans did at the first; or as the Turks, Arabians and Persians doo now: neither anie parcell thereof by the said planet, as in some part of the west Indies, where they haue neither weeke, moneth, nor yéere, but onlie a generall accompt of hundreds and thousands of moones. Wherefore if we saie or write a moneth, it is to be expounded of eight and twentie daies, or foure wéeks onelie, and not of hir vsuall period of nine and twentie daies and one and thirtie minuts. Or (if you take it at large) [Sidenote: _Triuethus in Antarticos._] for a moneth of the common calender, which neuerthelesse in plées and sutes is nothing at all allowed of, sith the moone maketh hir full reuolution in eight and twentie daies or foure weeks, that is, vnto the place where she left the sun: notwithstanding that he be now gone, and at hir returne not to be found verie often in that signe wherin she before had left him. Plutarch writeth of diuers barbarous nations which reckoned a more or lesse number of these moneths for whole yeares: and that of these some accompted but thrée, as the Archadians did foure, the Acarnans six, and the Aegyptians but one for a whole yeare, which causeth them to make such a large accompt of their antiquitie and originall. But forsomuch as we are not troubled with anie such disorder, it shall suffice that I haue generallie said of moneths and their quantities at this time. Now a word or two of the ancient Romane calender.

In old time each moneth of the Romane calender was reckoned after the course of the moone, and their enterances were vncerteine, as were also the changes of that planet: whereby it came to passe, that the daie of the change was the first of the moneth, howsoeuer it fell out. But after Iulius Cesar had once corrected the same, the seuerall beginnings of euerie one of them did not onelie remaine fixed, but also the old order in the diuision of their parts continued still vnaltered: so that the moneth is yet diuided as before, into calends, ides and nones, albeit that in my daies, the vse of the same bée but small, and their order reteined onelie in our calenders, for the better vnderstanding of such times, as the historiographers and old authors doo remember. The reckoning also of each of these goeth (as you sée) after a preposterous order, whereby the Romans did rather note how many daies were to the next change from the precedent, than contrariwise, as by perusall of the same you shall more easilie perceiue.

The daies also of the change of the moneth of the moone, are called _Calendæ_, which in time of paganisme were consecrated to Iuno, and sacrifice made to that goddesse on the same. On these daies also, and on the ides and nones they would not marie. Likewise the morow after each of them were called _Dies atri_, blacke daies, as were also diuerse other, and those either by reason of some notable ouerthrow or mishap that befell vnto the Romans vpon those daies, or in respect of some superstitious imagination conceiued of euill successe likelie to fall out vpon the same. Of some they were called _Dies Aegyptiaci_. Wherby it appeareth that this peeuish estimation of these daies came from that nation. And as we doo note our holie and festiuall daies with red letters in our calenders, so did the Romans their principall feasts & circle of the moone, either in red or golden letters, and their victories in white, in their publike or consularie tables. This also is more to be added, that if anie good successe happened afterward vpon such day as was alreadie blacke in their calender, they would solemnlie enter it in white letters by racing out of the blacke, whereby the blacke daie was turned into white, and wherein they not a little reioised.

The word _Calendæ_ (in Gréeke _Neomenia_) is deriued of _Calo_, to call: for vpon the first day of euerie moneth, the priest vsed to call the people of the citie and countrie togither in Calabria, for so the place was called where they met, and shew them by a custome how manie daies were from the said calends to the nones, & what feasts were to be celebrated betwéene that and the next change. Their order is retrograde, because that after the moneth was halfe expired, or the moone past the full, they reckoned by the daies to come vntill the next change, as seuentéene daies, sixtéene daies, fourtéene daies, &c: as the Gréekes did in the latter decad onelie, for they had no vse of calends. The verie day therefore of the change is called _Calendæ_, dedicated to Iuno, who thereof was also called _Calendaris_. At the first also the fasts or feast daies were knowne by none other meanes vnto the people but by the denunciation of the priests (as I said) vpon this daie, till Flauius Scriba caused them to be written & published in their common calenders, contrarie to the will and meaning of the senat, for the ease and benefit of the people, as he pretended.

The nones commonlie are not aboue foure or six in euerie moneth: and so long as the nones lasted, so long did the markets continue, and therefore they were called _Nonæ quasi Nundinæ_. In them also were neither holiedaies more than is at this present (except the day of the purification of our ladie) no sacrifice offered to the gods, but each one applied his businesse, and kept his market, reckoning the first day after the calends or change, to be the fourth or sixt daie before the faire ended. Some thinke that they were called _Nonæ_, of the word _Non_, "quia in ijsdem dij non coluntur." For as Ouid saith, "Nonarum tutela deo caret," or for that the nones were alwaies on the ninth daie before the ides: other because _Nundina dea_ was honored the ninth day before the ides, albeit I suppose rather that _Nundina dea_ (a goddesse far yoonger than the name of _Nonæ_) tooke hir name of the nones, whereon it was a custome among the Romans, "Lustrare infantes ac nomina maribus imponere," as they did with their maid children vpon the eight: but howsoeuer this be, sure it is that they were the mart daies of euerie moneth, wherin the people bought, sold, exchanged or bartered, and did nothing else.

The ides are so named of the Hethruscan word, _Iduare_, to diuide: and before that Cesar altered the calender, they diuided the moneth commonlie by the middest. But afterward when he had added certeine daies thereto, therby to make it agrée to the yéere of the sunne (which he intruded about the end of euerie moneth, bicause he would not alter the celebration of their vsuall feasts, whereof the chiefe were holden alwaies vpon the day of the ides) then came they short of the middest, sometime by two or thrée daies. In these therefore (which alwaies are eight) the merchants had leisure to packe vp and conueie their merchandize, to pay their creditors, and make merie with their friends.

After the ides doo the calends follow, but in a decreasing order (as I noted) as the moone dooth in light when she is past the full. But herein lieth all the mysterie, if you can say so manie daies before the next change or new moone, as the number there expressed dooth betoken, as for 16 calends so manie daies before the next coniunction, &c: (as is aboue remembred.) Of these calends, I meane touching their number in euerie moneth, I find these verses insuing:

Ianus & Augustus denas nouémq; December, Iunius Aprilis September & ipse Nouember Ter senas retinent, Februs his octo calendas, Iulius October Mars Maius epta decémq;

_In English thus_:

December Iune and August month full nineteene calends haue, Septemb Aprill Nouemb and Iune twise nine they doo desire, Sixteene foule Februarie hath, no more can he well craue, October Maie and Iulie hot but seuenteene doo require.

_In like maner doo the nones and ides._

Sex Maius nonas, October, Iulius, & Mars, Quatuor at reliqui, dabit idus quilibet octo.

To Iulie, Mars, October, Maie, six nones I hight, The rest but foure, and as for ides they keepe still eight.

Againe touching the number of daies in euerie moneth:

Iunius, Aprilis, Septémq; Nouémq; tricenos, Vnum plus reliqui, Februs tenet octo vicenos, At si bissextus fuerit superadditur vnus.

Thirtie daies hath Nouember, Aprill, Iune, and September, Twentie and eight hath Februarie alone, and all the rest thirtie and one, but in the leape you must ad one.

Our yeare is counted after the course of the sunne, and although the church hath some vse of that of the moone for obseruation of certeine mooueable feasts, yet it is reducible to that of the sunne, which in our ciuill dealings is chieflie had in vse. Herein onelie I find a scruple, that the beginning thereof is not vniforme and certeine, for most of our records beare date the 25 of March, and our calenders the first of Ianuarie; so that with vs Christ is borne before he be conceiued. Our sundrie officers also haue sundrie entrances into their charges of custome, which bréedeth great confusion, whereas if all these might be referred to one originall (and that to be the first of Ianuarie) I doo not thinke but that there would be more certeintie, and lesse trouble for our historiographers, notaries, & other officers in their account of the yere. In old time the Atheniens began their yeare with the change of the moone that fell néerest to the enterance of the sunne into the crab, the Latines at the winter solstice, or his going into the goat, the Iewes in ciuill case at the latter equinoctiall, and in ecclesiasticall with the first. They of Calecute begin their yeare somewhere in September, but vpon no daie certeine, sith they first consult with their wisards, who pronounce one day or other thereof to be most happie (as the yeare goeth about) and therewith they make their entrance, as Osorius dooth remember, who addeth that vpon the eleuenth calends of September, they haue solemne plaies, much like to the idoll games, & that they write in leaues of tree with a pencill, in stead of paper, which is not found among them. Some of the old Grecians began their yere also in September: but sith we seeke herein but for the custome of our countrie onelie, it shall be enough to affirme that we make our account from the calends or first of Ianuarie, and from the middest of the night which is _Limes_ betweene that and the last of December, whereof this maie suffice. I might speake of the Cynike yeare also in this place (for the ease of our English readers) sometime in vse amongst the Egyptians, which conteineth 1460 common yeares, whose beginning is alwaies reckoned from the rising of the lesser dog. The first vse thereof entered the selfe yeare wherin the Olimpiads were restored. And forsomuch as this nation hath no vse of intercalation, at the end of euerie 1460 yeares, they added an whole yeare of intercalation, because there are 365 leape yeers in the period, so that 1460 Iulian yéers doo conteine 1461 after the Egyptians account, wherby their common yeare is found to be lesse than ours. Furthermore, wheras our intercalation for the leape yere is somewhat too much by certeine minuts, which in 115 yeares amount vnto about an whole day, if one intercalation in so manie were omitted, our calender would be the more perfect: and I would wish that the same yeare wherein the said intercalation trulie found out should be ouerpassed, might be obserued and called _Annus magnus Elizabethæ_, in perpetuall remembrance of our noble and souereigne princesse now reigning amongst vs.

I might here saie somewhat also of the prime and hir alteration, which is risen higher by fiue daies in our common calender than it was placed by Iulius Cæsar: and in seauen thousand yeares some writer would grow to an error of an whole, if the world should last so long. But for somuch as in some calenders of ours it is reduced againe to the daie of euerie change, it shall suffice to saie no more therof. The pope also hath made a generall correction of the calender, wherein he hath reduced it to the same that it was or should haue beene at the councell of Nice. Howbeit as he hath abolished the vse of the golden number, so hath he continued the epact, applieng it vnto such generall vse, as dooth now serue both the turnes, whose reformation had also yer this time béene admitted into England, if it had not procéeded from him, against whom and all whose ordinances we haue so faithfullie sworne and set our hands.

Certes the next omission is to be performed if all princes would agrée thereto in the leape yeare that shall be about the yeare of Grace 1668: if it shall please God that the world may last so long, and then may our calender also stand without anie alteration as it dooth alreadie. By this also it appeareth how the defect of our calender may be supplied from the creation, wherein the first equinoctiall is séene higher toward the beginning of March than Cæsars calender now extant dooth yéeld vnto by seauen daies. For as in Cæsars time the true equinoctiall was pointed out to happen (as Stadius also noteth) either vpon or about the sixtéenth or seauentéenth of March, albeit the manifest apperance thereof was not found vntill the fiue and twentith of that moneth in their dials or by eie-sight: so at the beginning of the world the said entrance of the sunne into the ram, must néeds fall out to be about the twentith or one & twentith of Aprill, as the calender now standeth, if I faile not in my numbers. Aboue the yeare we haue no more parts of time, that carie anie seuerall names with them, except you will affirme the word age to be one, which is taken for a hundred yeares, and signifieth in English so much as Seculum or Æuum dooth in Latine; neither is it néedfull to remember that some of my countrimen doo reckon their times not by years but by summers and winters, which is verie common among vs. Wherefore to shut vp this chapiter withall, you shall haue a table of the names of the daies of the wéeke, after the old Saxon and Scotish maner, which I haue borowed from amongst our ancient writers, as I haue perused their volumes.

_The present names._

Monday. | Wednesday. | Fridaie. | Sunday, or the Tuesday. | Thursday. | Saturdaie. | Lords daie.

_The old Saxon names._

Monendeg. | Wodnesdeg. | Frigesdeg. | Sunnandeg. Tuesdeg. | Thunresdeg. | Saterdeg.

_The Scotish vsage._

Diu Luna. | Diu Yath. | Diu Friach. | Diu Seroll. Diu Mart. | Diu Ethamon. | Diu Satur.

OF OUR PRINCIPALL FAIRES AND MARKETS.

CHAP. XV.

I haue heretofore said sufficientlie of our faires, in the chapter of fairs and markets; and now to performe my promise there made, I set downe here so manie of our faires as I haue found out by mine owne obseruation, and helpe of others in this behalfe. Certes it is impossible for me to come by all, sith there is almost no towne in England, but hath one or more such marts holden yearelie in the same, although some of them (I must needs confesse) be scarse comparable to Lowse faire, and little else bought or sold in them more than good drinke, pies, and some pedlerie trash: wherefore it were no losse if diuerse of them were abolished. Neither doo I see wherevnto this number of paltrie fairs tendeth, so much as to the corruption of youth, who (all other businesse set apart) must néeds repaire vnto them, whereby they often spend not onelie the weeke daies, but also the Lords sabbaoth in great vanitie and riot. But such hath béene the iniquitie of ancient times. God grant therefore that ignorance being now abolished, and a further insight into things growne into the minds of magistrates, these old errors may be considered of, and so farre reformed, as that thereby neither God may be dishonored, nor the common wealth of our countrie anie thing diminished. In the meane time, take this table here insuing in stead of a calender of the greatest, sith that I cannot, or at the least wise care not to come by the names of the lesse, whose knowledge cannot be so profitable to them that be farre off, as they are oft preiudiciall to such as dwell néere hand to the places where they be holden and kept, by pilferers that resort vnto the same.

_Faires in Ianuarie._

The sixt day being Twelfe day at Salisburie, the fiue and twentith being saint Paules day, at Bristow, at Grauesend, at Churchingford, at Northalerton in Yorkeshire, where is kept a faire euerie wednesday from Christmasse vntill Iune.

_Faires in Februarie._

The first day at Bromleie. The second at Lin, at Bath, at Maidstone, at Bickleswoorth, at Budwoorth. The fourtéenth at Feuersham. On Ashwednesday at Lichfield, at Tamwoorth, at Roiston, at Excester, at Abington, at Cicester. The foure and twentith at Henlie vpon Thames, at Tewkesburie.

_Faires in March._

On the twelth day, at Stamford, Sappesford, and at Sudburie. The thirtéenth day at Wie, at the Mount, & at Bodmin in Cornewall. The fift sunday in Lent, at Grantham, at Salisburie. On monday before our ladie day in Lent, at Wisbich, at Kendall, Denbigh in Wales. On palmesunday éeuen, at Pumfret. On palmesunday, at Worcester. The twentith day at Durham. On our ladie day in Lent at Northamton, at Malden, at great Chart, at Newcastell. And all the ladie daies at Huntington. And at Saffron Walden on midlentsunday.

_Faires in Aprill._

The fift day at Wallingford. The seuenth at Darbie. The ninth at Bickleswoorth, at Belinswoorth. On monday after, at Euesham in Worcestershire. On tuesday in Easter wéeke at Northfléet, at Rochford, at Hitchin. The third sunday after Easter, at Louth. The two and twentith at Stabford. On saint Georges day, at Charing, at Ipswich, at Tamworth, at Ampthill, at Hinninham, at Gilford, at saint Pombes in Cornewall. On saint Markes day at Darbie, at Dunmow in Essex. The six and twentith at Tenderden in Kent.

_Faires in Maie._

On Maie daie at Rippon, at Perin in Cornwall, at Osestrie in Wales, at Lexfield in Suffolke, at Stow the old, at Reading, at Leicester, at Chensford, at Maidstone, at Brickehill, at Blackeborne, at Cogilton, at Stokeneie land. The third at Bramyard, at Henningham, at Elstow, Waltham, Holicrosse, and Hedningham castell. The seuenth at Beuerleie, at Newton, at Oxford. On Ascension day at Newcastell, at Yerne, at Brimechame, at saint Edes, at Bishopstratford, at Wicham, at Middlewich, at Stopford, at Chappell frith. On Whitsunéeuen, at Skipton vpon Crauen. On Whitsunday, at Richell, at Gribbie, and euerie wednesday fortnight at Kingston vpon Thames, at Ratesdale, at Kirbistephin in Westmerland. On monday in Whitsunwéeke, at Darington, at Excester, at Bradford, at Rigate, at Burton, at Salforth, at Whitechurch, at Cockermouth, at Applebie, at Bicklesworth, at Stokeclare. On tuesday in Whitsunwéeke, at Lewse, at Rochford, at Canturburie, at Ormeskirke, at Perith, at long Milford. On wednesday in Whitsunwéeke, at Sandbarre, at Raiston. On Trinitie sunday, at Kendall, and at Rowell. On thursday after Trinitie sunday, at Prescote, at Stapford, at saint Annes, at Newburie, at Couentrie, at saint Edes, at Bishop storford, at Rosse. The ninth at Lochester, at Dunstable. The twentie seuenth day, at Lenham. The twentie ninth at Crambrooke. On monday in Rogation wéeke at Rech, and sunday after Ascension day, at Thaxsted.

_Faires in Iune._

The ninth day at Maidstone. The xj, at Okingham, at Newbourgh, at Bardfield, at Maxfield, & Holt. The seuenteenth at Hadstocke. The twentie thrée at Shrewsburie, at saint Albans. The twentie fourth day, at Horsham, at Bedell, at Strackstocke, at saint Annes, at Wakefield, at Colchester, at Reading, at Bedford, at Barnewell beside Cambridge, at Woollerhampton, at Crambrooke, at Glocester, at Lincolne, at Peterborow, at Windsor, at Harstone, at Lancaster, at Westchester, at Halifax, at Ashborne. The twentie seuenth, at Folkestone. The twentie eight, at Hetcorne, at saint Pombes. The twentie ninth, at Woodhurst, at Marleborough, at Hollesworth, at Woollerhampton, at Peterfield, at Lempster, at Sudburie, at Gargrainge, at Bromleie.

_Faires in Iulie._

The second at Congreton, at Ashton vnder line. The sunday after the third of Iulie, at Raiston. The eleuenth at Partneie, and at Lid. The fifteenth, at Pichbacke. The seuentéenth, at Winchcombe. The twentith, at Vxbridge, at Catesbie, at Bolton. The twentie two, at Marleborow, at Winchester, at Colchester, at Tetburie, at Cooling, at Yealdon, at Bridgenorth, at Clitherall, at Norwich in Cheshire, at Cheswike, at Battelfield, at Bicklewoorth. The twentie fift, at Bristow, at Douer, at Chilham, at Darbie, at Ipswich, at Northampton, at Dudleie in Staffordshire, at saint Iames beside London, at Reading, at Ereth in the Ile, at Walden, at Thremhall, at Baldocke, at Louth, at Malmesburie, at Bromeleie, at Chichester, at Liuerpoole, at Altergam, at Rauenglasse in the north. The twentie sixt, at Tiptrie. The twentie seuenth at Canturburie, at Horsham, at Richmund in the north, at Warington, at Chappell Frith.

_Faires in August._

The first day at Excester, at Feuersham, at Dunstable, at saint Edes, at Bedford, at Northam church, at Wisbich, at Yorke, at Rumneie, at Newton, at Yeland. The fourth at Linton. The tenth at Waltham, at Thaxsted, at Blackemoore, at Hungerford, at Bedford, at Stroides, at Fernam, at S. Laurence by Bodmin, at Walton, at Croileie, at Seddell, at new Brainford. The xv, at Cambridge, at Dunmow, at Caerleill, at Preston in Andall, at Wakefield on the two ladie daies, and vpon the Sunday after the fiftéenth day of August, at Hauerhull. On Bartholomew day, at London, at Beggers bush beside Rie, at Teukesburie, at Sudburie, at Rie, at Nantwich, at Pagets, at Bromleie, at Norwich, at Northalerton, at Douer. On the sunday after Bartholomew day, at Sandwich. The twentie seuenth, and at Ashford.

_Faires in September._

The first day at S. Giles at the Bush. The eight day at Woolfpit, at Wakefield, at Sturbridge, in Southwarke at London, at Snide, at Recoluer, at Gisbourgh both the ladie daies, at Partneie. The thrée ladie daies at Blackeburne, at Gisborne in Yorkeshire, at Chalton, at Vtcester. On Holiroode day, at Richmond in Yorkeshire, at Rippond a horse faire, at Penhad, at Bersleie, at Waltam abbeie, at Wotton vnder hedge, at Smalding, at Chesterfield, at Denbigh in Wales. On saint Mathies day, at Marleborough, at Bedford, at Croidon, at Holden in Holdernes, at saint Edmundsburie, at Malton, at saint Iues, at Shrewesburie, at Laneham, at Witnall, at Sittingborne, at Brainetrie, at Baldocke, at Katharine hill beside Gilford, at Douer, at Eastrie. The twentie ninth day being Michaelmas day, at Canturburie, at Malton a noble horsse faire, at Lancaster, at Blackeborne, at Westchester, at Cokermouth, at Ashborne, at Hadleie, at Malden an horsse faire, at Waie hill, at Newburie, and at Leicester.

_Faires in October._

The fourth day at Michell. The sixt day at saint Faiths beside Norwich, at Maidstone. The eight at Harborough, at Hereford, at Bishop Storford. On S. Edwards day, at Roiston, at Grauesend, at Windsor, at Marshfield. The ninth day at Colchester. On saint Lukes eeuen, at Elie, at Wrickle, at Vpane, at Thirst, at Bridgenorth, at Stanton, at Charing, at Burton vpon Trent, at Charleton, at Wigan, at Friswides in Oxford, at Tisdale, at Middlewich, at Holt in Wales. The twentie one day at Saffron Walden, at Newmarket, at Hertford, at Cicester, at Stokesleie. The twentie third, at Preston, at Bikelsworth, at Ritchdale, at Whitechurch. The twentie eight, at Newmarket, and Hertford. On all saints eeuen, at Wakefield, and at Rithen.

_Faires in Nouember._

The second at Blechinglie, at Kingston, at Maxfield, at Epping. The sixt day at Newport pond, at Stanleie, at Tregnie, at Salford, at Lesford, and Wetshod faire at Hertford. The tenth, at Leuton. The eleuenth, at Marleborough, at Douer. The thirtenth, at saint Edmundsburie, at Gilford. The seventeenth day, at Low, at Hide. The ninéetenth, at Horsham. On saint Edmunds day, at Hith, at Ingerstone. The twentie third day, at Sandwich. On saint Andrews day at Colingbourgh, at Rochester, at Peterfield, at Maidenhed, at Bewdleie, at Warington in Lancashire, at Bedford in Yorkeshire, at Osestrie in Wales, and at Powles Belcham.

_Faires in December._

On the fift day, at Pluckeleie. On the sixt, at Cased, at Hedningham, at Spalding, at Excester, at Sinocke, at Arnedale, and at Northwich in Chesshire. The seuenth day at Sandhurst. The eight day being the conception of our ladie, at Clitherall in Lancashire, at Malpas in Cheshire. The twentie ninth, at Canturburie, and at Salisburie.

OF OUR INNES AND THOROWFAIRES.

CHAP. XVI.

Those townes that we call thorowfaires haue great and sumptuous innes builded in them, for the receiuing of such trauellers and strangers as passe to and fro. The manner of harbouring wherein, is not like to that of some other countries, in which the host or goodman of the house dooth chalenge a lordlie authoritie ouer his ghests, but cleane otherwise, sith euerie man may vse his inne as his owne house in England, and haue for his monie how great or little varietie of vittels, and what other seruice himselfe shall thinke expedient to call for. Our innes are also verie well furnished with naperie, bedding, and tapisserie, especiallie with naperie: for beside the linnen vsed at the tables, which is commonlie washed dailie, is such and so much as belongeth vnto the estate and calling of the ghest. Ech commer is sure to lie in cleane sheets, wherein no man hath béene lodged since they came from the landresse, or out of the water wherein they were last washed. If the traueller haue an horsse, his bed dooth cost him nothing, but if he go on foot he is sure to paie a penie for the same: but whether he be horsseman or footman if his chamber be once appointed he may carie the kaie with him, as of his owne house so long as he lodgeth there. If he loose oughts whilest he abideth in the inne, the host is bound by a generall custome to restore the damage, so that there is no greater securitie anie where for trauellers than in the gretest ins of England. Their horsses in like sort are walked, dressed and looked vnto by certeine hostelers or hired seruants, appointed at the charges of the goodman of the house, who in hope of extraordinarie reward will deale verie diligentlie after outward appéerance in this their function and calling. Herein neuerthelesse are manie of them blameworthie, in that they doo not onelie deceiue the beast oftentimes of his allowance by sundrie meanes, except their owners looke well to them; but also make such packs with slipper merchants which hunt after preie (for what place is sure from euill & wicked persons) that manie an honest man is spoiled of his goods as he trauelleth to and fro, in which feat also the counsell of the tapsters or drawers of drinke, and chamberleins is not seldome behind or wanting. Certes I beleeue not that chapman or traueller in England is robbed by the waie without the knowledge of some of them, for when he commeth into the inne, & alighteth from his horsse, the hostler forthwith is verie busie to take downe his budget or capcase in the yard from his sadle bow, which he peiseth slilie in his hand to féele the weight thereof: or if he misse of this pitch, when the ghest hath taken vp his chamber, the chamberleine that looketh to the making of the beds, will be sure to remooue it from the place where the owner hath set it as if it were to set it more conuenientlie some where else, whereby he getteth an inkling whether it be monie or other short wares, & therof giueth warning to such od ghests as hant the house and are of his confederacie, to the vtter vndoing of manie an honest yeoman as he iournieth by the waie. The tapster in like sort for his part dooth marke his behauiour, and what plentie of monie he draweth when he paieth the shot, to the like end: so that it shall be an hard matter to escape all their subtile practises. Some thinke it a gay matter to commit their budgets at their comming to the goodman of the house: but thereby they oft bewraie themselues. For albeit their monie be safe for the time that it is in his hands (for you shall not heare that a man is robbed in his inne) yet after their departure the host can make no warrantise of the same, sith his protection extendeth no further than the gate of his owne house: and there cannot be a surer token vnto such as prie and watch for those booties, than to sée anie ghest deliuer his capcase in such maner. In all our innes we haue plentie of ale, béere, and sundrie kinds of wine, and such is the capacitie of some of them that they are able to lodge two hundred or three hundred persons, and their horsses at ease, & therto with a verie short warning make such prouision for their diet, as to him that is vnacquainted withall may seeme to be incredible. Howbeit of all in England there are no worse ins than in London, and yet manie are there far better than the best that I haue heard of in anie forren countrie, if all circumstances be dulie considered. But to leaue this & go in hand with my purpose. I will here set downe a table of the best thorowfaires and townes of greatest trauell of England, in some of which there are twelue or sixtéene such innes at the least, as I before did speake of. And it is a world to sée how ech owner of them contendeth with other for goodnesse of interteinement of their ghests, as about finesse & change of linnen, furniture of bedding, beautie of roomes, seruice at the table, costlinesse of plate, strength of drinke, varietie of wines, or well vsing of horsses. Finallie there is not so much omitted among them as the gorgeousnes of their verie signes at their doores, wherein some doo consume thirtie or fortie pounds, a méere vanitie in mine opinion, but so vaine will they néeds be, and that not onelie to giue some outward token of the inne kéepers welth, but also to procure good ghests to the frequenting of their houses in hope there to be well vsed. Lo here the table now at hand, for more of our innes I shall not néed to speake.

_The waie from Walsingham to London._

From Walsingham to Picknam 12.miles From Picknam to Brandonferie 10.miles From Brandonfarie to Newmarket 10.miles From Newmarket to Brabram 10.miles From Brabram to Barkewaie 20.miles From Barkewaie to Puchrich 7.miles From Puchrich to Ware 5.miles From Ware to Waltham 8.miles From Waltham to London 12.miles

_The waie from Barwike to Yorke, and so to London._

From Barwike to Belford 12.miles From Belford to Anwike 12.miles From Anwike to Morpit 12.miles From Morpit to Newcastell 12.miles From Newcastell to Durham 12.miles From Durham to Darington 13.miles From Darington to Northalerton 14.miles From Northalerton to Toplife 7.miles From Toplife to Yorke 16.miles From Yorke to Tadcaster 8.miles From Tadcaster to Wantbridge 12.miles From Wantbridge to Dancaster 8.miles From Dancaster to Tutford 18.miles From Tutford to Newarke 10.miles From Newarke to Grantham 10.miles From Grantham to Stanford 16.miles From Stanford to Stilton 12.miles From Stilton to Huntington 9.miles From Huntington to Roiston 15.miles From Roiston to Ware 12.miles From Ware to Waltham 8.miles From Waltham to London 12.miles

_The waie from Carnaruan to Chester, and so to London._

From Carnaruan to Conwaie 24.miles From Conwaie to Denbigh 12.miles From Denbigh to Flint 12.miles From Flint to Chester 10.miles From Chester to Wich 14.miles From Wich to Stone 15.miles From Stone to Lichfield 16.miles From Lichfield to Colsill 12.miles From Colsill to Couentrie 8.miles

And so from Couentrie to London, as hereafter followeth.

_The waie from Cockermouth to Lancaster, and so to London._

From Cockermouth to Kiswike 6.miles From Kiswike to Grocener 8.miles From Grocener to Kendale 14.miles From Kendale to Burton 7.miles From Burton to Lancaster 8.miles From Lancaster to Preston 20.miles From Preston to Wigam 14.miles From Wigam to Warington 20.miles From Warington to Newcastell 20.miles From Newcastell to Lichfield 20.miles From Lichfield to Couentrie 20.miles From Couentrie to Daintrie 14.miles From Daintrie to Tocester 10.miles From Tocester to Stonistratford 6.miles From Stonistratford to Brichill 7.miles From Brichill to Dunstable 7.miles From Dunstable to saint Albons 10.miles From saint Albons to Barnet 10.miles From Barnet to London 10.miles

_The waie from Yarmouth to Colchester, and so to London._

From Yarmouth to Becclis 8.miles From Becclis to Blibour 7.miles From Blibour to Snapbridge 8.miles From Snapbridge to Woodbridge 8.miles From Woodbridge to Ipswich 5.miles From Ipswich to Colchester 12.miles From Colchester to Eastford 8.miles From Eastford to Chelmesford 10.miles From Chelmesford to Brentwood 10.miles From Brentwood to London 15.miles

_The waie from Douer to London._

From Douer to Canturburie 12.miles From Canturburie to Sittingborne 12.miles From Sittingborne to Rochester 8.miles From Rochester to Grauesend 5.miles From Grauesend to Datford 6.miles From Datford to London 12.miles

_The waie from saint Burien in Cornewall to London._

From S. Burien to the Mount 20.miles From the Mount to Thurie 12.miles From saint Thurie to Bodman 20.miles From Bodman to Launstone 20.miles From Launstone to Ocomton 15.miles From Ocomton to Crokehornewell 10.miles From Crokehornewell to Excester 10.miles From Excester to Honiton 12.miles From Honiton to Chard 10.miles From Chard to Crokehorne 7.miles From Crokehorne to Shirborne 10.miles From Shirborne to Shaftsburie 10.miles From Shaftsburie to Salisburie 18.miles From Salisburie to Andeuor 15.miles From Andeuor to Basingstocke 18.miles From Basingstocke to Hartford 8.miles From Hartford to Bagshot 8.miles From Bagshot to Stanes 8.miles From Stanes to London 15.miles

_The waie from Bristowe to London._

From Bristow to Maxfield 10.miles From Maxfield to Chipnam 10.miles From Chipnam to Marleborough 15.miles From Marleborough to Hungerford 8.miles From Hungerford to Newburie 7.miles From Newburie to Reading 15.miles From Reading to Maidenhead 10.miles From Maidenhead to Colbrooke 7.miles From Colbrooke to London 15.miles

_The waie from saint Dauids to London._

From saint Dauids to Axford 20.miles From Axford to Carmarden 10.miles From Carmarden to Newton 10.miles From Newton to Lanburie 10.miles From Lanburie to Brechnocke 16.miles From Brechnocke to Haie 10.miles From Haie to Harford 14.miles From Harford to Roso 9.miles From Roso to Glocester 12.miles From Glocester to Cicester 15.miles From Cicester to Farington 16.miles From Farington to Habington 7.miles From Habington to Dorchester 7.miles From Dorchester to Henleie 12.miles From Henleie to Maidenhead 7.miles From Maidenhead to Colbrooke 7.miles From Colbrooke to London 15.miles

_Of thorowfares from Douer to Cambridge._

From Douer to Canturburie 12.miles From Canturburie to Rofchester 20.miles From Rofchester to Grauesend 5.miles From Grauesend ouer the Thames to Hornedon 4.miles From Hornedon to Chelmesford 12.miles From Chelmesford to Dunmow 10.miles From Dunmow to Thaxsted 5.miles From Thaxsted to Radwinter 3.miles From Radwinter to Linton 5.miles From Linton to Babrenham 3.miles From Babrenham to Cambridge 4.miles

_From Canturburie to Oxford._

From Canturburie to London 43.miles From London to Vxbridge or Colbrooke 15.miles From Vxbridge to Baccansfield 7.miles From Baccansfield to east Wickham 5.miles From Wickham to Stocking church 5.miles From Stocking church to Thetisford 5.miles From Thetisford to Whatleie 6.miles From Whatleie to Oxford 4.miles

_From London to Cambridge._

From London to Edmonton 6.miles From Edmonton to Waltham 6.miles From Waltham to Hoddesdon 5.miles From Hoddesdon to Ware 3.miles From Ware to Pulcherchurch 5.miles From Pulcherchurch to Barkewaie 7.miles From Barkewaie to Fulmere 6.miles From Fulmere to Cambridge 6.miles

_Or thus better waie._

From London to Hoddesdon 17.miles From Hoddesdon to Hadham 7.miles From Hadham to Saffron Walden 12.miles From Saffron Walden to Cambridge 10.miles

OF CERTEINE WAIES IN SCOTLAND, OUT OF REGINALD WOLFES HIS ANNOTATIONS.

_From Barwijc to Edenborow._

From Barwijc to Chirneside 10.miles From Chirneside to Coldingham 3.miles From Coldingham to Pinketon 6.miles From Pinketon to Dunbarre 6.miles From Dunbarre to Linton 6.miles From Linton to Haddington 6.miles From Haddington to Seaton 4.miles From Seaton to Aberladie or Muskelborow 8.miles From thence to Edenborow 8.miles

_From Edenborow to Barwijc another waie._

From Edenborow to Dalketh 5.miles From Dalketh to new Battell & Lander 5.miles From Lander to Vrsildon 6.miles From Vrsildon to Driburg 5.miles From Driburg to Cariton 6.miles From Cariton to Barwijc 14.miles

_From Edenborow to Dunbrittaine westward._

From Edenborow to Kirkelifton 6.miles From Kirkelifton to Lithco 6.miles From Lithco to Farekirke ouer Forth 6.miles From thence to Striuelin vpon Forth 6.miles From Striuelin to Dunbrittaine 24.miles

_From Striuelin to Kinghorne eastward._

From Striuelin to Downe in Menketh 3.miles From Downe to Campskenell 3.miles From Campskenell to Alwie vpon Forth 4.miles From Alwie to Culrose on Fiffe 10.miles From Culrose to Dunfermelin 2.miles From Dunfermelin to Euerkennin 2.miles From Euerkennin to Aberdore on Forth 3.miles From Aberdore to Kinghorne vpon Forth 3.miles

_From Kinghorne to Taimouth._

From Kinghorne to Dissard in Fiffe 3.miles From Dissard to Cowper 8.miles From Cowper to S. Andrews 14.miles From S. Andrews to the Taimouth 6.miles

_From Taimouth to Stockeford._

From Taimouth to Balmerinoth abbeie 4.miles From thence to Londores abbeie 4.miles From Londores to S. Iohns towne 12.miles From S. Iohns to Schone 5.miles From thence to Abernithie, where the Erne runneth into the Taie 15.miles From Abernithie to Dundée 15.miles From Dundee to Arbroth and Muros 24.miles From Muros to Aberden 20.miles From Aberden to the water of Doneie 20.miles From thense to the riuer of Spaie 30.miles From thence to Stockeford in Rosse, and so to the Nesse of Haben, a famous point on the west side 30.miles

_From Carleill to Whitehorne westward._

From Carleill ouer the Ferie against Redkirke 4.miles From thence to Dunfrées 20.miles From Dunfrées to the Ferie of Cre 40.miles From thence to Wigton 3.miles From thence to Whitherne 12.miles

Hitherto of the common waies of England and Scotland, wherevnto I will adioine the old thorowfaires ascribed to Antoninus, to the end that by their conference the diligent reader may haue further consideration of the same than my leisure will permit me. In setting foorth also thereof, I haue noted such diuersitie of reading, as hath happened in the sight of such written and printed copies, as I haue séene in my time. Notwithstanding I must confesse the same to be much corrupted in the rehearsall of the miles.

ITER BRITANNIARUM.

_A GESSORIACO._

De Gallis Ritupis in portu Britanniarum stadia numero. CCCCL.

_A Limite, id est, a vallo Prætorio vsque M. P. CLVI. sic_:

[Sidenote: Britannia.]

A Bramenio Corstopitum, m. p. XX Vindomora m. p. IX Viconia * m. p. XIX _Vinouia Vinouium_ Cataractoni m. p. XXII =Darington.= Isurium m. p. XXIIII =Aldborow= _aliàs_ =Topcliffe=. Eburacum legio VI Victrix m. p. XVII =Yorke=. Deruentione m. p. VII =Tadcaster.= Delgouitia m. p. XIII =Wentbridge.= Prætorio m. p. XXV =Tudford.=

_Item a Vallo ad portum Ritupis m. p._ 481, 491, _sic_,

Ablato Bulgio * castra exploratorum m. p. X, 15 _aliàs à_ Blato Lugu-vallo * m. p. XII aliàs à Lugu-valio. =Cairleill.= Voreda m. p. XIIII Brouonacis * m. p. XIII _Brauoniacis_ Verteris m. p. XX, 13 Lauatris m. p. XIIII Cataractone * m. p. XXI _Caturractonium._ =Darington.= Isuriam * m. p. XXIIII _Isoriam._ =Aldborow= _aliàs_ =Topcliffe=. Eburacum * m. p. XVIII _Eboracum._ =Yorke.= Calcaria * m. p. IX _Cacaria._ Camboduno m. p. Mammuncio * m. p. XVIII _Manucio_ Condate m. p. XVIII Deua legio XXIII.CI. m. p. XX Bouio * m. p. X _Bonió_ Mediolano m. p. XX Rutunio m. p. XII Vrio Conio * m. p. XI _Viroconium._ =Shrewesburie= _propè_. Vxacona m. p. XI Penno-Crucio m. p. XII Etoceto m. p. XII Mandues Sedo m. p. XVI Venonis m. p. XII Bennauenta * m. p. XVII _Bannaventa_ Lactorodo * m. p. XII _Lactodoro_ Maginto * m. p. XVII. 12 _Magiouintum_ Duro-Cobriuis m. p. XII =Dunstable.= Vero-Lamio m. p. XII =S. Albanes.= Sullomacis * m. p. IX =Barnet.= Longidinio m. p. XII. _Londinio._ =London.= Nouiomago m. p. XII Vagniacis m. p. VI Durobrouis m. p. V _Duroprouis._ =Rochester.= Duroleuo m. p. XVI. 8 Duror-Verno * m. p. XII _Drouerno Durouerno_ Ad portum Ritupis m. p. XII _Duraruenno Daruerno_

_Item a Londinio ad portum Dubris m. p._ 56, 66, _sic:_

Dubobrus * m. p. XXVII _Durobrouis Durobrius._ =Rochester.= Duraruenno m. p. XV, 25 =Canturburie.= Ad portum Dubris m. p. XIIII =Douer hauen.=

_Item a Londinio ad portum Lemanis m. p._ 68 _sic:_

Durobrius m. p. XXVII =Rochester.= Duraruenno m. p. XV, 25 =Canturburie.= Ad portum * Lemanis m. p. XVI =Limming hauen.=

_Item a Londinio Lugu-Valio ad Vallum m. p._ 443, _sic:_

Cæsaromago m. p. XXVIII Colonia m. p. XXIIII Villa Faustini m. p. XXXV, 25 Icianos m. p. XVIII Camborico m. p. XXXV Duroliponte m. p. XXV Durobriuas m. p. XXXV Gausennis m. p. XXX Lindo m. p. XXVI Segeloci m. p. XIIII Dano m. p. XXI Lege-Olio * m. p. XVI _Logetium_ Eburaco m. p. XXI Isubrigantum * m. p. XVI _Isurium Brigantum_ Cataractoni m. p. XXIIII Leuatris * m. p. XVIII _Leuatrix_ Verteris m. p. XIIII Brocouo * m. p. XX _Brocouicum_ Lugu-Vallo m. p. XXV, 22

_Item a Londinio Lindo m. p._ 156 _sic:_

Verolami m. p. XXI Duro Cobrius m. p. XII Magiouinio * m. p. XII {_Maginto_ Lactodoro m. p. XVI {_Magis_ Isanna Vantia * m. p. XII {_Isanna vatia_ Tripontio m. p. XII {_Isanna varia_ Venonis m. p. IX Ratas m. p. XII Verometo m. p. XIII Margi-duno m. p. XII Ad Pontem * m. p. VII _Pons Aelij_ Croco Calana * m. p. VII _Crorolana_ Lindo m. p. XII

_Item a Regno Londinio m. p._ 116, 96 _sic:_

Clausentum m. p. XX Venta Belgarum m. p. X Gelleua * Atrebatum m. p. XXII {_Gelleua_, =Walingford=. Pontibus m. p. XXII =Reding=. {_Calliua_, Londinio m. p. XXII

_Item ab Ebvraco Londinium m. p._ 227 _sic:_

Lagecio m. p. XXI Dano m. p. XVI =Dancaster.= Ageloco * m. p. XXI _Segoloco_ Lindo m. p. XIIII Crococalano m. p. XIIII Margi-duno m. p. XIIII Vernemeto * m. p. XII _Verometo_ Ratis m. p. XII Vennonis m. p. XII Bannauanto m. p. XIX Magio Vinio m. p. XXVIII Durocobrius m. p. XII =Dunstable.= Verolamo m. p. XII =S. Albanes.= Sullomaca m. p. IX =Barnet.= Londinio m. p. XII =London.=

_Item a Venta Icinorvm Londinio m. p._ 128 _sic:_

Sitomago m. p. XXXI Combrerouio * m. p. XXII _Cumbretonio_ Ad Ansam m. p. XV Camoloduno m. p. VI Canonio m. p. IX Cæsaromago m. p. XII Durolito m. p. XVI Londinio m. p. XV

_Item a Glamoventa Mediolano m. p._ 150 _sic:_

Galaua m. p. XVIII Alone * m. p. XII _Alauna * Aliona Alione_ Galacum * m. p. XIX _Galacum Brigantum_ Bremetonaci m. p. XXVII Coccio m. p. XX Mancunio * m. p. XVIII _Mammucio vel Manucio_ Condate m. p. XVIII Mediolano m. p. XIX

_Item a Segoncio Deuam m. p._ 74 _sic:_

Canouio m. p. XXIIII Varis m. p. XIX Deua m. p. XXXII

_Item a Calleva aliàs Mvridono aliàs Viroconiorum. Per Viroconium._

Vindonu * m. p. XV _Vindomi_ Venta Belgarum m. p. XXI Brige * m. p. XI _Brage_ Soruioduni m. p. IX Vindogladia m. p. XIII, 15 Durnouaria m. p. VIII Muriduno m. p. XXXVI Scadum Nunniorum * m. p. XV, 12 _Iscadum_ Leucaro m. p. XV Bomio m. p. XV Nido m. p. XV Iscelegua Augusti * m. p. XIIII _Iscelegia_ Burrio m. p. IX Gobannio m. p. XII Magnis m. p. XXII Brauinio * m. p. XXIIII _Brouenio_ Viriconio m. p. XXVII

_Item ab Isca Calleua m. p._ 109 _sic:_

Burrio m. p. IX Blestio m. p. XI Ariconio m. p. XI Cleuo m. p. XV Durocornouio m. p. XIIII Spinis m. p. XV Calleua m. p. XV

_Item alio Itinere ab Isca Calleua m. p._ 103 _sic:_

Venta Silurum m. p. IX Abone m. p. IX Traiectus m. p. IX Aquis Solis m. p. VI Verlucione m. p. XV Cunetione m. p. XX Spinis m. p. XV Calleua m. p. XV

_Item a Calleua Iscadvm Nunniorum m. p._ 136 _sic:_

Vindomi m. p. XV Venta Belgarum m. p. XXI Brige m. p. XI Sorbiodoni m. p. VIII Vindocladia m. p. XII Durnonouaria m. p. VIII _Durnonaria_ Moriduno m. p. XXXVI Iscadum Nunniorum m. p. XV

FINIS.

* * * * *

[PART II]

THE

HISTORIE OF ENGLAND,

FROM

THE TIME THAT IT WAS FIRST INHABITED,

VNTILL

THE TIME THAT IT WAS LAST CONQUERED:

WHEREIN THE SUNDRIE ALTERATIONS OF THE STATE VNDER FORREN PEOPLE IS DECLARED; AND OTHER MANIFOLD OBSERVATIONS REMEMBRED:

* * * * *

_BY RAPHAEL HOLINSHED._

* * * * *

NOW NEWLIE READ OVER, AND DILIGENTLIE DIGESTED INTO BOOKES AND CHAPTERS, WITH THEIR SEUERALL ARGUMENTS PREFIXED, CONTEINING AN ABRIDGEMENT OF THE WHOLE HISTORIE, FOR THE HELPE OF THE READERS IUDGEMENT AND MEMORIE:

WITH TWO TABLES OF PARTICULARS,

THE ONE SERVING THE DESCRIPTION, THE OTHER THE HISTORIE:

_BY ABRAHAM FLEMING._

* * * * *

LAUS HISTORIAE EX I. LELANDO.

QUOD SOL AETHEREO PRAESTAT PULCHERRIMUS ORDI, HISTORIA HUMANIS VBIBUS HOC TRIBUIT.

TO

THE READERS STUDIOUS IN HISTORIES.

* * * * *

The order obserued in the description of Britaine, by reason of the necessarie diuision thereof into bookes and chapters growing out of the varietie of matters therein conteined, seemed (in my iudgement) so conuenient a course deuised by the writer, as I was easilie induced thereby to digest the historie of England immediatlie following into the like method: so that as in the one, so likewise in the other, by summarie contents foregoing euerie chapter, as also by certeine materiall titles added at the head of euerie page of the said historie, it is a thing of no difficultie to comprehend what is discoursed and discussed in the same.

Wherein (sith histories are said to be the registers of memorie and the monuments of veritie) all louers of knowlege, speciallie historicall, are aduisedlie to marke (among other points) the seuerall and successiue alterations of regiments in this land: whereof it was [Sidenote: Pag. 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 26, 27, 28, 49, 50, 51, of the description: and pag. 765, 766, of the historie of England.] my meaning to haue made an abstract, but that the same is sufficientlie handled in the first booke and fourth chapter of the description of Britaine; whereto if the seuenth chapter of the same booke be also annexed, there is litle or no defect at all in that case wherof iustlie to make complaint.

Wherfore by remitting the readers to those, I reape this aduantage, namelie a discharge of a forethought & purposed labour, which as to reduce into some plausible forme was a worke both of time, paine and studie: so seeming vnlikelie to be comprised in few words (being a matter of necessarie and important obseruation) occasion of tediousnes is to and fro auoided; speciallie to the reader, who is further to be aduertised, that the computations of yeares here and there expressed, according to the indirect direction of the copies whense they were deriued and drawne, is not so absolute (in some mens opinion) as it might haue beene: howbeit iustifiable by their originals.

Wherin hereafter (God prolonging peace in the church and commonwelth that the vse of bookes may not be abridged) such diligent care shall be had, that in whatsoeuer the helpe of bookes will doo good, or conference with antiquaries auaile, there shall want no will to vse the one and the other. And yet it is not a worke for euerie common capacitie, naie it is a toile without head or taile euen for extraordinarie wits, to correct the accounts of former ages so many hundred yeares receiued, out of vncerteinties to raise certeinties, and to reconcile writers dissenting in opinion and report. But as this is vnpossible, so is no more to be looked for than may be performed: and further to inquire as it is against reason, so to vndertake more than may commendablie be atchiued, were fowle follie.

ABRAHAM FLEMING.

* * * * *

THE FIRST BOOKE

OF THE

HISTORIE OF ENGLAND.

* * * * *

_Who inhabited this Iland before the comming of Brute: of Noah & his three sonnes, among whom the whole earth was diuided: and to which of their portions this Ile of Britaine befell._

THE FIRST CHAPTER.

What manner of people did first inhabite this our country, which hath most generallie and of longest continuance béene knowne among all nations by the name of Britaine as yet is not certeinly knowne; neither can it be decided fr[=o] whence the first inhabitants there of came, by reason of such diuersitie in iudgements as haue risen amongst [Sidenote: The originall of nations for the most part vncerteine.] the learned in this behalfe. But sith the originall in maner of all nations is doubtfull, and euen the same for the more part fabulous (that alwaies excepted which we find in the holie scriptures) I wish not any man to leane to that which shall be here set downe as to an infallible truth, sith I doo but onlie shew other mens conjectures, grounded neuerthelesse vpon likelie reasons, concerning that matter whereof there is now left but little other certeintie, or rather none at all.

[Sidenote: Whither Britaine were an Iland at the first.] [Sidenote: _Geog. com. lib._] [Sidenote: No Ilands at the first, as some coniecture.] To fetch therefore the matter from the farthest, and so to stretch it forward, it séemeth by the report of Dominicus Marius Niger that in the beginning, when God framed the world, and diuided the waters apart from the earth, this Ile was then a parcell of the continent, and ioined without any separation of sea to the maine land. But this opinion (as all other the like vncerteinties) I leaue to be discussed of by the learned: howbeit for the first inhabitation of this Ile with people, I haue thought good to set downe in part, what may be gathered out of such writers as haue touched that matter, and may séeme to giue some light vnto the knowledge thereof.

[Sidenote: In the first part of the acts of the English votaries.] [Sidenote: Britaine inhabitied before the floud.] [Sidenote: _Genesis_ 6.] [Sidenote: _Berosus ant. lib._ 1.] First therefore Iohn Bale our countrieman, who in his time greatlie trauelled in the search of such antiquities, dooth probablie coniecture, that this land was inhabited and replenished with people long before the floud, at that time in the which the generation of mankind (as Moses writeth) began to multiplie vpon the vniuersall face of the earth: and therfore it followeth, that as well this land was inhabited with people long before the daies of Noah, as any the other countries and parts of the world beside. But when they had once forsaken the ordinances appointed them by God, and betaken them to new waies inuented of themselues, such loosenesse of life ensued euerie where, as brought vpon them the great deluge and vniuersall floud, in the which perished as well the inhabitants of these quarters, as the residue of the race of mankind, generallie dispersed in euerie other part of the whole world, onelie Noah & his familie excepted, who by the prouidence and pleasure of almightie God was preserued from the rage of those waters, to recontinue and repaire the new generation of man of vpon earth.

[Sidenote: NOAH.] [Sidenote: _In comment. super_ 4. _lib._] [Sidenote: _Berosus de antiquit. lib._ 1.] [Sidenote: _Annius vt suor._] After the flood (as Annius de Viterbo recordeth) and reason also enforceth, Noah was the onlie monarch of all the world, and as the same Annius gathereth by the account of Moses in the 100. yeare after the flood, Noah diuided the earth among his thrée sonnes; assigning to the possession of his eldest sonne all that portion of land which now is knowne by the name of Asia; to his second sonne Cham, he appointed all that part of the world which now is called Affrica: and to his third sonne Iaphet was allotted all Europa, with all the Iles therto belonging, wherin among other was conteined this our Ile of Britaine, with the other Iles thereto perteining.

[Sidenote: IAPHET AND HIS SONNES.] [Sidenote: _Johannes Bodinus ad fac. hist. cogn._] [Sidenote: _Franciscus Tarapha._] IAPHET the third son of Noah, of some called Iapetus, and of others, Atlas Maurus (because he departed this life in Mauritania) was the first (as Bodinus affirmeth by the authoritie and consent of the Hebrue, Gréeke & Latine writers) that peopled the countries of Europe, which afterward he diuided among his sonnes: of whom Tuball (as Tarapha affirmeth) obteined the kingdome of Spaine. Gomer had dominion ouer the Italians, and (as Berosus and diuers other authors agrée) Samothes was the founder of Celtica, which conteined in it (as Bale witnesseth) a great part of Europe, but speciallie those countries which now are called by the names of Gallia and Britannia.

[Sidenote: Britaine inhabited shortlie after the floud.] Thus was this Iland inhabited and peopled within 200 yéeres after the floud by the children of Iaphet the sonne of Noah: & this is not onlie prooued by Annius, writing vpon Berosus, but also confirmed by Moses in the scripture, where he writeth, that of the offspring of Iaphet, the Iles of the Gentiles (wherof Britain is one) were sorted into regions in the time of Phaleg the sonne of Hiber, who was borne at the [Sidenote: _Theophilus episcop. Antioch. ad Anfol lib._ 2.] [Sidenote: The words of Theophilus a doctor of the church, who liued an. Dom. 160.] time of the diuision of languages. Herevpon Theophilus hath these words: "Cúm priscis temporibus pauci forent homines in Arabia & Chaldaea, post linguarum diuisionem aucti & multiplicati paulatim sunt: hinc quidam abierunt versus orientem, quidam concessere ad partes maioris continentis, alij porrò profecti sunt ad septentrionem sedes quaesituri, nec priùs desierunt terram vbiq; occupare, quàm etiam Britannos in Arctois climatibus accesserint, &c." _That is_; "When at the first there were not manie men in Arabia and Chaldaea, it came to passe, that after the diuision of toongs, they began somewhat better to increase and multiplie, by which occasion some of them went toward the east, and some toward the parts of the great maine land: diuers of them went also northwards to seeke them dwelling places, neither staid they to replenish the earth as they went, till they came vnto the Iles of Britaine, lieng vnder the north pole." Thus far Theophilus.

These things considered, Gildas the Britaine had great reason to thinke, that this countrie had bene inhabited from the beginning. And Polydor Virgil was with no lesse consideration hereby induced to confesse, that the Ile of Britaine had receiued inhabitants foorthwith after the floud.

* * * * *

_Of Samothes, Magus, Sarron, Druis, and Bardus, fiue kings succeeding each other in regiment ouer the Celts and Samotheans, and how manie hundred yeeres the Celts inhabited this Iland._

THE SECOND CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: _Gen._ 2.] [Sidenote: _De migr. gen._] SAMOTHES the sixt begotten sonne of Iaphet called by Moses Mesech, by others Dis, receiued for his portion (according to the report of Wolfgangus Lazius) all the countrie lieng betwéene the riuer of Rhene and the Pyrenian mountains, where he founded the kingdome of Celtica [Sidenote: _Cent. 1._] ouer his people called Celtae. Which name Bale affirmeth to haue bene indifferent to the inhabitants both of the countrie of Gallia, and the Ile of Britaine, & that he planted colonies of men (brought foorth of the east parts) in either of them, first in the maine land, and after [Sidenote: _Anti. lib._ 1.] [Sidenote: _Bale Script._] [Sidenote: _Brit. cent._ 1.] in the Iland. He is reported by Berosus to haue excelled all men of that age in learning and knowledge: and also is thought by Bale to haue imparted the same among his people; namelie, the vnderstanding

[Sidenote: _Caesar. comment. lib._ 8.] of the sundrie courses of the starres, the order of inferiour things, with manie other matters incident to the morall and politike gouernment of mans life: and to haue deliuered the same in the Phenician letters: out of which the Greekes (according to the opinion [Sidenote: _In epithet. temp._] [Sidenote: _De aequinorus contra Appionem._] of Archilochus) deuised & deriued the Gréeke characters, insomuch that Xenophon and Iosephus doo constantlie report (although Diogenes Laertius be against it) that both the Gréekes and other nations receiued their letters and learning first from these countries. Of [Sidenote: _Lib. de Magic. success. lib._ 22.] this king and his learning arose a sect of philosophers (saith Annius) first in Britaine, and after in Gallia, the which of his name were called Samothei. They (as Aristotle and Secion write) were passing skilfull both in the law of God and man: and for that cause [Sidenote: _Script. Brit. cent._ 1.] exceedinglie giuen to religion, especiallie the inhabitants of this Ile of Britaine, insomuch that the whole nation did not onelie take [Sidenote: _De ant. Cant. cent. lib._ 1.] [Sidenote: This Ile called Samothea.] the name of them, but the Iland it selfe (as Bale and doctor Caius agree) came to be called Samothea, which was the first peculiar name that euer it had, and by the which it was especiallie knowne before the arriuall of Albion.

[Sidenote: MAGUS THE SON OF SAMOTHES.] [Sidenote: _Lib._ 9.] [Sidenote: _Annius in commen. super eundem. Geogr._] MAGUS the sonne of Samothes, after the death of his father, was the second king of Celtica, by whome (as Berosus writeth) there were manie townes builded among the Celts, which by the witnesse of Annius did beare the addition of their founder Magus: of which townes diuers are to be found in Ptolomie. And Antoninus a painfull surueior of the world and searcher of cities, maketh mention of foure of them here in Britaine, Sitomagus, Neomagus, Niomagus, and Nouiomagus. Neomagus sir Thomas Eliot writeth to haue stood where the citie of Chester now standeth; Niomagus, George Lillie placeth where the towne of Buckingham is now remaining. Beside this, Bale dooth so highlie commend the foresaid Magus for his learning renowmed ouer all the world, that he would haue the Persians, and other nations of the south and west parts, to deriue the name of their diuines called _Magi_ from him. In déed Rauisius Textor, and sir Iohn Prise affirme, that in the daies of Plinie, the Britons were so expert in art magike, that they might be thought to haue first deliuered the same to the Persians. [Sidenote: _De diui. lib._ 1.] [Sidenote: _De fastis li._ 5.] What the name of _Magus_ importeth, and of what profession the _Magi_ were, Tullie declareth at large, and Mantuan in briefe, after this maner:

Ille penes Persas Magus est, qui sidera norit, Qui sciat herbarum vires cultumq; deorum, Persepoli facit ista Magos prudentia triplex.

[Sidenote: _H.F._] The Persians terme him Magus, that the course of starres dooth knowe, The power of herbs, and worship due to God that man dooth owe, By threefold knowledge thus the name of Magus then dooth growe.

[Sidenote: SARRON THE SON OF MAGUS.] [Sidenote: _De ant. Cant. lib._ 1.] [Sidenote: _Bale. script._] [Sidenote: _Brit. cent._ 1.] SARRON the third king of the Celts succéeded his father Magus in gouernement of the countrie of Gallia, and the Ile Samothea, wherein as (D. Caius writeth) he founded certaine publike places for them that professed learning, which Berosus affirmeth to be done, to the intent to restraine the wilfull outrage of men, being as then but raw and void of all ciuilitie. Also it is thought by Annius, that he was the first author of those kind of philosophers, which were called Sarronides, of whom Diodorus Siculus writeth in this sort: "There are [Sidenote: _Lib._ 6.] (saith he) among the Celts certaine diuines and philosophers called Sarronides, whom aboue all other they haue in great estimation. For it is the manner among them, not without a philosopher to make anie sacrifice: sith they are of beleefe, that sacrifices ought onelie to be made by such as are skilfull in the diuine mysteries, as of those who are neerest vnto God, by whose intercession they thinke all good things are to be required of God, and whose aduise they vse and follow, as well in warre as in peace."

[Sidenote: DRUIS THE SON OF SARRON.] [Sidenote: _De morte Claud._] DRUIS, whom Seneca calleth Dryus, being the sonne of Sarron, was after his father established the fourth king of Celtica, indifferentlie reigning as wel ouer the Celts as Britons, or rather (as the inhabitants of this Ile were then called) Samotheans. This prince is commended by Berosus to be so plentifullie indued with wisedome and learning, that Annius taketh him to be the vndoubted author of the begining and name of the philosophers called Druides, whome Caesar and all other ancient Greeke and Latine writers doo affirme to haue had their begining in Britaine, and to haue bin brought from thence into Gallia, insomuch that when there arose any doubt in that countrie touching any point of their discipline, they did repaire to be resolued therein into Britaine, where, speciallie in the Ile of [Sidenote: _Anti. lib._ 5.] [Sidenote: _Annius super eundem._] [Sidenote: _De bello Gallico._ 6.] Anglesey (as Humfrey Llhoyd witnesseth) they made their principall abode. Touching their vsages many things are written by Aristotle, Socion, Plinie, Laertius, Bodinus, and others: which I will gather in briefe, and set downe as followeth. They had (as Caesar saith) the charge of common & priuate sacrifices, the discussing of points of religion, the bringing vp of youth, the determining of matters in variance with full power to interdict so manie from the sacrifice of [Sidenote: _Hist. an. lib._ 1.] their gods and the companie of men, as disobeied their award. Polydore affirmeth, how they taught, that mens soules could not die, but departed from one bodie to another, and that to the intent to make men [Sidenote: _De diui. lib._ 1.] valiant and dreadlesse of death. Tullie writeth, that partlie by tokens, and partlie by surmises, they would foretell things to come. And by the report of Hector Boetius, some of them were not ignorant of [Sidenote: _Hist. Scoti. li._ 2.] [Sidenote: _De migr. gen. lib._ 2.] [Sidenote: _Marcellinus._] the immortalitie of the one and euerlasting God. All these things they had written in the Greeke toong, insomuch that Wolf. Lazius (vpon the report of Marcellinus) declareth how the Gréeke letters were first brought to Athens by Timagenes from the Druides. And herevpon it commeth also to passe, that the British toong hath in it remaining at this day some smacke of the Gréeke. Among other abuses of the Druides, they had (according to Diodorus) one custome to kill men, and by the falling, bleeding, and dismembring of them, to diuine of things to come: for the which and other wicked practises, their sect was first condemned for abhominable (as some haue written) and dissolued in Gallia (as Auentinus witnesseth) by Tiberius and Claudius the [Sidenote: _Anna. Boiorum. lib._ 22.] emperours; and lastlie abolished here in Britaine (by the report of Caius) when the gospell of Christ by the preaching of Fugatius and [Sidenote: _De ant. Cant._] Damianus was receiued among the Britaines, vnder Lucius king of Britaine, about the yeare of our sauior, 179.

[Sidenote: BARDUS THE SONNE OF DRUIS.] [Sidenote: _Berosus ant. lib._ 2.] [Sidenote: _Annius in commen. super eundem._] [Sidenote: _Ant. Cant li._ 1.] [Sidenote: _script. Britan. cent._ 1.] [Sidenote: _Nonnius._] [Sidenote: _Marcel._] [Sidenote: _Strabo._] [Sidenote: _Diodor. Sicul. lib._ 6.] [Sidenote: _Carol. Stepha. in dict. hist._] [Sidenote: _Bale._] [Sidenote: _Iohn Prise._] BARDUS the sonne of Druis succéeded his father in the kingdome of Celtica, and was the fift king ouer the Celtes and Samotheans, amongst whom he was highlie renoumed (as appeareth by Berosus) for inuention of dities and musicke, wherein Annius of Viterbo writeth, that he trained his people: and of such as excelled in this knowledge, he made an order of philosophicall poets or heraulds, calling them by his owne name Bardi. And it should séeme by doctor Caius and master Bale, that Caesar found some of them here at his arriuall in this Ile, and reported that they had also their first begining in the same. The profession and vsages of these Bardi, Nonnius, Strabo, Diodorus, Stephanus, Bale, and sir Iohn Prise, are in effect reported after this sort. They did vse to record the noble exploits of the ancient capteins, and to drawe the pedegrées and genealogies of such as were liuing. They would frame pleasant dities and songs, learne the same by heart, and sing them to instruments at solemne feasts and assemblies of noble men and gentlemen. Wherefore they were had in so high estimation, that if two hosts had bene readie ranged to ioine in battell, and that any of them had fortuned to enter among them, both the hosts (as well the enimies as the friends) would haue holden their hands, giuen eare vnto them, and ceassed from fight, vntill these [Sidenote: _Lucan. lib._ 1.] Bards had gone out of the battell. Of these Bards Lucane saith,

Vos quoq; qui fortes animas bellóq; peremptas, Laudius in longum vares dimittitis aeuum, Plurima securi fudistis carmina Bardi:

[Sidenote: _II. F._] And you ô poet Bards from danger void that dities sound, Of soules of dreadlesse men, whom rage of battell would confound, And make their lasting praise to time of later age rebound.

Because the names of these poets were neither discrepant from the ciuilitie of the Romans, nor repugnant to the religion of the Christians, they (of all the other sects before specified) were suffered onlie to continue vnabolished in all ages, insomuch that there flourished of them among the Britains (according to Bale) before [Sidenote: _Iohn Bale script. Britan. cent._ 2.] [Sidenote: _John Prise defen. hist. Brit._] [Sidenote: _Caius de ant._] [Sidenote: _Cant. lib._ 1.] [Sidenote: _Iohn Leland._] [Sidenote: _syllab. ant dict._] [Sidenote: _Hum. Lloyd de Mona insula._] the birth of Christ, Plenidius and Oronius: after Christ (as Prise recounteth) Thalestine, and the two Merlins, Melkin, Elaskirion, and others: and of late daies among the Welshmen, Dauid Die, Ioslo Gough, Dauid ap William, with an infinite number more. And in Wales there are sundrie of them (as Caius reporteth) remaining vnto this day, where they are in their language called (as Leland writeth) Barthes. Also by the witnes of Humfrey Llhoyd, there is an Iland neere vnto Wales, called Insula Bardorum, and Bardsey, whereof the one name in Latine, and the other in Saxon or old English, signifieth the Iland of the Bardes or Barthes.

_Thus farre the gouernement of the Celts in this Ile._

* * * * *

AN APPENDIX TO THE FORMER CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: _Bale._] After Bardus, the Celts (as Bale saith) loathing the streict ordinances of their ancient kings, and betaking themselues to pleasure and idlenesse, were in short time, and with small labour brought vnder the subiection of the giant Albion, the sonne of Neptune, who altering the state of things in this Iland, streicted the name of Celtica and the Celts within the bounds of Gallia, from whence they came first to inhabit this land vnder the conduct of Samothes, as before ye haue [Sidenote: _Annius._] heard, accordinglie as Annius hath gathered out of Berosus the Chaldean, who therein agréeth also with the scripture, the saieng of [Sidenote: _Theophilus._] Theophilus the doctor, and the generall consent of all writers, which fullie consent, that the first inhabitants of this Ile came out of the parties of Gallia, although some of them dissent about the time and [Sidenote: _Sir Brian Tuke._] maner of their comming. Sir Brian Tuke thinketh it to be ment of the arriuall of Brute, when he came out of those countries into this Ile. [Sidenote: _Caesar._] [Sidenote: _Tacitus._] [Sidenote: _Bodinus._] Caesar and Tacitus seeme to be of opinion, that those Celts which first inhabited here, came ouer to view the countrie for trade of merchandize. Bodinus would haue them to come in (a Gods name) from Languedoc, and so to name this land Albion, of a citie in Languedoc [Sidenote: _Beda._] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] named Albie. Beda, and likewise Polydore (who followeth him) affirme that they came from the coasts of Armorica, which is now called little Britaine.

But that the authorities afore recited are sufficient to proue the time that this Iland was first inhabited by the Celts, the old possessors of Gallia; not onelie the néernesse of the regions, but the congruence of languages, two great arguments of originals doo fullie [Sidenote: _Bodinus._] confirme the same. Bodinus writeth vpon report, that the British and Celtike language was all one. But whether that be true or not, I am not able to affirme, bicause the Celtike toong is long sithens growne wholie out of vse. Howbeit some such Celtike words as remaine in the writings of old authours may be perceiued to agrée with the Welsh toong, being the vncorrupted spéech of the ancient Britains. In déed [Sidenote: _Pausanias._] Pausanias the Grecian maketh mention how the Celts in their language called a horsse _Marc_: and by that name doo the Welshmen call a horsse to this day: and the word _Trimarc_ in Pausanias, signifieth in the Celtike toong, thrée horsses.

Thus it appeared by the authoritie of writers, by situation of place, and by affinitie of language, that this Iland was first found and inhabited by the Celts, that there name from Samothes to Albion continued here the space of 310 yeares or there abouts. And finallie [Sidenote: _Iohn Bale._] it is likelie, that aswell the progenie as the spéech of them is partlie remaining in this Ile among the inhabitants, and speciallie the British, euen vnto this day.

* * * * *

_Of the giant Albion, of his comming into this Iland, diuers opinions why it was called Albion: why Albion and Bergion were slaine by Hercules: of Danaus and of his 50 daughters._

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: _Bale._] [Sidenote: _Annius de Viterbo._] [Sidenote: _Diodorus Sicubis._] [Sidenote: Pinnesses or gallies.] [Sidenote: _Higinus._] [Sidenote: _Pictonius._] NEPTUNUS called by Moses (as some take it) Nepthuim, the sixt sonne of Osiris, after the account of Annius, and the brother of Hercules, had appointed him of his father (as Diodorus writeth) the gouernement of the ocean sea: wherefore he furnished himselfe of sundrie light ships for the more redie passage by water, which in the end grew to the number of a full nauie: & so by continuall exercise he became so skilfull, and therewith so mightie vpon the waters (as Higinus & Pictonius doo write) that he was not onelie called the king, but also estéemed the god of the seas. He had to wife a ladie called Amphitrita, who was also honored as goddesse of the seas, of whose bodie he begat sundrie children: and (as Bale reporteth) he made [Sidenote: _Scrip. Bri. cent._ 1.] euerie one of them king of an Iland. In the Ile of Britaine he landed his fourth son called Albion the giant, who brought the same vnder his [Sidenote: _Ioh. Textor._] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] subjection. And herevpon it resteth, that Iohn Textor, and Polydor Virgil made mention, that light shippes were first inuented in the British seas, and that the same were couered round with the hides of beasts, for defending them from the surges and waues of the water.

This Albion being put by his father in possession of this Ile of Britaine, within short time subdued the Samotheans, the first inhabitantes thereof, without finding any great resistance, for that (as before ye haue heard) they had giuen ouer the practise of all warlike and other painefull exercises, and through vse of effeminate pleasures, wherevnto they had giuen themselues ouer, they were become now vnapt to withstand the force of their enimies: and so (by the [Sidenote: _Nichol. Perot._] [Sidenote: _Rigmanus Philesius._] [Sidenote: _Aristotle._] [Sidenote: _Hum. Lhoyd._] testimonie of Nicholaus Perottus, Rigmanus Philesius, Aristotle, and Humfrey Llhoyd, with diuers other, both forraine & home-writers) this Iland was first called by the name of Albion, hauing at one time both the name and inhabitants changed from the line of Iaphet vnto the accursed race of Cham.

This Albion (that thus changed the name of this Ile) and his companie, are called giants, which signifieth none other than a tall kind of men, of that vncorrupt stature and highnesse naturallie incident to [Sidenote: _Berosus._] the first age (which Berosus also séemeth to allow, where he writeth, that Noah was one of the giants) and were not so called only of their monstrous greatnesse, as the common people thinke (although in deed they exceeded the vsuall stature of men now in these daies) but also for that they tooke their name of the soile where they were borne: for [Sidenote: What _Gigantes_ signifie.] _Gigantes_ signifieth the sons of the earth: the Aborigines, or (as Cesar calleth them) Indigenae; that is, borne and bred out of the earth where they inhabited.

Thus some thinke, but verelie although that their opinion is not to be allowed in any condition, which maintaine that there should be any [Sidenote: _Against the opinion of the Aborigines._] Aborigines, or other kind of men than those of Adams line; yet that there haue beene men of far greater stature than are now to be found, is sufficientlie prooued by the huge bones of those that haue beene found in our time, or lately before: whereof here to make further relation it shall not need, sith in the description of Britaine ye shall find it sufficientlie declared.

[Sidenote: _Bale._] [Sidenote: Bergion brother to Albion.] [Sidenote: Hercules Lybicus.] But now to our purpose. As Albion held Britaine in subiection, so his brother Bergion kept Ireland and the Orkenies vnder his rule and dominion, and hearing that their coosine Hercules Lybicus hauing finished his conquests in Spaine, meant to passe through Gallia into Italie, against their brother Lestrigo that oppressed Italie, vnder subiection of him & other of his brethren the sons also of Neptune; as well Albion as Bergion assembling their powers togither, passed ouer into Gallia, to stoppe the passage of Hercules, whose intention was to vanquish and destroie those tyrants the sonnes of Neptune, & their complices that kept diuers countries and regions vnder the painefull yoke of their heauie thraldome.

[Sidenote: The cause why Hercules pursued his cousins.] The cause that moued Hercules thus to pursue vpon those tyrants now reigning thus in the world, was, for that not long before, the greatest part of them had conspired togither and slaine his father Osiris, notwithstanding that they were nephues to the same Osiris, as sonnes to his brother Neptune, and not contented with his slaughter, they diuided his carcase also amongst them, so that each of them got a peece in token of reioising at their murtherous atchiued enterprise.

For this cause Hercules (whome Moses calleth Laabin) proclamed warres against them all in reuenge of his fathers death: and first he killed Triphon and Busiris in Aegypt, then Anteus in Mauritania, & the Gerions in Spaine, which enterprise atchiued, he led his armie towardes Italie, and by the way passed through a part of Gallia, where [Sidenote: _Pomp. Mela._] Albion and Bergion hauing vnited their powers togither, were readie to receiue him with battell: and so néere to the mouth of the riuer called Rhosne, in Latine _Rhodanus_, they met & fought. At the first there was a right terrible and cruell conflict betwixt them. And albeit that Hercules had the greatest number of men, yet was it verie doubtfull a great while, to whether part the glorie of that daies worke would bend. Whereupon when the victorie began outright to turne vnto Albion, and to his brother Bergion, Hercules perceiuing the danger and likelihood of vtter losse of that battell, speciallie for that his men had wasted their weapons, he caused those that stood still and were not otherwise occupied, to stoope downe, and to gather vp stones, whereof in that place there was great plentie, which by his commandement they bestowed so fréelie vpon their enimies, that in the [Sidenote: Hercules discomfiteth his enimies.] end hée obteined the victorie, and did not only put his adversaries to [Sidenote: Albion is slaine.] flight, but also slue Albion there in the field, togither with his brother Bergion, and the most part of all their whole armie. This was the end of Albion, and his brother Bergion, by the valiant prowesse of Hercules, who as one appointed by Gods prouidence to subdue the cruell & vnmercifull tyrants, spent his time to the benefit of mankind, deliuering the oppressed from the heauie yoke of miserable thraldome, in euerie place where he came.

[Sidenote: The occasion of the fable of Jupiter helping his son Hercules.] And by the order of this battell wée maye learne whereof the poets had their inuention, when they faine in their writings, that Jupiter holpe his sonne Hercules, by throwing downe stones from heauen in this battell against Albion and Bergion. Moreouer, from henceforth was this [Sidenote: How this Ile was called Albion, of the giant Albion.] [Sidenote: _Iohn Bale._] Ile of Britaine called Albion (as before we haue said) after the name of the said Albion: because he was established chiefe ruler and king thereof both by his grandfather Osiris and his father Neptune that cunning sailour reigning therein (as Bale saith) by the space of 44. yeares, till finally he was slaine in maner afore remembred by his vncle Hercules Libicus.

After that Hercules had thus vanquished and destroied his enimies, hée passed to and fro thorough Gallia, suppressing the tyrants in euerie part where he came, and restoring the people vnto a reasonable kinde of libertie, vnder lawfull gouernours. This Hercules (as we find) builded the citie Alexia in Burgongne, nowe called Alize. Moreouer, by Lilius Giraldus in the life of Hercules it is auouched, that the same Hercules came ouer hither into Britaine. And this dooth Giraldus write by warrant of such Britons as (saith he) haue so written themselues, which thing peraduenture he hath read in Gildas the ancient Briton poet: a booke that (as he confesseth in the 5. dialog of his histories of poets) he hath séene. The same thing also is confirmed by the name of an head of land in Britaine called _Promontorium Herculis_, as in Ptolomie ye may read, which is thought to take name of his arriuall at that place. Thus much for Albion and Hercules.

[Sidenote: Diuers opinions why this Ile was called Albion.] [Sidenote: Sée more hereof in the discription.] But now, whereas it is not denied of anie, that this Ile was called ancientlie by the name of Albion: yet there be diuers opinions how it came by that name: for manie doo not allow of this historie of Albion the giant. But for so much as it apperteineth rather to the description than to the historie of this Ile, to rip vp and lay foorth the secret mysteries of such matters: and because I thinke that this opinion which is here auouched, how it tooke that name of the forsaid Albion, sonne to Neptune, may be confirmed with as good authoritie as some of the other, I here passe ouer the rest, & procéed with the historie.

When Albion chiefe capteine of the giants was slaine, the residue that remained at home in the Ile, continued without any rule or restraint of law, in so much that they fell to such a dissolute order of life, that they séemed little or nothing to differ from brute beasts: and those are they which our ancient chronicles call the giants, who were so named, as well for the huge proportion of their stature (sithens as before is said, that age brought foorth far greater men than are now liuing) as also for that they were the first, or at the least the furthest in remembrance of any that had inhabited this countrie. For this word _Gigines_, or _Gegines_, from whence our word giant (as some take it) is deriued, is a Gréeke word, and signifieth, Borne or bred of or in the earth, for our fore-elders, specially the Gentiles, being ignorant of the true beginning of mankind, were persuaded, that the first inhabitants of any countrie were bred out of the earth, and therefore when they could go no higher, reckoning the descents of [Sidenote: _Terrae filius_ what it signifieth.] their predecessours, they would name him _Terrae filius_, The sonne of the earth: and so the giants whom the poets faine to haue sought to make battell against heauen, are called the sonnes of the earth: and the first inhabitants generally of euery countrie were of the Gréekes [Sidenote: _Aborigines._] [Sidenote: _Indigenae._] called _Gigines_, or _Gegines_, and of the Latines _Aborigines_, and _Indigenae_, that is, People borne of the earth from the beginning, and comming from no other countrie, but bred within the same.

These giants and first inhabitants of this Ile continued in their beastlie kind of life vnto the arriuall of the ladies, which some of our chronicles ignorantly write to be the daughters of Dioclesian the king of Assyria, whereas in déed they haue béene deceiued, in taking [Sidenote: The mistaking of the name of Dioclesianus for Danaus.] the word _Danaus_ to be short written for _Dioclesianus_: and by the same meanes haue diuers words and names béene mistaken, both in our chronicles, and in diuers other ancient written woorks. But this is a fault that learned men should not so much trouble themselues about, considering the same hath bin alreadie found by sundrie authors ling [Sidenote: _Hugh the Italian._] [Sidenote: _Harding._] [Sidenote: _Iohn Rous_ out of _Dauid Pencair._] sithens, as Hugh the Italian, Iohn Harding, Iohn Rouse of Warwike, and others, speciallie by the helpe of Dauid Pencair a British historie, who recite the historie vnder the name of Danaus and his daughters. And because we would not any man to thinke, that the historie of these daughters of Danaus is onelie of purpose deuised, and brought in place of Dioclesianus, to excuse the imperfection of our writers, whereas there was either no such historie (or at the least no such women that [Sidenote: _Nennius._] arriued in this Ile) the authoritie of Nennius a Briton writer may be auouched, who wrote aboue 900. yeares past, and maketh mention of the arriuall of such ladies.

[Sidenote: Belus priscus.] [Sidenote: _Dictionarium poeticum._] To be short, the historie is thus. Belus the sonne of Epaphus, or (as some writers haue) of Neptune and Libies (whome Isis after the death of Apis maried) had issue two sonnes: the first Danaus, called also Armeus; and Aegyptus called also Rameses: these two were kings among the Aegyptians, Danaus the elder of the two, hauing in his rule the [Sidenote: Danaus.] [Sidenote: Aegyptus.] [Sidenote: _Higinus._] vpper region of Aegypt, had by sundrie wiues 50. daughters, with whome his brother Aegyptus, gaping for the dominion of the whole, did instantlie labour, that his sonnes being also 50. in number, might match. But Danaus hauing knowledge by some prophesie or oracle, that a sonne in law of his should be his death, refused so to bestow his daughters. Hereupon grew warre betwixt the brethren, in the end whereof, Danaus being the weaker, was inforced to flée his countrie, and so prepared a nauie, imbarked himselfe and his daughters, and with them passed ouer into Gréece, where he found meanes to dispossesse Gelenor (sonne to Stenelas king of Argos) of his rightfull inheritance, driuing him out of his countrie, and reigned in his place by the assistance of the Argiues that had conceiued an hatred towardes Gelenor, and a great liking towardes Danaus, who in verie deed did so farre excell the kings that had reigned there before him, that the Gréekes in remembrance of him were after called Danai.

But his brother Aegyptus, taking great disdaine for that he and his sonnes were in such sort despised of Danaus, sent his sonnes with a great armie to make warre against their vncle, giuing them in charge not to returne, till they had either slaine Danaus, or obtained his daughters in mariage. The yoong gentlemen according to their fathers commandement, being arriued in Greece, made such warre against Danaus, that in the end he was constrained to giue vnto those his 50. nephues his 50. daughters, to ioine with them in mariage, and so they were. But as the prouerbe saith, "In trust appeared treacherie." For on the first night of the mariage, Danaus deliuered to ech of his daughters a sword, charging them that when their husbands after their bankets and pastimes were once brought into a sound sléepe, ech of them should slea hir husband, menacing them with death vnlesse they fulfilled his commandement. They all therefore obeied the will of their father, Hypermnestra onely excepted, with whom preuailed more the loue of kinred and wedlocke, than the feare of hir fathers displeasure: for shee alone spared the life of hir husband Lynceus, waking him out of his sléepe, and warning him to depart and flee into Aegypt to his father. He therefore hauing all the wicked practises reuealed to him by his wife, followed hir aduice, and so escaped.

[Sidenote: _Pausanias._] Now when Danaus perceiued how all his daughters had accomplished his commandement, sauing onelie Hypermnestra, he caused hir to be brought forth into iudgement, for disobeieng him in a matter wherein both the safetie and losse of his life rested: but she was acquitted by the Argiues, & discharged. Howbeit hir father kept hir in prison, and séeking to find out other husbands for his other daughters that had obeied his pleasure in sleaing their first husbands, long it was yer he could find any to match with them: for the heinous offense committed in the slaughter of their late husbands, was yet too fresh in memorie, and their bloud not wiped out of mind. Neuerthelesse, to bring his purpose the better to passe, he made proclamation, that his daughters should demand no ioinctures, and euerie suter should take his choise without respect to the age of the ladie, or abilitie of him that came to make his choise, but so as first come best serued, according to their owne phantasies and likings. Howbeit when this policie also failed, & would not serue his turne, he deuised a game of running, ordeining therewith, that whosoeuer got the best price should haue the first choise among all the sisters; and he that got the second, should choose next to the first; and so foorth, ech one after an other, according to the triall of their swiftnesse of foote.

How much this practise auailed, I know not: but certeine it is, diuers of them were bestowed, either by this or some other meanes, for we find that Autonomes was maried to Architeles, Chrysanta or (as Pausanias saith) Scea was matched with Archandrus, Amaome with Neptunus Equestris, on whome he begat Nauplius.

[Sidenote: _Higinus._] But now to returne vnto Lynceus, whome his wife Hypermnestra preserued, as before ye haue heard. After he was once got out of the reach and danger of his father in law king Danaus, he gaue knowledge [Sidenote: _Pausanias._] thereof to his wife, in raising a fire on heigth beaconwise, accordingly as she had requested him to doo at his departure from hir: and this was at a place which afterwards tooke name of him, and was called Lyncea. Upon his returne into Aegypt, he gaue his father to vnderstand the whole circumstance of the trecherous crueltie vsed by his vncle and his daughters in the murder of his brethren, and how hardly he himselfe had escaped death out of his vncles handes. Wherevpon at time conuenient he was furnished foorth with men and ships by his father, for the spéedie reuenge of that heinous, vnnaturall and most disloiall murder, in which enterprise he sped him foorth with such diligence, that in short time he found meanes to dispatch his vncle Danaus, set his wife Hypermnestra at libertie, and subdued the whole kingdome of the Argiues.

This done, he caused the daughters of Danaus (so many as remained within the limits of his dominion) to be sent for, whome he thought not worthie to liue, bicause of the cruell murther which they had committed on his brethren: but yet for that they were his wiues sisters, he would not put them to death, but commanded them to be thrust into a ship, without maister, mate or mariner, and so to be turned into the maine ocean sea, and to take and abide such fortune as [Sidenote: _Harding_ and _Iohn Rouse_ out of _David Pencair._] should chance vnto them. These ladies thus imbarked and left to the mercy of the seas, by hap were brought to the coasts of this Ile then called Albion, where they tooke land, and in séeking to prouide themselues of victuals by pursute of wilde beasts, met with no other inhabitants, than the rude and sauage giants mentioned before, whome our historiens for their beastlie kind of life doo call diuells. With these monsters did these ladies (finding none other to satisfie the motions of their sensuall lust) ioine in the act of venerie, and ingendred a race of people in proportion nothing differing from their fathers that begat them, nor in conditions from their mothers that bare them.

But now peraduenture ye wil thinke that I haue forgotten my selfe, in rehearsing this historie of the ladies arriuall here, bicause I make no mention of Albina, which should be the eldest of the sisters, of whome this land should also take the name of Albion. To this we answer, that as the name of their father hath bene mistaken, so likewise hath the whole course of the historie in this behalfe. For though we shall admit that to be true which is rehearsed (in maner as before ye haue heard) of the arriuall here of those ladies; yet certeine it is that none of them bare the name of Albina, from whome this land might be called Albion. For further assurance whereof, if [Sidenote: _Higinus._] [Sidenote: The names of the daughters of Danaus.] any man be desirous to know all their names, we haue thought good here to rehearse them as they be found in Higinus, Pausanias, and others. 1 Idea, 2 Philomela, 3 Scillo, 4 Phicomene, 5 Euippe, 6 Demoditas, 7 Hyale, 8 Trite, 9 Damone, 10 Hippothoe, 11 Mirmidone, 12 Euridice, 13 Chleo, 14 Vrania, 15 Cleopatra, 16 Phylea, 17 Hypareta, 18 Chrysothemis, 19 Heranta, 20 Armoaste, 21 Danaes, 22 Scea, 23 Glaucippe, 24 Demophile, 25 Autodice, 26 Polyxena, 27 Hecate, 28 Achamantis, 29 Arsalte, 30 Monuste, 31 Amimone, 32 Helice, 33 Amaome, 34 Polybe, 35 Helicte, 36 Electra, 37 Eubule, 38 Daphildice, 39 Hero, 40 Europomene, 41 Critomedia, 42 Pyrene, 43 Eupheno, 44 Themistagora, 45 Paleno, 46 Erato, 47 Autonomes, 48 Itea, 49 Chrysanta, 50 Hypermnestra. These were the names of those ladies the daughters of Danaus: howbeit, which they were that should arriue in this Ile, we can not say: but it sufficeth to vnderstand, that none of them hight Albina. So that, whether the historie of their landing here should be [Sidenote: See more in the description.] true or not, it is all one for the matter concerning the name of this Ile, which vndoubtedlie was called Albion, either of Albion the giant (as before I haue said) or by some other occasion.

And thus much for the ladies, whose strange aduenture of their arriuall here, as it may séeme to manie & (with good cause) incredible, so without further auouching it for truth I leaue it to the consideration of the reader, to thinke thereof as reason shall moue him sith I sée not how either in this, or in other things of such antiquitie, we cannot haue sufficient warrant otherwise than by likelie coniectures. Which as in this historie of the ladies they are not most probable, yet haue we shewed the likeliest, that (as we thinke) may be déemed to agrée with those authors that haue written of their comming into this Ile. But as for an assured proofe that this Ile was inhabited with people before the comming of Brute, I trust it may suffice which before is recited out of Annius de Viterbo, Theophilus, Gildas, and other, although much more might be said: as of the comming hither of Osiris, as well as in the other parties of the [Sidenote: Vlysses in Britaine.] world: and likewise of Vlysses his being here, who in performing some vow which he either then did make, or before had made, erected an altar in that part of Scotland which was ancientlie called Calidonia, [Sidenote: _Iulius Solinus._] as Iulius Solinus Polyhistor in plaine words dooth record.

¶ Vpon these considerations I haue no doubt to deliuer vnto the reader, the opinion of those that thinke this land to haue bene inhabited before the arriuall here of Brute, trusting it may be taken in good part, sith we haue but shewed the coniectures of others, till time that some sufficient learned man shall take vpon him to decipher the doubts of all these matters. Neuerthelesse, I thinke good to aduertise the reader that these stories of Samothes, Magus, Sarron, Druis, and Bardus, doo relie onelie vpon the authoritie of Berosus, whom most diligent antiquaries doo reiect as a fabulous and counterfet author, and Vacerius hath laboured to prooue the same by a speciall treatise latelie published at Rome.

* * * * *

THE SECOND BOOKE

OF THE

HISTORIE OF ENGLAND.

* * * * *

_Of Brute and his descent, how he slue his father in hunting, his banishment, his letter to king Pandrasus, against whom he wageth battell, taketh him prisoner, and concludeth peace vpon conditions._

THE FIRST CHAPTER.

Hitherto haue we spoken of the inhabitants of this Ile before the comming of Brute, although some will néeds haue it, that he was the first which inhabited the same with his people descended of the Troians, some few giants onelie excepted whom he vtterlie destroied, and left not one of them aliue through the whole Ile. But as we shall not doubt of Brutes comming hither, so may we assuredly thinke, that he found the Ile peopled either with the generation of those which Albion the giant had placed here, or some other kind of people whom he did subdue, and so reigned as well ouer them as ouer those which he brought with him.

[Sidenote: _Humfr. Lhoyd._] This Brutus, or Brytus [for this letter (Y) hath of ancient time had the sounds both of V and I] (as the author of the booke which Geffrey of Monmouth translated dooth affirme) was the sonne of Siluius, the sonne of Ascanius, the sonne of Aeneas the Troian, begotten of his wife Creusa, & borne in Troie, before the citie was destroied. But as [Sidenote: _Harding._] [Sidenote: _Alex. Neuil._] [Sidenote: _W. Har._] other doo take it, the author of that booke (whatsoeuer he was) and such other as follow him, are deceiued onelie in this point, mistaking the matter, in that Posthumus the sonne of Aeneas (begotten of his wife Lauinia, and borne after his fathers deceasse in Italie) was called Ascanius, who had issue a sonne named Iulius, who (as these other doo coniecture) was the father of Brute, that noble chieftaine and aduenturous leader of those people, which being descended (for the more part in the fourth generation) from those Troians that escaped with life, when that roiall citie was destroied by the Gréekes, got possession of this woorthie and most famous Ile.

To this opinion Giouan Villani a Florentine in his vniuersall historie, speaking of Aeneas and his ofspring kings in Italie, séemeth to agrée, where he saith: "Siluius (the sonne of Aeneas by his wife Lauinia) fell in loue with a néece of his mother Lauinia, and by hir had a sonne, of whom she died in trauell, and therefore was called Brutus, who after as he grew in some stature, and hunting in a forrest slue his father vnwares, and therevpon for feare of his grandfather Siluius Posthumus he fled the countrie, and with a retinue of such as followed him, passing through diuers seas, at length he arriued in the Ile of Britaine."

Concerning therefore our Brute, whether his father Iulius was sonne to Ascanius the sonne of Aeneas by his wife Creusa, or sonne to Posthumus called also Ascanius, and sonne to Aeneas by his wife Lauinia, we will not further stand. But this, we find, that when he came to the age of 15. yéeres, so that he was now able to ride abrode with his father into the forrests and chases, he fortuned (either by mishap, or by [Sidenote: Brute killeth his father.] Gods prouidence) to strike his father with an arrow, in shooting at a déere, of which wound he also died. His grandfather (whether the same was Posthumus, or his elder brother) hearing of this great misfortune that had chanced to his sonne Siluius, liued not long after, but died for verie greefe and sorow (as is supposed) which he conceiued thereof. And the young gentleman, immediatlie after he had slaine his father (in maner before alledged) was banished his countrie, and therevpon got him into Grecia, where trauelling the countrie, he lighted by chance among some of the Troian ofspring, and associating himselfe with them, grew by meanes of the linage (whereof he was descended) in proces of time into great reputation among them: chieflie by reason there were yet diuers of the Troian race, and that [Sidenote: Pausanias.] of great authoritie in that countrie. For Pyrrhus the sonne of Achilles, hauing no issue by his wife Hermione, maried Andromache, late wife vnto Hector: and by hir had thrée sonnes, Molossus, Pileus, and Pergamus, who in their time grew to be of great power in those places and countries, and their ofspring likewise: whereby Brutus or Brytus wanted no friendship. For euen at his first comming thither, diuers of the Troians that remained in seruitude, being desirous of libertie, by flocks resorted vnto him. And amongst other, Assaracus was one, whom Brute intertained, receiuing at his hands the possession of sundrie forts and places of defense, before that the king of those parties could haue vnderstanding or knowledge of any such thing. Herewith also such as were readie to make the aduenture with him, repaired to him on ech side, wherevpon he first placed garisons in those townes which had bene thus deliuered vnto him, and afterwards with Assaracus and the residue of the multitude he withdrew into the mountains néere adioining. And thus being made strong with such assistance, by consultation had with them that were of most authoritie about him, wrote vnto the king of that countrie called Pandrasus, in forme as followeth.

_A letter of Brute to Pandrasus, as I find it set downe in Galfride Monumetensis._

"BRUTE leader of the remnant of the Troian people, to Pandrasus king of the Greekes, sendeth greeting. Bicause it hath beene thought a thing vnworthie, that the people descended of the noble linage of Dardanus should be otherwise dealt with than the honour of their nobilitie dooth require: they haue withdrawne themselues within the close couert of the woods. For they haue chosen rather (after the maner of wild beasts) to liue on flesh and herbs in libertie, than furnished with all the riches in the world to continue vnder the yoke of seruile thraldome. But if this their dooing offend thy mightie highnesse, they are not to be blamed, but rather in this behalfe to be pardoned, sith euerie captiue prisoner is desirous to be restored vnto his former estate and dignitie. You therefore pitieng their case, vouchsafe to grant them their abridged libertie, and suffer them to remaine in quiet within these woods which they haue got into their possession: if not so, yet giue them licence to depart forth of this countrie into some other parts."

[Sidenote: Pandrasus prepareth an armie to supress the Troian ofspring.] The sight of these letters, and request in them conteined, made Pandrasus at the first somewhat amazed, howbeit deliberating further of the matter, and considering their small number, he made no great account of them, but determined out of hand to suppresse them by force, before they should grow to a greater multitude. And to bring [Sidenote: Sparatinum.] his intention the better to passe, he passed by a towne called Sparatinum, & marching toward the woods where he thoght to haue found his enimies, he was suddenlie assalted by Brute, who with three thousand men came foorth of the woods, and fiercelie setting vpon his enimies, made great slaughter of them, so that they were vtterlie discomfited, & sought by flight to saue themselues in passing a riuer [Sidenote: Peraduenture Achelous.] néere hand called Akalon. Brute with his men following fast upon the aduersaries, caused them to plunge into the water at aduenture, so [Sidenote: Antigonus, the brother of Pandrasus.] that manie of them were drowned. Howbeit Antigonus the brother of Pandrasus did what he could to stay the Grecians from fléeing, and calling them backe againe did get some of them togither, placed them in order, and began a new field: but it nothing auailed, for the Troians, preasing vpon him, tooke him prisoner, slue and scattred his companie, and ceased not till they had rid the fields of all their aduersaries.

[Sidenote: Brute entreth into Sparatinum.] This doone, Brute entering the towne, furnished it with six hundred able souldiours, and afterwards went backe to the residue of his people that were incamped in the woods, where he was receiued with vnspeakeable ioy for this prosperous atchiued enterprise. But although this euill successe at the first beginning sore troubled Pandrasus, as well for the losse of the field, as for the taking of his brother, yet was he rather kindled in desire to séeke reuenge, than otherwise discouraged. And therefore assembling his people againe togither that were scattered here and there, he came the next day before the towne of Sparatinum, where he thought to haue found Brute inclosed togither with the prisoners, and therfore he shewed his whole endeuour by hard siege and fierce assaults to force them within to yeeld.

To conclude, so long he continued the siege, till victuals began to waxe scant within, so that there was no way but to yeeld, if present succour came not to remoue the siege: wherevpon they signified their necessitie vnto Brute, who for that he had not power sufficient to fight with the enimies in open field, he ment to giue them a camisado in the night season, and so ordered his businesse, that inforsing a prisoner (named Anacletus whome he had taken in the last battell) to serue his turne, by constreining him to take an oth (which he durst not for conscience sake breake) he found means to encounter with his enimies vpon the aduantage, that he did not onelie ouerthrowe their [Sidenote: Pandrasus taken prisoner.] whole power, but also tooke Pandrasus prisoner, whereby all the trouble was ended: and shortlie after a perfect peace concluded, vpon these conditions following.

[Sidenote: The conditions of the agréement betwixt Brute & Pandrasus.] First, that Pandrasus should giue his daughter Innogen vnto Brute in mariage, with a competent summe of gold and siluer for hir dowrie.

Secondlie, to furnish him and his people with a nauie of ships, and to store the same with victuals and all other necessaries.

Thirdlie, that Brute with his people should haue licence to depart the countrie, to séeke aduentures whither so euer it should please them to direct their course, without let, impeachment, or trouble to be offered anie waies by the Gréeks.

To all these conditions (bicause they touched not the prerogatiue of his kingdome) Pandrasus did willinglie agrée, and likewise performed.

* * * * *

_Brute and his wife Innogen arriue in Leogitia, they aske counsell of an oracle where they shall inhabit, he meeteth with a remnant of Troians on the coasts neere the shooting downe of the Pyrenine hills into the sea._

THE SECOND CHAPTER.

Al things being thus brought to passe according to Brutes desire, wind also and wether seruing the purpose, he with his wife Innogen and his people imbarked, and hoising vp sailes departed from the coasts of Grecia. Now after two daies and a nights sailing, they arriued at Leogitia (in some old written bookes of the British historie noted downe Lergetia) an Iland, where they consulted with an oracle. Brute himselfe knéeling before the idoll, and holding in his right hand a boll prepared for sacrifice full of wine, and the bloud of a white hinde, spake in this maner as here followeth:

Diua potens nemorum, terror syluestribus apris, Cui licet anfractus ire per æthereos, Infernasq; domos, terrestria iura resolue, Et die quas terras nos habitare velis: Dic certam sedem qua te venerabor in æuum, Qua tibi virgineis templa dicabo choris.

These verses (as Ponticus Virumnius and others also doo gesse) were written by Gildas Cambrius in his booke intituled _Cambreidos_, and may thus be Englished:

Thou goddesse that doost rule the woods and forrests greene, And chasest foming boares that flee thine awfull sight, Thou that maist passe aloft in airie skies so sheene, And walke eke vnder earth in places void of light, Discouer earthlie states, direct our course aright, And shew where we shall dwell, according to thy will, In seates of sure abode, where temples we may dight For virgins that shall sound thy laud with voices shrill.

After this praier and ceremonie done, according to the pagane rite and custome, Brute abiding his answer, fell asléepe: in which sléepe appeared to him the said goddesse vttering this answer in the verses following expressed.

Brute, sub occasum solis trans Gallica regna, Insula in oceano est, vndiq; clausa mari, Insula in oceano est, habitata gigantibus olim, Nunc deserta quidèm, gentibus apta tuis: Hanc pete, námq; tibi sedes erit ilia perennis, Hîc fiet natis altera Troia tuis: Hîc de prole tua reges nascentur, & ipsis Totius terræ subditus orbis erit.

Brute, farre by-west beyond the Gallike land is found, An Ile which with the ocean seas inclosed is about, Where giants dwelt sometime, but now is desart ground, Most meet where thou maist plant thy selfe with all thy rout: Make thitherwards with speed, for there thou shalt find out An euerduring seat, and Troie shall rise anew, Vnto thy race, of whom shall kings be borne no dout, That with their mightie power the world shall whole subdew.

After he awaked out of sléepe, and had called his dreame to remembrance, he first doubted whether it were a verie dreame, or a true vision, the goddes hauing spoken to him with liuelie voice. Wherevpon calling such of his companie vnto him as he thought requisite in such a case, he declared vnto them the whole matter with the circumstances, whereat they greatlie reioising, caused mightie bonfires to be made, in the which they cast wine, milke, and other liquors, with diuers gums and spices of most sweet smell and sauour, as in the pagan religion was accustomed. Which obseruances and ceremonies performed and brought to end, they returned streightwaies to their ships, and as soone as the wind served, passed forward on their iournie with great ioy and gladnesse, as men put in comfort to find out the wished seats for their firme and sure habitations. From hence therefore they cast about, and making westward, first arrived in [Sidenote: Brute with his companie landed in Affrike.] Affrica, and after kéeping on their course, they passed the straits of Gibralterra, and coasting alongst the shore on the right hand, they found another companie that were likewise descended of the Troian progenie, on the coasts nere where the Pyrenine hils shoot downe to the sea, whereof the same sea by good reason (as some suppose) was [Sidenote: The mistaking of those that haue copied the British historie putting _Mare Tyrrhenum_, for _Pyrenæum_] named in those daies Mare Pyrenæum, although hitherto by fault of writers & copiers of the British historie receiued, in this place Mare Tyrrhenum, was slightlie put downe in stead of Pyrenæum.

The ofspring of those Troians, with whom Brute and his companie thus did méet, were a remnant of them that came away with Antenor. Their capteine hight Corineus, a man of great modestie and approoued wisedome, and thereto of incomparable strength and boldnesse.

* * * * *

_Brute and the said Troians with their capteine Corineus doo associat, they take landing within the dominion of king Goffarus, he raiseth an armie against Brute and his power, but is discomfited: of the citie of Tours: Brutes arrivall in this Iland with his companie._

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Brute and Corineus ioin their companies together.] After that Brute and the said Troians, by conference interchangeablie had, vnderstood one anothers estates, and how they were descended from one countrie and progenie, they vnited themselves togither, greatlie reioising that they were so fortunatlie met: and hoising vp their [Sidenote: They arrive on the coasts of Gallia, now called France.] sailes, directed their course forward still, till they arriued within the mouth of the riuer of Loire, which diuideth Aquitaine from Gall Celtike, where they tooke land within the dominion of a king called Goffarius, surnamed Pictus, by reason he was descended of the people [Sidenote: Goffarius surnamed Pictus _Les annales d'Aquitaine._] [Sidenote: Agathyrsi, otherwise called Picts, of painting their bodies.] [Sidenote: _Marcellus Plinie._] [Sidenote: _Herodotus li._ 4.] Agathyrsi, otherwise named Picts, bicause they used to paint their faces and bodies, insomuch that the richer a man was amongst them, the more cost he bestowed in painting himselfe; and commonlie the haire of their head was red, or (as probable writers say) of skie colour. Herodotus calleth them [Greek: chrysothorous] bicause they did weare much gold about them. They vsed their wives in common, and bicause they are all supposed to be brethren, there is no strife nor discord among them. Of these Agathyrsi, it is recorded by the said Herodotus, that they refused to succour the Scythians against Darius, giving this reason of their refusall; bicause they would not make warre against him who had doone them no wrong. And of this people dooth the poet make mention, saieng,

[Sidenote: _Virg. Aeneid._ 4.]

Cretésq; Dryopésq; fremunt pictíq; Agathyrsi.

[Sidenote: _Cæsar com. li._ 5.] To paint their faces not for amiablenesse, but for terriblenesse, the Britons in old time vsed, and that with a kind of herbe like vnto plantine. In which respect I sée no reason why they also should not be called Picts, as well as the Agathyrsi; séeing the denomination sprang [Sidenote: _P. Mart. com. part._ 2. _sect._ 60.] of a vaine custome in them both. And here by the way, sithens we have touched this follie in two severall people, let it not séeme tedious to read this one tricke of the Indians, among whom there is great plentie of pretious stones, wherewith they adorne themselves in this maner; namelie, in certein hollow places which they make in their flesh, they inclose and riuet in precious stones, and that as well in their forheads as their chéekes, to none other purpose, than the Agathyrsi in the vse of their painting.

The countrie of Poictou (as some hold) where the said Goffarius reigned, tooke name of this people: & likewise a part of this our Ile of Britaine now conteined within Scotland, which in ancient time [Sidenote: Pightland or Pictland.] was called Pightland or Pictland, as elsewhere both in this historie of England, and also of Scotland may further appeare. But to our purpose.

[Sidenote: Goffarius sendeth vnto Brute.] When Goffarius the king of Poictou was aduertised of the landing of these strangers within his countrie, he sent first certeine of his people to vnderstand what they ment by their comming a land within his dominion, without licence or leaue of him obteined. They that were thus sent, came by chance to a place where Corineus with two hundred of the companie were come from the ships into a forrest néere the sea side, to kill some veneson for their sustenance: and being rebuked [Sidenote: Corineus answereth the messengers.] [Sidenote: Imbert.] with some disdainfull speach of those Poictouins, he shaped them a round answer: insomuch that one of them whose name was Imbert, let driue an arrow at Corineus: but he auoiding the danger thereof, shot [Sidenote: Imbert is slaine by Corineus.] againe at Imbert, in reuenge of that iniurie offered, and claue his head in sunder. The rest of the Poictouins fled therevpon, and brought word to Goffarius what had happened: who immediatlie with a mightie [Sidenote: Goffarius raiseth an armie.] armie made forward to encounter with the Troians, and comming to ioine with them in battell, after a sharpe and sore conflict, in the end [Sidenote: Goffarius is discomfited.] Brute with his armie obteined a triumphant victorie, speciallie through the noble prowesse of Corineus.

[Sidenote: Goffarius séeketh aid against Brute.] Goffarius escaping from the field, fled into the inner parts of Gallia, making sute for assistance vnto such kings as in those daies reigned in diuers prouinces of that land, who promised to aid him with all their forces, and to expell out of the coasts of Aquitaine, such strangers as without his licence were thus entred the countrie. But [Sidenote: Brute spoileth the countrie.] Brute in the meane time passed forward, and with fire and sword made hauocke in places where he came: and gathering great spoiles, fraught his ships with plentie of riches. At length he came to the place, [Sidenote: Turonium or Tours built by Brute.] where afterwards he built a citie named Turonium, that is, Tours.

[Sidenote: Goffarius hauing renewed his forces, fighteth eftsoones with Brute.] Here Goffarius with such Galles as were assembled to his aid, gaue battell againe vnto the Troians that were incamped to abide his comming. Where after they had fought a long time with singular manhood on both parties: the Troians in fine oppressed with multitudes of aduersaries (euen thirtie times as manie mo as the Troians) were constreined to retire into their campe, within the which the Galles kept them as besieged, lodging round about them, and purposing by famine to compell them to yéeld themselues vnto their mercie. But Corineus taking counsell with Brute, deuised to depart in the darke of the night out of the campe, to lodge himselfe with thrée thousand chosen souldiers secretlie in a wood, and there to remaine in couert till the morning that Brute should come foorth and giue a charge vpon the enimies, wherewith Corineus should breake foorth and assaile the Galles on the backes.

This policie was put in practise, and tooke such effect as the deuisers themselues wished: for the Galles being sharplie assailed on the front by Brute and his companie, were now with the sudden comming of Corineus (who set vpon them behind on their backes) brought into such a feare, that incontinentlie they tooke them to flight, whom the Troians egerlie pursued, making no small slaughter of them as they did ouertake them. In this battell Brute lost manie of his men, and amongst other one of his nephues named Turinus, after he had shewed maruellous proofe of his manhood. Of him (as some haue written) the foresaid citie of Tours tooke the name, and was called _Turonium_, bicause the said Turinus was there buried.

[Sidenote: _Theuet._] Andrew Theuet affirmeth the contrarie, and mainteineth that one Taurus the nephue of Haniball was the first that inclosed it about with a pale of wood (as the maner of those daies was of fensing their townes) [Sidenote: 3374.] in the yeare of the world 3374. and before the birth of our sauiour 197.

But to our matter concerning Brute, who after he had obteined so famous a victorie, albeit there was good cause for him to reioise, yet it sore troubled him to consider that his numbers dailie decaied, and his enimies still increased, and grew stronger: wherevpon resting [Sidenote: Brute in dout what to doo.] doubtfull what to doo, whether to procéed against the Galles, or returne to his ships to séeke the Ile that was appointed him by oracle, at length he chose the surest and best way, as he tooke it, and as it proued. For whilest the greater part of his armie was yet left aliue, and that the victorie remained on his side, he drew to his nauie, and lading his ships with excéeding great store of riches which his people had got abroad in the countrie, he tooke the seas againe. [Sidenote: Brute with his remnant of Troians arriue in this ile.] [Sidenote: _Anno mundi._ 2850.] [Sidenote: 1116. (B.C.)] After a few daies sailing they landed at the hauen now called Totnesse, the yeare of the world 2850, after the destruction of Troy 66, after the deliuerance of the Israelites from the captiuitie of Babylon 397, almost ended; in the 18 yeare of the reigne of Tineas king of Babylon, 13 of Melanthus king of Athens, before the building of Rome 368, which was before the natiuitie of our Sauior Christ 1116, almost ended, and before the reigne of Alexander the great 783.

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_Brute discouereth the commodities of this Iland, mightie giants withstand him, Gogmagog and Corineus wrestle together at a place beside Douer: he buildeth the citie of Trinouant now termed London, calleth this Iland by the name of Britaine, and diuideth it into three parts among his three sonnes._

THE FOURTH CHAPTER.

When Brute had entred this land, immediatlie after his arriuall (as writers doo record) he searched the countrie from side to side, and from end to end, finding it in most places verie fertile and plentious of wood and grasse, and full of pleasant springs and faire riuers. As [Sidenote: Brute encountered by the giants.] he thus trauelled to discouer the state and commodities of the Iland, he was encountred by diuers strong and mightie giants, whome he destroied and slue, or rather subdued, with all such other people as he found in the Iland, which were more in number than by report of some authors it should appeare there were. Among these giants (as Geffrey of Monmouth writeth) there was one of passing strength and [Sidenote: Cornieus wrestleth with Gogmagog.] great estimation, named Gogmagog, whome Brute caused Corineus to wrestle at a place beside Douer, where it chanced that the giant brake a rib in the side of Corineus while they stroue to claspe, and the one to ouerthrow the other: wherewith Corineus being sore chafed and stirred to wrath, did so double his force that he got the vpper hand of the giant, and cast him downe headlong from one of the rocks there, [Sidenote: Gogmagog is slaine.] not farre from Douer, and so dispatched him: by reason whereof the place was named long after, _The fall or leape of Gogmagog_, but afterward it was called _The fall of Douer._ For this valiant déed, [Sidenote: Cornwall giuen to Cornineus.] and other the like seruices first and last atchiued, Brute gaue vnto Corineus the whole countrie of Cornwall. To be briefe, after that Brute had destroied such as stood against him, and brought such people vnder his subiection as he found in the Ile, and searched the land from the one end to the other: he was desirous to build a citie, that the same might be the seate roiall of his empire or kingdome. Wherevpon he chose a plot of ground lieng on the north side of the riuer of Thames, which by good consideration séemed to be most pleasant and conuenient for any great multitude of inhabitants, aswell for holsomnesse of aire, goodnesse of soile, plentie of woods, and commoditie of the riuer, seruing as well to bring in as to carrie out all kinds of merchandize and things necessarie for the gaine, store, and vse of them that there should inhabit.

Here therefore he began to build and lay the foundation of a citie, in the tenth or (as other thinke) in the second yeare after his arriuall, which he named (saith Gal. Mon.) Troinouant, or (as Hum. Llhoyd saith) Troinewith, that is, new Troy, in remembrance of that noble citie of Troy from whence he and his people were for the greater part descended.

When Brutus had builded this citie, and brought the Iland fullie vnder his subiection, he by the aduise of his nobles commanded this Ile (which before hight Albion) to be called Britaine, and the inhabitants Britons after his name, for a perpetuall memorie that he was the first bringer of them into the land. In this meane while also he had by his wife. iii. sonnes, the first named Locrinus or Locrine, the second Cambris or Camber, and the third Albanactus or Albanact. Now when the time of his death drew néere, to the first he betooke the gouernment of that part of the land nowe knowne by the name of England: so that the same was long after called Loegria, or Logiers, of the said Locrinus. To the second he appointed the countrie of Wales, which of him was first named Cambria, diuided from Loegria by the riuer of Seuerne. To his third sonne Albanact he deliuered all the north part of the Ile, afterward called Albania, after the name of the said Albanact: which portion of the said He lieth beyond the Humber northward. Thus when Brutus had diuided the Ile of Britaine (as before [Sidenote: In the daies of this our Brute Saule and Samuell gouerned Israell.] is mentioned) into 3. parts, and had gouerned the same by the space of 15. yeares, he died in the 24 yeare after his arriuall (as Harison noteth) and was buried at Troinouant or London: although the place of his said buriall there be now be growne out of memorie.

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_Of Locrine the eldest sonne of Brute, of Albanact his yoongest sonne, and his death: of Madan, Mempricius, Ebranke, Brute Greenesheeld, Leill, Ludhurdibras, Baldud, and Leir, the nine rulers of Britaine successiuelie after Brute._

THE FIFT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: LOCRINE THE SECOND RULER OF BRITAIN.] [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] [Sidenote: _Mat. West._] [Sidenote: _Fa._ out of _G. de Co._] LOCRINUS or Locrine the first begotten sonne of Brute began to reigne ouer the countrie called Logiers, in the yeare of the world 1874, and held to his part the countrie that reached from the south sea vnto the riuer of Humber. While this Locrinus gouerned Logiers, his brother Albanact ruled in Albania, where in fine he was slaine in a battell by a king of the Hunnes or Scythians, called Humber, who inuaded that part of Britaine, and got possession thereof, till Locrinus with his [Sidenote: _Gal Mon._] [Sidenote: _Mat. West._] brother Camber, in reuenge of their other brothers death, and for the recouerie of the kingdome, gathered their powers togither, and comming against the said king of the Hunnes, by the valiancie of their people they discomfited him in battell, and chased him so egerlie, that he [Sidenote: It should séeme that he was come over the Humber.] himselfe and a great number of his men were drowned in the gulfe that then parted Loegria and Albania, which after tooke name of the said king, and was called Humber, and so continueth vnto this daie.

[Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] Moreouer in this battell against the Hunnes were thrée yong damsels taken of excellent beautie, specially one of them, whose name was Estrild, daughter to a certeine king of Scythia. With this Estrild king Locrine fell so farre in loue, notwithstanding a former contract made betwixt him and the ladie Guendoloena, daughter to Corineus duke of Cornwall, that he meant yet with all spéed to marie the same Estrild. But being earnestlie called vpon, and in manner forced thereto by Corineus, hée changed his purpose, and married Guendoloena, kéeping neuertheles the aforesaid Estrild as paramour still after a secret sort, during the life of Corineus his father in law.

Now after that Corineus was departed this world, Locrine forsooke Guendoloena, and maried Estrild. Guendoloena therefore being cast off by hir husband, got hir into Cornewall to hir friends and kinred, and there procured them to make warre against the said Locrine hir husband, in the which warres hée was slaine, and a battell fought [Sidenote: _Mat. West._] néere to the riuer of Sture, after he had reigned (as writers affirme) twentie yeares, & was buried by his father in the citie of Troinouant, leauing behind him a yoong sonne (begotten of his wife Guendoloena) named Madan, as yet vnméete to gouerne.

[Sidenote: Shée is not numbred amongst those that reigned as rulers in this land by _Mat. West._] Guendoloena or Guendoline the wife of Locrinus, and daughter of Corineus duke of Cornewall, for so much as hir sonne Madan was not of yeeres sufficient to gouerne, was by common consent of the Britons made ruler of the Ile, in the yéere of the world 2894, and so hauing the administration in hir hands, she did right discreetlie vse hir selfe therein, to the comfort of all hir subiects, till hir sonne [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] Madan came to lawfull age, and then she gaue ouer the rule and dominion to him, after she had gouerned by the space of fifteene yeares.

[Sidenote: MADAN THE THIRD RULER.] MADAN the sonne of Locrine and Guendoline entred into the gouernement of Britaine in the 2909, of the world. There is little left in writing of his doings, sauing that he vsed great tyrannie amongst his Britons: and therefore after he had ruled this land the tearme of 40. yeares, he was deuoured of wild beastes, as he was abroad in hunting. He left behind him two sonnes, Mempricius and Manlius. He builded (as is reported) Madancaistre, now Dancastre, which reteineth still the later part of his name.

[Sidenote: MEMPRICIUS THE FOURTH RULER.] MEMPRICIUS the eldest sonne of Madan began his reigne ouer the Britons in the yeare of the world 2949, he continued not long in peace. For his brother Manlius vpon an ambitious mind prouoked the Britons to rebell against him, so that sore and deadly warre continued long [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: Manlius is slaine.] betweene them. But finallie, vnder colour of a treatie, Manlius was slaine by his brother Mempricius, so that then he liued in more tranquillitie and rest. Howbeit, being deliuered thus from trouble of [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] [Sidenote: Slouth engendred lecherie.] warres, he fell into slouth, and so into vnlawfull lust of lecherie, and thereby into the hatred of his people, by forcing of their wiues and daughters: and finallie became so beastlie, that he forsooke his lawfull wife and all his concubines, and fell into the abhominable sinne of Sodomie. And thus from one vice he fell into another, till he became odious to God and man, and at length, going on hunting, was [Sidenote: Mempricius is deuoured of beastes.] lost of his people, and destroied of wild beastes, when he had reigned twentie yeares, leauing behind him a noble yoong sonne named Ebranke, begotten of his lawfull wife.

[Sidenote: EBRANKE THE FIFT RULER.] [Sidenote: Ebranke had 21. wiues: his thirtie daughters sent into Italie.] [Sidenote: _Bergomas lib._ 6.] EBRANKE the sonne of Mempricius began to rule ouer the Britons in the yeare of the world 2969. He had as writers doo of him record, one and twentie wiues, on whom he begot 20. sonnes and 30. daughters, of the which the eldest hight Guales, or Gualea. These daughters he sent to Alba Syluius, which was the eleuenth king of Italie, or the sixt king of the Latines, to the end they might be married to his noble men of the bloud of Troians, because the Sabines refused to ioine their daughters with them in marriage. Furthermore, he was the first prince of his land that euer inuaded France after Brute, and is commended as author and originall builder of many cities, both in his owne kingdome, and else where. His sonnes also vnder the conduct of Assaracus, one of their eldest brethren, returning out of Italie, after they had conducted their sisters thither, inuaded Germanie, being first molested by the people of that countrie in their rage, and by the helpe of the said Alba subdued a great part of that countrie, & there planted themselues. Our histories say, that Ebracus their father married them in their returne, and aided them in their conquests, and [Sidenote: The citie of Caerbranke builded.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] that he builded the citie of Caerbranke, now called Yorke, about the 14, yeare of his reigne. He builded also in Albania now called Scotland, the castle of Maidens, afterward called Edenburgh of Adian one of their kings. The citie of Alclud was builded likewise by him (as some write) now decaied. After which cities thus builded, he sailed ouer into Gallia, now called France, with a great armie, and subduing the Galles as is aforesaid, he returned home with great riches and triumph. Now when he had guided the land of Britaine in [Sidenote: Fortie yeares hath _Math. West._ and _Gal. Monuine._] noble wise by the tearme of fortie yeares, he died, and was buried at Yorke.

[Sidenote: BRUTE GREENESHIELD THE SIXT RULER.] [Sidenote: _Iacobus Lef._] BRUTE GREENESHIELD, the sonne of Ebranke, was made gouernor of this land in the yeare of the world 3009, Asa reigning in Iuda, and Baasa in Israell. This prince bare alwaies in the field a gréene shield, whereof he tooke his surname, and of him some forraine authors affirme, that he made an attempt to bring the whole realme of France vnder his subiection, which he performed, because his father susteined some dishonor and losse in his last voiage into that countrie. Howbeit they say, that when he came into Henaud, Brinchild a prince of that quarter gaue him also a great ouerthrow, and compelled him to retire home againe into his countrie. This I borrow out of William Harison, who in his chronologie toucheth the same at large, concluding in the end, that the said passage of this prince into France is verie likelie to be true, and that he named a parcell of Armorica lieng on the south, and in manner vpon the verie loine after his owne name, and also a citie which he builded there Britaine. For (saith he) it should [Sidenote: _Strabo lib._ 4.] séeme by Strabo. lib. 4. that there was a noble citie of that name long before his time in the said countrie, whereof Plinie also speaketh lib. 4. cap. 7. albeit that he ascribe it vnto France after a disordered maner. More I find not of this foresaid Brute, sauing that he ruled the land a certeine time, his father yet liuing, and after his decease the tearme of twelue yeares, and then died, and was buried at Caerbranke now called Yorke.

[Sidenote: LEILL THE SEVENTH RULER.] [Sidenote: Carleil builded.] [Sidenote: Chester repaired.] LEILL the sonne of Brute Greeneshield, began to reigne in the yeare of the world 3021, the same time that Asa was reigning in Iuda, and Ambri in Israell. He built the citie now called Carleil, which then after his owne name was called Caerleil, that is, Leill his citie, or the citie of Leill. He repaired also (as Henrie Bradshaw saith) the citie of Caerleon now called Chester, which (as in the same Bradshaw appeareth) was built before Brutus entrie into this land by a giant named Leon Gauer. But what authoritie he had to auouch this, it may be doubted, for Ranulfe Higden in his woorke intituled "Polychronicon," saith in plaine wordes, that it is vnknowen who was the first founder of Chester, but that it tooke the name of the soiourning there of some Romaine legions, by whome also it is not vnlike that it might be first built by P. Ostorius Scapula, who as we find, after he had subdued Caratacus king of the Ordouices that inhabited the countries now called Lancashire, Cheshire, and Salopshire, built in those parts, and among the Silures, certeine places of defense, for the better harbrough of his men of warre, and kéeping downe of such Britaines as were still readie to moue rebellion.

But now to the purpose concerning K. Leill. We find it recorded that he was in the beginning of his reigne verie vpright, and desirous to sée iustice executed, and aboue all thinges loued peace & quietnesse; but as yeares increased with him, so his vertues began to diminish, in so much that abandoning the care for the bodie of the commonwealth, he suffered his owne bodie to welter in all vice and voluptuousnesse, and so procuring the hatred of his subiects, caused malice and discord to rise amongst them, which during his life he was neuer able to appease. But leauing them so at variance, he departed this life, & was buried at Carleil, which as ye haue heard he had builded while he liued.

[Sidenote: LUD or LUDHURDIBRAS THE EIGHT RULER.] [Sidenote: Kaerkin or Canterburie is builded.] [Sidenote: Caerguent is builded.] [Sidenote: Paladour is builded.] LUD or LUDHURDIBRAS the sonne of Leill began to gouerne in the yeare of the world 3046. In the beginning of his reigne, hée sought to appease the debate that was raised in his fathers daies, and bring the realme to hir former quietnesse, and after that he had brought it to good end, he builded the towne of Kaerkin now called Canterburie: also the towne of Caerguent now cleped Winchester, and mount Paladour now called Shaftsburie. About the building of which towne of Shaftsburie, Aquila a prophet of the British nation wrote his prophesies, of which some fragments remaine yet to be seene, translated into the Latine by some ancient writers. When this Lud had reigned 29 yeares, he died, and left a sonne behind him named Baldud.

[Sidenote: BALDUD OR BLADUD THE NINTH RULER.] [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] [Sidenote: The king was learned.] [Sidenote: Hot bathes.] BALDUD the sonne of Ludhurdibras began to rule ouer the Britaines in the yeare of the world 3085. This man was well séene in the sciences of astronomie and nigromancie, by which (as the common report saith) he made the hot bathes in the citie of Caerbran now called Bath. But William of Malmesburie is of a contrarie opinion, affirming that Iulius Cesar made those bathes, or rather repaired them when he was here in England: which is not like to be true: for Iulius Cesar, as by good coniecture we haue to thinke, neuer came so farre within the land that way forward. But of these bathes more shall be said in the description. Now to procéed. This Baldud tooke such pleasure in artificiall practises & magike, that he taught this art throughout all his realme. And to shew his cunning in other points, vpon a [Sidenote: _Mat. West._] [Sidenote: The prince did flie.] presumptuous pleasure which he had therein, he tooke vpon him to flie in the aire, but he fell vpon the temple of Apollo, which stood in the citie of Troinouant, and there was torne in péeces after he had ruled the Britaines by the space of 20 yeares.

[Sidenote: LEIR THE 10. RULER.] [Sidenote: _Mat. West._] [Sidenote: Leicester is builded.] LEIR the sonne of Baldud was admitted ruler ouer the Britaines, in the yeare of the world 3105, at what time Ioas reigned in Iuda. This Leir was a prince of right noble demeanor, gouerning his land and subiects in great wealth. He made the towne of Caerleir now called Leicester, which standeth vpon the riuer of Sore. It is written that he had by his wife three daughters without other issue, whose names were Gonorilla, Regan, and Cordeilla, which daughters he greatly loued, but specially Cordeilla the yoongest farre aboue the two elder. When this [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] Leir therefore was come to great yeres, & began to waxe vnweldie through age, he thought to vnderstand the affections of his daughters towards him, and preferre hir whome he best loued, to the succession ouer the kingdome. Whervpon he first asked Gonorilla the eldest, how [Sidenote: A triall of loue.] well she loued him: who calling hir gods to record, protested that she "loued him more than hir owne life, which by right and reason should be most déere vnto hir. With which answer the father being well pleased, turned to the second, and demanded of hir how well she loued him: who answered (confirming hir saiengs with great othes) that she loued him more than toong could expresse, and farre aboue all other creatures of the world."

Then called he his yoongest daughter Cordeilla before him, and asked of hir what account she made of him, vnto whome she made this answer [Sidenote: The answer of the yoongest daughter.] as followeth: "Knowing the great loue and fatherlie zeale that you haue alwaies borne towards me (for the which I maie not answere you otherwise than I thinke, and as my conscience leadeth me) I protest vnto you, that I haue loued you euer, and will continuallie (while I liue) loue you as my naturall father. And if you would more vnderstand of the loue that I beare you, assertaine your selfe, that so much as you haue, so much you are woorth, and so much I loue you, and no more. [Sidenote: The two eldest daughters are maried.] [Sidenote: The realme is promised to his two daughters.] The father being nothing content with this answer, married his two eldest daughters, the one vnto Henninus the duke of Cornewall, and the other vnto Maglanus the duke of Albania, betwixt whome he willed and ordeined that his land should be diuided after his death, and the one halfe thereof immediatlie should be assigned to them in hand: but for the third daughter Cordeilla he reserued nothing."

Neuertheles it fortuned that one of the princes of Gallia (which now is called France) whose name was Aganippus, hearing of the beautie, womanhood, and good conditions of the said Cordeilla, desired to haue hir in mariage, and sent ouer to hir father, requiring that he might haue hir to wife: to whome answer was made, that he might haue his daughter, but as for anie dower he could haue none, for all was promised and assured to hir other sisters alreadie. Aganippus notwithstanding this answer of deniall to receiue anie thing by way of dower with Cordeilla, tooke hir to wife, onlie moued thereto (I saie) for respect of hir person and amiable vertues. This Aganippus was one [Sidenote: He gouerned the third part of Gallia as _Gal. Mon._ saith.] of the twelue kings that ruled Gallia in those daies, as in the British historie it is recorded. But to proceed.

After that Leir was fallen into age, the two dukes that had married his two eldest daughters, thinking it long yer the gouernment of the land did come to their hands, arose against him in armour, and reft from him the gouernance of the land, vpon conditions to be continued for terme of life: by the which he was put to his portion, that is, to liue after a rate assigned to him for the maintenance of his estate, which in processe of time was diminished as well by Maglanus as by Henninus. But the greatest griefe that Leir tooke, was to see the vnkindnesse of his daughters, which seemed to thinke that all was too much which their father had, the same being neuer so little: in so much that going from the one to the other, he was brought to that miserie, that scarslie they would allow him one seruant to wait vpon him.

In the end, such was the vnkindnesse, or (as I maie saie) the vnnaturalnesse which he found in his two daughters, notwithstanding their faire and pleasant words vttered in time past, that being constreined of necessitie, he fled the land, & sailed into Gallia, there to seeke some comfort of his yongest daughter Cordeilla, whom before time he hated. The ladie Cordeilla hearing that he was arriued in poore estate, she first sent to him priuilie a certeine summe of monie to apparell himselfe withall, and to reteine a certeine number of seruants that might attend vpon him in honorable wise, as apperteined to the estate which he had borne: and then so accompanied, she appointed him to come to the court, which he did, and was so ioifullie, honorablie, and louinglie receiued, both by his sonne in law Aganippus, and also by his daughter Cordeilla, that his hart was greatlie comforted: for he was no lesse honored, than if he had beene king of the whole countrie himselfe.

Now when he had informed his sonne in law and his daughter in what sort he had béene vsed by his other daughters, Aganippus caused a mightie armie to be put in a readinesse, and likewise a great nauie of ships to be rigged, to passe ouer into Britaine with Leir his father in law, to sée him againe restored to his kingdome. It was accorded, that Cordeilla should also go with him to take possession of the land, the which he promised to leaue vnto hir, as the rightfull inheritour after his decesse, notwithstanding any former grant made to hir sisters or to their husbands in anie maner of wise.

Herevpon, when this armie and nauie of ships were readie, Leir and his daughter Cordeilla with hir husband tooke the sea, and arriuing in Britaine, fought with their enimies, and discomfited them in battell, in the which Maglanus and Henninus were slaine: and then was Leir restored to his kingdome, which he ruled after this by the space of [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] two yéeres, and then died, fortie yeeres after he first began to reigne. His bodie was buried at Leicester in a vaut vnder the chanell of the riuer of Sore beneath the towne.

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_The gunarchie of queene Cordeilla, how she was vanquished, of hir imprisonment and selfe-murther: the contention betweene Cunedag and Margan nephewes for gouernement, and the euill end thereof._

THE SIXT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: QUEENE CORDEILLA.] CORDEILLA the yoongest daughter of Leir was admitted Q. and supreme gouernesse of Britaine, in the yéere of the world 3155, before the bylding of Rome 54, Vzia then reigning in Iuda, and Ieroboam ouer Israell. This Cordeilla after hir fathers deceasse ruled the land of Britaine right worthilie during the space of fiue yéeres, in which meane time hir husband died, and then about the end of those fiue yéeres, hir two nephewes Margan and Cunedag, sonnes to hir aforesaid sisters, disdaining to be vnder the gouernment of a woman, leuied warre against hir, and destroied a great part of the land, and finallie tooke hir prisoner, and laid hir fast in ward, wherewith she tooke such griefe, being a woman of a manlie courage, and despairing to recouer libertie, there she slue hirselfe, when she had reigned (as before is mentioned) the tearme of fiue yéeres.

[Sidenote: CUNEDAG AND MARGAN.] CUNEDAGIUS and MARGANUS nephewes to Cordeilla, hauing recouered the land out of hir hands, diuided the same betwixt them, that is to saie, the countrie ouer and beyond Humber fell to Margan, as it stretcheth euen to Catnesse, and the other part lieng south and by-west, was assigned to Cunedagius. This partition chanced in the yéere of the world 3170, before the building of Rome 47, Uzia as then reigning in Iuda, and Ieroboam in Israell. Afterwards, these two cousins, Cunedag and Margan, had not reigned thus past a two yéeres, but thorough some seditious persons, Margan was persuaded to raise warre against Cunedag, telling him in his eare, how it was a shame for him being come of the elder sister, not to haue the rule of the whole Ile in his hand. Herevpon ouercome with pride, ambition, and couetousnesse, he [Sidenote: Margan inuadeth his cousine Cunedag.] raised an armie, and entring into the land of Cunedag, he burned and destroied the countrie before him in miserable maner.

Cunedag in all hast to resist his aduersarie, assembled also all the power he could make, and comming with the same against Margan, gaue him battell, in the which he slue a great number of Margans people, and put the residue to flight, and furthermore pursued him from countrie to countrie, till he came into Cambria, now called Wales, where the said Margan gaue him eftsoones a new battell: but being too [Sidenote: Margan is slaine.] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] weake in number of men, he was there ouercome and slaine in the field, by reason whereof that countrie tooke name of him, being there slaine, and so is called to this daie Glau Margan, which is to meane in our English toong, Margans land. This was the end of that Margan, after he had reigned with his brother two yéeres, or thereabouts.

[Sidenote: CUNEDAGUS ALONE.] After the death of Margan, Cunedag the sonne of Hennius and Ragaie (middlemost daughter of Leir before mentioned) became ruler of all the whole land of Britaine, in the yeare of the world 3172, before the building of Rome 45, Vzia still reigning in Iuda, and Ieroboam in Israell. He gouerned this Ile well and honourablie for the tearme of 33 yeares, and then dieng, his bodie was buried at Troinouant or London. Moreouer, our writers doo report, that he builded thrée temples, one to Mars at Perth in Scotland, another to Mercurie at Bangor, and the third to Apollo in Cornewall.

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_Of Riuallus, Gurgustius, Sysillius, Iago, and Kinimacus, rulers of Britaine by succession, and of the accidents coincident with their times._

THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: RIUALLUS THE 13. RULER.] RIUALLUS, the sonne of Cunedag, began to reigne ouer the Britaines in the yeare of the world 3203, before the building of Rome 15, Ioathan as then being king of Iuda, and Phacea king of Israel. This Riuall gouerned the Iland in great welth and prosperitie. In his time it [Sidenote: It rained blood.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] rained bloud by the space of thrée daies togither; after which raine ensued such an excéeding number and multitude of flies, so noisome and contagious, that much people died by reason thereof. When he had reigned 46 yeares he died, and was buried at Caerbranke now called [Sidenote: Rome builded.] Yorke. In the time of this Riuals reigne was the citie of Rome builded, after concordance of most part of writers. Perdix also a wizard, and a learned astrologian florished and writ his prophesies, and Herene also.

[Sidenote: GURGUSTIUS THE 14. RULER.] GURGUSTIUS, the son of the before named Riuall, began to gouerne the Britaines in the yeare after the creation of the world 3249, and after the first foundation of Rome 33, Ezechias reigning in Iuda. This Gurgustius in the chronicle of England, is called Gorbodian the sonne of Reignold, he reigned 37 yeares, then departing this life, was buried at Caerbranke (now called Yorke) by his father.

[Sidenote: SYSILLIUS THE 15. RULER.] SYSILLIUS, or after some writers SYLUIUS, the brother of Gurgustius, was chosen to haue the gouernance of Britaine, in the yere of the world 3287, and after the building of Rome 71, Manasses still reigning in Iuda. This Sysillius in the English chronicle is named Secill. He reigned 49 yeares, and then died, and was buried at Carbadon, now called Bath.

[Sidenote: JAGO THE 16. RULER.] IAGO or LAGO, the cousin of Gurgustius, as next inheritor to Sysillius, tooke vpon him the gouernement of Britaine, in the yeare of the world 3386, and after the building of Rome 120, in whose time the citie of Ierusalem was taken by Nabuchodonozar and the king of Iuda, Mathania, otherwise called Zedechias, being slaine. This Iago or Lago died without issue, when he had reigned 28 yeares, and was buried at Yorke.

[Sidenote: KINIMACUS THE 17. RULER.] KINIMACUS or KINMARUS the sonne of Sysillius as some write, or rather the brother of Iago, began to gouerne the land of Britain, in the yere of the world 3364, and after the building of Rome 148, the Iewes as then being in the third yeare of their captiuitie of Babylon. This Kinimacus departed this life, after he had reigned 54 yeares, and was buried at Yorke.

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_Of Gorbodug and his two sonnes Ferrex and Porrex, one brother killeth another, the mother sluieth hir sonne, and how Britaine by ciuill warres (for lacke of issue legitimate to the government) of a monarchie became a pentarchie: the end of Brutes line._

THE EIGHT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: GORBODUG THE 18. RULER.] GORBODUG the sonne of Kinimacus began his reigne ouer the Britains, in the yeare after the creation of the world 3418, from the building of the citie of Rome 202, the 58 of the Iews captiuitie at Babylon. This Gorbodug by most likelihood to bring histories to accord, should reigne about the tearme of 62 yeares, and then departing this world, was buried at London, leauing after him two sonnes Ferrex and Porrex, or after some writers, Ferreus and Porreus.

[Sidenote: FERREX THE 19. RULER.] FERREX with PORREX his brother began iointlie to rule ouer the Britaines, in the yeare of the world 3476, after the building of Rome 260, at which time, the people of Rome forsooke their citie in their rebellious mood. These two brethren continued for a time in good friendship and amitie, till at length through couetousnesse, and desire of greater dominion, prouoked by flatterers, they fell at [Sidenote: Ferrex fled into Gallia.] variance and discord, wherby Ferrex was constreined to flée into Gallia, and there purchased aid of a great duke called Gunhardus or Suardus, and so returned into Britaine, thinking to preuaile and obteine the dominion of the whole Iland. But his brother Porrex was readie to receiue him with battell after he was landed, in the which battell Ferrex was slaine, with the more part of his people. The English chronicle saith, that Porrex was he that fled into France, & at his returne, was slaine, and that Ferrex suruiued. But Geffrey of [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] Monmouth & Polychronicon are of a contrarie opinion. Matthew Westmonasteriensis writeth, that Porrex deuising waies to kill Ferrex, atchiued his purpose and slue him. But whether of them so euer suruiued, the mother of them was so highlie offended for the death of him that was slaine, whom she most intierlie loued, that setting apart all motherlie affection, she found the meanes to enter the chamber of him that suruiued in the night season, and as he slept, she with the [Sidenote: The mother killeth hir son.] helpe of hir maidens slue him, and cut him into small péeces, as the writers doo affirme. Such was the end of these two brethren, after they had reigned by the space of foure or fiue yeares.

After this followed a troublous season, full of cruell warre, and seditious discord, whereby in the end, and for the space of fiftie yeares, the monarchie or sole gouernement of the Lland became a pentarchie, that is, it was diuided betwixt fiue kings or rulers, till Dunwallon of Cornewall ouercame them all. Thus the line of Brute [Sidenote: _Robert Record._] (according to the report of most writers) tooke an end: for after the death of the two foresaid brethren, no rightfull inheritor was left aliue to succéed them in the kingdome. The names of these fiue kings are found in certeine old pedegrées: and although the same be much corrupted in diuers copies, yet these vndernamed are the most agréeable.

But of these fiue kings or dukes, the English chronicle alloweth Cloton king of Cornewall for most rightfull heire. There appeareth not any time certeine by report of ancient authors, how long this variance [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: Ciuill warres 51. yeares.] continued amongst the Britains: but (as some say) it lasted for the space of 51 yeres, coniecturing so much by that which is recorded in Polychron, who saith, who it endured euen till the beginning of the reigne of Mulmucius Dunwallon, who began to gouerne from the time that Brute first entred Britaine, about the space of 703 thrée yeares.

¶ Here ye must note, that there is difference amongst writers about the supputation and account of these yeares, insomuch that some making their reckoning after certeine writers, and finding the same to varie aboue thrée C. yeares, are brought into further doubt of the truth of the whole historie: but whereas other haue by diligent search tried out the continuance of euerie gouernors reigne, and reduced the same to a likelihood of some conformitie, I haue thought best to follow the same, leauing the credit thereof with the first authors.

THE PENTARCHIE.

1 Rudacus king of Wales. 2 Clotenus king of Cornewall. 3 Pinnor king of Loegria. 4 Staterus king of Albania. 5 Yewan king of Northumberland.

THE END OF THE SECOND BOOKE.

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THE THIRD BOOKE

OF THE

HISTORIE OF ENGLAND.

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_Of Mulmucius the first king of Britaine, who was crowned with a golden crowne, his lawes, his foundations, with other his acts and deeds._

THE FIRST CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: MULMUCIUS.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Polyd._] Now to proceede with the aforesaid authors, Mulmucius Dunwall[=o], or as other saie Dunuallo Mulmucius, the sonne of Cloton (as testifieth th'english chronicle and also Geffrey of Monmouth) got the vpper hand of the other dukes or rulers: and after his fathers deceasse began his reigne ouer the whole monarchie of Britaine, in the yéere of the world 3529, after the building of Rome 314, and after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of captiuitie 97, and about the 26 yéere of Darius Artaxerxes Longimanus, the fift king of the Persians. This Mulmucius Dunuallo is named in the english chronicle Donebant, and prooued a right worthie prince. He builded within the citie of London then [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: See more in the description.] called Troinouant, a temple, and named it the temple of peace: the which (as some hold opinion, I wote not vpon what ground) was the same which now is called Blackwell hall, where the market for buieng and selling of cloths is kept. The chronicle of England affirmeth, that [Sidenote: Malmesburie and the Vies built.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: Lawes made.] Mulmucius (whome the old booke nameth Molle) builded the two townes Malmesburie and the Vies. He also made manie good lawes, which were long after vsed, called Mulmucius lawes, turned out of the British spéech into the Latine by Gildas Priscus, and long time after translated out of latine into english by Alfred king of England, and mingled in his statutes. He moreouer gaue priuileges to temples, to plowes, to cities, and to high waies leading to the same, so that whosoeuer fled to them, should be in safegard from bodilie harme, and from thence he might depart into what

[Sidenote: _Caxton_ and _Polychron._] countrie he would, with indemnitie of his person. Some authors write, that he began to make the foure great high waies of Britaine, the which were finished by his sonne Blinus, as after shall be declared.

[Sidenote: The first king that was crowned with a golden crowne.] After he had established his land, and set his Britains in good and conuenient order, he ordeined him by the aduise of his lords a crowne of gold, & caused himselfe with great solemnitie to be crowned, according to the custome of the pagan lawes then in vse: & bicause he was the first that bare a crowne héere in Britaine, after the opinion of some writers, he is named the first king of Britaine, and all the other before rehearsed are named rulers, dukes, or gouernors.

[Sidenote: _Polyd._] [Sidenote: Weights and measures.] Amongst other of his ordinances, he appointed weights and measures, with the which men should buy and sell. And further he deuised sore [Sidenote: Theft punished.] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] and streight orders for the punishing of theft. Finallie, after he had guided the land by the space of fortie yéeres, he died, and was buried in the foresaid temple of peace which he had erected within the citie of Troinouant now called London, as before ye haue heard, appointing in his life time, that his kingdome should be diuided betwixt his two sonnes, Brennus and Belinus (as some men doo coniecture.)

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_The ioint-gouernment of Belinus and Brennus the two sonnes of Mulmucius, their discontentment, the stratagems of the one against the other, the expulsion of Brennus out of Britaine._

SECOND CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Belinus and Brennus.] [Sidenote: 3574.] BRENNUS and Belinus began to reigne iointlie as kings in Britaine, in the yéere of the world 3574, after the building of the citie of Rome 355, and after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of captiuitie 142, which was about the seuenth yéere of Artaxerxes surnamed Mnenon, [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] the seuenth king of the Persians. Belinus held vnder his gouernment Loegria, Wales, and Cornwall: and Brennus all those countries ouer and beyond Humber. And with this partition were they contented by the [Sidenote: _Polyd._ saith 5.] [Sidenote: Brennus not content with his portion.] tearme of six or seuen yéeres, after which time expired, Brennus coueting to haue more than his portion came to, first thought to purchase himselfe aid in forreine parties, & therefore by the prouocation and counsell of yong vnquiet heads, sailed ouer into [Sidenote: Elsingius.] Norway, and there married the daughter of Elsung or Elsing, as then duke or ruler of that countrie. Beline, offended with his brother, that he should thus without his aduice marrie with a stranger, now in his absence seized all his lands, townes, and fortresses into his owne hands, placing garisons of men of warre where he thought conuenient.

In the meane time, Brenne aduertised hereof, assembled a great nauie of ships, well furnished with people and souldiers of the Norwegians, with the which he tooke his course homewards, but in the waie he was [Sidenote: Guilthdacus king of Denmarke.] encountred by Guilthdacus king of Denmarke, the which had laid long in wait for him, bicause of the yoong ladie which Brenne had maried, for whome he had béene a sutor to hir father Elsing of long time. When these two fléetes of the Danes and Norwegians met, there was a sore battell betwixt them, but finallie the Danes ouercame them of Norway, and tooke the ship wherein the new bride was conueied, and then was she brought aboord the ship of Guilthdacus. Brenne escaped by flight as well as he might. But when Guilthdacus had thus obtained the [Sidenote: A tempest.] victorie and prey, suddenlie therevpon arose a sore tempest of wind and weather, which scattered the Danish fleete, and put the king in danger to haue béene lost: but finallie within fiue daies after, being [Sidenote: Guilthdacus landed in the north.] driuen by force of wind, he landed in Northumberland, with a few such ships as kept togither with him.

Beline being then in that countrie, prouiding for defense against his brother, vpon knowledge of the king of Denmarks arriuall, caused him to be staied. Shortlie after, Brenne hauing recouered and gotten togither the most part of his ships that were dispersed by the discomfiture, and then newlie rigged and furnished of all things necessarie, sent word to his brother Beline, both to restore vnto him his wife wrongfullie rauished by Guilthdacus, and also his lands iniuriouslie by him seized into his possession. These requests being plainlie and shortlie denied, Brenne made no long delaie, but spéedilie made toward Albania, and landing with his armie in a part thereof, incountred with his brother Beline néere vnto a wood named as [Sidenote: Calater wood is in Scotland.] then Calater, where (after cruell fight, and mortall battell betwixt them) at length the victorie abode with the Britains, and the discomfiture did light so on the Norwegians, that the most of them were wounded, slaine, and left dead vpon the ground.

Hereby Brenne being forced to flée, made shift, and got ouer into Gallia, where after he had sued to this prince, at length he abode, [Sidenote: Seguinus or Seginus duke of the Allobrogs, now the Delphinat of Sauoy.] and was well receiued of one Seguinus or Seginus duke of the people called then Allobrogs (as Galfrid of Monmouth saith) or rather Armorica, which now is called Britaine, as Polychronicon, and the english historie printed by Caxton, more trulie maie seeme to affirme. But Beline hauing got the vpper hand of his enimies, assembling his councell at Caerbranke, now called York, tooke aduise what he should doo with the king of Denmarke: where it was ordeined, that he should be set at libertie, with condition and vnder couenant, to acknowledge [Sidenote: The Danes tributarie of the Britains.] himselfe by dooing homage, to hold his land of the king of Britaine, and to paie him a yéerelie tribute. These couenants being agréed vpon, and hostages taken for assurance, he was set at libertie, and so returned into his countrie. The tribute that he couenanted to paie, was a thousand pounds, as the English chronicle saith.

[Sidenote: The foure high waies finished.] When Beline had thus expelled his brother, and was alone possessed of all the land of Britaine, he first confirmed the lawes made by his father: and for so much as the foure waies begun by his father were not brought to perfection, he therefore caused workmen to be called foorth and assembled, whom he set in hand to paue the said waies with stone, for the better passage and ease of all that should trauell through the countries from place to place, as occasion should require.

[Sidenote: The Fosse.] The first of these foure waies is named Fosse, and stretcheth from the south into the north, beginning at the corner of Totnesse in Cornewall, and so passing foorth by Deuonshire, and Somersetshire, by Tutherie, on Cotteswold, and then forward beside Couentrie vnto Leicester, and from thence by wild plaines towards Newarke, and endeth [Sidenote: Watling stréet.] at the citie of Lincolne. The second waie was named Watling stréete, the which stretcheth ouerthwart the Fosse, out of the southeast into the northeast, beginning at Douer, and passing by the middle of Kent ouer Thames beside London, by-west of Westminster, as some haue thought, and so foorth by S. Albons, and by the west side of Dunstable, Stratford, Toucester, and Wedon by-south of Lilleborne, by Atherston, Gilberts hill, that now is called the Wreken, and so foorth by Seuerne, passing beside Worcester, vnto Stratton to the middle of Wales, and so vnto a place called Cardigan, at the Irish sea. The [Sidenote: Erming stréet.] third way was named Ermingstréet, which stretched out of the west northwest, vnto the east southeast, and beginneth at Meneuia, the which is in Saint Dauids land in west Wales, and so vnto Southampton. [Sidenote: Hiknelstréet.] The fourth and last waie hight Hiknelstréete, which leadeth by Worcester, Winchcombe, Birmingham, Lichfield, Darbie, Chesterfield, and by Yorke, and so foorth vnto Tinmouth. After he had caused these [Sidenote: Priuilegs granted to the waies.] waies to be well and sufficientlie raised and made, he confirmed vnto them all such priuileges as were granted by his father.

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_Brennus marrieth with the duke of Alobrogs daughter, groweth into great honour, commeth into Britaine with an armie against his brother Beline, their mother reconcileth them, they ioine might & munition and haue great conquests, conflicts betweene the Galles and the Romans, the two brethren take Rome._

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

In the meane time that Beline was thus occupied about the necessarie affaires of his realme and kingdome, his brother Brenne that was fled into Gallia onelie with 12. persons, bicause he was a goodlie gentleman, and séemed to vnderstand what apperteined to honour, grew shortlie into fauour with Seginus the duke afore mentioned, and declaring vnto him his aduersitie, and the whole circumstance of his mishap, at length was so highlie cherished of the said Seginus, deliting in such worthie qualities as he saw in him dailie appearing, [Sidenote: Brenne marieth the duke of Alobrogs daughter.] that he gaue to him his daughter in mariage, with condition, that if he died without issue male, should he inherit his estate & dukedome: and if it happened him to leaue anie heire male behind him, then should he yet helpe him to recouer his land and dominion in Britaine, béereft from him by his brother.

These conditions well and surelie vpon the dukes part by the assent of the nobles of his land concluded, ratified, and assured, the said duke within the space of one yéere after died. And then after a certeine time, being knowne that the duches was not with child, all the lords of that countrie did homage to Brenne, receiuing him as their lord and supreme gouernour, vpon whome he likewise for his part in recompense of their curtesie, bestowed a great portion of his treasure.

[Sidenote: Brenne with an armie returneth into Britaine.] Shortlie after also, with their assent he gathered an armie, and with the same eftsoones came ouer into Britaine, to make new warre vpon his brother Beline. Of whose landing when Beline was informed, he assembled his people, and made himselfe readie to méete him: but as they were at point to haue ioined battell, by the intercession of [Sidenote: Brenne and Beline made friends by intercession of their mother.] their mother that came betwixt them, and demeaned hirselfe in all motherlie order, and most louing maner towards them both, they fell to an agréement, and were made friends or euer they parted asunder.

After this they repaired to London, and there taking aduice togither with their peeres and councellors, for the good order and quieting of the land, at length they accorded to passe with both their armies into Gallia, to subdue that whole countrie, and so following this determination, they tooke shipping and sailed ouer into Gallia, where beginning the warre with fire and sword, they wrought such maisteries, that within a short time (as saith Geffrey of Monmouth) they conquered [Sidenote: They inuade Gallia and Italie.] a great part of Gallia, Italie, and Germanie, and brought it to their subiection. In the end they tooke Rome by this occasion (as writers report) if these be the same that had the leading of those Galles, which in this season did so much hurt in Italie and other parts of the world.

After they had passed the mountaines, & were entred into Tuscan, they [Sidenote: Now Clusi.] besieged the citie of Clusium, the citizens whereof being in great danger, sent to Rome for aid against their enimies. Wherevpon the Romanes, considering with themselues that although they were not in anie league of societie with the Clusians, yet if they were ouercome the danger of the next brunt were like to be theirs: with all spéed [Sidenote: Ambassadours sent from Rome.] they sent ambassadours to intreat betwixt the parties for some peace to be had.

They that were sent, required the capteines of the Galles, in the name of the senat and citizens of Rome, not to molest the friends of the

[Sidenote: Brennus answere.] Romans. Wherevnto answere was made by Brennus, that for his part he could be content to haue peace, if it were so that the Clusians would be agréeable that the Galles might haue part of the countrie which they held, being more than they did alreadie well occupie, for otherwise (said he) there could be no peace granted.

The Romane ambassadours being offended with these wordes, demanded what the Galles had to doo in Tuscan, by reason of which and other the like ouerthwart wordes, the parties began to kindle in displeasure so [Sidenote: The treatie of peace breaketh off.] farre, that their communication brake off, and so they from treating fell againe to trie the matter by dint of sword.

The Romane ambassadours also to shew of what prowesse the Romans were, contrarie to the law of nations (forbidding such as came in ambassage about anie treatie of peace to take either one part or other) tooke weapon in hand, and ioined themselues with the Clusians, wherewith the Galles were so much displeased, that incontinentlie with one voice, they required to haue the siege raised from Clusium, that they might go to Rome. But Brennus thought good first to send messengers thither, to require the deliuerie of such as had broken the law, that punishment might be done on them accordinglie as they had deserued. This was done, and knowledge brought againe, that the ambassadors were not onelie not punished, but also chosen to be tribunes for the next yeare.

The Galles then became in such a rage (because they saw there was nothing to be looked for at the hands of the Romans, but warre, injurious wrongs, and deceitfull traines) that they turned all their [Sidenote: The Galles make towards Rome.] [Sidenote: The Romans incountring with the Galles are overthrown.] force against them, marching streight towardes Rome, and by the waie destroied all that stood before them. The Romans aduertised thereof, assembled themselues togither to the number of 40. thousand, and encountring with Beline and Brenne, neare to the riuer Allia, about 11. miles on this side Rome, were slaine and quite discomfited.

The Galles could scarse beléeue that they had got the victorie with so small resistance: but when they perceiued that the Romans were quite ouerthrowne and that the field was clearelie rid of them, they got togither the spoile, and made towards Rome it selfe, where such feare [Sidenote: The Romans in despaire withdraw into the capitoll.] and terror was striken into the heartes of the people, that all men were in despaire to defend the citie: and therefore the senate with all the warlike youth of the citizens got them into the capitoll, which they furnished with victuals and all things necessarie for the maintenance of the same against a long siege. The honorable fathers and all the multitude of other people not apt for warres, remained still in the citie, as it were to perish with their countrie if hap so befell.

[Sidenote: The Galles enter into Rome.] In the meane time came the Galles to the citie, and entring by the gate Collina, they passed forth the right way vnto the market place, maruelling to sée the houses of the poorer sort to be shut against them, and those of the richer to remaine wide open; wherefore being doubtfull of some deceitfull traines, they were not ouer rash to enter the same; but after they had espied the ancient fathers sit in their [Sidenote: The Reuerend aspect of the senators.] chaires apparelled in their rich robes, as if they had bin in the senat, they reuerenced them as gods, so honorable was their port, grauenesse in countenance, and shew of apparell.

[Sidenote: _Marcus Papirius._] In the meane time it chanced, that Marcus Papirius stroke one of the Galles on the head with his staffe, because he presumed to stroke his beard: with which iniurie the Gall being prouoked, slue Papirius (as he sat) with his sword, and therewith the slaughter being begun with one, all the residue of those ancient fatherlie men as they sat in their chaires were slaine and cruellie murthered. After this all the people found in the citie without respect or difference at all, were [Sidenote: Rome sacked.] put to the sword, and their houses sacked. And thus was Rome taken by [Sidenote: 365.] the two brethren, Beline and Brenne, 365 yeares after the first building thereof. Besides this, the Galles attempted in the night season to haue entred the capitoll: and in déed ordered their [Sidenote: The capitoll defended.] enterprise so secretlie, that they had atchieued their purpose, if a sort of ganders had not with their crie and noise disclosed them, in wakening the Romans that were asléepe: & so by that meanes were the Galles beaten backe and repelled.

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_Camillus reuoked from exile, made dictator, and receiueth peremptorie authoritie, he ouerthroweth the Galles in a pitcht field, controuersie betweene writers touching Brennus and Belinus left vndetermined; of diuers foundations, erections and reparations doone and atchiued by Belinus, the burning of his bodie in stead of his burieng._

THE FOURTH CHAPTER.

The Romans being thus put to their extreame shift, deuised among themselues how to reuoke Furius Camillus from exile, whom not long before they had vniustlie banished out of the citie. In the end they did not onelie send for him home, but also created him dictator, committing into his handes (so long as his office lasted) an absolute power ouer all men, both of life and death. Camillus forgetfull of the iniurie done to him, and mindfull of his dutie towards his countrie, and lamenting the state thereof, without delay gathered such an armie as the present time permitted.

In the meane time those that kept the capitoll (being almost famished [Sidenote: A composition.] for lacke of vittels) compounded with Brenne and Beline, that for a thousand pounds weight in gold, the Romans should redéeme their liberties, and the said Brenne and Beline depart with their armie out of the citie and all the territories of Rome. But at the deliuerie of the monie, and by a certeine kind of hap, the Romans name was preserued at that time from such dishonor and ignominie as was likelie to haue insued. For some of the couetous sort of the Galles, not contented with the iust weight of the gold, did cast their swords also into the balance where the weights lay, thereby to haue ouer weight: wherevpon the Romans refused to make paiment after that weight.

And thus whilest they were in altercation about this matter, the one importunnate to haue, the other not willing to grant, the time passed, till in the meane season Camillus came in amongst them with his power, [Sidenote: Camillus disappointeth the Galles of their paiment.] commanding that the gold should be had away, and affirming that without consent of the dictator, no composition or agréement might be concluded by the meaner magistrate. He gaue a signe to the Galles to prepare themselues to battell, whervnto they lightlie agréed, and togither they went. The battell being once begun, the Galles that [Sidenote: The Galles overthrowne.] looked earst for gold, and not for battell, were easilie ouercome, such as stood to the brunt were slaine, and the rest by flight constreined to depart the citie.

Polybius writeth, that the Galles were turned from the siege of the citie, through wars which chanced amongst their owne people at home, and therefore they concluded a peace with the Romans, and leauing them in libertie returned home againe.

But howsoeuer the matter passed, thus much haue we stept from our purpose, to shew somwhat of that noble and most famous capteine Brennus, who (as not onelie our histories, but also Giouan Villani the Florentine dooth report) was a Britaine, and brother to Beline (as before is mentioned) although I know that manie other writers are not of that mind, affirming him to be a Gall, and likewise that after this present time of the taking of Rome by this Brennus 110 yeares, or there abouts, there was another Brennus a Gall by nation (say they) vnder whose conduct an other armie of the Gals inuaded Grecia, which Brennus had a brother that hight Belgius, although Humfrey Llhoyd and sir Iohn Prise doo flatlie denie the same, by reason of some discordance in writers, & namelie in the computation of the yeares set downe by them that haue recorded the dooings of those times, whereof the error is growen. Howbeit I doubt not but that the truth of this matter shall be more fullie sifted out in time by the learned and studious of such antiquities. But now to our purpose.

This is also to be noted, that where our histories make mention, that Beline was abroad with Brennus in the most part of his victories, both [Sidenote: _Titus Liu._] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] in Gallia, Germanie, and Italie; Titus Liuius speaketh but onlie of Brennus: wherevpon some write, that after the two brethren were by their mothers intreatance made friends, Brennus onlie went ouer to Gallia, and there through proofe of his woorthie prowesse, atteined to such estimation amongst the people called Galli Senones, that he was chosen to be their generall capteine at their going ouer the [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] mountaines into Italie. But whether Beline went ouer with his brother, and finallie returned backe againe, leauing Brennus behind him, as some write, or that he went not at all, but remained still at home whilest his brother was abroad, we can affirme no certeintie.

Most part of all our writers make report of manie woorthie deeds accomplished by Beline, in repairing of cities decaied, & erecting of [Sidenote: _Polychr._] [Sidenote: _Gal. M._] [Sidenote: Caerleon Wiske built by Belline.] other new buildings, to the adorning and beautifieng of his realme and kingdome. And amongst other works which were by him erected, he builded a citie in the south part of Wales, neare to the place where the riuer of Vske falleth into Seuerne, fast by Glamorgan, which citie hight Caerleon, or Caerlegion Ar Wiske. This Caerleon was the principall citie in time past of all Demetia, now called Southwales. Manie notable monuments are remaining there till this day, testifieng the great magnificence and roiall buildings of that citie in old time. In which citie also sith the time of Christ were thrée churches, one of saint Iulius the martyr, an other of saint Aron, and the third was the mother church of all Demetia, and the chiefe sée: but after, the same sée was translated vnto Meneuia, (that is to say) saint Dauid in Westwales. In this Caerleon was Amphibulus borne, who taught and instructed saint Albon.

[Sidenote: _Fabian._] This Beline also builded an hauen, with a gate ouer the same, within the citie of Troinouant now called London, in the summitie or highest part wherof afterwards was set a vessell of brasse, in the which were put the ashes of his bodie, which bodie after his deceasse was burnt, [Sidenote: _Iohn Leland._] as the maner of burieng in those daies did require. This gate was long after called Belins gate, and at length by corruption of language Billings gate. He builded also a castell eastward from this gate (as [Sidenote: The Tower of London built by Beline.] some haue written) which was long time after likewise called Belins castell, and is the same which now we call the tower of London. Thus Beline studieng dailie to beautifie this land with goodlie buildings and famous workes, at length departed this life, after he had reigned with his brother iointlie and alone the space of 26 yeres.

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_Of Gurguintus, Guintolinus, and Sicilius, three kings of Britaine succeeding ech other by lineall descent in the regiment, and of their acts and deeds, with a notable commendation of Queene Martia._

THE FIFT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: GURGUINTUS.] GURGUINTUS the sonne of Beline began to reigne ouer the Britains, in the yeare of the world 1596, after the building of Rome 380, after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of captiuitie 164 complet, which was about the 33 yeare of Artaxerxes Mnenon, surnamed Magnus, the seuenth king of the Persians. This Gurguint in the English chronicle is named [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] Corinbratus, and by Matthew Westmin. he is surnamed Barbiruc, the which bicause the tribute granted by Guilthdag king of Denmarke in perpetuitie vnto the kings of Britaine was denied, he sailed with a mightie nauie and armie of men into Denmarke, where he made such warre [Sidenote: _Gal. M._ Gurguint c[=o]strained the Danes by force to pay their tribute.] with fire and sword, that the king of Denmarke with the assent of his barons was constreined to grant eftsoones to continue the paiment of the aforesaid tribute.

After he had thus atchiued his desire in Denmarke, as he returned backe towards Britaine, he encountred with a nauie of 30 ships beside the Iles of Orkenies. These ships were fraught with men and women, and [Sidenote: _Matth. West.] [Sidenote: Gal. Mon._] had to their capteine one called Bartholin or Partholin, who being brought to the presence of king Gurguint, declared that he with his [Sidenote: Basques.] people were banished out of Spaine, and were named Balenses or Baselenses, and had sailed long on the sea, to the end to find some prince that would assigne them a place to inhabit, to whom they would become subiects, & hold of him as of their souereigne gouernor. [Sidenote: Sée more hereof in Ireland.] Therefore he besought the king to consider their estate, and of his great benignitie to appoint some void quarter where they might settle. The king with the aduice of his barons granted to them the Ile of [Sidenote: Polychron.] Ireland, which as then (by report of some authors) lay waste and without habitation. But it should appeare by other writers, that it was inhabited long before those daies, by the people called Hibernenses, of Hiberus their capteine that brought them also out of Spaine.

After that Gurguintus was returned into his countrie, he ordeined that the laws made by his ancestors should be dulie kept and obserued. And thus administring iustice to his subiects for the tearme of 19 yeares, he finallie departed this life, and was buried at London, or as some [Sidenote: Caius.] haue at Caerleon. In his daies was the towne of Cambridge with the vniuersitie first founded by Cantaber, brother to the aforesaid Bartholin (according to some writers) as after shall appeare.

[Sidenote: GUINTOLINUS.] GUINTOLINUS or GUINTELLIUS the sonne of Gurguintus was admitted king of Britaine in the yere of the world 3614, after the building of the citie of Rome 399, and second yere of the 206 Olimpiad. This Guintoline was a wise prince, graue in counsell, and sober in behauior. He had also a wife named Martia, a woman of perfect beautie, & wisedome incomparable, as by hir prudent gouernement and equall administration of iustice after hir husbands deceasse, during hir sonnes minoritie, it most manifestlie appeared.

It is thought that in an happie time this Guintoline came to the gouernement of this kingdome, being shaken and brought out of order with ciuill dissentions, to the end he might reduce it to the former estate, which he earnestlie accomplished: for hauing once got the place, he studied with great diligence to reforme anew, and to adorne with iustice, lawes and good orders, the British common wealth, by other kings not so framed as stood with the quietnesse thereof. But afore all things he vtterlie remooued and appeased such ciuill discord, as séemed yet to remaine after the maner of a remnant of those seditious factions and partakings, which had so long time reigned in this land. But as he was busie in hand herewith, death tooke him out of this life, after he had reigned 27 yeares, and then was he buried at London.

[Sidenote: SICILIUS.] SICILIUS the sonne of Guintoline, being not past seuen yeares of age when his father died, was admitted king, in the yeare 3659, after the building of Rome 430, & after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of captiuitie 218, & in the sixt after the death of Alexander. By reason [Sidenote: Queene Martia gouerneth in hir sonnes roome.] that Sicilius was not of age sufficient of himselfe to guide the kingdoms of the Britains, his mother that worthie ladie called Martia, had the gouernance both of his realme and person committed to hir charge.

She was a woman expert and skilfull in diuers sciences, but chiefelie being admitted to the gouernance of the realme, she studied to preserue the common wealth in good quiet and wholsome order, and [Sidenote: She maketh lawes.] therefore deuised and established profitable and conuenient lawes, the which after were called Martian lawes, of hir name that first made them. These lawes, as those that were thought good and necessarie for the preseruation of the common wealth, Alfred, or Alured, that was long after king of England, translated also out of the British toong, into the English Saxon speech, and then were they called after that [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] translation Marchenelagh, that is to meane, the lawes of Martia. To conclude, this worthie woman guided the land during the minoritie of hir sonne right politikelie; and highlie to hir perpetuall renowme and commendation. And when hir sonne came to lawfull age, she deliuered [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._] vp the gouernance into his handes. How long he reigned writers varie, some auouch but seuen yeares, though other affirme 15. which agréeth not so well with the accord of other histories and times. He was buried at London.

* * * * *

_Of Kimarus and his sudden end, of Elanius and his short regiment, of Morindus and his beastlie crueltie, all thrée immediatlie succeeding each other in the monarchie of Britaine, with the exploits of the last._

THE SIXT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: KIMARUS.] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] KIMARUS the sonne of Sicilius began to reigne ouer the Britaines, in the yeare of the world 3657, and after the building of Rome 442, & in the first yeare of the 117. Olimpiad. This Kimarus being a wild yoong man, and giuen to follow his lusts and pleasures, was slaine by some that were his enimies, as he was abroad in hunting, when he had reigned scarselie three yeares.

[Sidenote: ELANIUS.] ELANIUS the sonne of Kimarus, or (as other haue) his brother, began to rule the Britaines in the yeare after the creation of the world 3361, [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] after the building of Rome 445, after the deliuerance of the Israelites 229, and in the fourth yeare of the Seleuciens, after which account the bookes of Machabees doo reckon, which began in the 14, after the death of Alexander. This Elanius in the English Chronicle is named also Haran; by Mat. Westm. Danius; and by an old chronicle which Fabian much followed, Elanius and Kimarus should seeme to be one person: but other hold the contrarie, and saie that he reigned fullie 8. yeares.

[Sidenote: MORINDUS.] MORINDUS the bastard sonne of Elanius was admitted king of Britaine, in the yeare of the world 3667, after the building of Rome 451, after the deliuerance of the Israelites 236, and in the tenth yeare of Cassander K. of Macedonia, which hauing dispatched Olimpias the mother of Alexander the great, and gotten Roxanes with Alexanders sonne into his hands, vsurped the kingdome of the Macedonians, and held it 15 yéeres. This Morindus in the English chronicle is called Morwith, and was a man of worthie fame in chiualrie and martiall dooings, but so cruell withall, that his vnmercifull nature could scarse be satisfied with the torments of them that had offended him, although oftentimes with his owne hands he cruellie put them to torture and execution. He was also beautifull and comelie of personage, liberall and bounteous, and of a maruellous strength.

[Sidenote: _G. Mon._] In his daies, a certeine king of the people called Moriani, with a great armie landed in Northumberland, and began to make cruell warre vpon the inhabitants. But Morindus aduertised héerof, assembled his Britains, came against the enimies, and in battell putting them to flight, chased them to their ships, and tooke a great number of them prisoners, whome to the satisfieng of his cruell nature he caused to be slaine euen in his presence. Some of them were headed, some strangled, some panched, and some he caused to be slaine quicke.

[Sidenote: The like may be thought of those Murreis or Morauians of whom _H.B._ speaketh.] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] ¶ These people (whome Gal. Mon. nameth Moriani) I take to be either those that inhabited about Terrouane and Calice, called Morini, or some other people of the Galles or Germaines, and not as some estéeme them, Morauians, or Merhenners, which were not known to the world (as Humfrey Llhoyd hath verie well noted) till about the daies of the emperour Mauricius, which misconstruction of names hath brought the British historie further out of credit than reason requireth, if the circumstances be dulie considered.

But now to end with Morindus. At length this bloudie prince heard of a monster that was come a land out of the Irish sea, with the which when he would néeds fight, he was deuoured of the same, after he had reigned the terme of 8 yeeres, leauing behind him fiue sonnes, Gorbonianus, Archigallus, Elidurus, Vigenius, or Nigenius, and Peredurus.

* * * * *

_Of Gorbonianus, Archigallus, Elidurus, Vigenius, and Peredurus, the fiue sons of Morindius, the building of Cambridge, the restitution of Archigallus to the regiment after his depriuation, Elidurus three times admitted king, his death and place of interrement._

THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: GORBOMEN OR GORBONIANUS.] GORBONIANUS the first son of Morindus succéeded his father in the kingdome of Britain, in the yéere of the world 3676, after the building of Rome 461, and fourth yéere of the 121. Olimpiad. This Gorbonianus in the English chronicle is named Granbodian, and was a [Sidenote: A righteous and religious prince.] righteous prince in his gouernment, and verie deuout (according to such deuotion as he had) towards the aduancing of the religion of his gods: and thervpon he repaired all the old temples through his kingdome, and erected some new.

He also builded the townes of Cambridge and Grantham (as Caxton writeth) and was beloued both of the rich and poore, for he honoured the rich, and relieued the poore in time of their necessities. In his time was more plentie of all things necessarie for the wealthfull state of man, than had béene before in anie of his predecessors daies. He died without issue, after he had reigned (by the accord of most writers) about the terme of ten yeares.

[Sidenote: Cambridge by whome it was built.] Some write that this Gorbonian built the townes of Cairgrant, now called Cambridge, & also Grantham, but some thinke that those which haue so written are deceiued, in mistaking the name; for that Cambridge was at the first called Granta: and by that meanes it might be that Gorbonian built onlie Grantham, and not Cambridge, namelie because other write how that Cambridge (as before is said) was built in the daies of Gurguntius the sonne of Beline, by one Cantaber a Spaniard, brother to Partholoin, which Partholoin by the aduice of the same Gurguntius, got seates for himselfe and his companie in Ireland (as before ye haue heard.)

The said Cantaber also obteining licence of Gurguntius, builded a towne vpon the side of the riuer called Canta, which he closed with walles, and fortified with a strong tower or castell, and after procuring philosophers to come hither from Athens (where in his youth he had bene a student) he placed them there, and so euen then was that place furnished (as they saie) with learned men, and such as were readie to instruct others in knowledge of letters and philosophicall doctrine. But by whome or in what time soeuer it was built, certeine it is that there was a citie or towne walled in that place before the comming of the Saxons, called by the Britaines Caergrant, and by the Saxons Granchester.

This towne fell so to ruine by the inuasion of the Saxons, that at length it was in maner left desolate, and at this day remaineth as a village. But néere therevnto vnder the Saxon kings, an other towne was built, now called Cambridge, where by the fauour of king Sigebert and Felix a Burgundian, that was bishop of Dunwich, a schoole was erected, as in place conuenient shall appeare.

[Sidenote: ARCHIGALLUS.] ARCHIGALLUS, the second sonne of Morindus, and brother vnto Gorbonianus, was admitted king of Britaine, in the yeare 3686, after the building of the citie of Rome 470, after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of captiuitie 255, and in the first yeare of Sosthenes king of Macedonia. This Archigallus (in the English chronicle called Artogaill) followed not the steppes of his brother, but giuing [Sidenote: He is giuen to nourish dissention.] himselfe to dissention and strife, imagined causes against his nobles, that he might displace them, and set such in their roomes as were men of base birth and of euill conditions. Also he sought by vnlawfull meanes to bereaue his wealthie subiects of their goods and riches, so to inrich himselfe and impouerish his people. For the which his inordinate dooings, his nobles conspired against him, and finallie depriued him of all his honor and kinglie dignitie, after he had reigned about the space of one yeare.

[Sidenote: ELIDURUS.] ELIDURUS the third sonne of Morindus, and brother to Archigallus, was by one consent of the Britains chosen to reigne ouer them in his brothers stead, after the creation of the world 3687, and after the building of the citie of Rome 471, after the deliuerance of the Israelites 256, & in the first yeare of Sosthenes king of Macedonia. This Elidurus in the English chronicle named Hesider, or Esoder, prooued a most righteous prince, and doubting least he should doo otherwise than became him, if he did not take care for his brother Archigallus estate, a man might woonder what diligence he shewed in trauelling with the nobles of the realme to haue his brother restored to the crowne againe.

Now as it chanced one day (being abroad on hunting in the wood called Calater) neare vnto Yorke, he found his brother Archigall wandering there in the thickest of that wildernesse, whom in most louing maner he secretlie conueied home to his house, being as then the citie of [Sidenote: By this it should séeme that Acliud should not be in Scotland, contrarie to the Scotish authors.] Aldud, otherwise called Acliud. Shortlie after he feined himselfe sicke, and in all hast sent messengers about to assemble his barons, who being come at the day appointed, he called them one after another into his priuie chamber, and there handled them in such affectuous sort with wise and discréet words, that he got their good wils to further him to their powers, for the reducing of the kingdome eftsoones into the hands of his brother Archigallus.

After this he assembled a councell at Yorke, where he so vsed the matter with the commons, that in conclusion, when the said Elidurus had gouerned the land well and honourablie the space of thrée yeares, he resigned wholie his crowne and kinglie title vnto his brother Archigallo, who was receiued of the Britaines againe as king by [Sidenote: An example of brotherlie loue.] mediation of his brother in manner as before is said. ¶ A rare example of brotherlie loue, if a man shall reuolue in his mind what an inordinate desire remaineth amongst mortall men to atteine to the supreme souereintie of ruling, and to kéepe the same when they haue it once in possession. He had well learned this lesson (as may appeare by his contentation and resignation) namelie, that

Nec abnuendum si dat imperium Deus, Nec appetendum,

[Sidenote: Sen. in Thiess.] otherwise he would not haue béene led with such an equabilitie of mind. For this great good will and brotherlie loue by him shewed thus toward his brother, he was surnamed the godlie and vertuous.

[Sidenote: ARCHIGALLUS AGAIN.] When ARCHIGALLUS was thus restored to the kingdome, and hauing learned by due correction that he must turne the leafe, and take out a new lesson, by changing his former trade of liuing into better, if he would reigne in suertie: he became a new man, vsing himselfe vprightlie in the administration of iustice, and behauing himselfe so woorthilie in all his doings, both toward the nobles & commons of his realme, that he was both beloued and dread of all his subiects. And so continuing the whole tearme of his life, finallie departed out of this world, after he had reigned this second time the space of ten yeares, and was buried at Yorke.

[Sidenote: ELIDURUS AGAINE.] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] ELIDURUS brother to this Archigallus was then againe admitted king by consent of all the Britaines, 3700 of the world. But his two yonger brethren, Vigenius and Peredurus, enuieng the happie state of this woorthie prince, so highlie for his vertue and good gouernance [Sidenote: Brother against brother.] esteemed of the Britains, of a grounded malice conspired against him, and assembling an armie, leuied warre against him, and in a pitcht field tooke him prisoner, and put him in the tower of London, there to [Sidenote: Elidure committed to prison.] be kept close prisoner, after he had reigned now this last time the space of one yeare.

[Sidenote: VIGENIUS AND PEREDURUS.] VIGENIUS and PEREDURUS, the yoongest sonnes of Morindus, and brethren to Elidurus, began to reigne iointlie as kings of Britaine, in the yeare of the world 3701, after the building of Rome 485, after the deliuerance of the Israelites 266 complet, and in the 12 yeare of Antigonus Gonatas, the sonne of Demetrius king of the Macedonians. These two brethren in the English chronicles are named Higanius and [Sidenote: Britaine divided into two realmes.] Petitur, who (as Gal. Mon. testifieth) diuided the realme betwixt them, so that all the land from Humber westward fell to Vigenius, or Higanius, the other part beyond Humber northward Peredure held. But other affirme, that Peredurus onelie reigned, and held his brother Elidurus in prison by his owne consent, forsomuch as he was not willing to gouerne.

But Gal. Mon. saith, that Vigenius died after he had reigned 7 yeares, and then Peredurus seized all the land into his owne rule, and gouerned it with such sobrietie and wisedome, that he was praised aboue all his brethren, so that Elidurus was quite forgotten of the [Sidenote: Varitie in writers.] Britains. But others write that he was a verie tyrant, and vsed himselfe verie cruellie towards the lords of his land, wherevpon they rebelled and slue him. But whether by violent hand, or by naturall [Sidenote: _Caxton._] sicknesse, he finallie departed this life, after the consent of most [Sidenote: _Eth. Bur._] writers, when he had reigned eight yeares, leauing no issue behind him to succéed in the gouernance of the kingdome. He builded the towne of Pikering, where his bodie was buried.

[Sidenote: ELIDURUS THE THIRD TIME.] ELIDURUS then, as soone as his brother Peredurus was dead, for as much as he was next heire to the crowne, was deliuered out of prison, and now the third time admitted king of Britaine, who vsed himselfe (as before) verie orderlie in ministring to all persons right and iustice all the daies of his life, and lastlie being growne to great age died, when he had reigned now this third time (after most concordance of [Sidenote: He is buried at Caerleill.] writers) the tearme of foure yeares: and was buried at Caerleill.

* * * * *

_A Chapter of digression, shewing the diuersitie of writers in opinion, touching the computation of yeares from the beginning of the British kings of this Iland downewards; since Gurguintus time, till the death of Elidurus; and likewise till King Lud reigned in his roialtie, with the names of such kings as ruled betweene the last yeare of Elidurus, and the first of Lud._

THE EIGHT CHAPTER.

Here is to be noted, that euen from the beginning of the British kings, which reigned here in this land, there is great diuersitie amongest writers, both touching the names, and also the times of their reignes, speciallie till they come to the death of the last mentioned [Sidenote: _Polydor._] king Elidurus. Insomuch that Polydor Virgil in his historie of England, finding a manifest error (as he taketh it) in those writers whome he followeth touching the account, from the comming of Brute, vnto the sacking of Rome by Brennus, whome our histories affirme to be the brother of Beline, that to fill vp the number which is wanting in the reckoning of the yeares of those kings which reigned after Brute, till the daies of the same Brenne & Beline, he thought good to change the order, least one error should follow an other, and so of one error making manie, he hath placed those kings which after other writers should séeme to follow Brenne and Beline, betwixt Dunuallo and Mulmucius, father to the said Beline and Brenne, and those fiue kings which stroue for the gouernement after the deceasse of the two brethren, Ferrex and Porrex, putting Guintoline to succéed after the fiue kings or rulers, and after Guintoline his wife Martia, during the minoritie of hir sonne, then hir said sonne named Sicilius.

After him succéeded these whose names follow in order, Chimarius, Danius, Morindus, Gorbonianus, Archigallo, who being deposed, Elidurus was made king, and so continued till he restored the gouernement (as ye haue heard) to Archigallo againe, and after his death Elidurus was eftsoones admitted, and within awhile againe deposed by Vigenius and Peredurus, and after their deceasses the third time restored. Then after his deceasse followed successiuelie Veginus, Morganus, Ennanus, Idunallo, Rimo, Geruntius, Catellus, Coilus, Porrex the second of that name, Cherinus, Fulgentius, Eldalus, Androgeus, Vrianus and Eliud, after whom should follow Dunuallo Molmucius, as in his proper place, if the order of things doone, & the course of time should be obserued, as Polydor gathereth by the account of yeares attributed to those kings that reigned before and after Dunuallo, according to those authours whom (as I said) he followeth, if they will that Brennus which led the Galles to Rome be the same that was sonne to the said Dunuallo Mulmucius, and brother to Beline.

But sith other haue in better order brought out a perfect agréement in the account of yeares, and succession of those kings, which reigned and gouerned in this land before the sacking of Rome; and also another such as it is after the same, and before the Romans had anie perfect knowledge thereof; we haue thought good to follow them therein, leauing to euerie man his libertie to iudge as his knowledge shall serue him in a thing so doubtfull and vncerteine, by reason of variance amongst the ancient writers in that behalfe.

And euen as there is great difference in writers since Gurguintus, till the death of Elidurus, so is there as great or rather greater after his deceasse, speciallie till king Lud atteined the kingdóme. [Sidenote: _Fabian._] But as maie be gathered by that which Fabian and other whome he followeth doo write, there passed aboue 185 yeares betwixt the last yeare of Elidurus, and the beginning of king Lud his reigne, in the which time there reigned 32, or 33, kings, as some writers haue mentioned, whose names (as Gal. Mon. hath recorded) are these immediatlie héere named; Regnie the sonne of Gorbolian or Gorbonian, a worthie prince, who iustlie and mercifullie gouerned his people; Margan the sonne of Archigallo a noble prince likewise, and guiding his subiects in good quiet; Emerian brother to the same Margan, but far vnlike to him in maners, so that he was deposed in the sixt yeare of his reigne; Ydwallo sonne to Vigenius; Rimo the sonne of Peredurus; Geruntius the sonne of Elidurus; Catell that was buried at Winchester; Coill that was buried at Nottingham; Porrex a vertuous and most gentle prince; Cherinus a drunkard; Fulginius, Eldad, and Androgeus; these thrée were sonnes to Chercinus, and reigned successiuelie one after [Sidenote: _Vrianus._] another; after them a sonne of Androgeus; then Eliud, Dedaicus, Clotinius, Gurguntius, Merianus, Bledius, Cop, Owen, Sicilius, Bledgabredus an excellent musician: after him his brother Archemall; then Eldol, Red, Rodiecke, Samuill, Penisell, Pir, Capoir; after him his sonne Gligweil an vpright dealing prince, and a good iusticiarie; whom succeeded his sonne Helie, which reigned 60 yeares, as the forsaid Gal. Mon. writeth, where other affirme that he reigned 40 yeares, and some againe say that he reigned but 7 moneths.

There is great diuersitie in writers touching the reignes of these kings, and not onlie for the number of yéeres which they should continue in their reignes but also in their names: so that to shew the diuersitie of all the writers, were but to small purpose, sith the dooings of the same kings were not great by report made thereof by any approoued author. But this maie suffice to aduertise you, that by conferring the yéeres attributed to the other kings which reigned before them, since the comming of Brute, who should enter this land (as by the best writers is gathered) about the yéere before the building of Rome 367, which was in the yéere after the creation of the world 2850 (as is said) with their time, there remaineth 182 yéeres to be dealt amongst these 33 kings, which reigned betwixt the said Elidure & Lud, which Lud also began his reigne after the building of the citie of Rome (as writers affirme) about 679 yéeres, and in the yéere of the world 3895, as some that will séeme the precisest calculators doo gather.

Polydor Virgil changing (as I haue shewed) the order of succession in the British kings, in bringing diuerse of those kings, which after other writers followed Beline and Brenne, to precéed them so successiuelie after Beline and Brenne, reherseth those that by his coniecture did by likelihood succéed, as thus. After the decesse of Beline, his sonne Gurguntius, being the second of that name, succeeded in gouernment of the land, and then these in order as they follow: Merianus, Bladanus, Capeus, Duinus, Sicilius, Bledgabredus, Archemallus, Eldorus, Rodianus, Redargius, Samulius, Penisellus, Pyrrhus, Caporus, Dinellus, and Helie, who had issue, Lud, Cassibellane, and Neurius.

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_Of king Helie who gaue the name to the Ile of Elie, of king Lud, and what memorable edifices he made, London sometimes called Luds towne, his bountifulnes, and buriall._

THE NINTH CHAPTER.

Here note by the waie a thing not to be forgotten, that of the [Sidenote: Whereof the Ile of Elie tooke name.] foresaid Helie the last of the said 33 kings, the Ile of Elie tooke the name, bicause that he most commonlie did there inhabit, building in the same a goodly palace, and making great reparations of the sluces, ditches & causies about that Ile, for conueiance awaie of the water, that els would sore haue indamaged the countrie. There be that haue mainteined, that this Ile should rather take name of the great abundance of éeles that are found in these waters and fennes wherwith this Ile is inuironed. But Humfrey Llhoyd holdeth, that it tooke name of this British word Helig, which signifieth willowes, wherwith those fennes abound.

[Sidenote: LUD.] After the decesse of the same Helie, his eldest son Lud began his reigne, in the yéere after the creation of the world 3895, after the building of the citie of Rome 679, before the comming of Christ 72, [Sidenote: A worthie prince.] and before the Romanes entred Britaine 19 yéeres. This Lud proued a right worthie prince, amending the lawes of the realme that were defectiue, abolishing euill customs and maners vsed amongst his people, and repairing old cities and townes which were decaied: but speciallie he delited most to beautifie and inlarge with buildings the [Sidenote: London inclosed with a wal.] [Sidenote: _Iohn Hard._] citie of Troinouant, which he compassed with a strong wall made of lime and stone, in the best maner fortified with diuerse faire towers: and in the west part of the same wall he erected a strong gate, which he commanded to be called after his name, Luds gate, and so vnto this daie it is called Ludgate, (S) onelie drowned in pronuntiation of the word.

[Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] In the same citie also he soiorned for the more part, by reason whereof the inhabitants increased, and manie habitations were builded to receiue them, and he himselfe caused buildings to be made betwixt London stone and Ludgate, and builded for himselfe not farre from the [Sidenote: The bishops palace.] said gate a faire palace, which is the bishop of Londons palace beside Paules at this daie, as some thinke; yet Harison supposeth it to haue bin Bainards castell, where the blacke friers now standeth. He also builded a fairer temple néere to his said palace, which temple (as some take it) was after turned to a church, and at this daie called Paules. By reason that king Lud so much esteemed that citie before all other of his realme, inlarging it so greatlie as he did, and [Sidenote: The name of Troinouant changed and called London.] continuallie in manner remained there, the name was changed, so that it was called Caerlud, that is to saie, Luds towne: and after by corruption of spéech it was named London.

Beside the princelie dooings of this Lud touching the aduancement of the common wealth by studies apperteining to the time of peace, he was also strong & valiant in armes, in subduing his enimies, bountious and liberall both in gifts and kéeping a plentifull house, so that he was greatlie beloued of all the Britaines. Finallie, when he had reigned with great honour for the space of 11 yéeres, he died, and was buried néere Ludgate, leauing after him two sons, Androgeus and Theomancius or Tenancius.

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_Of Cassibellane and his noble mind, Iulius Cæsar sendeth Caius Volusenus to suruey the coasts of this Iland, he lieth with his fleet at Calice, purposing to inuade the countrie, his attempt is bewraied and withstood by the Britains._

THE TENTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: CASSIBELLANE.] CASSIBELLANE, the brother of Lud was admitted king of Britaine, in the yéere of the world 3908, after the building of Rome 692, and before the comming of Christ 58 complet. For sith the two sonnes of Lud were not of age able to gouerne, the rule of the land was committed to [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] Cassibellane: but yet (as some haue written) he was not created king, but rather appointed ruler & protector of the land, during the nonage [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] of his nephewes. Now after he was admitted (by whatsoeuer order) to the administration of the common wealth, he became so noble a prince and so bountious, that his name spred farre and néere, and by his vpright dealing in seeing iustice executed he grew in such estimation, that the Britaines made small account of his nephewes, in comparison of the fauour which they bare towards him. But Cassibellane hauing respect to his honour, least it might be thought that his nephewes were expelled by him out of their rightfull possessions, brought them [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] vp verie honourablie; assigning to Androgeus, London and Kent; and to Theomantius the countrie of Cornwall. Thus farre out of the British histories, whereby it maie be gathered, that the yéeres assigned to these kings that reigned before Cassibellane, amount to the summe of 1058.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._] But whether these gouernors (whose names we haue recited) were kings, or rather rulers of the common wealth, or tyrants and vsurpers of the gouernment by force, it is vncerteine: for not one ancient writer of anie approued authoritie maketh anie remembrance of them: and by that which Iulius Cesar writeth, it maie and dooth appéere, that diuerse cities in his daies were gouerned of themselues, as héereafter it shall more plainlie appéere. Neither doth he make mention of those townes which the British historie affirmeth to be built by the same kings. In déed both he and other Latine writers speake of diuerse people that inhabited diuers portions of this land, as of the Brigantes, Trinobantes, Iceni, Silures, and such other like, but in what parts most of the said people did certeinlie inhabit, it is hard to auouch for certeine truth.

But what Iohn Leland thinketh héereof, being one in our time that curiouslie searched out old antiquities, you shall after heare as [Sidenote: _Hector Boetius_ his fault.] occasion serueth: and likewise the opinions of other, as of Hector Boetius, who coueting to haue all such valiant acts as were atchiued by the Britains to be ascribed to his countriemen the Scots, draweth both the Silures and Brigantes, with other of the Britains so farre northward, that he maketh them inhabitants of the Scotish countries. And what particular names soeuer they had, yet were they all Scots with him, and knowne by that generall name (as he would persuade vs to beléeue) saieng that they entred into Britaine out of Ireland 330 yéeres before the incarnation of our Sauiour.

Neuerthelesse, how generall soeuer the name of Scots then was, sure it is, that no speciall mention of them is made by anie writer, till about 300 yeares after the birth of our sauiour. And yet the Romans, which ruled this land, and had so much adoo with the people thereof, make mention of diuerse other people, nothing so famous as Boetius would make his Scotish men euen then to be. But to leaue to the Scots the antiquitie of their originall beginning, as they and other must doo vnto vs our descent from Brute and the other Troians, sith the [Sidenote: More certeintie from hence forth appeareth in the historie.] contrarie dooth not plainelie appeare, vnlesse we shall leane vnto presumptions: now are we come to the time in the which what actes were atchiued, there remaineth more certeine record, and therefore may we the more boldlie procéed in this our historie.

[Sidenote: Iulius Cesar.] In this season that Cassibellane had roiall gouernment héere in Britaine, Caius Iulius Cesar being appointed by the senat of Rome to conquer Gallia, was for that purpose created consull, and sent with a mightie army into the countrie, where after he had brought the Galles [Sidenote: _Cesar de bello Gal. lib._ 4.] [Sidenote: Britains unknowne to the Romans.] vnto some frame, he determined to assaie the winning of Britaine, which as yet the Romans knew not otherwise than by report. The chiefest cause that mooued him to take in hand that enterprise, was for that he did vnderstand, that there dailie came great succours out of that Ile to those Galles that were enimies vnto the Romans. And [Sidenote: _Cesar de bello Gall. lib._ 4.] [Sidenote: Causes of the warre.] [Sidenote: Cesars purpose.] though the season of that yéere to make warre was farre spent (for summer was almost at an end) yet he thought it would be to good purpose, if he might but passe ouer thither, and learne what maner of people did inhabit there, and discouer the places, hauens, and entries apperteining to that Ile.

Héerevpon calling togither such merchants as he knew to haue had traffike thither with some trade of wares, he diligentlie inquired of them the state of the Ile: but he could not be throughlie satisfied in anie of those things that he coueted to know. Therefore thinking it good to vnderstand all things by view that might apperteine to the vse of that warre which he purposed to follow: before he attempted the [Sidenote: Caius Volusenus sent ouer into Britaine.] same, he sent one Caius Volusenus with a gallie or light pinesse to surueie the coasts of the Ile, commanding him (after diligent search made) to returne with spéed to him againe. He him selfe also drew downewards towards Bullenois, from whence the shortest cut lieth to passe ouer into Britaine.

[Sidenote: _Iohn Leland._] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] In that part of Gallia there was in those daies an hauen called _Itius Portus_ (which some take to be Calice) and so the word importeth, an harbourgh as then able to receiue a great number of ships. Vnto this hauen got Cesar all the ships he could out of the next borders & parties, and those speciallie which he had prouided and put in a readinesse the last yeare for the warres (against them of Vannes in Armorica, now called Britaine in France) he caused to be brought thither, there to lie till they should heare further. In the meane [Sidenote: Vannes in Britane.] time (his indeuour being knowne, and by merchants reported in Britaine) all such as were able to beare armour, were commanded and appointed to repaire to the sea side, that they might be readie to defend their countrie in time of so great danger of inuasion.

¶ Cesar in his commentaries agréeth not with our historiographers: for he writeth that immediatlie vpon knowledge had that he would inuade Britaine, there came to him ambassadours from diuers cities of the Ile to offer themselues to be subiects to the Romans, and to deliuer hostages. Whome after he had exhorted to continue in their good mind, [Sidenote: Comius.] he sent home againe, and with them also one Comius gouernor of Artois, commanding him to repaire vnto as manie cities in Britaine as he might, and to exhort them to submit themselues to the Romans. He maketh no mention of Cassibellane, till the second iournie that he made into the Ile, at what time the said Cassibelane was chosen (as ye shall heare) to be the generall capteine of the Britains, and to haue the whole administration of the warre for defense of the countrie: but he nameth him not to be a king. Howbeit in the British historie it is [Sidenote: Which is more likelie in this behalfe, as appeared by the sequel.] contained, that Cesar required tribute of Cassibelane, and that he answered how he had not learned as yet to liue in seruage, but to defend the libertie of his countrie, and that with weapon in hand (if néede were) as he should well perceiue, if (blinded through couetousnesse) he should aduenture to séeke to disquiet the Britains.

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_Caius Volusenus discouereth to Cæsar his observations in the Ile of Britaine, he maketh haste to conquere it, the Britains defend their countrie against him, Cæsar after consultation had changeth his landing place, the Romans are put to hard shifts, the Britains begin to giue backe, the courage of a Roman ensigne-bearer, a sharpe encounter betweene both armies._

THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Volusenus returneth.] CAIUS VOLUSENUS within fiue daies after his departure from Cesar, returned vnto him with his gallie, and declared what he had séene touching the view which he had taken of the coasts of Britan. Cesar hauing got togither so manie saile as he thought sufficient for the [Sidenote: Cesar with two legions of souldiers passeth ouer into Britain.] transporting of two legions of souldiers, after he had ordered his businesse as he thought expedient, and gotten a conuenient wind for his purpose, did embarke himselfe and his people, and departed from Calice in the night about the third watch (which is about three or foure of the clocke after midnight) giuing order that the horssemen should take ship at an other place 8 miles aboue Calice, and follow him. Howbeit when they somewhat slacked the time, about ten of the clocke in the next day, hauing the wind at will, he touched on the coast of Britaine, where he might behold all the shore set and couered [Sidenote: The Britans readie to defend their countrie.] with men of warre. For the Britains hearing that Cesar ment verie shortlie to come against them, were assembled in armour to resist him: and now being aduertised of his approch to the land, they prepared themselues to withstand him.

[Sidenote: Cesar calleth a councell.] Cesar perceiuing this, determined to staie till the other ships were come, and so he lay at anchor till about 11 of the clocke, and then called a councell of the marshals and chiefe capteines, vnto whome he declared both what he had learned of Volusenus, and also further what he would haue doone, willing them that all things might be ordered as the reason of warre required. And because he perceiued that this place where he first cast anchor was not méete for the landing of his people, sith (from the heigth of the cliffes that closed on ech side the narrow créeke into the which he had thrust) the Britains might annoy his people with their bowes and dartes, before they could set foote on land, hauing now the wind and tide with him, he disanchored [Sidenote: This was about day.] from thence, and drew alongst the coast vnder the downes, the space of 7 or 8 miles, and there finding the shore more flat and plaine, he approched néere to the land, determining to come to the shore.

The Britains perceiuing Cesars intent, with all spéed caused their horssemen and charets or wagons, which Cesar calleth _Esseda_, out of the which in those daies they vsed to fight, to march forth toward the place whither they saw Cesar drew, and after followed with their maine armie. Wherefore Cesar being thus preuented, inforced yet to land with his people, though he saw that he should haue much a doo. For as the Britains were in redinesse to resist him, so his great and huge ships could not come néere the shore, but were forced to kéepe the déepe, so [Sidenote: The Romans put to their shifts.] that the Romane soldiers were put to verie hard shift; to wit, both to leape forth of their ships, and being pestered with their heauie armour and weapons, to fight in the water with their enimies, who knowing the flats and shelues, stood either vpon the drie ground, or else but a little waie in the shallow places of the water; and being not otherwise encumbred either with armour or weapon, but so as they might bestir themselues at will, they laid load vpon the Romans with their arrowes and darts, and forced their horsses (being thereto inured) to enter the water the more easilie, so to annoy and distresse the Romans, who wanting experience in such kind of fight, were not well able to helpe themselues, nor to keepe order as they vsed to doo on land: wherfore they fought nothing so lustilie as they were woont to doo. Cesar perceiuing this, commanded the gallies to depart from the great ships, and to row hard to the shore, that being placed ouer against the open sides of the Britains, they might with their shot of arrows, darts, and slings, remoue the Britains, and cause them to withdraw further off from the water side.

[Sidenote: The Britans astonied.] This thing being put in execution (according to his commandement) the Britains were not a little astonied at the strange sight of those gallies, for that they were driuen with ores, which earst they had not séene, and shrewdlie were they galled also with the artillerie which the Romans discharged vpon them, so that they began to shrinke and retire somewhat backe. Herewith one that bare the ensigne of the [Sidenote: The valiant courage of an ensigne bearer.] legion surnamed Decima, wherein the eagle was figured, as in that which was the chiefe ensigne of the legion, when he saw his fellowes nothing eager to make forward, first beséeching the gods that his enterprise might turne to the weale, profit, and honor of the legion, he spake with a lowd voice these words to his fellowes that were about him; "Leape forth now euen you woorthie souldiers (saith he) if you will not betraie your ensigne to the enimies: for surelie I will acquit my selfe according to my duetie both towards the common wealth, and my generall:" and therewith leaping forth into the water, he marched with his ensigne streight vpon the enimies. The Romans douting to lose their ensigne, which should haue turned them to great reproch, leapt out of their ships so fast as they might, and followed their standard, so that there ensued a sore re-encounter: and that which troubled the Romans most, was because they could not keepe their order, neither find anie sure footing, nor yet follow euerie man his owne ensigne, but to put themselues vnder that ensigne which he first met withall after their first comming forth of the ship.

The Britains that were inured with the shelues and shallow places of the water, when they saw the Romans thus disorderlie come out of their [Sidenote: The fiercenesse of the Britains.] ships, ran vpon them with their horsses, and fiercelie assailed them, and now and then a great multitude of the Britains would compasse in and inclose some one companie of them: and other also from the most open places of the shore bestowed great plentie of darts vpon the whole number of the Romans, and so troubled them verie sore.

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_The Romans get to land on the English coast, the Britains send to Cæsar for a treatie of peace, they staie the Romane ambassadour as prisoner, Cæsar demandeth hostages of the Britains, the Romane nauie is driuen diuers waies in a great tempest, the British princes steale out of Cæsars campe and gather a fresh power against the Romans, their two armies haue a sharpe encounter._

THE TWELFT CHAPTER.

CAESAR perceiuing the maner of this fight, caused his men of warre to enter into boates and other small vessels, which he commanded to go to such places where most néed appeared. And relieuing them that fought [Sidenote: The Romans get to land.] with new supplies, at length the Romans got to land, and assembling togither, they assailed the Britains a fresh, and so at last did put [Sidenote: The want of horssemen.] them all to flight. But the Romans could not follow the Britains farre, because they wanted their horssemen which were yet behind, & through slacking of time could not come to land. And this one thing séemed onelie to disappoint the luckie fortune that was accustomed to follow Cesar in all his other enterprises.

[Sidenote: The Britans send to Cesar.] The Britains after this flight were no sooner got togither, but that with all speed they sent ambassadours vnto Cesar to treat with him of peace, offering to deliuer hostages, and further to stand vnto that order that Cesar should take with them in anie reasonable sort. With [Sidenote: Comius of Arras.] these ambassadours came also Comius, whome Cesar (as you haue heard) had sent before into Britaine, whome notwithstanding that he was an ambassadour, and sent from Cesar with commission and instructions sufficientlie furnished, yet had they staied him as a prisoner. But now after the battell was ended, they set him at libertie, and sent him backe with their ambassadours, who excused the matter, laieng the blame on the people of the countrie; which had imprisoned him through lacke of vnderstanding what apperteined to the law of armes and nations in that behalfe.

Cesar found great fault with their misdemenor, not onelie for imprisoning his ambassador, but also for that contrarie to their promise made by such as they had sent to him into Gallia to deliuer hostages, in lieu thereof they had receiued him with warre: yet in the end he said he would pardon them, and not séeke anie further reuenge [Sidenote: Cesar demandeth hostages.] of their follies. And herewith required of them hostages, of which, part were deliuered out of hand, and made promise that the residue should likewise be sent after, crauing some respit for performance of the same, bicause they were to be fetched farre off within the countrie.

Peace being thus established after the fourth day of the Romans arriuall in Britaine, the 18 ships which (as ye haue heard) were appointed to conuey the horssemen ouer, loosed from the further hauen with a soft wind. Which when they approched so néere the shore of Britaine, that the Romans which were in Cesars campe might see them, suddenlie there arose so great a tempest, that none of them was able to kéepe his course, so that they were not onelie driuen in sunder (some being caried againe into Gallia, and some westward) but also the other ships that lay at anchor, and had brought ouer the armie, were so pitifullie beaten, tossed and shaken, that a great number of them did not onelie lose their tackle, but also were caried by force of wind into the high sea; the rest being likewise so filled with water, that they were in danger by sinking to perish and to be quite lost. For the moone in the same night was at the full, & therefore caused a spring tide, which furthered the force of the tempest, to the greater perill of those ships and gallies that lay at anchor. There was no way for the Romans to helpe the matter: wherefore a great number of those ships were so bruised, rent and weather-beaten, that without new reparation they would serue to no vse of sailing. This was a great discomfort to the Romans that had brought ouer no prouision to liue by in the winter season, nor saw anie hope how they should repasse againe into Gallia.

In the meane time the British princes that were in the Romane armie, perceiuing how greatlie this mishap had discouraged the Romans, and again by the small circuit of their campe, gessing that they could be no great number, and that lacke of vittels sore oppressed them, they stale priuilie away one after another out of the campe, purposing to assemble their powers againe, and to forestall the Romans from vittels, and so to driue the matter off till winter: which if they might doo (vanquishing these or closing them from returning) they trusted that none of the Romans from thencefoorth would attempt eftsoones to come into Britaine. Cesar mistrusting their dealings, because they staid to deliuer the residue of their hostages, commanded vittels to be brought out of the parties adioining, and not hauing other stuffe to repaire his ships, he caused 12 of those that were vtterlie past recouerie by the hurts receiued through violence of the tempest, to be broken, wherewith the other (in which some recouerie was perceiued) might be repaired and amended.

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_The maner of the Britains fighting in charets, the Romans giue a fresh sallie to the Britains and put them to flight, they sue to Cæsar for peace; what kings and their powers were assistants to Cassibellane in the battell against Cæsar, and the maner of both peoples encounters by the report of diuers Chronologers._

THE XIIJ. CHAPTER.

Whilest these things were a dooing, it chanced that as one of the Romane legions named the seuenth, was sent to fetch in corne out of the countrie adioining (as their custome was) no warre at that time being suspected, or once looked for, when part of the people remained abroad in the field, and part repaired to the campe: those that warded before the campe, informed Cesar, that there appeared a dust greater than was accustomed from that quarter, into the which the legion was gone to fetch in corne. Cesar iudging therof what the matter might meane, commanded those bands that warded to go with him that way foorth, and appointed other two bands to come into their roomes, and the residue of his people to get them to armor, and to follow quicklie after him.

He was not gone anie great way from the campe, when he might sée where his people were ouermatched by the enimies, and had much a doo to beare out the brunt: for the legion being thronged together, the Britains pelted them sore with arrowes and darts on ech side: for sithens there was no forrage left in anie part of the countrie about, but onelie in this place, the Britains iudged that the Romans would come thither for it: therefore hauing lodged themselues within the woods in ambushes the night before; on the morrowe after when they saw the Romans dispersed here & there, and busie to cut downe the corne, they set vpon them on a sudden, and sleaing some few of them, brought the residue out of order, compassing them about with their horssemen and charets, so that they were in great distresse.

The maner of fight with these charets was such, that in the beginning of a battell they would ride about the sides and skirts of the enimies host, and bestow their darts as they sate in those charets, so that oftentimes with the braieng of the horsses, and craking noise of the charet whéeles they disordered their enimies, and after that they had woond themselues in amongst the troops of horssemen, they would leape out of the charets and fight on foot. In the meane time those that guided the charets would withdraw them selues out of the battell, placing themselues so, that if their people were ouermatched with the multitude of enimies, they might easilie withdraw to their charets, and mount vpon the same againe, by meanes wherof they were as readie to remooue as the horssemen, and as stedfast to stand in the battell as the footmen, and so to supplie both duties in one. And those charetmen by exercise and custome were so cunning in their feat, that although their horsses were put to run and gallop, yet could they stay them and hold them backe at their pleasures, and turne and wind them to and fro in a moment, notwithstanding that the place were verie stéepe and dangerous: and againe they would run vp and downe verie nimblie vpon the cops, and stand vpon the beame, and conuey themselues quicklie againe into the charet.

Cesar thus finding his people in great distresse and readie to be destroied, came in good time, and deliuered them out of that danger: for the Britains vpon his approch with new succors, gaue ouer to assaile their enimies any further, & the Romans were deliuered out of the feare wherein they stood before his comming. Furthermore, Cesar considering the time serued not to assaile his enimies, kept his ground, and shortlie after brought backe his legions into the campe.

While these things were thus a dooing, & all the Romans occupied, the rest that were abroad in the fields got them away. After this there followed a sore season of raine and fowle weather, which kept the Romans within their campe, and staid the Britains from offering battell. But in the meane time they sent messengers abroad into all parts of the countrie, to giue knowledge of the small number of the Romans, and what hope there was both of great spoile to be gotten, and occasion to deliuer themselues from further danger for euer, if they might once expell the Romans out of their campe. Herevpon a great multitude both of horssemen and footmen of the Britains were spéedilie got togither, and approched the Romane campe.

Cesar although he saw that the same would come to passe which had chanced before, that if the enimies were put to the repulse, they would easilie escape the danger with swiftnesse of foot; yet hauing now with him thirtie horssemen (which Comius of Arras had brought ouer with him, when he was sent from Cesar as an ambassador vnto the Britains) he placed his legions in order of battell before his campe, and so comming to ioine with the Britains, they were not able to susteine the violent impression of the armed men, and so fled. The Romans pursued them so farre as they were able to ouertake anie of them, and so slaieng manie of them, & burning vp all their houses all about, came backe againe to their campe. Immediatlie wherevpon, euen the same day, they sent ambassadors to Cesar to sue for peace, who gladlie accepting their offer, commanded them to send ouer into Gallia, after he should be returned thither, hostages in number duble to those that were agréed vpon at the first. After that these things were thus ordered, Cesar because the moneth of September was well-neare halfe spent, and that winter hasted on (a season not méet for his weake and bruised ships to brooke the seas) determined not to staie anie longer, but hauing wind and weather for his purpose, got himselfe aboord with his people, and returned into Gallia.

[Sidenote: _Cæsar de bello Gallico. lib._ 4.] ¶ Thus writeth Cesar touching his first iournie made into Britaine. But the British historie (which Polydor calleth the new historie) declareth that Cesar in a pitcht field was vanquished at the first encounter, and so withdrew backe into France. Beda also writeth, that Cesar comming into the countrie of Gallia, where the people then called Morini inhabited (which are at this day the same that inhabit the diocesse of Terwine) from whence lieth the shortest passage ouer into Britaine, now called England, got togither 80 saile of great ships and row gallies, wherewith he passed ouer into Britaine, & there at the first being wearied with sharpe and sore fight, and after taken with a grieuous tempest, he lost the greater part of his nauie, with no small number of his souldiers, and almost all his horssemen: and therwith being returned into Gallia, placed his souldiers in stéeds to soiourne there for the winter season. Thus saith Bede. The British historie moreouer maketh mention of thrée vnder-kings that aided Cassibellane in this first battell fought with Cesar, as Cridiorus alias Ederus, king of Albania, now called Scotland: Guitethus king of Venedocia, that is Northwales: and Britaell king of Demetia, at this day called Southwales.

The same historie also maketh mention of one Belinus that was generall of Cassibellanes armie, and likewise of Nenius brother to Cassibellane, who in fight happened to get Cesars swoord fastened in his shield by a blow which Cesar stroke at him. Androgeus also and Tenancius were at the battell in aid of Cassibellane. But Nenius died within 15 daies after the battell of the hurt receiued at Cesars hand, although after he was so hurt, he slue Labienus one of the Romane tribunes: all which may well be true, sith Cesar either maketh the best of things for his owne honour, or else coueting to write but commentaries, maketh no account to declare the néedeles circumstances, or anie more of the matter, than the chiefe points of his dealing.

[Sidenote: _Hector Boet._] Againe, the Scotish historiographers write, that when it was first knowne to the Britains, that Cesar would inuade them, there came from Cassibellane king of Britaine an ambassador vnto Ederus king of Scots, who in the name of king Cassibellane required aid against the common enimies the Romains, which request was granted, and 10 thousand Scots sent to the aid of Cassibellane. At their comming to London, they were most ioifullie receiued of Cassibellane, who at the same time had knowledge that the Romans were come on land, and had beaten such Britains backe as were appointed to resist their landing. Wherevpon Cassibellane with all his whole puissance mightilie augmented, not onlie with the succours of the Scots, but also of the Picts (which in that common cause had sent also of their people to aid the Britains) set forward towards the place where he vnderstood the enimies to be.

At their first approch togither, Cassibellane sent foorth his horssemen and charets called _Esseda_, by the which he thought to disorder the araie of the enimies. Twice they incountred togither with doubtfull victorie. At length they ioined puissance against puissance, and fought a verie sore and cruell battell, till finally at the sudden comming of the Welshmen and Cornishmen, so huge a noise was raised by the sound of bels hanging at their trappers and charets, that the Romans astonied therewith, were more easilie put to flight. The Britains, Scots, and Picts following the chase without order or araie, so that by reason the Romans kept themselues close togither, the Britains, Scots, & Picts did scarse so much harme to the enimies as they themselues receiued. But yet they followed on still vpon the Romans till it was darke night.

Cesar after he had perceiued them once withdrawne, did what he could to assemble his companies togither, minding the next morning to séeke his reuenge of the former daies disaduantage. But forsomuch as knowledge was giuen him that his ships (by reason of a sore tempest) were so beaten and rent, that manie of them were past seruice, he doubted least such newes would incourage his enimies, and bring his people into despaire. Wherfore he determined not to fight till time more conuenient, sending all his wounded folks vnto the ships, which he commanded to be newlie rigged and trimmed. After this, kéeping his armie for a time within the place where he was incamped without issuing foorth, he shortlie drew to the sea side, where his ships laie at anchor, and there within a strong place fortified for the purpose he lodged his host, and finallie without hope to atchieue anie other exploit auaileable for that time, he tooke the sea with such ships as were apt for sailing, and so repassed into Gallia, leauing behind him all the spoile and baggage for want of vessels and leisure to conueie it ouer. ¶ Thus haue the Scots in their chronicles framed the matter, more to the conformitie of the Romane histories, than according to the report of our British and English writers: and therefore we haue thought good to shew it héere, that the diuersitie of writers and their affections may the better appéere.

Of this sudden departing also, or rather fléeing of Iulius Cesar out of Britaine, Lucanus the poet maketh mention, reciting the saieng of Pompeius in an oration made by him vnto his souldiers, wherin he reprochfullie and disdainfullie reprooued the dooings of Cesar in Britaine, saieng:

Territa quæsitis ostendit terga Britannis.

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_Cæsar taketh a new occasion to make warre against the Britains, he arriueth on the coast without resistance, the number of his ships, both armies incounter, why Cæsar forbad the Romans to pursue the discomfited Britains, he repaireth his nauie, the Britains choose Cassibellane their cheefe gouernour, and skirmish afresh with their enimies, but haue the repulse in the end._

THE XIIIJ. CHAPTER.

Now will we returne to the sequele of the matter, as Cesar himselfe reporteth. After his comming into Gallia, there were but two cities of all Britaine that sent ouer their hostages according to their [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._] couenant, which gaue occasion to Cesar to picke a new quarrell against them, which if it had wanted, he would yet (I doubt not) haue found some other: for his full meaning was to make a more full conquest of that Ile. Therefore purposing to passe againe thither, as he that had a great desire to bring the Britains vnder the obedience of the Romane estate, he caused a great number of ships to be prouided in the winter season and put in a readinesse, so that against the next spring there were found to be readie rigged six hundred ships, beside 28 gallies. [Sidenote: _Cæsar de bello Gal. lib._ 5.] Héerevpon hauing taken order for the gouernance of Gallia in his absence, about the beginning of the spring he came to the hauen of Calice, whither (according to order by him prescribed) all his ships were come, except 40 which by tempest were driuen backe, and could not as yet come to him.

After he had staied at Calice (as well for a conuenient wind, as for other incidents) certeine daies, at length when the weather so changed that it serued his purpose, he tooke the sea, & hauing with him fiue legions of souldiers, and about two thousand horssemen, he departed out of Calice hauen about sun setting with a soft southwest wind, directing his course forward: about midnight the wind fell, & so by a calme he was carried alongst with the tide, so that in the morning when the day appéered, he might behold Britaine vpon his left hand. Then following the streame as the course of the tide changed, he forced with oares to fetch the shore vpon that part of the coast, which he had discouered, and tried the last yeere to be the best landing place for the armie. The diligence of the souldiers was shewed héere to be great, who with continuall toile droue foorth the heauie ships, to kéepe course with the gallies, & so at length they landed in Britaine about noone on the next day, finding not one to resist his comming ashore: for as he learned by certeine prisoners which were taken after his comming to land, the Britains being assembled in purpose to haue resisted him, through feare striken into their harts, at the discouering of such an huge number of ships, they forsooke the shore and got them vnto the mountaines. There were in deed of vessels one and other, what with vittellers, & those which priuat men had prouided and furnished foorth for their owne vse, being ioined to the ordinarie number, at the least eight hundred saile, which appeering in sight all at one time, made a wonderfull muster, and right terrible in the eies of the Britains.

But to procéed: Cesar being got to land, incamped his armie in a place conuenient: and after learning by the prisoners, into what part the enimies were withdrawne, he appointed one Quintus Atrius to remaine vpon the safegard of the nauie, with ten companies or cohorts of footmen, and thrée hundred horssemen: and anon after midnight marched foorth himselfe with the residue of his people toward the Britains, and hauing made 12 miles of way, he got sight of his enimies host, who sending downe their horssemen and charets vnto the riuer side, skirmished with the Romans, meaning to beate them backe from the higher ground: but being assailed of the Romane horssemen, they were repelled, & tooke the woods for their refuge, wherein they had got a place verie strong, both by nature and helpe of hand, which (as was to be thought) had béene fortified before, in time of some ciuill warre amongst them: for all the entries were closed with trées which had béene cut downe for that purpose. Howbeit the souldiers of the 7 legion casting a trench before them, found meanes to put backe the Britains from their defenses, and so entring vpon them, droue them out of the woods. But Cesar would not suffer the Romans to follow the Britains, bicause the nature of the countrie was not knowne vnto them: and againe the day was farre spent, so that he would haue the residue thereof bestowed in fortifieng his campe.

The next day, as he had sent foorth such as should haue pursued the Britains, word came to him from Quintus Atrius, that his nauie by rigour of a sore and hideous tempest was gréeuouslie molested, and throwne vpon the shore, so that the cabels and tackle being broken and destroied with force of the vnmercifull rage of wind, the maisters and mariners were not able to helpe the matter. Cesar calling backe those which he had sent foorth, returned to his ships, and finding them in such state as he had heard, tooke order for the repairing of those that were not vtterlie destroied, and caused them so to be drawne vp to the land, that with a trench he might so compasse in a plot of ground, that might serue both for defense of his ships, and also for the incamping of those men of warre, which he should leaue to attend vpon the safegard of the same. And bicause there were at the least a fortie ships lost by violence of this tempest, so as there was no hope of recouerie in them, he saw yet how the rest with great labour and cost might be repaired: wherefore he chose out wrights among the legions, sent for other into Gallia, and wrote ouer to such as he had left there in charge with the gouernment of the countrie, to prouide so manie ships as they could, and to send them ouer vnto him. He spent a ten daies about the repairing of his nauie, and in fortifieng the campe for defense thereof, which done, he left those within it that were appointed there before, and then returned towards his enimies.

At his comming backe to the place where he had before incamped, he found them there readie to resist him, hauing their numbers hugelie increased: for the Britains hearing that he was returned with such a mightie number of ships assembled out of all parts of the land, and had by general consent appointed the whole rule and order of all things touching the warre vnto Cassiuellane or Cassibelane, whose dominion was diuided from the cities situat néere to the sea coast, by [Sidenote: Cassibellane as should séeme, ruled in the parties of Oxfordshire, Barkshire, Buckinghamshire, and Bedfordshire.] the riuer of Thames, 80 miles distant from the sea coast. This Cassibellane before time had bin at continuall warre with other rulers, and cities of the land: but now the Britains moued with the comming of the Romans, chose him to be chiefe gouernour of all their armie, permitting the order and rule of all things touching the defense of their countrie against the Romans onelie to him. Their horssemen and charets skirmished by the waie with the Romans, but so as they were put backe oftentimes into the woods and hills adioining: yet the Britains slue diuers of the Romans as they followed anie thing egerlie in the pursute.

Also within a while after, as the Romans were busie in fortifieng their campe, the Britains suddenlie issued out of the woods, and fierselie assailed these that warded before the campe, vnto whose aid Cesar sent two of the chiefest cohorts of two legions, the which being placed but a little distance one from another, when the Romans began to be discouraged with this kind of fight, the Britains therewith burst through their enimies, and came backe from thence in safetie. That daie Quintus Laberius Durus a tribune was slaine. At length Cesar sending sundrie other cohorts to the succour of his people that were in fight, and shrewdlie handled as it appéered, the Britains in the end were put backe. Neuerthelesse, that repulse was but at the pleasure of fortune; for they quited themselues afterwards like men, defending their territories with such munition as they had, vntill such time as either by policie or inequalitie of power they were vanquished; as you shall sée after in the course of the historie. Howbeit in fine they were ouer-run and vtterlie subdued, but not without much bloudshed and slaughter.

* * * * *

_The Romans heauie armor their great hinderance, the maner of the Britains fighting in warre, their incounter with their enimies, their discomfiture, the worthie stratagems or martiall exploits of Cassibellane, the Troinouants submission to Cæsar, and their sute touching Mandubratius, manie of the Britains are taken and slaine of the Romans._

THE XV. CHAPTER.

In all this maner of skirmishing and fight which chanced before the campe, euen in the sight and view of all men, it was perceiued that [Sidenote: The Romans heauie armor.] the Romans, by reason of their heauie armour (being not able either to follow the Britains as they retired, or so bold as to depart from their ensignes, except they would runne into danger of casting themselues awaie) were nothing méete to match with such kind of enimies: and as for their horssemen, they fought likewise in great hazard, bicause the Britains would oftentimes of purpose retire, and when they had trained the Romane horssemen a litle from their legions of footmen, they would leape out of their charrets and incounter with them on foot. And so the battell of horssemen was dangerous, and like in all points whether they pursued or retired.

[Sidenote: The manner of Britains in the warres.] This also was the maner of the Britains: they fought not close togither, but in sunder, and diuided into companies one separated from another by a good distance, and had their the troopes standing in places conuenient, to the which they might retire, and so reléeue one another with sending new fresh men to supplie the roomes of them that were hurt or wearie. The next day after they had thus fought before the campe of the Romans, they shewed themselues aloft on the hills, and began to skirmish with the Romane horssemen, but not so hotlie as they had doone the day before. But about noone, when Cesar had sent foorth thrée legions of footemen and all his horssemen vnder the [Sidenote: Caius Trebonius.] leading of his lieutenant Caius Trebonius to fetch in forrage, they suddenlie brake out on euerie side, and vpon the forragers. The Romans so far foorth as they might, not breaking their arraie, nor going from [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius_ saith, that the Britains vanquished the Roman footmen at this time, but were put to the worst by the horssemen.] their ensignes or guidons, gaue the charge on them, and fiercelie repelled them, so that the horssemen hauing the legions of footemen at their backs, followed the Britains so long as they might haue the said legions in sight readie to succour them of néed were: by reason whereof, they slue a great number of the Britains, not giuing them leasure to recouer themselues, nor to staie that they might haue time to get out of their charrets. After this chase and discomfiture, all such as were come from other parties to the aid of their fellowes departed home, & after that day the Britains aduentured to fight against Cesar with their maine power; and withdrawing beyond the riuer of *Thames, determined to stop the enimies from passing the same, if [Sidenote: *(which is to be supposed was at Kingston) or not far from thence.] by anie meanes they might: and whereas there was but one foord by the which they might come ouer, Cassibellane caused the same to be set full of sharpe stakes, not onlie in the middest of the water, but also at the comming foorth on that side where he was lodged with his armie in good order, readie to defend the passage. Cesar learning by relation of prisoners which he tooke, what the Britains intended to doo, marched foorth to the riuer side, where the foord was, by the which his armie might passe the same on foot though verie hardlie. At his comming thither, he might perceiue how the Britains were readie on the further side to impeach his passage, and how that the banke at the comming foorth of the water was pight full of sharpe stakes, and so likewise was the chanell of the riuer set with piles which were couered with the water.

These things yet staied not Cesar, who appointing his horssemen to passe on before, commanded the footemen to follow. The souldiers entring the water, waded through with such spéed and violence (nothing appéering of them aboue water but their heads) that the Britains were constreined to giue place, being not able to susteine the brunt of the Romane horssemen, and the legions of their footemen, and so abandoning the place betooke them to flight. Cassibellane not minding to trie the matter anie more by battell, sent awaie the most part of his people, but yet kept with him about a foure thousand charretmen or wagoners, and still watched what waie the Romans tooke, coasting them euer as they marched, and kept somewhat aside within the couert of woods, and other combersome places. And out of those quarters through which he vnderstood the Romans wold passe, he gathered both men and cattell into the woods & thicke forrests, leauing nothing of value abroad in the champion countrie. And when the Roman horssemen did come abroad into the countrie to séeke booties, he sent out his charrets vnto the knowne waies and passages to skirmish with the same horssemen, so much to the disaduantage of the Romans, that they durst not straie farre from their maine armie. Neither would Cesar permit them (least they might haue béene vtterlie distressed by the Britains) to depart further than the maine battels of the footemen kept pace with them, by reason whereof the countrie was not indamaged by fire and spoile, but onlie where the armie marched.

[Sidenote: Troinouants where they inhabited.] In the meane time, the Troinouants which some take to be Middlesex & Essex men, whose citie was the best fensed of all those parties, and thought to be the same that now is called London, sent ambassadours vnto Cesar, offering to submit themselues vnto him, and to obeie his ordinances, and further besought him to defend Mandubratius from the iniuries of K. Cassibellane, which Mandubratius had fled vnto Cesar into France, after that Cassibellane had slaine his father named [Sidenote: Imanuentius.] Imanuentius, that was chiefe lord and king of the Troinouants, and so now by their ambassadors the same Troinouants requested Cesar, not onelie to receiue Mandubratius into his protection, but also to send him vnto them, that he might take the gouernment and rule of their citie into his hands. Cesar commanded them to deliuer vnto him 40 hostages, and graine for his armie, and therewith sent Mandubratius [Sidenote: Some take the Troinouants to be Londoners.] vnto them. The Troinouants accomplished his commandements with all spéed, sending both the appointed number of hostages, and also graine for the armie. And being thus defended and preserued from iniurie of the souldiers, the people called Cenimagni, Segontiaci, Ancalites, Bibroci, and Cassi, submitted themselues vnto Cesar, by whom he vnderstood that the towne of Cassibellane was not far from the place where he was then incamped fensed with wooddes and marishes, into the which a great number of people with their cattell and other substance was withdrawne. The Britains in those daies (as Cesar writeth) called that a towne or hold, which they had fortified with anie thicke combersome wood, with trench and rampire, into the which they vsed to get themselues for the auoiding of inuasion.

Cesar with his legions of souldiers therfore marched thither, and finding the place verie strong both by nature and helpe of hand, assaulted it on two partes. The Britains defending their strength a while, at length not able longer to endure the impression of the Romans, fled out on the contrarie side of the towne where the enimies were not. Within this place a great number of cattell was found, and manie of the Romans taken by the Britains that followed them in chase, and manie also slaine.

* * * * *

_Cassibellane dooth send vnto the foure kings of Kent for aid against Cæsars host, he offereth submission to Cæsar, the Britains become his tributaries, he returneth into Gallia with the remnant of his armie: the differing report of Cæsars commentaries and our historiographers touching these warlike affaires; of a sore fray with bloudshed and manslaughter vpon a light occasion; Cæsar taketh opportunitie to get the conquest of the land by the division betweene Cassibellane and Androgeus, the time of the Britains subiection to the Romans._

THE XVJ. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Foure kings in Kent] Now whilest these thinges passed on this sort in those parts, Cassibellane sent messengers into Kent vnto foure kings (which ruled that side of the land in those daies) Cingetorix, Caruilius, Taximagulus, and Segonax, commanding them, that assembling togither their whole puissance, they should assaile the campe of the Romans by the sea side where certeine bands lay (as ye haue heard) for safegard of the nauie. They according to his appointment came suddenlie thither, and by the Romans that sailed forth vpon them were sharplie fought with, and lost diuers of their men that were slaine and taken, and amongst the prisoners that the Romans tooke, Cingetorix was one. When Cassibellane heard these newes, being sore troubled for these losses thus chancing one in the necke of an other, but namelie most discouraged, for that diuers cities had yéelded vnto the Romans: he sent ambassadours by means of Romius of Arras vnto Cesar, offering to submit himselfe.

Cesar meaning to winter in Gallia, and therefore because summer drew towards an end, willing to dispatch in Britaine, commanded that hostages should be deliuered, and appointed what tribute the Britains should yéerelie send vnto the Romans. He also forbad and commanded Cassibellane, that he should not in anie wise trouble or indamage Madubratius or the Londoners. After this, when he had receiued the hostages, he brought his armie to the sea, and there found his ships well repaired, decked, and in good point: therefore he commanded that they should be had downe to the sea. And because he had a great number of prisoners, and diuers of his ships were lost in the tempest, he appointed to transport his armie ouer into Gallia at two conueies, which was doone with good successe about the middest of September, though the ships returning for the residue of the armie, after the first conueie, were driuen so with force of weather, that a great number of them could not come to land at the place appointed: so that Cesar was constreined to fraught those that he could get with a greater burden, and so departed from the coast of Britaine, and safelie landed with the remnant of his people in Gallia with as good [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._] spéed as he could haue desired. He thought not good to leaue anie of his people behind him, knowing that if he should so doo, they were in danger to be cast awaie. And so because he could not well remaine there all the winter season for doubt of rebellion in Gallia, he was contented to take vp, and returne thither, sith he had doone sufficientlie for the time, least in coueting the more, he might haue come in perill to lose that which he had alreadie obteined.

Thus according to that which Cesar himselfe and other autentike authors haue written, was Britaine made tributarie to the Romans by [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] the conduct of the same Cesar. ¶ But our histores farre differ from this, affirming that Cesar comming the second time, was by the Britains with valiancie and martiall prowesse beaten and repelled, as he was at the first, and speciallie by meanes that Cassibellane had pight in the Thames great piles of trées piked with yron, through which his ships being entred the riuer, were perished and lost. And after his comming a land, he was vanquished in battell, and constrained to flee into Gallia with those ships that remained. For ioy of this second victorie (saith Galfrid) Cassibellane made a great feast at London, and there did sacrifice to the gods.

At this feast there fell variance betwixt two yoong gentlemen, the one named Hirilda, nephew to Cassibellane, and the other Euelie or Eweline, being of aliance to Androgeus earle of London. They fell at discord about wrestling, and after multiplieng of words, they came to dealing of blowes, by meanes whereof parts were taken, so that there ensued a sore fraie, in the which diuerse were wounded and hurt, and amongst other Hirilda the kings nephew was slaine by the hands of Eweline. The king sore displeased herewith, meant to punish Eweline according to the order of his lawes, so that he was summoned to appeare in due forme to make answer to the murder: but Eweline by the comfort of Androgeus disobeied the summons, & departed the court with Androgeus, in contempt of the king and his lawes. The king to be reuenged vpon Androgeus, gathered a power, and began to make warre vpon him.

Androgeus perceiuing himselfe not able to withstand the kings puissance, sent letters to Iulius Cesar, exhorting him to returne into Britaine, and declaring the whole matter concerning the variance betwixt him and the king, promising to aid the Romans in all that he might. Iulius Cesar ioifull of this message, prepared his nauie, and with all spéed with a mightie host imbarked in the same, came toward Britaine: but yer he would land, doubting some treason in Androgeus, he receiued from him in hostage his sonne named Scena, and thirtie other of the best and most noble personages of all his dominion. After this he landed, and ioining with Androgeus, came into a vallie néere to Canturburie, and there incamped. Shortlie after came Cassibellane with all his power of Britains, and gaue battell to the Romans. But after the Britains had long fought and knightlie borne themselues in that battell, Androgeus came with his people on a wing, and so sharplie assailed them, that the Britains were constrained to forsake the field, and tooke themselues to flight. The which flight so discomforted them, that finallie they all fled, and gaue place to the Romans, the which pursued and slue them without mercie, so that Cassibellane with the residue of his people withdrew to a place of suertie, but being enuironed about with the puissance of the Romans, and of Androgeus, who had with him seuen thousand men there in the aid [Sidenote: So saith _Campion_, but _Galfrid Monu._ saith fiue thousand.] of the Romans, Cassibellane in the end was forced to fall to a composition, in couenanting to paie a yearelie tribute of thrée thousand pounds. When Cesar had ordered his businesse as he thought conuenient, he returned and with him went Androgeus, fearing the displeasure of Cassibellane.

The reuerend father Bede writing of this matter, saith thus: After that Cesar being returned into Gallia, had placed his souldiors abroad in the countrie to soiorne for the winter season, he caused ships to be made readie, to the number of 600, with the which repassing into Britaine, whilest he marched foorth with a mightie armie against the enimies, his ships that lay at anchor being taken with a sore tempest, were either beaten one against another, or else cast vpon the flats and sands, and so broken; so that fortie of them were vtterlie perished, and the residue with great difficultie were repaired. The horssemen of the Romans at the first encounter were put to the worsse, and Labienus the tribune slaine. In the second conflict he vanquished the Britains, not without great danger of his people. After this, he marched to the riuer of Thames, which as then was passable by foord onelie in one place and not else, as the report goeth. On the further banke of that riuer, Cassibellane was incamped with an huge multitude of enimies, and had pitcht and set the banke, and almost all the foord [Sidenote: The stakes remained to be séene in Bedes daies.] vnder the water full of sharpe stakes, the tokens of which vnto this day are to be séene, and it séemeth to the beholders that euerie of these stakes are as big as a mans thigh, sticking fast in the bottome of the riuer closed with lead. This being perceiued of the Romans, and auoided, the Britains not able to susteine the violent impression of the Roman legions, hid themselues in the woods, out of the which by often issues, they gréeuouslie and manie times assailed the Romans, and did them great damage. In the meane time the strong citie of Troinouant with hir duke Androgeus deliuering fortie hostages, yéelded vnto Cesar, whose example manie other cities following, allied themselues with the Romans, by whose information Cesar with sore fight tooke at length the towne of Cassibellane, situat betwixt two marches, fensed also with the couert of woods, & hauing within it great plentie of all things. After this Cesar returned into France, and bestowed his armie in places to soiorne there for the winter season.

The Scotish writers report, that the Britains, after the Romans were the first time repelled (as before ye haue heard) refused to receiue the aid of the Scotish men the second time, and so were vanquished, as in the Scotish historie ye may sée more at length expressed. Thus much touching the war which Iulius Cesar made against the Britains, in bringing them vnder tribute to the Romans. But this tributarie subiection was hardlie mainteined for a season.

¶ Now here is to be noted, that Cesar did not vanquish all the Britains: for he came not amongst the northerne men, onlie discouering and subduing that part which lieth towards the French seas: so that sith other of the Roman emperors did most earnestlie trauell to bring [Sidenote: _Cornelius Tacitus._] [Sidenote: _In uit. Agr._] [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._] the Britains vnder their subiection (which were euer redie to rebell so manie sundrie times) Cesar might séeme rather to haue shewed Britaine to the Romans, than to haue deliuered the possession of the same. This subiection, to the which he brought this Ile (what maner of one soeuer it was) chanced about the yeare of the world 3913, after the building of Rome 698, before the birth of our sauior 53, the first and second yeare of the 181 Olympiad, after the comming of Brute 1060, before the conquest made by William duke of Normandie 1120, and 1638 yeres before this present yere of our Lord 1585, after Harisons account.

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_The state of Britaine when Cæsar offered to conquer it, and the maner of their gouernement, as diuerse authors report the same in their bookes: where the contrarietie of their opinions is to be obserued._

THE XVIJ. CHAPTER.

After that Iulius Cesar had thus made the Britains tributaries to the Romans, and was returned into Gallia, Cassibellane reigned 7 yeares, and was vanquished in the ninth or tenth yeare after he began first to reigne so that he reigned in the whole about 15 or as some haue 17 yeares, and then died, leauing no issue behind him. There hath bin an [Sidenote: _Fabian._] old chronicle (as Fabian recordeth) which he saw and followeth much in his booke, wherein is conteined, that this Cassibellane was not brother to Lud, but eldest sonne to him: for otherwise as may be thought (saith he) Cesar hauing the vpper hand, would haue displaced him from the gouernement, and set vp Androgeus the right heire to the crowne, as sonne to the said Lud. But whatsoeuer our chronicles or the British histories report of this matter, it should appere by that which Cesar writeth (as partlie ye haue heard) that Britaine in those [Sidenote: _Cæsar._] daies was not gouerned by one sole prince, but by diuers, and that diuers cities were estates of themselues, so that the land was diuided into sundrie gouernements, much after the forme and maner as Germanie and Italie are in our time, where some cities are gouerned by one onelie prince, some by the nobilitie, and some by the people. And whereas diuers of the rulers in those daies here in this land were called kings, those had more large seigniories than the other, as [Sidenote: Cassibellane a King.] Cassibellane, who was therefore called a king.

And though we doo admit this to be true, yet may it be, that in the beginning, after Brute entered the land, there was ordeined by him a monarchie, as before is mentioned, which might continue in his posteritie manie yeares after, and yet at length before the comming of Cesar, through ciuil dissention, might happilie be broken, and diuided into parts, and so remained not onelie in the time of this Cassibellane, but also long after, whilest they liued as tributaries to the Romans, till finallie they were subdued by the Saxons. In which meane time, through the discord, negligence, or rather vnaduised rashnes of writers, hard it is to iudge what may be affirmed and receiued in their writings for a truth; namelie, concerning the succession of the kings that are said to haue reigned betwixt the [Sidenote: _Cor. Tacit. in uita. lib. Agr._] daies of Cassibellane, and the comming of the Saxons. The Roman writers (and namelie Tacitus) report, that the Britains in times past were vnder the rule of kings, and after being made tributaries, were drawne so by princes into sundrie factions, that to defend and kéepe off a common ieopardie, scarselie would two or thrée cities agrée togither, and take weapon in hand with one accord, so that while they fought by parts, the whole was ouercome. And after this sort they say that Britaine was brought into the forme of a prouince by the Romans, from whom gouernors vnder the name of legats and procurators were sent that had the rule of it.

But yet the same authors make mention of certeine kings (as hereafter shall appeare) who while the Romane emperors had the most part of the [Sidenote: _Gildas in epist._] earth in subiection, reigned in Britaine. The same witnesseth Gildas, saieng: Britaine hath kings, but they are tyrants: iudges it hath, but the same are wicked, oftentimes spoiling and tormenting the innocent people. And Cesar (as ye haue heard) speaketh of foure kings that ruled in Kent, and thereabouts. Cornelius Tacitus maketh mention of [Sidenote: Some take Prasutagus and Aruiragus to be one man.] Prasutagus, and Cogidunus, that were kings in Britaine: and Iuuenal speaketh of Aruiragus: and all the late writers, of Lucius. Hereby it appeareth, that whether one or mo, yet kings there were in Britain, bearing rule vnder the Romane emperors.

[Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] On the other part, the common opinion of our chronicle-writers is, that the chiefe gouernment remained euer with the Britains, & that the Romane senat receiuing a yearelie tribute, sent at certeine times (_Ex officio_) their emperors and lieutenants into this Ile, to represse the rebellious tumults therein begun, or to beat backe the inuasion of the enimies that went about to inuade it. And thus would these writers inferre, that the Britains euer obeied their king, till at length they were put beside the gouernement by the Saxons. But whereas in the common historie of England, the succession of kings ought to be kept, so oft as it chanceth in the same that there is not anie to fill the place, then one while the Romane emperors are placed in their steads, and another while their lieutenants, and are said to be created kings of the Britains, as though the emperors were inferiors vnto the kings of Britaine, and that the Romane lieutenants at their appointments, and not by prescript of the senat or emperours, administred the prouince.

This may suffice here to aduertise you of the contrarietie in writers. Now we will go foorth in following our historie, as we haue doone heretofore, sauing that where the Romane histories write of things done here by emperors, or their lieutenants, it shall be shewed as reason requireth, sith there is a great appearance of truth oftentimes in the same, as those that be authorised and allowed in the opinion of the learned.

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_Of Theomantius, the tearme of yeares that he reigned, and where he was interred; of Kymbeline, within the time of whose gouernment Christ Iesus our sauiour was borne, all nations content to obeie the Romane emperors and consequentlie Britaine, the customes that the Britaines paie the Romans as Strabo reporteth._

THE XVIIJ. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: THEOM[=A]DEUS ] After the death of Cassibellane, Theomantius or Tenantius the yoongest sonne of Lud was made king of Britaine in the yéere of the world 3921, [Sidenote: _Fabian._] after the building of Rome 706, & before the comming of Christ 45. He is named also in one of the English chronicles Tormace: in the same chronicle it is conteined, that not he, but his brother Androgeus was [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] king, where Geffrey of Monmouth & others testifie, that Androgeus abandoned the land clerelie, & continued still at Rome, because he knew the Britains hated him for treason he had committed in aiding Iulius Cesar against Cassibellane. Theomantius ruled the land in good quiet, and paid the tribute to the Romans which Cassibellane had granted, and finallie departed this life after he had reigned 22 yeares, and was buried at London.

[Sidenote: KYMBELINE.] KYMBELINE or CIMBELINE the sonne of Theomantius was of the Britains made king after the deceasse of his father, in the yeare of the world 3944, after the building of Rome 728, and before the birth of our [Sidenote: _Fabian_ out of _Guido de Columna._] Sauiour 33. This man (as some write) was brought vp at Rome, and there made knight by Augustus Cesar, vnder whome he serued in the warres, and was in such fauour with him, that he was at libertie to pay his tribute or not. Little other mention is made of his dooings, except [Sidenote: Christ our saviour borne.] that during his reigne, the Sauiour of the world our Lord Iesus Christ the onelie sonne of God was borne of a virgine, about the 23 yeare of the reigne of this Kymbeline, & in the 42 yeare of the emperour [Sidenote: 3966.] Octauius Augustus, that is to wit, in the yeare of the world 3966, in the second yeare of the 194 Olympiad, after the building of the citie of Rome 750 nigh at an end, after the vniuersall floud 2311, from the birth of Abraham 2019, after the departure of the Israelits out of Egypt 1513, after the captiuitie of Babylon 535, from the building of the temple by Salomon 1034, & from the arriuall of Brute 1116, complet. Touching the continuance of the yeares of Kymbelines reigne, some writers doo varie, but the best approoued affirme, that he reigned 35 years and then died, & was buried at London, leauing behind him two sonnes, Guiderius and Aruiragus.

¶ But here is to be noted, that although our histories doo affirme, that as well this Kymbeline, as also his father Theomantius liued in quiet with the Romans, and continuallie to them paied the tributes which the Britains had couenanted with Iulius Cesar to pay, yet we find in the Romane writers, that after Iulius Cesars death, when Augustus had taken vpon him the rule of the empire, the Britains [Sidenote: _Cor. Tacitus._] [Sidenote: _in uita lib. Agr._] [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._] refused to paie that tribute: whereat as Cornelius Tacitus reporteth, Augustus (being otherwise occupied) was contented to winke; howbeit, through earnest calling vpon to recouer his right by such as were desirous to sée the vttermost of the British kingdome; at length, to wit, in the tenth yeare after the death of Iulius Cesar, which was about the thirtéenth yeare of the said Theomantius, Augustus made [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._] prouision to passe with an armie ouer into Britaine, & was come forward vpon his iournie into Gallia Celtica: or as we maie saie, into these hither parts of France.

But here receiuing aduertisements that the Pannonians, which inhabited the countrie now called Hungarie, and the Dalmatians whome now we call Slauons had rebelled, he thought it best first to subdue those rebells neere home, rather than to séeke new countries, and leaue such in hazard whereof he had present possession, and so turning his power against the Pannonians and Dalmatians, he left off for a time the warres of Britaine, whereby the land remained without feare of anie inuasion to be made by the Romans, till the yeare after the building of the citie of Rome 725, and about the 19 yeare of king Theomantius reigne, that Augustus with an armie departed once againe from Rome to passe ouer into Britaine, there to make warre. But after his comming into Gallia, when the Britains sent to him certeine ambassadours to treat with him of peace, he staied there to settle the state of things among the Galles, for that they were not in verie good order. And hauing finished there, he went into Spaine, and so his iournie into Britaine was put off till the next yeare, that is, the 726 after the building of Rome, which fell before the birth of our sauiour 25, about which time Augustus eftsoons meant the third time to haue made a [Sidenote: He kept not promise with the Romans.] [Sidenote: Those of Calice and Biskaie.] voiage into Britaine, because they could not agrée vpon couenants. But as the Pannonians and Dalmatians had aforetime staied him, when (as before is said) he meant to haue gone against the Britans: so euen now the Salassians (a people inhabiting about Italie and Switserland) the Cantabrians and Asturians by such rebellious sturrs as they raised, withdrew him from his purposed iournie. But whether this controuersie which appeareth to fall forth betwixt the Britains and Augustus, was occasioned by Kymbeline, or some other prince of the Britains, I haue not to auouch: for that by our writers it is reported, that Kymbeline being brought vp in Rome, & knighted in the court of Augustus, euer shewed himselfe a friend to the Romans, & chieflie was loth to breake with them, because the youth of the Britaine nation should not be depriued of the benefit to be trained and brought vp among the Romans, whereby they might learne both to behaue themselues like ciuill men, and to atteine to the knowledge of feats of warre.

But whether for this respect, or for that it pleased the almightie God so to dispose the minds of men at that present, not onlie the Britains, but in manner all other nations were contented to be obedient to the Romane empire. That this was true in the Britains, it [Sidenote: _Strab. Geog._] is euident enough by Strabos words, which are in effect as followeth. "At this present (saith he) certeine princes of Britaine, procuring by ambassadors and dutifull demeanors the amitie of the emperour Augustus, haue offered in the capitoll vnto the gods presents or gifts, and haue ordeined the whole Ile in a manner to be appertinent, proper, and familiar to the Romans. They are burdened with sore customs which they paie for wares, either to be sent foorth into Gallia, or brought from thence, which are commonlie yuorie vessels, shéeres, ouches, or earerings, and other conceits made of amber & glasses, and such like manner of merchandize: so that now there is no néed of anie armie or garrison of men of warre to kéepe the Ile, for there néedeth not past one legion of footmen, or some wing of horssemen, to gather vp and receiue the tribute: for the charges are rated according to the quantitie of the tributes: for otherwise it should be néedfull to abate the customs, if the tributes were also raised: and if anie violence should be vsed, it were dangerous least they might be prouoked to rebellion." Thus farre Strabo.

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_Of Guiderius, who denied to paie tribute to the Romans, preparation for war on both sides, of the ridiculous voiage of the Emperour Caligula against the Britains, his vanitie and delight in mischiefe: Aulus Plautius a Romane senator accompanied with souldiers arrive on the British coasts without resistance, the Britains take flight and hide themselues._

THE XIX. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: GUIDERIUS.] GUIDERIUs the first sonne of Kymbeline (of whom Harison saieth nothing) began his reigne in the seuententh yeere after th' incarnation of Christ. This Guiderius being a man of stout courage, gaue occasion of breach of peace betwixt the Britains and Romans, denieng to paie them tribute, and procuring the people to new insurrections, which by one meane or other made open rebellion, as [Sidenote: Caligula.] Gyldas saith. Wherevpon the emperour Caligula (as some thinke) tooke occasion to leauie a power, and as one vtterlie misliking the negligence (as he called it) of Augustus and Tiberius his predecessors, he ment not onlie to reduce the Iland vnto the former subiection, but also to search out the vttermost bounds thereof, to the behoofe of himselfe, and of the Romane monarchie.

Great prouision therefore was made by the said Caligula to performe that noble enterprise, and this was in the fourth yeere of his reigne. The like preparation was made on the other side by Guiderius, to resist the forren enimies, so that hauing all things in a readinesse, he ceassed not dailie to looke for the comming of the emperour, whome [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius. lib._ 59.] he ment to receiue with hard enterteinment if he durst aduenture to set toward Britaine. But see the sequele: the maine armie being thus in a readinesse, departed from Rome in the 79 yeere after the building of the citie, and marching foorth, at length came vnto the Belgike shore, from whence they might looke ouer, and behold the cliffes and coast of Britaine, which Caligula and his men stood gazing vpon with great admiration and woonder.

Furthermore he caused them to stand in battell arraie vpon the coast, where he heard how the Britains were in a redinesse to withstand his entrance. But entring into his gallie, as nothing discouraged with these newes, he rowed a flight shot or two from the shore, and forthwith returned, and then going vp into an high place like a pulpit, framed and set vp there for the nonce, he gaue the token to fight vnto his souldiers by sound of trumpet, and therewith was ech [Sidenote: The spoile of the Ocean.] man charged to gather cockle shells vpon the shore, which he called the spoile of the Ocean, and caused them to be laid vp vntill a time conuenient. With the atchiuing of this exploit (as hauing none other wherewith to beautifie his triumph) he séemed greatlie exalted, thinking that now he had subdued the whole Ocean, and therefore highlie rewarded his souldiers for their paines susteined in that collection of cockle shells, as if they had doone him some notable péece of seruice. He also caried of the same shells with him to Rome, to the end he might there boast of his voyage, and brag how well he [Sidenote: * _sic._] had sped: and required therefore verie earnestlie haue of * a triumph decreed vnto him for the accomplishment of this enterprise.

But when he saw the senat grudge at the free & liberall granting of a grace in that behalfe, and perceiued how they refused to attribute diuine honors vnto him, in recompense of so foolish an enterprise, it wanted little that he had not slaine them euerie one. From thence therefore he went vp into a throne or royall seate, and calling therewith the common people about him, he told them a long tale what aduentures had chanced to him in his conquest of the Ocean. And when he had perceiued them to shout and crie, as if they had consented that he should haue béene a god for this his great trauell and valiant prowesse, he to increase their clamour, caused great quantities of gold & siluer to be scattered amongst them, in the gathering whereof, manie were pressed to death, and diuers also slaine with the inuenomed caltrops of iron, which he did cast out with the same monie, of purpose to doo mischiefe, the same caltrops being in forme small & sharp, so that by reason of the prease of people, much hurt was doone by them yer they were perceiued. And this was the end of the ridiculous voiage of Caligula attempted against the Britains.

[Sidenote: _Suetonius._] But after the death of this Caligula, the emperour Claudius (as Suetonius saith) moued warre against the Britains, because of a sturre and rebellion raised in that land, for that such fugitiues as were fled from thence, were not againe restored when request was made for the same.

[Sidenote: Dion Cassius.] Dion Cassius writeth, that one Bericus, being expelled out of Britaine, persuaded the emperour Claudius to take the warre in hand at this time against the Britains, so that one Aulus Plautius a senatour, and as then pretor, was appointed to take the armie that soiourned in France then called Gallia, and to passe ouer with the same into Britaine. The souldiers hearing of this voiage, were loth to go with him, as men not willing to make warre in another world: and therefore delaied time, till at length one Narcissus was sent from Claudius, as it were to appease the souldiers, & procure them to set forward. But when this Narcissus went vp into the tribunall throne of Plautius, to declare the cause of his comming, the souldiers taking great indignation therewith cried, _O Saturnalia_, as if they should haue celebrated their feast daie so called.

When the seruants apparelled in their maisters robes, represented the roome of their maisters, and were serued by them, as if they had béene their seruants, and thus at length constreined, through verie shame, they agréed to follow Plautius. Herevpon being embarked, he diuided his nauie into thrée parts, to the end that if they were kept off from arriuing in one place, yet they might take land in another. The ships suffered some impeachment in their passage by a contrarie wind that droue them backe againe: but yet the marriners and men of warre taking good courage vnto them, the rather because there was séene a fierie leame to shoot out of the east towards the west, which way their course lay, made forwards againe with their ships, and landed without finding anie resistance. For the Britains looked not for their comming: wherefore, when they heard how their enimies were on land, they got them into the woods and marishes, trusting that by lingering of time the Romans would be constreined to depart, as it had chanced in time past to Iulius Cesar aforesaid.

THE END OF THE THIRD BOOKE.

* * * * *

THE FOVRTH BOOKE

OF THE

HISTORIE OF ENGLAND.

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_The Britains discomfited, sore wounded, slaine, and disabled by Plautius and his power, Claudius the Romane taketh the chiefe citie of Cymbeline the king of Britaine, he bereaueth the Britains of their armour, and by vertue of his conquest ouer part of the land is surnamed Britannicus._

THE FIRST CHAPTER.

Now Plautius had much adoo to find out the Britains in their lurking holes and couerts; howbeit when he had traced them out, first he vanquished Cataratacus, and after Togodumnus the sonnes of Cynobellinus: for their father was dead not verie long before. These therefore fléeing their waies, Plautus receiued part of the people [Sidenote: Bodumni.] [Sidenote: Catuellani.] called Bodumni (which were subiects vnto them that were called Catuellani) into the obeisance of the Romans: and so leauing there a garrison of souldiors, passed further till he came to a riuer which could not well be passed without a bridge: wherevpon the Britains tooke small regard to defend the passage, as though they had béene sure inough. But Plautius appointed a certeine number of Germans which he had there with him (being vsed to swim ouer riuers although neuer so swift) to get ouer, which they did, sleaing and wounding the Britains horsses, which were fastened to their wagons or chariots, so that the Britains were not able to doo anie péece of their accustomed seruice with the same.

Herewithall was Flauius Vespasianus (that afterwards was emperour) with his brother Sabinus sent ouer that riuer, which being got to the further side, slue a great number of the enimies. The residue of the Britains fled, but the next day proffered a new battell, in the which they fought so stoutlie, that the victorie depended long in doubtfull balance, till Caius Sidius Geta being almost at point to be taken, did so handle the matter, that the Britains finallie were put to flight: for the which his valiant dooings, triumphant honors were bestowed vpon him, although he was no consull.

The Britains after this battell, withdrew to the riuer of Thames, néere to the place where it falleth into the sea, and knowing the shallowes and firme places thereof, easilie passed ouer to the further side, whom the Romans following, through lacke of knowledge in the nature of the places, they fell into the marish grounds, and so came to lose manie of their men, namelie of the Germans, which were the first that passed ouer the riuer to follow the Britains, partlie by a bridge which lay within the countrie ouer the said riuer, and partlie by swimming, and other such shift as they presentlie made.

[Sidenote: _Togodumnus._] The Britains hauing lost one of their rulers, namelie Togodumnus (of whom ye haue heard before) were nothing discouraged, but rather more egerlie set on reuenge. Plautius perceiuing their fiercenesse, went no further, but staid and placed garrisons in steeds where néed required, to keepe those places which he had gotten, and with all spéed sent aduertisement vnto Claudius, according to that he had in commandement, if anie vrgent necessitie should so mooue him. Claudius therefore hauing all things before hand in a readinesse, straightwaies vpon the receiuing of the aduertisement, departed from Rome, and came by water vnto Ostia, and from thence vnto Massilia, and so through France sped his iournies till he came to the side of the Ocean sea, and then imbarking himselfe with his people, passed ouer into Britaine, and came to his armie which abode his comming néere the Thames side, where being ioined, they passed the riuer againe, fought with the Britains in a pitcht field, and getting the victorie, tooke the towne of Camelodunum (which some count to be Colchester) being the chiefest citie apperteining vnto Cynobelinus. He reduced also manie other people into his subiection, some by force, and some by surrender, whereof he was called oftentimes by the name of emperour, which was against the ordinance of the Romans: for it was not lawfull for anie to take that name vpon him oftener than once in anie one voiage. Moreouer, Claudius tooke from the Britains their armor and weapons, and committed the gouernment of them vnto Plautius, commanding him to endeuour himselfe to subdue the residue.

[Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._] Thus hauing brought vnder a part of Britaine, and hauing made his abode therin not past a sixtene daies, he departed and came backe againe to Rome with victorie in the sixt month after his setting foorth from thence, giuing after his returne, to his sonne, the [Sidenote: _Suetonius._] surname of Britannicus. This warre he finished in maner as before is said, in the fourth yéere of his reigne, which fell in the yéere of the world 4011, after the birth of our Sauiour 44, and after the building of Rome 797.

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_The diuerse opinions and variable reports of writers touching the partile conquest of this Iland by the Romans, the death of Guiderius._

THE SECOND CHAPTER.

There be that write, how Claudius subdued and added to the Romane empire, the Iles of Orknie situate in the north Ocean beyond Britaine: which might well be accomplished either by Plautius, or some other his lieutenant: for Plautius indéed for his noble prowesse and valiant acts atchieued in Britaine, afterwards triumphed. Titus the sonne of Vespasian also wan no small praise for deliuering his father out of danger in his time, being beset with a companie of Britains, which the said Titus bare downe, and put to flight with great slaughter. Beda following the authoritie of Suetonius, writeth bréeflie of this matter, and saith, that Claudius passing ouer into this Ile, to the which neither before Iulius Cesar, neither after him anie stranger durst come, within few daies receiued the most part of the countrie into his subiection without battell or bloudshed.

Gyldas also writing of this reuolting of the Britains, saith thus: "When information thereof was giuen to the senate, and that hast was made with a spéedie armie to reuenge the same, there was no warlike nauie prepared in the sea to fight valiantlie for the defense of the countrie, no square battell, no right wing, nor anie other prouision appointed on the shore to be séene, but the backes of the Britains in stead of a shield are shewed to the persecutors, and their necks readie to be cut off with the sword through cold feare running through their bones, which stretched foorth their hands to be bound like womanlie creatures; so that a common prouerbe followed thereof, to wit, That the Britains were neither valiant in warre, nor faithfull in peace: and so the Romans sleaing manie of the rebels, reseruing some, and bringing them to bondage, that the land should not lie altogither vntilled and desert, returned into Italie out of that land which was void of wine and oile, leauing some of their men there for gouernors to chastise the people, not so much with an armie of men, as with scourge and whip, and if the matter so required, to applie the naked sword vnto their sides: so that it might be accounted Rome and not Britaine. And what coine either of brasse, siluer or gold there was, the same to be stamped with the image of the emperour." Thus farre Gildas.

[Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] In the British historie we find other report as thus, that Claudius at his comming aland at Porchester, besieged that towne, to the rescue whereof came Guiderius, and giuing battell to the Romans, put them to the woorse, till at length one Hamo, being on the Romans side, changed his shield and armour, apparelling himselfe like a Britaine, and so entring into the thickest prease of the British host, came at length where the king was, and there slue him. But Aruiragus perceiuing this mischiefe, to the end the Britains should not be discouraged therewith, caused himselfe to be adorned with the kings cote-armor, and other abiliments, and so as king continued the fight with such manhood, that the Romans were put to flight. Claudius retired backe to his ships, and Hamo to the next woods, whom Aruiragus pursued, and at length droue him vnto the sea side, and there slue him yer he could take the hauen which was there at hand; so that the same tooke name of him, and was called a long time after, Hamons hauen, and at length by [Sidenote: Hampton, why so called.] corruption of speach it was called Hampton, and so continueth vnto this day, commonlie called by the name of Southhampton. Thus haue you heard how Guiderius or Guinderius (whether you will) came to his end, which chanced (as some write) in the 28 yéere of his reigne.

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_Aruiragus the Britaine & Claudius the Romane with their armies doo incounter, a composition concerning mariage concluded betweene them, Claudius returneth to Rome._

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: ARUIRAGUS. _Hector Boet._] ARUIRAGUS the yoongest son of Kymbeline, and brother to Guinderius (bicause the same Guinderius left no issue to succéed him) was admitted king of Britaine in the yeere of our Lord 45, or rather 46.

This Aruiragus, otherwise called by the Britains Meuricus or Mauus, of [Sidenote: _Caxton._] Tacitus Prasutagus, is also named Armiger in the English chronicle, by which chronicle (as appéereth) he bare himselfe right manfullie [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] against Claudius and his Romans in the war which they made against him: in so much that when Claudius had renewed his force and woone Porchester, and after came to besiege Winchester (in the which Aruiragus as then was inclosed) Aruiragus assembling his power, was readie to come foorth and giue Claudius battell: wherevpon Claudius doubting the sequele of the thing, sent messengers vnto Aruiragus to treat of concord, and so by composition the matter was taken vp, with condition, that Claudius should giue his daughter Genissa in marriage vnto Aruiragus, & Aruiragus should acknowledge to hold his kingdome of the Romans.

[Sidenote: _Ranulfus Cestrensis._] Some write that Claudius in fauour of the valiant prowesse which he saw & found in Aruiragus, honored not onlie him with the mariage of his daughter the said Genissa, but also to the end to make the towne more famous where this marriage was solemnized, he therefore called it Claudiocestria, after his name, the which in the British toong was called before that daie Caerleon, and after Glouernia, of a duke that ruled in Demetia that hight Glunie, but now it is called Glocester.

Other there be that write, how Claudius being vanquished in battell by Aruiragus, was compelled by the said Aruiragus to giue vnto him his said daughter to wife, with condition as before is mentioned: and that [Sidenote: _Sueton._] then Aruiragus was crowned king of Britaine. But Suetonius maie séeme to reprooue this part of the British historie, which in the life of Claudius witnesseth, that he had by thrée wiues onlie three daughters, that is to saie, Claudia, Antonia, and Octauia: and further, that reputing Claudia not to be his, caused hir to be cast downe at the doore of his wife Herculanilla, whome he had forsaken by waie of diuorcement: & that he bestowed his daughter Antonia first on C. Pompeius Magnus, and after on Faustus Silla, verie noble yoong gentlemen; and Octauia he matched with Nero his wiues son. Whereby it should appéere, that this supposed marriage betwixt Aruiragus and the daughter of Claudius is but a feined tale.

¶ And héere to speake my fansie also what I thinke of this Aruiragus, and other the kings (whome Galfrid and such as haue followed him doo register in order, to succéed one after another) I will not denie but such persons there were, and the same happilie bearing verie great rule in the land, but that they reigned as absolute kings ouer the whole, or that they succéeded one after another in manner as is auouched by the same writers, it seemeth most vnlike to be true: for rather it maie be gessed by that, which as well Gyldas as the old approoued Romane writers haue written, that diuerse of these kings liued about one time, or in times greatlie differing from those times which in our writers we find noted. As for example, Iuuenal maketh this Aruiragus, of whom we now intreat, to reigne about Domitians time. For my part therefore, sith this order of the British kinglie succession in this place is more easie to be flatlie denied and vtterlie reprooued, than either wiselie defended or trulie amended, I will referre the reforming therof vnto those that haue perhaps séene more than I haue, or more déepelie considered the thing, to trie out an vndoubted truth: in the meane time, I haue thought good, both to shew what I find in our histories, and likewise in forren writers, to the which we thinke (namelie in this behalfe, whilest the Romans gouerned there) we maie safelie giue most credit, doo we otherwise neuer so much content our selues with other vaine and fond conceits.

To procéed yet with the historie as we find it by our writers set foorth: it is reported, that after the solemnization of this marriage, which was doone with all honour that might be deuised, Claudius sent [Sidenote: Legions of souldiers sent into Ireland.] certeine legions of souldiers foorth to go into Ireland to subdue that countrie, and returned himselfe to Rome.

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_Aruiragus denieth subiection to the Romans, Vespasian is sent to represse him and his power, the Romane host is kept backe from landing, queene Genissa pacifieth them after a sharpe conflict: & what the Romane writers say of Vespasians being in Britaine, the end of Aruiragus._

THE FOURTH CHAPTER.

Then did king Aruiragus ride about to view the state of his realme, repairing cities and townes decaied by the warre of the Romans, and saw his people gouerned with such iustice and good order, that he was both feared and greatlie beloued: so that in tract of time he grew verie welthie, and by reason thereof fell into pride, so that he [Sidenote: Vespasian in Britaine.] [Sidenote: _Cornel. Tacit. in uit. Agr. lib._ 3 & _li._ 6.] [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] [Sidenote: _Rutupium._] denied his subiection to the Romans. Wherevpon Claudius appointed Vespasian with an armie to go as lieutenant into Britaine. This iournie was to him the beginning of his advancement to that honour, which after to him most luckilie befell. But if we shall credit our Britaine writers, he gained not much at Aruiragus hands, for where he would haue landed at Sandwich or Richborough, Aruiragus was readie to resist him, so as he durst not once enter the hauen: for Aruiragus had there such a puissant number of armed men, that the Romans were afraid to approach the land.

Vespasian therefore withdrew from thence, and coasting westward, landed at Totnesse, and comming to Excester, besieged that citie: but about the seuenth day after he had planted his siege, came Aruiragus, and gaue him battell, in the which both the armies sustained great losse of men, and neither part got anie aduantage of the other. On the morrow after quéene Genissa made them friends, and so the warres ceassed for that time, by hir good mediation.

¶ But séeing (as before I haue said) the truth of this historie maie be greatlie mistrusted, ye shall heare what the Romane writers saie of Vespasianus being héere in Britaine, beside that which we haue alreadie recited out of Dion in the life of Guiderius.

In the daies of the emperor Claudius, through fauour of Narcissus (one [Sidenote: Vespasian.] [Sidenote: _Suetonius._] [Sidenote: _Salcellicus._] that might doo all with Claudius) the said Vespasian was sent as coronell or lieutenant of a legion of souldiers into Germanie, and being remooued from thence into Britaine, he fought thirtie seuerall times with the enimies, and brought vnto the Romane obeisance two most mightie nations, and aboue twentie townes, togither with the Ile of Wight; and these exploits he atchiued, partlie vnder the conduct of Aulus Plautius ruler of Britaine for the emperor Claudius, and partlie vnder the same emperor himselfe. For as it is euident by writers of good credit, he came first ouer into Britaine with the said Aulus Plautius, and serued verie valiantlie vnder him, as before in place we haue partlie touched. By Tacitus it appeareth, that he was called to be partener in the gouernment of things in Britaine with Claudius, and had such successe, as it appéered to what estate of honour he was predestinate, hauing conquered nations, and taken kings prisoners. But now to make an end with Aruiragus: when he perceiued that his force was too weake to preuaile against the Romane empire, and that he [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] should striue but in vaine to shake the yoke of subiection from the necks of the Britains, he made a finall peace with them in his old age, and so continued in quiet the residue of his reigne, which he lastlie ended by death, after he had gouerned the land by the space of thirtie yéeres, or but eight and twentie, as some other imagine. He [Sidenote: 73.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] died in the yéere of Grace 73, as one author affirmeth, and was buried at Glocester.

* * * * *

_Ioseph of Aramathia came into Britaine and Simon Zelotes, the antiquitie of christian religion, Britaine gouerned by Lieutenants and treasurers of the Romane emperors, the exploits of Ostorius Scapula and the men of Oxfordshire, he vanquisheth the Welshmen, appeaseth the Yorkshiremen, and brideleth the rage of the Silures._

THE FIFT CHAPTER.

In the daies of the said Aruiragus, about the yeare of Christ 53, Ioseph of Arimathia, who buried the bodie of our sauiour, being sent by Philip the Apostle (as Iohn Bale following the authoritie of Gildas and other British writers reciteth) after that the Christians were dispersed out of Gallia, came into Britaine with diuers other godlie [Sidenote: _Polydorus._] christian men, & preaching the gospell there amongst the Britains, & instructing them in the faith and lawes of Christ, conuerted manie to the true beliefe, and baptised them in the wholsome water of regeneration, & there continued all the residue of his life, obteining of the king a plot of ground where to inhabit, not past a foure miles from Wells, and there with his fellowes began to laie the first foundation of the true and perfect religion, in which place (or néere thereinto) was afterward erected the abbeie of Glastenburie.

Nicephorus writeth in his second booke and fourth chapter, that one Simon Zelotes came likewise into Britaine. And Theodoretus in his 9. booke "De curandis Græcorum affectibus," sheweth that Paule being released of his second imprisonment, and suffered to depart from Rome, preached the gospell to the Britains and to other nations in the west. The same thing in manner dooth Sophronius the patriarch of Ierusalem witnesse, Tertullian also maie be a witnesse of the ancientnes of the faith receiued here in Britaine, where he writing of these times saith: Those places of the Britains, to the which the Romans could not approch, were subiect vnto Christ, as were also the countries of Sarmatia, Dacia, Germania, Scithia, and others. ¶ Thus it maie appeare, that the christian religion was planted here in this land shortlie after Christes time, although it certeinlie appeareth not who were the first that preached the gospell to the Britains, nor whether they were Gréeks or Latins.

Cornelius Tacitus writeth, that the Romane emperours in this season [Sidenote: Treasurers or receiuers.] gouerned this land by lieutenants and treasurers, the which were called by the name of legats and procurators, thereby to kéepe the vnrulie inhabitants the better in order.

[Sidenote: Aulus Plautius.] [Sidenote: Ostorius Scapula.] And Aulus Plautius a noble man of Rome of the order of consuls, was sent hither as the first legat or lieutenant (in maner as before ye haue heard) & after him Ostorius Scapula, who at his comming found the Ile in trouble, the enimies hauing made inuasion into the countrie of those that were friends to the Romans, the more presumptuouslie, for [Sidenote: _Cor. Tacitus lib._ 12.] that they thought a new lieutenant, with an armie to him vnacquainted and come ouer now in the beginning of winter, would not be hastie to march foorth against them. But Ostorius vnderstanding that by the first successe and chance of warre, feare or hope is bred and augmented, hasted forward to encounter with them, and such as he found abroad in the countrie he slue out right on euerie side, and pursued such as fled, to the end they should not come togither againe. Now for that a displeasing and a doubtfull peace was not like to bring quietnesse either to him or to his armie, he tooke from such as he suspected, their armour. And after this, he went about to defend the riuers of Auon & Seuerne, with placing his souldiers in camps fortified néere to the same. But the Oxfordshire men and other of those parties would not suffer him to accomplish his purpose in anie quiet sort, being a puissant kind of people, and not hitherto weakened by warres: for they willinglie at the first had ioined in amitie with [Sidenote: _Cornelius Tacit. lib._ 12.] the Romans. The countries adjoining also being induced by their procurement, came to them, & so they chose forth a plot of ground, fensed with a mightie ditch, vnto the which there was no waie to enter but one, & the same verie narrow, so as the horssemen could not haue anie easie passage to breake in vpon them. Ostorius, although he had no legionarie souldiers, but certeine bands of aids, marched foorth towards the place within the which the Britains were lodged, and assaulting them in the same, brake through into their campe, where the Britains being impeached with their owne inclosures which they had raised for defense of the place, knowing how that for their rebellion they were like to find small mercie at the Romans hands, when they saw now no waie to escape, laid about them manfullie, and shewed great proofe of their valiant stomachs.

In this battell, the sonne of Ostorius the lieutenant deserued the price and commendation of preseruing a citizen out of the cruell [Sidenote: which was a certaine crowne, to be set on his head called _ciuica corona._] enimies hands. But now with this slaughter of the Oxfordshire men, diuers of the Britains that stood doubtfull what waie to take, either to rest in quiet, or to moue warres, were contented to be conformable vnto a reasonable order of peace, in so much that Ostorius lead his [Sidenote: Cangi.] armie against the people called Cangi, who inhabited that part of Wales now called Denbighshire, which countrie he spoiled on euerie side, no enimie once daring to encounter him: & if anie of them aduentured priuilie to set vpon those which they found behind, or on the outsids of his armie, they were cut short yer they could escape out of danger. Wherevpon he marched straight to their campe and giuing them battell, vanquished them: and vsing the victorie as reason moued him, he lead his armie against those that inhabited the inner parts of Wales, spoiling the countrie on euerie side. And thus sharplie pursuing the rebels, he approched néere vnto the sea side, which lieth ouer against Ireland. While this Romane capteine was thus occupied, he was called backe by the rebellion of the Yorkshire men, whome forthwith vpon his comming vnto them, he appeased, punishing the first authors of that tumult with death.

[Sidenote: _Cor. Tacitus. lib._ 12.] In the meane time, the people called Silures, being a verie fierce kind of men, and valiant, prepared to make warre against the Romans, for they might not be bowed neither with roughnesse, nor yet with any courteous handling, so that they were to be tamed by an armie of legionarie souldiers to be brought among them.

Therefore to restraine the furious rage of those people and their neighbours, Ostorious peopled a towne néere to their borders, called Camelodunum with certeine bands of old souldiers, there to inhabit with their wiues and children, according to such maner as was vsed in like cases of placing naturall Romans in anie towne or citie, for the more suertie and defense of the same. Here also was a temple builded in the honor of Claudius the emperour, where were two images erected, one of the goddesse Victoria, and an other of Claudius himselfe.

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_The coniectures of writers touching the situation of Camelodunum supposed to be Colchester, of the Silures a people spoken of in the former chapter, a foughten field betwene Caratacus the British prince, and Ostorius the Romaine, in the confines of Shropshire; the Britains go miserablie to wracke, Caratacus is deliuered to the Romans, his wife and daughter are taken prisoners, his brethren yeeld themselues to their enimies._

THE SIXT CHAPTER.

But now there resteth a great doubt among writers, where this citie or towne called Camelodunum did stand, of some (and not without good ground of probable coniectures gathered vpon the aduised consideration of the circumstances of that which in old authors is found written of [Sidenote: Camelodunum, Colchester.] this place) it is thought to be Colchester. But verelie by this place of Tacitus it maie rather seeme to be some other towne, situat more westward than Colchester, sith a colonie of Romane souldiers were [Sidenote: Silures where they inhabited.] planted there to be at hand, for the repressing of the vnquiet Silures, which by consent of most writers inhabited in Southwales, or néere the Welsh marshes.

There was a castell of great fame in times past that hight Camaletum, or in British Caermalet, which stood in the marshes of Summersetshire; but sith there is none that hath so written before this time, I will not saie that happilie some error hath growne by mistaking the name of Camelodunum for this Camaletum, by such as haue copied out the booke of Cornelius Tacitus; and yet so it might be doon by such as found it short or vnperfectlie written, namelie, by such strangers or others, to whom onelie the name of Camelodunum was onelie knowne, and Camaletum peraduenture neuer séene nor heard of. As for example, an Englishman that hath heard of Waterford in Ireland, and not of Wexford, might in taking foorth a copie of some writing easilie commit a fault in noting the one for the other. We find in Ptolomie Camedolon to be a citie belonging to the Trinobants, and he maketh mention also of Camelodunum, but Humfrey Lhoyd thinketh that he meaneth all one citie.

Notwithstanding Polydor Virgil is of a contrarie opinion, supposing the one to be Colchester in déed, and the other that is Camelodunum to be Doncaster or Pontfret. Leland esteeming it to be certeinelie Colchester taketh the Iceni men also to be the Northfolke men. But howsoeuer we shall take this place of Tacitus, it is euident inough that Camelodunum stood not farre from the Thames. And therefore to séeke it with Hector Boetius in Scotland, or with Polydor Virgil so far as Doncaster or Pontfret, it maie be thought a plaine error.

But to leaue each man to his owne iudgement in a matter so doubtfull, we will procéed with the historie as touching the warres betwixt the Romans and the Silurians, against whome (trusting not onelie vpon their owne manhood, but also vpon the high prowesse & valiancie of [Sidenote: _Cornelius Tacitus lib. Anna._ 12.] Caratacus) Ostorius set forward. Caratacus excelled in fame aboue all other the princes of Britaine, aduanced thereto by manie doubtfull aduentures and manie prosperous exploits, which in his time he had atchiued: but as he was in policie and aduantage of place better prouided than the Romans: so in power of souldiers he was ouermatched. [Sidenote: _Hu. Lhoyd._] And therefore he remoued the battell into the parts of that countrie where the Ordouices inhabited, which are thought to haue dwelled in the borders of Shropshire, Cheshire, and Lancashire, which people together with other that misliked of the Romane gouernment, he ioined in one, and chose a plot of ground for his aduantage, determining there to trie the vttermost hazard of battell.

The place which he thus chose was such, as the entries, the backwaies, and the whole situation thereof made for the Britains aduantage, and cleane contrarie to the Romans, as inclosed among high hils. And if there were anie easie passage to enter it vpon anie side, the same was shut vp with mightie huge stones in manner of a rampire, and afore it there ran a riuer without anie certeine foord to passe ouer it. This place is supposed to lie in the confines of Shropshire aloft vpon the top of an high hill there, enuironed with a triple rampire and ditch of great depth, hauing thrée entries into it, not directlie one against an other, but aslope. It is also (they saie) compassed about with two riuers, to wit, on the left hand with the riuer called Clun, & on the right hand with an other called Teuid. On thrée sides thereof the clime is verie stéepe and headlong, and no waie easie to come or reach vnto it, but onelie one.

Caratac hauing thus fortified himselfe within this place, and brought his armie into it: to encourage his people, he exhorted them to shew their manhood, affirming that to be the day, and that armie to be the same wherein should appeare the beginning either of libertie then to be recouered, or else of perpetuall bondage for euer to be susteined. He rehersed also speciallie by name those their elders, which had resisted Iulius Cesar, by whose high valiancie they liued free from the bloudie thraldome and tributes of the Romans, and enioied their wiues and children safe and vndefiled. Thus discoursing of manie things with them, in such hope of assured victorie, that they began to raise their cries, each one for him selfe, declaring that he was bound by the dutie he owght to the gods of his countrie, not to shrinke for feare of anie wounds or hurts that might chance vnto them by the enimies weapon.

This chéerefulnesse of the Britains greatlie astonished the Romane lieutenant. The hideous course also of the riuer before his face, the fortifications and craggie higth of the hils, all set full of enimies readie to beat him backe, put him in great feare: for nothing he saw afore him, but that which séemed dreadfull to those that should assaile. But the souldiers yet séemed to be verie desirous of battell, requesting him to bring them to it, protesting that nothing was able to resist the force of noble prowes. Herewith the capteins and tribunes discoursing the like, pricked forward the earnest willes which their souldiers had to fight.

Ostorius perceiuing such courage and readie wils in the men of warre, as well souldiers as capteins, began to bestirre himselfe, and left nothing vndone that might serue to set forward their earnest desire to battell. And hauing aduisedlie considered which waies were hard and [Sidenote: _Cornelius Tacitus Annal. lib._ 12.] vnpossible to be entered vpon, and which were most easie for his people to find passage by, he led them foorth, being most earnestlie bent to cope with the enimie.

Now hauing passed the water without any great difficultie, but comming to the rampire, he lost manie of his people, so long as the fight was continued with shot and casting of darts: but after that the Romans couering themselues with their targets, came once close togither, and approched vnder the rampire, they remooued away the stones which the Britains had roughlie couched togither, and so came to ioine with them at handblowes. The Britains being vnarmed, and not able to abide the force of the armed men, withdrew to the top of the hilles, but as well their enimies that were light armed, as the other with heauie armour, followed and brake in among them, so as the Britains could not turne them anie way to escape, for the light armed men with shot a farre off, and the heauie armed with weapons at hand, sought to make slaughter and wracke of them on ech side, so that this was a verie dolefull day to the Britains.

The wife and daughter of Caratake were taken prisoners, and his brethren also yéelded themselues. He himselfe escaped, and committing his person vnto the assurance & trust of Cartemandua queene of the Brigants, was by hir deliuered into the hands of the Romans. All this happened about nine yeres after the warres in Britaine first began.

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_The name of Caratacus famous in Italie, the maner how he and his alies were led captiues by the Romans in triumph, his courage and manlie speech to the emperour Claudius, whereby he and his obteine mercie and pardon: the Britains vndertake a new reuenge against the Romans; the cause why the Silures hated the Romans, Ostorius Scapula dieth, the citie of Chester builded._

THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: _Cornelius Tacit. lib._ 12.] [Sidenote: Carataks name renowmed.] The name of Caratacus being brought out of the Iles was alreadie spred ouer the prouinces adioining, and began now to grow famous through Italie. Men therefore were desirous to sée what maner of man he was that had so manie yéeres set at naught the puissant force of the empire. For in Rome the name of Caratacus was much spoken of, insomuch that the emperour whilest he went about to preferre his owne honour, aduanced the glorie of him also that was vanquished: for the people were called foorth as vnto some great notable sight or spectacle. The pretorian bands stood in order of battell armed in the field that laie before their lodgings, through which field Caratake shuld come. Then passed by the traine of his friends and seruants; and such armor, riches, iewels, and other things as had béene gotten in those warres, were borne forward, and openlie shewed, that all men might behold the same.

After these followed his brethren, wife, and daughters: and last of all came Caratacus himselfe, whose countenance was nothing like to theirs that went afore him. For whereas they fearing punishment for their rebellion with wailefull countenance craued mercie, he neither by countenance nor words shewd anie token of a discouraged mind, but being presented before the emperour Claudius sitting in his tribunall seat, he vttered this speach as followeth.

"If there had béene in me so much moderation in time of prosperitie, as there was nobilitie of birth and puissance, I had come to this citie rather as a friend than as a capteine: neither should I haue thought scorne, being borne of most noble parents, and ruling ouer many people, to haue accepted peace by waie of ioining with you in league. My present estate as it is to me reprochfull, so to you it is honorable. I had at commandement, horsses, men, armor, and great riches; what maruell is it if I were loth to forgo the same? For if you shall looke to gouerne all men, it must néeds follow that all men must be your slaues. If I had at the first yéelded my selfe, neither my power nor your glorie had béene set foorth to the world, & vpon mine execution I should straight haue béene forgotten. But if you now grant me life, I shall be a witnesse for euer of your mercifull clemencie."

The emperour with these words being pacified, granted life both to Caratake, and also to his wife and brethren, who being loosed from their bands, went also to the place where the empresse Agrippina sat (not farre off) in a chaire of estate, whom they reuerenced with the like praise and thanks as they had doone before to the emperour. After this the senat was called togither, who discoursed of manie things touching this honourable victorie atchiued by the taking of Caratake, estéeming the same no lesse glorious, than when P. Scipio shewed in [Sidenote: Siphax.] [Sidenote: L. Paulus.] triumph Siphax king of the Numidians, or L. Paulus the Macedonian king Perses, or other Romane capteins anie such king whom they had vanquished.

Héerevpon it was determined, that Ostorius should enter the citie of Rome with triumph like a conqueror, for such prosperous successe as hitherto had followed him: but afterwards his procéedings were not so luckie, either for that after Caratake was remooued out of the waie, or bicause the Romans (as though the warre had béene finished) looked negligentlie to themselues, either else for that the Britains taking compassion of the miserable state of Caratake, being so worthie a prince, through fortunes froward aspect cast into miserie, were more earnestlie set to reuenge his quarrell. Héerevpon they incompassed the maister of the campe, and those legionarie bands of souldiers which were left amongst the Silures to fortifie a place there for the armie to lodge in: and if succour had not come out of the next towns and castels, the Romans had béene destroied by siege. The head capteine yet, and eight centurions, and euerie one else of the companies being most forward, were slaine. Shortlie after they set vpon the Romane forragers, and put them to flight, and also such companies of horssemen as were appointed to gard them. Héerevpon Ostorius set foorth certeine bands of light horssemen, but neither could he staie the flight by that meanes, till finallie the legions entred the battell, by whose force they were staid, and at length the Romans obteined the better: but the Britains escaped by flight without great losse, by reason the daie was spent.

After this, manie bickerings chanced betwixt the Britains and Romans, & oftentimes they wrought their feats more like the trade of them that vse to rob by the high waies, than of those that make open warre, taking their enimies at some aduantage in woods and bogs, as hap or force ministred occasion vpon malice conceiued, or in hope of prey, sometimes by commandement, and sometimes without either commandement or knowledge of capteine or officer.

At one time the Britains surprised two bands of footmen that were with the Romans in aid, and sent foorth to forreie abroad vnaduisedlie, through couetousnesse of the capteins. This feat was atchiued by the Silures also, the which in bestowing prisoners and part of the spoile vpon other of their neighbours, procured them likewise to rebell against the Romans, and to take part with them. The Silures were the more earnestlie set against the Romans, by occasion of words which the emperor Claudius had vttered in their disfauour, as thus: that euen as the Sicambres were destroied and remooued into Gallia, so likewise must the Silures be dealt with, and the whole nation of them extinguished. These words being blowne abroad, and knowne ouer all, caused the Silures to conceiue a woonderfull hatred against the Romans, so that they were fullie bent, either to reteine their libertie, or to die in defense thereof vpon the enimies swoord.

In the meane time Ostorius Scapula departed this life, a right noble warrior, and one who by litle & litle insuing the steps of Aulus Plautius his predecessor, did what he could to bring the Ile into the forme of a prouince, which in part he accomplished.

[Sidenote: _W.H._ in his chronologie.] There be some led by coniecture grounded vpon good aduised considerations, that suppose this Ostorius Scapula began to build the citie of Chester after the ouerthrow of Caratacus: for in those parties he fortified sundrie holds, and placed a number of old souldiers either there in that selfe place, or in some other néere therevnto by waie of a colonie. And for somuch (saie they) as we read of none other of anie name thereabouts, it is to be thought that he planted the same in Chester, where his successors did afterwards vse to harbour their legions for the winter season, and in time of rest from iournies which they haue to make against their common enimies.

In déed it is a common opinion among the people there vnto this daie, that the Romans built those vaults or tauerns (which in that citie are [Sidenote: _Ran. Hig._ alias _Cestrensis._] vnder the ground) with some part of the castell. And verelie as Ranulfe Higden saith, a man that shall view and well consider those buildings, maie thinke the same to be the woorke of Romans rather than of anie other people. That the Romane legions did make their abode there, no man séene in antiquities can doubt thereof, for the ancient name _Caer leon ardour deuy,_ that is, The citie of legions vpon the water of Dée, proueth it sufficientlie enough.

[Sidenote: _Corn. Tacit._] But to returne vnto Ostorius Scapula, we find in Corn. Tacitus, that during his time of being lieutenant in this Ile, there were certeine [Sidenote: Cogidune a king in Britane.] cities giuen vnto one Cogidune a king of the Britains, who continued faithfull to the Romans vnto the daies of the remembrance of men liuing in the time of the said Cornelius Tacitus, who liued and wrote in the emperor Domitianus time. This was doone after an old receiued custom of the people of Rome, to haue both subiects and kings vnder their rule and dominion, as who so shall note the acts and déeds of the Roman emperours from C. Iulius Cesar (who chased Pompeie out of Italie, and was the first that obteined the Romane empire to himselfe; of whom also the princes and emperours succéeding him were called Cesars) to Octauian, Tiberius, Caligula, &c: maie easilie marke and obserue. For they were a people of singular magnanimitie, of an ambitious spirit, gréedie of honour and renowme, and not vnaptlie termed "Romani rerum domini, &c."

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_A. Didius is sent to supplie Ostorius his roome in Britaine, the trecherie and lecherie of queene Cartimanda, Venutius keepeth the kingdome in spite of the Romans, by what meanes their confines in this Ile were inlarged; the error of Hector Boetius and others touching the Silures, Brigants, and Nouants notified, the Britains giue the Romans a shamefull ouerthrow._

THE EIGHT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: A. Didius lieutenant.] After the deceasse of Ostorius Scapula, one A. Didius was sent to supplie his roome, but yer he could come, things were brought out of order, and the Britains had vanquished the legion whereof Manlius Valens had the conduct: this victorie was set foorth by the Britains to the vttermost, that with the bruit thereof they might strike a feare into the lieutenants hart, now vpon his first comming ouer. And he himselfe reported it by letters to the emperour after the largest manner, to the end that if he appeased the matter, he might win the more praise; or if he were put to the woorst, and should not preuaile, that then his excuse might séeme the more reasonable and woorthie of pardon. The Silures were they that had atchiued this victorie, and kept a fowle stur ouer all the countries about them, till by the comming of Didius against them, they were driuen backe and repelled.

But héerewith began trouble to be raised in another part: for after that Caratac was taken, the chiefest and most skillfull capteine which [Sidenote: Venutius ruler of the Iugants.] the Britains had, was one Venutius, a ruler of the people named Iugants, a man that remained a long time faithfull to the Romans, and by their power was defended from his enimies, who had married with [Sidenote: Cartimanda.] Cartimanda queene of the Brigants or Yorkeshire men. This Cartimanda (as ye haue heard) had deliuered Catarac into the Romans hands, thereby ministring matter for the emperour Claudius to triumph, by which pleasure shewed to the Romans, she increased thorough their friendship in power and wealth, whereof followed riotous lust to satisfie hir wanton appetite, so as she falling at square with hir [Sidenote: Vellocatus.] husband, married Vellocatus, one of his esquires, to whom she gaue hir kingdome, and so dishonoured hir selfe. Héerevpon insued cruell warre, in so much that in the end Venutius became enimie also to the Romans. But first they tugged togither betwixt themselues, & the quéene by a craftie policie found meanes to catch the brother and coosens of Venutius, but hir enimies nothing therewith discouraged, but kindled the more in wrath against hir, ceassed not to go forward with their purpose.

Manie of the Brigants disdaining to be subiect vnto a womans rule that had so reiected hir husband, reuolted vnto Venutius: but yet the quéenes sensuall lust mixed with crueltie, mainteined the adulterer. Venutius therefore calling to him such aid as he could get, and strengthened now by the reuolting of the Brigants, brought Cartimanda to such a narrow point, that she was in great danger to fall into the hands of hir enimies: which the Romans forséeing, vpon suit made, sent certeine bands of horssemen and footmen to helpe hir. They had diuerse incounters with the enimies at the first, with doubtfull successe: but [Sidenote: Venutius kéepeth the kingdome in despite of the Romans.] at length they preuailed, and so deliuered the quéene out of perill, but the kingdome remained to Venutius: against whom the Romans were constreined still to mainteine warre.

About the same time, the legion also which Cesius Nasica led, got the vpper hand of those Britains against whom he was sent. For Didius being aged, and by victories past inough renowmed, thought it sufficient for him to make warre by his capteins, so to staie and kéepe off the enimie. Certeine castels and holds in déed he caused to be built and fortified, further within the countrie than had béene afore attempted by anie of his predecessors, and so thereby were the confines of the Romans in this Ile somewhat inlarged. Thus haue ye heard with what successe the Britains mainteined warre in defense of their libertie against the Romans, whilest Claudius ruled the empire (according to the report of the Romane writers.)

[Sidenote: The error of _Hector Boetius._] ¶ But here you must note, that Hector Boetius, following the authoritie of one Veremond a Spaniard, of Cornelius Hibernicus, & also of Campbell, remooueth the Silures, Brigants, and Nouants, so farre northward, that he maketh them inhabitants of those countries which the Scots haue now in possession, and were euen then inhabited (as he affirmeth) partlie by the Scots, and partlie by the Picts (as in the Scotish historie ye may sée more at large) so that what notable feat soeuer was atchiued by the old Britains against the Romans, the same by him is ascribed to the Scots and Picts throughout his whole historie, whereas (in verie truth) forsomuch as may be gathered by coniecture und presumption of that which is left in writing by ancient authors, the Brigants inhabited Yorkshire, the Silures Wales and the Marches, and the Nouants the countrie of Cumberland.

But forsomuch as he hath diligentlie gathered in what maner the warres were mainteined by those people against the Romans, and what valiant exploits were taken in hand and finished thorough their stoutnesse and valiancie, ye may there read the same, and iudge at your pleasure what [Sidenote: A note to be considered in the reading of _Hect. Boetius._] people they were whome he so much praiseth: aduertising you hereof by the way, that as we haue before expressed, none of the Romane writers mentioneth any thing of the Scots, nor once nameth them, till the Romane empire began to decay, about the time of the emperor Constantius, father of Constantine the great: so that if they had béene in this Ile then so famous both in peace and warre, as they are reported by the same Boetius; maruell might it séeme, that the Romane writers would so passe them ouer with silence.

[Sidenote: _Cor. Tac. lib. annal._ 15.] After the death of Claudius the emperor of Rome, Claudius Domitianus Nero succéeded him in gouernement of the empire. In the seuenth yéere of whose reigne, which was after the incarnation 53, the Romans receiued a great ouerthrow in Britaine, where neither the lieutenant A. Didius Gallus (whom in this place Cornelius Tacitus calleth Auitus) could during the time of his rule doo no more but hold that which was alreadie gotten, beside the building of certeine castels (as before ye haue heard) neither his successor Verannius, beating and forreieng the woods, could atchiue anie further enterprise, for he was by death preuented, so as he could not procéed forward with his purpose touching the warres which he had ment to haue folowed, whose last words (in his testament expressed) detected him of manifest ambition: for adding manie things by way of flatterie to content Neros mind, he wished to haue liued but two yéeres longer, in which space he might haue subdued prouinces vnto his dominion, meaning therby the whole Ile of Britaine. But this was a Romans brag, sauouring rather of ambition than of truth or likelihood.

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_The gouernment of P. Suetonius in this Iland, he inuadeth Anglesey, and winneth it, a strange kind of women, of the Druides, the Britains lament their miserie and seruitude, and take aduise by weapon to redresse it against the Romans their enimies._

THE NINTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: P. Suetonius lieutenant.] But now when this great losse chanced to the Romans Paulinus Suetonius did gouerne here as lieutenant, a man most plentifullie furnished with all gifts of fortune and vertue, and therewith a right skilfull warrior. This Suetonius therefore wishing to tame such of the Britains [Sidenote: Anglesey inuaded.] as kept out, prepared to assaile the Ile of Anglesey, a countrie full of inhabitants, and a place of refuge for all outlawes and rebels. He builded certeine brigantins with flat kéeles to serue for the ebbes and shallow shelues here and there, lieng vncerteinlie in the straits which he had to passe. The footmen ferried ouer in those vessels, the horssemen following by the foords, and swimming when they came into the deepe, got likewise to the shore, where stood in order of battell and huge number of armed men close togither, redie to beat backe the Romans, and to staie them from comming to land. Amongst the men, a [Sidenote: A strange maner of women.] number of women were also running vp and downe as they had béene out of their wits, in garments like to wild roges, with their haire hanging downe about their shoulders, and bearing firebrands in their hands. There was also a companie of their priests or philosophers [Sidenote: The Druids.] called Druides, who with stretched forth hands towards heauen, thundered out curssings against the Romans in most bitter wise.

The souldiers were so amazed with the strangenesse of this sight, that (as men benummed of their lims and senses) they suffred themselues to be wounded and slaine like senselesse creatures, till by the calling vpon of their generall, and ech one incouraging other in no wise to feare a sort of mad & distract women, they preassed forward vnder their ensignes, bearing downe such as stood in their way, and with their owne fire smooldered and burnt them to ashes.

[Sidenote: Anglesey won by the Romans.] To conclude, the Romane lieutenant got possession of the whole Ile, wherein he placed garisons of men of warre to kéepe the people there [Sidenote: Woods cut downe.] in subiection. He also caused their woods to be cut downe, that were consecrated to their gods, within the which they were accustomed to sacrifice such as they tooke prisoners, and by the view of their intrailes, in dismembring them, to learne of their gods some oracles and such other things as should come to passe.

But now in the meane time, whilest Paulinus was abroad about this enterprise, the Britains began to conferre togither of they great and importable miseries, of their grieuous state of seruitude, of their iniuries and wrongs, which they dailie susteined: how that by sufferance they profited nothing, but still were oppressed with more heauie burthens. Ech countrie in times past had onelie one king to [Sidenote: Lieutenant & procurator.] rule them: now had they two, the lieutenant by his capteins and souldiers spilling their bloud, and the procurator or receiuer (as we may call him) bereauing them of their goods and substance. The concord or discord betwixt those that were appointed to rule ouer them, was all alike hurtfull vnto the subiects, the lieutenant oppressing them by his capteins and men of warre, and the procurator or receiuer by force and reprochfull demeanours, polling them by insufferable exactions.

There was nothing frée from the couetous extortion and filthie concupiscence of these vnsatiable persons, for in these daies (say they) the greatest spoiler is the valiantest man, and most commonlie our houses are robbed and ransacked by a sort of cowardlie raskals that haue no knowledge of anie warlike feats at all. Our children are taken from us, we are forced to go to the musters, and are set foorth to serue in forren parties, as those that are ignorant which way to spend our liues in the quarell of our owne countrie. What a number of souldiers haue beene transported ouer from hence to serue in other lands, if a iust account were taken thereof: The Germans by manhood haue cast (said they) from their shoulders the heauie yoke of bondage, and are not defended as we are with the maine Ocean sea, but onelie with a riuer. Where the Britains haue their countrie, their wiues and parents, as iust causes of war to fight for: the Romans haue none at all, but a couetous desire to gaine by rapine, and to satisfie their excessiue lusts.

They might easilie be compelled to depart the countrie, as Iulius Cesar was, if the Britains would shew some proofe of the noble prowesse that was euidentlie found in their woorthie ancestors, and not shrinke or quaile in courage for the misaduenture that should happilie chance by fighting one battell or two. Greatest force and constancie alwaies remaineth with those that séek to deliuer themselues from miserie. Now appeared it that the gods had taken some pitie of the poore Britains, who by their diuine power did withhold the chiefe capteine of the Romans with his armie, as it were banished [Sidenote: Occasion not be neglected.] in an other Iland. Let vs then (said they) take the oportunitie of time and good occasion offered, and foorthwith procéed in our businesse: for lesse danger it is manfullie to aduenture, and to go forward with our purpose, than to be bewraied and taken in these our consultations. Thus hauing taken aduise togither, and wholie misliking their present state, they determined to take weapon in hand, and so by force to seeke for reformation.

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_A catalog of causes or greeuances inciting the Britains to rebell against the Romans, wherein is shewed what iniuries they susteined: of diuers strange wonders and apparitions; the chiefe cause of the Britains insurging against the Romans, they admitted as well women as men to publike gouernement. A description of queene Voadicia, hir personage and maner of attire._

THE TENTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: _Cor. Tac. lib._ 14.] The Britains indeed were occasioned to doo as they purposed, thorough manie euill parts practised by the Romans greatlie to their griefs and [Sidenote: Prasutagus.] displeasures. For whereas Prasutagus (who is supposed by Hector [Sidenote: The Oxfordshire and Glocestershire men.] Boetius to be Aruiragus, king of the people called Iceni) had made the emperour and two of his owne daughters his heires, supposing by that meane to haue his kingdome and familie preserued from all iniurie: it happened quite contrarie to that his expectation. For his kingdome was [Sidenote: Voadicia alias Bunduica.] spoiled by the Romane capteins, his wife named Voadicia beaten by the souldiers, his daughters rauished, the péeres of the realme bereft of their goods, and the kings friends made and reputed as bondslaues.

[Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._] There was also an other great cause that stirred the Britains to this rebellion, which was the confiscating of their goods: for whereas Claudius himselfe had pardoned the chiefest persons of the forfeitures, Decianus Catus the procurator of that Ile mainteined that [Sidenote: Vsurie.] the same ought to be renewed againe. To this an other griefe was added, that where Seneca had lent to the nobilitie of the Ile, foure hundred sestercies, ech hundred being 500000 pounds starling, or thereabout, vpon great interest, he required the whole summe togither by great rigor and violence, although he forced them at the first to take this monie to vsurie.

Also such old souldiers as were placed by waie of a colonie, to inhabit the towne of Camelodunum, expelled manie of the Britains out of their houses, droue them out of their possessions and lands, and accounted the Britains as slaues, and as though they had bene captiue prisoners or bondmen. Besides this, the temple there that was built in honor of Claudius, as an altar of eternall rule and gouernment, was serued with préests, the which vnder colour of religion did spoile, consume and deuoure the goods of all men.

Moreouer, such strange sights and woonders as chanced about the same time, pricked the Britains the rather forward. For the image of the goddesse Victoria in the temple at Camelodunum, slipping downe, turned hir backe (as who should saie she gaue place as vanquished) to the [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._] enimies. Also in the hall where the courts of iustice were kept, there was a maruellous great noise heard, with much laughing, and a sturre [Sidenote: Strange woonders.] in the theatre, with great wéeping and lamentable howling, at such time as it was certeinlie knowne that there was no creature there to make anie noise. The sea at a spring tide appeared of a bloudie colour, and when the tide was gone backe, there were séene on the [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._] sands the shapes & figures of mens bodies. Women also as rauished of their wits, and being as it were in a furie, prophesied that destruction was at hand, so that the Britains were put greatlie in hope, and the Romans in feare.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._] But those things, whether they chanced by the craft of man, or illusion of the diuell; or whether they procéeded of some naturall cause, which the common people oftentimes taketh superstitiouslie, in place of strange woonders signifieng things to follow, we would let passe, least we might be thought to offend religion; the which teaching all things to be doone by the prouidence of God, despiseth the vaine predictions of haps to come, if the order of an historie (saith Polydor Virgil) would so permit, the which requireth all things to be written in maner as they fall out and come to passe.

[Sidenote: _Cor. Tac. li._ 15.] [Sidenote: Voadicia by Dion Cassius is called Bunuica.] But the Britains were chiefelie mooued to rebellion by the iust complaint of Voadicia, declaring how vnséemelie she had beene vsed and intreated at the hands of the Romans: and because she was most earnestlie bent to séeke reuenge of their iniuries, and hated the name of the Romans most of all other, they chose hir to be capteine (for [Sidenote: The ancient Britains admitted as well women as men to publike gouernment.] they in rule and gouvernment made no difference then of sex, whether they committed the same to man or woman) and so by a generall conspiracie, the more part of the people hauing also allured the Essex men vnto rebellion, rose and assembled themselues togither to make warre against the Romans. There were of them a hundred and twentie thousand got togither in one armie vnder the leading of the said Voadicia, or Bunduica (as some name hir.)

She therefore to encourage hir people against the enimies, mounted vp into an high place raised vp of turfes & sods made for the nonce, out of the which she made a long & verie pithie oration. Hir mightie tall personage, comelie shape, seuere countenance, and sharpe voice, with hir long and yellow tresses of heare reaching downe to hir thighes, hir braue and gorgeous apparell also caused the people to haue hir in great reuerence. She ware a chaine of gold, great and verie massie, and was clad in a lose kirtle of sundrie colours, and aloft therevpon she had a thicke Irish mantell: hereto in hir hand (as hir custome was) she bare a speare, to shew hirselfe the more dreadfull.

* * * * *

_The oration of quéene Voadicia full of prudence and spirit to the Britains, for their encouragement against the Romans, wherein she rippeth vp the vile seruitude and shamefull wrongs which their enimies inflicted vpon them, with other matters verie motiue, both concerning themselues and their enimies, hir supplication and praier for victorie._

THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER.

Now Voadicia being prepared (as you heare) set foorth with such maiestie, that she greatlie incouraged the Britains; vnto whome for their better animating and emboldening, she vttered this gallant oration in manner and forme following.

[Sidenote: The oration of Voadicia.] "I doo suppose (my louers and friends) that there is no man here but dooth well vnderstand how much libertie and fréedome is to be preferred before thraldome and bondage. But if there haue bene anie of you so deceiued with the Romane persuasions, that ye did not for a time see a difference betwéene them, and iudged whether of both is most to be desired: now I hope that hauing tried what it is to be vnder both, ye will with me reforme your iudgement, and by the harmes alreadie taken, acknowledge your ouersight, and forsake your former error. Againe, in that a number of you haue rashlie preferred an externall souereigntie before the customes and lawes of your owne countrie, you doo at this time (I doubt not) perfectlie vnderstand how much free pouertie is to be preferred before great riches, wherevnto seruitude is annexed; and much wealth in respect of captiuitie vnder forren magistrats, wherevpon slauerie attendeth. For what thing (I beséech you) can there be so vile & grieuous vnto the nature of man, that hath not happened vnto vs, sithens the time that the Romans haue bene acquainted with this Iland?

"Are we not all in manner bereaued of our riches & possessions? Doo not we (beside other things that we giue, and the land that we till for their onelie profit) paie them all kinds of tributs, yea for our owne carcases? How much better is it to be once aloft and fortunate in deed, than vnder the forged and false title of libertie, continuallie to paie for our redemption a fréedome? How much is it more commendable to lose our liues in defense of our countrie, than to carie about not so much as our heads toll frée, but dailie oppressed & laden with innumerable exactions? But to what end doo I remember and speake of these things, since they will not suffer by death to become frée? For what and how much we paie for them that are dead, there is not one here but he dooth well vnderstand. Among other nations such as are brought into seruitude, are alwaies by death discharged of their bondage: onelie to the Romans the dead doo still liue, and all to increase their commoditie and gaine.

"If anie of vs be without monie (as I know not well how and which way we should come by anie) then are we left naked, & spoiled of that which remaineth in our houses, & we our selues as men left desolate & dead. How shall we looke for better dealing at their hands hereafter, that in the beginning deale so vncourteouslie with vs: since there is no man that taketh so much as a wild beast, but at the first he will cherish it, and with some gentlenesse win it to familiaritie? But we ourselues (to saie the trueth) are authors of our owne mischiefe, which suffered them at the first to set foot within our Iland, and did not by and by driue them backe as we did Cesar, or slue them with our swords when they were yet farre off, and that the aduenturing hither was dangerous: as we did sometime to Augustus and Caligula.

"We therefore that inhabit this Iland, which for the quantitie thereof maie well be called a maine, although it be inuironed about with the Ocean sea, diuiding vs from other nations, so that we séeme to liue vpon an other earth, & vnder a seuerall heauen: we, euen we (I saie) whose name hath béene long kept hid from the wisest of them all, are now contemned and troden vnder foot, of them who studie nothings else but how to become lords & haue rule of other men. Wherefore my welbeloued citizens, friendes, and kinsfolkes (for I thinke we are all of kin, since we were borne and dwell in this Ile, and haue one name common to vs all) let vs now, euen now (I saie, because we haue not doone it heretofore, and whilest the remembrance of our ancient libertie remaineth) sticke togither, and performe that thing which dooth perteine to valiant and hardie courages, to the end we maie inioie, not onelie the name of libertie, but also fréedome it selfe, and thereby leaue our force and valiant acts for an example to our posteritie: for if we which haue béene liberallie and in honest maner brought vp, should vtterlie forget our pristinate felicitie: what may we hope for in those that shall sucéed vs, and are like to be brought vp in miserie and thraldome?

"I doo not make rehearsall of these things vnto you, to the end I would prouoke you to mislike of this present estate of things (for well I know you abhorre it sufficientlie alreadie) neither to put you in feare of those things that are likelie to fall hereafter (because you doo feare and sée them verie well before hand) but to the end I maie giue you heartie thankes and woorthie commendations, for that of your owne accord and meanes you determine so well to prouide for things necessarie (thereby to helpe both me and your selues with willing minds) as men that are nothing in doubt of all the Romane puissance.

"If you consider the number of your enimies, it is not greater than yours: if you regard their strength, they are no stronger than you: and all this dooth easilie appéere by the bassinets, habergeons, & greiues wherewith you be armed; and also by the walls, ditches and trenches that you haue made for your own defense, to kéepe off their excursions, who had rather fight with vs a farre off, than cope & deale with vs at hand strokes, as our custome of the warres and martiall discipline dooth require. Wherefore we doo so farre exceed them in force, that in mine opinion, our armie is more strong than stone walls, and one of our targets woorth all the armour that they doo beare vpon them: by meanes whereof, if the victorie be ours, we shall soone make them captiues: or if we lose the field, we shall easilie escape the danger.

"Furthermore, if after the flight we shall indeuour to méet anie where, we haue the marishes héere beneath to hide vs in, and the hils round about to kéepe them off, so that by no meanes they shall haue their purpose of vs, whereas they being ouercharged with heavie armour, shall neither be able to follow, if we flée; nor escape out of our danger, if they be put to flight: if they happen to breake out at anie time as desirous to make a rode, they returne by and by to their appointed places, where we maie take them as birds alreadie in cage. In all which things, as they are farre inferior to vs, so most of all in this, that they can not indure hunger, thirst, cold, heat, and sunneshine, as we can doo.

"In their houses also and tents, they make much account of their baked meates, wine, oile, and abroad of the shadow, that if anie of these doo faile them, they either die foorthwith, or else in time they languish and consume: whereas to vs euerie hearbe and root is meat, euerie iuice an oile, all water pleasant wine, and euerie trée an house. Beside this, there is no place of the land vnknowne to vs, neither yet vnfriendlie to succour vs at néed; whereas to the Romans they are for the most part vnknowne and altogither dangerous, if they should stand in néed: we can with ease swim ouer euerie riuer both naked and clad, which they with their great ships are scarse able to performe. Wherefore with hope and good lucke let vs set vpon them couragiouslie, and teach them to vnderstand, that since they are no better than hares and foxes, they attempt a wrong match, when they indeuour to subdue the grehounds and the woolues." With which words the quéene let an hare go out of hir lap, as it were thereby to giue prognostication of hir successe, which comming well to passe, all the companie showted, and cried out vpon such as not long before had doone such violence to so noble a personage. Presentlie vpon this action, Voadicia calling them togither againe, procéeded forward with hir praier, which she made before them all, holding vp hir hands after this manner:

"I giue thée thanks O Adraste, and call vpon thee thou woman of women, which reignest not ouer the burthen-bearing Aegyptians, as Nitocris; neither ouer their merchants, as dooth Semiramis, for these trifles we haue learned latelie of the Romans: neither ouer the people of Rome, as a little héeretofore Messalina, then Agrippina, and now Nero, who is called by the name of a man, but is in déed a verie woman, as dooth appéere by his voice, his harpe, and his womans attire: but I call vpon thee as a goddesse which gouernest the Britains, that haue learned not to till the field, nor to be handicrafts men, but to lead their liues in the warres after the best manner: who also as they haue all other things, so haue they likewise their wiues and children common, whereby the women haue the like audacitie with the men, and no lesse boldnesse in the warres than they.

"Therefore sithens I haue obteined a kingdome among such a mightie people, I beséech thée to grant them victorie, health, and libertie, against these contentious, wicked, and vnsatiable men (if they maie be called men, which vse warme bathings, delicate fare, hot wines, swéet oiles, soft beds, fine musicke, and so vnkindlie lusts) who are altogither giuen to couetousnesse and crueltie, as their dooings doo declare. Let not I beséech thée, the Neronian or Domitian tyrannie anie more preuaile vpon me, or (to saie truth) vpon thée, but let them rather serue thée, whose heauie oppression thou hast borne withall a long season, and that thou wilt still be our helper onlie, our defender, our fauourer, and our furtherer, O noble ladie, I hartilie beséech thée."

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_Queene Voadicia marcheth against the Romans, to whom she giueth a shamefull and bloudie ouerthrow without anie motion of mercie, dredfull examples of the Britains crueltie indifferentlie executed without exception of age or sex._

THE TWELFE CHAPTER.

When Voadicia had made an end of hir praier, she set forward against hir enimies, who at that time were destitute in déed of their lieutenant Paulinus Suetonius, being as then in Anglesey (as before ye haue heard.) Wherefore the Romans that were in Camelodunum sent for [Sidenote: _Corn. Tacit._] [Sidenote: Catus Decianus procurator.] aid vnto Catus Decianus the procurator, that is, the emperours agent, treasurer, or receiuer, for in that citie (although it were inhabited by Romans) there was no great garrison of able men. Wherevpon the procurator sent them such aid as he thought he might well spare, which was not past two hundred men, and those not sufficientlie furnished either with weapon or armour.

The citie was not compassed with anie rampire or ditch for defense, such as happilie were priuie to the conspiracie, hauing put into the heads of the Romans that no fortification néeded: neither were the aged men nor women sent awaie, whereby the yoong able personages might without trouble of them the better attend to the defense of the citie: but euen as they had béene in all suertie of peace, and frée from suspicion of anie warre, they were suddenlie beset with the huge armie of the Britains, and so all went to spoile and fire that could be found without the inclosure of the temple, into the which the Romane souldiers (striken with sudden feare by this sudden comming of the enimies) had thronged themselues. Where being assieged by the Britains, within the space of two daies the place was woonne, and they that were found within it, slaine euerie mothers sonne.

After this, the Britains incouraged with this victorie, went to méet with Petus Cerealis lieutenant of the legion, surnamed the ninth, and boldlie incountering with the same legion, gaue the Romans the ouerthrow and slue all the footmen, so that Cerealis with much adoo escaped with his horssemen, and got him backe to the campe, and saued himselfe within the trenches. Catus the procurator being put in feare with this ouerthrow, and perceiuing what hatred the Britains bare towards him, hauing with his couetousnesse thus brought the warre vpon the head of the Romans, got him ouer into Gallia.

But Suetonius aduertised of these dooings, came backe out of Anglesey, and with maruellous constancie marched through the middest of his enimies to London, being as then not greatlie peopled with Romans, though there was a colonie of them, but full of merchants, and well prouided of vittels: he was in great doubt at his comming thither, whether he might best staie there as in a place most conuenient, or rather séeke some other more easie to be defended. At length considering the small number of his men of warre, and remembring how Cerealis had sped by his too much rashnesse, he thought better with the losing of one towne to saue the whole, than to put all in danger of irrecouerable losse. And therewith nothing mooued at the praier & teares of them which besought him of aid and succour, he departed, and those that would go with him he receiued into his armie, those that taried behind were oppressed by the enimies: and the like destruction happened to them of Verolanium, a towne in those daies of great fame, situat néere to the place where the towne of Saint Albons now standeth.

The Britains leauing the castels and fortresses vnassaulted, followed their game in spoiling of those places which were easie to get, and where great plentie of riches was to be found, vsing their victorie with such crueltie, that they slue (as the report went) to the number [Sidenote: 80000, saith _Dion._] of 70 thousand Romans, and such as tooke their part in the said places by the Britains thus woon and conquered. For there was nothing with the Britains but slaughter, fire, gallowes, and such like, so earnestlie were they set on reuenge. They spared neither age nor sex: women of great nobilitie and woorthie fame they tooke and hanged vp naked, and cutting off their paps, sowed them to their mouthes, that they might séeme as if they sucked and fed on them, and some of their bodies they stretched out in length, and thrust them on sharpe stakes. All these things they did in great despite whilest they sacrificed in their temples, and made feasts, namelie in the wood consecrated to the honour of Andates, for so they called the goddesse of victorie whom they worshipped most reuerentlie.

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_P. Suetonius the Romane with a fresh power assalteth the Britains, whose armie consisted as well of women as men: queene Voadicia incourageth hir souldiers, so dooth Suetonius his warriors, both armies haue a sharpe conflict, the Britains are discomfited and miserablie slaine, the queene dieth, Penius Posthumus killeth himselfe, the Britains are persecuted with fire, swoord, and famine, the grudge betweene Cassicianus and Suetonius, whome Polycletus is sent to reconcile, of his traine, and how the Britains repined at him._

THE XIIJ. CHAPTER.

In this meane time there came ouer to the aid of Suetonius, the legion surnamed the 14, and other bands of souldiers and men of warre, to the number of ten thousand in the whole, wherevpon (chieflie bicause vittels began to faile him) he prepared to giue battell to his enimies, and chose out a plot of ground verie strong within straits, and backed with a wood, so that the enimies could not assault his campe but on the front: yet by reason of their great multitude and [Sidenote: The Britains were at that time 230000 men, (as _Dion_ writeth.)] hope of victorie conceiued by their late prosperous successe, the Britains vnder the conduct of quéene Voadicia aduentured to giue battell, hauing their women there to be witnesses of the victorie, whome they placed in charrets at the vttermost side of their field.

[Sidenote: _Corn. Tacit. li._ 15.] [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._] Voadicia, or Boudicia (for so we find hir written by some copies, and Bonuica also by Dion) hauing hir daughters afore hir, being mounted into a charret, as she passed by the souldiers of ech sundrie countrie, told them "it was a thing accustomed among the Britains to go to the warres vnder the leading of women; but she was not now come foorth as one borne of such noble ancestors as she was descended from, to fight for hir kingdome and riches; but as one of the meaner sort, rather to defend hir lost libertie, and to reuenge hir selfe of the enimie, for their crueltie shewed in scourging hir like a vagabond, and shamefull deflouring of hir daughters: for the licentious lust of the Romans was so farre spred and increased, that they spared neither the bodies of old nor yoong, but were readie most shamefullie to abuse them, hauing whipped hir naked being an aged woman, and forced hir daughters to satisfie their filthie concupiscence: but (saith she) the gods are at hand readie to take iust reuenge.

"The legion that presumed to incounter with vs is slaine and beaten downe. The residue kéepe them close within their holds, or else séeke waies how to flée out of the countrie: they shall not be once able so much as to abide the noise and clamor of so manie thousands as we are héere assembled, much lesse the force of our great puissance and dreadfull hands. If ye therefore (said she) would wey and consider with your selues your huge numbers of men of warre, and the causes why ye haue mooued this warre, ye would surelie determine either in this battell to die with honour, or else to vanquish the enimie by plaine force, for so (quoth she) I being a woman am fullie resolued, as for you men ye maie (if ye list) liue and be brought into bondage."

"Neither did Suetonius ceasse to exhort his people: for though he trusted in their manhood, yet as he had diuided his armie into three battels, so did he make vnto ech of them a seuerall oration, willing them not to feare the shrill and vaine menacing threats of the Britains, sith there was among them more women than men, they hauing no skill in warrelike discipline, and heereto being naked without furniture of armour, would foorthwith giue place when they should féele the sharpe points of the Romans weapons, and the force of them by whom they had so often béene put to flight. In manie legions (saith he) the number is small of them that win the battell. Their glorie therefore should be the more, for that they being a small number should win the fame due to the whole armie, if they would (thronging togither) bestow their weapons fréelie, and with their swoords and targets preasse forward vpon their enimies, continuing the slaughter without regard to the spoile, they might assure themselues when the victorie was once atchiued to haue all at their pleasures."

Such forwardnesse in the souldiers followed vpon this exhortation of the couragious generall, that euerie one prepared himselfe so readilie to doo his dutie, and that with such a shew of skill and experience, that Suetonius hauing conceiued an assured hope of good lucke to follow, caused the trumpets to sound to the battell. The onset was giuen in the straits, greatlie to the aduantage of the Romans, being but a handfull in comparison to their enimies. The fight in the beginning was verie sharpe and cruell, but in the end the Britains being a let one to another (by reason of the narrownesse of the place) were not able to susteine the violent force of the Romans their enimies, so that they were constreind to giue backe, and so being disordered were put to flight, and vtterlie discomfited.

[Sidenote: 80000 Britains slaine.] There were slaine of the Britains that day few lesse than 80000 [Sidenote: [*_sic_]] thousand*, as Tacitus writeth. For the straits being stopped with the charrets, staied the flight of the Britains, so as they could not easilie escape: and the Romans were so set on reuenge, that they spared neither man nor woman, so that manie were slaine in the battell, manie amongst the charrets, and a great number at the woods side, which way they made their flight, and manie were taken prisoners. Those that escaped, would haue fought a new battell, but in the meane time Voadicia, or Bonuica deceassed of a naturall infirmitie, as Dion Cassius writeth, but other say that she poisoned hir selfe, and so died, because she would not come into the hands of hir bloodthirstie enimies. There died of the Romans part in this most notable battell 400, and about the like number were grieuouslie hurt and most pitifullie wounded.

[Sidenote: Penius Posthumous sleieth himselfe.] Penius Posthumous maister of the campe of the second legion, vnderstanding the prosperous successe of the other Romane capteins, because he had defrauded his legion of the like glorie, and had refused to obeie the commandements of the generall, contrarie to the vse of warre, slue himselfe.

After this all the Romane armie was brought into the field to make an end of the residue of the warre. And the emperour caused a supplie to be sent out of Germanie being 2000 legionarie souldiers, and 8 bands of aids, with 1000 horssemen, by whose comming the bands of the ninth legion were supplied with legionarie souldiers, and those bands and wings of horssemen were appointed to places where they might winter, and such people of the Britains as were either enimies, or else stood in doubt whether to be friends or enimies in déed, were persecuted with fire and sword.

But nothing more afflicted them than famine, for whilest euerie man gaue himselfe to the warre, and purposed to haue liued vpon the prouision of the Romans and other their enimies, they applied not themselues to tillage, nor to anie husbanding of the ground, and long [Sidenote: Julius Cassickinus procurator.] it was yer they (being a fierce kind of people) fell to embrace peace, by reason that Iulius Cassicianus, who was sent into Britaine as successor to Catus, fell at square with Suetonius, and by his priuat grudge hindered the prosperous successe of publike affaires. He sticked not to write to Rome, that except an other were sent to succéed in the roome that Suetonius did beare, there would be no end of the warres. Herevpon one Polycletus, which sometime had béene a bondman, was sent into Britaine, as a commissioner to surueie the state of the countrie, to reconcile the legat and procurator, & also to pacifie all troubles within the Ile.

The port which Polycletus bare was great, for he was furnished with no small traine that attended vpon him, so that his presence seemed verie dreadfull to the Romans. But the Britains that were not yet pacified, thought great scorne to see such honorable capteins and men of warre as the Romans were, to submit themselues to the order of such a one as had béene a bondslaue.

* * * * *

_In what state the Iland stood whiles Aruiragus reigned; the dissolute and loose gouernement of Petronius Turpilianus, Trebellius Maximus, and Victius Volanus, thrée lieutenants in Britaine for the Romane emperours, of Iulius Frontinus who vanquished the Silures._

THE XIIIJ. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: PETRONIUS TURPILIANUS LIEUTENANT.] In place of Suetonius, was Petronius Turpilianus (who had latelie béene consull) appointed to haue gouernance of the armie in Britaine, the which neither troubling the enimie, nor being of the enimie in anie wise troubled or prouoked, did colour slouthfull rest with the honest name of peace and quietnesse, and so sat still without exploiting anie notable enterprise.

[Sidenote: TREBELLIUS MAXIMUS LIEUTENANT.] After Turpilianus, Trebellius Maximus was made lieutenant of Britaine, who likewise with courteous demeanour sought to kéepe the Britains in rest rather than by force to compell them. And now began the people of the Ile to beare with pleasant faults and flattering vices, so that the ciuill warres that chanced in those daies after the death of the emperour Nero at home, might easilie excuse the slouthfulnesse of the Romane lieutenants.

Moreouer, there rose dissention amongest their men of warre, which being vsed to lie abroad in the field, could not agrée with the idle life; so that Trebellius Maximus was glad to hide himselfe from the sight of the souldiers being in an vprore against him, till at length humbling himselfe vnto them further than became his estate, he gouerned by waie of intreatie, or rather at their courtesie. And so was the commotion staied without bloudshed, the armie as it were hauing by couenant obtained to liue licentiouslie, and the capteine suertie to liue without danger to be murthered.

[Sidenote: VICTIUS VOLANUS LIEUTENAT.] Neither Victius Volanus that succéeded Maximus whilest the time of the ciuill warres as yet endured, did trouble the Britains, vsing the same slacknesse and slouth that the other lieutenants had vsed before him, and permitted the like licence to the presumptuous souldiers: but yet was Volanus innocent as touching himselfe, and not hated for anie notable crime or vice: so that he purchased fauour, although authoritie wanted.

But after that the emperour Vsepasianus had subdued his aduersaries, and atteined the imperiall gouernment, as well ouer Britaine as ouer [Sidenote: _Cor. Tacitus._] other parts of the world, there were sent hither right noble capteins, with diuers notable bands of souldiers, and Petilius Cerialis being appointed lieutenant, put the Britains in great feare, by inuading the Brigants the mightiest nation of all the whole Iland: and fighting manie battels, and some right bloudie with those people, he subdued a great part of the countrie at the last.

[Sidenote: IULIUS FRONTINUS LIEUTENAT.] After him succéeded as lieutenant of Britaine, one Iulius Frontinus, who vanquished and brought to the Romane subiection by force of armes the people called Silures, striuing not onelie against the stout resistance of the men, but also with the hardnesse & combersome troubles of the places.

¶ Thus may you perceiue in what state this Ile stood in the time that Aruiragus reigned in the same, as is supposed by the best histories of the old Britains: so that it may be thought that he gouerned rather a part of this land, than the whole, and bare the name of a king, the Romans not hauing so reduced the countrie into the forme of a prouince, but that the Britains bare rule in diuerse parts thereof, and that by the permission of the Romans, which neuerthelesse had their lieutenants and procuratours here, that bare the greatest rule vnder the aforesaid emperours.

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_The state of this Iland under Marius the sonne of Aruiragus, the comming in of the Picts with Roderike their king, his death in the field, the Picts and Scots enter into mutuall aliance, the monument of Marius, his victorie ouer the Picts, his death and interrement._

THE XV. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: MARIUS.] [Sidenote: _Hector Boetius_ saith that his Marius was a Romane. 73.] After the decease of Aruiragus, his sonne Marius succeeded him in the estate, and began his reigne in the yeare of our Lord 73. In the old English chronicle he is fondlie called Westmer, & was a verie wise man, gouerning the Britains in great prosperitie, honour and wealth.

In the time of this mans reigne, the people called Picts inuaded this land, who are iudged to be descended of the nation of the Scithians, [Sidenote: Of these you maie reade more in pag. 9. (441-2 = Book 2, Ch. 3.)] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] neare kinsmen to the Goths, both by countrie and maners, a cruell kind of men and much giuen to the warres. This people with their ringleader Roderike, or (as some name him) Londorike, entering the Ocean sea after the maner of rouers, arriued on the coasts of Ireland, where they required of the Scots new seats to inhabit in: for the Scots which (as some thinke) were also descended of the Scithians, did as then inhabit in Ireland: but doubting that it should not be for their profit to receiue so warlike a nation into that Ile, feining as it were a friendship, and excusing the matter by the narrownesse of the countrie, declared to the Picts, that the Ile of Britaine was not farre from thence, being a large countrie and a plentifull, and not greatly inhabited: wherefore they counselled them to go thither, promising vnto them all the aid that might be.

The Picts more desirous of spoile than of rule or gouernment without delaie returned to the sea, and sailed towards Britaine, where being arriued, they first inuaded the north parts thereof, and finding there but few inhabiters, they began to wast and forrey the countrie: whereof when king Marius was aduertised, with all speed he assembled his people, and made towards his enimies, and giuing them battell, [Sidenote: Roderike king of Picts slaine.] obtained the victorie, so that Roderike was there slaine in the field, and his people vanquished.

Vnto those that escaped with life, Marius granted licence that they might inhabit in the north part of Scotland called Catnesse, being as then a countrie in maner desolate without habitation: wherevpon they withdrew thither, and setled themselues in those parties. And bicause the Britains disdained to grant vnto them their daughters in mariage, they sent vnto the Scots into Ireland, requiring to haue wiues of their nation. The Scots agréed to their request, with this condition, that where there wanted lawfull issue of the kings linage to succéed in the kingdome of the Picts, then should they name one of the womans side to be their king: which ordinance was receiued and obserued euer after amongst the Picts, so long as their kingdome endured.

Thus the Picts next after the Romans were the first of anie strangers that came into this land to inhabit as most writers affirme, although the Scotish chronicles auouch the Picts to be inhabiters here before [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] the incarnation of our sauiour. But the victorie which Marius obteined against their king Roderike, chanced in the yéere after the incarnation 87. In remembrance of which victorie, Marius caused a stone to be erected in the same place where the battell was fought, in which stone was grauen these words, _Marij victoria._ The English chronicle saith that this stone was set vp on Stanesmoore, and that the whole countrie thereabout taking name of this Marius, was Westmaria, now called Westmerland.

King Marius hauing thus subdued his enimies, and escaped the danger of their dreadfull inuasion, gaue his mind to the good gouernement of his people, and the aduancement of the common wealth of the realme, continuing the residue of his life in great tranquillitie, and [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: Thus find we in the British and English histories touching this Marius.] finallie departed this life, after he had reigned (as most writers say) 52, or 53 yéeres. Howbeit there be that write, that he died in the yéere of our Lord 78, and so reigned not past fiue or six yéeres at the most. He was buried at Caerleill, leauing a sonne behind him called Coill.

Humfrey Lhoyd séemeth to take this man and his father Aruiragus to be all one person, whether mooued thereto by some catalog of kings which he saw, or otherwise, I cannot affirme: but speaking of the time when the Picts and Scots should first come to settle themselues in this land, he hath these words; Neither was there anie writers of name, that made mention either of Scots or Picts before Vespasianus time, about the yeere of the incarnation 72: at what time Meurig or Maw, or Aruiragus reigned in Britaine, in which time our annales doo report, that a certeine kind of people liuing by pirasie and rouing on the sea, came foorth of Sueden, or Norwaie, vnder the guiding of one Rhithercus, who landed in Albania, wasting all the countrie with robbing and spoiling so farre as Caerleill, where he was vanquished in battell, and slaine by Muragus, with a great part of his people; the residue that escaped by flight, fled to their ships, and so conueied themselues into the Iles of Orkney and Scotland, where they abode quietlie a great while after.

Thus farre haue I thought good to shew of the foresaid Lhoyds booke, for that it seemeth to carie a great likelihood of truth with it, for the historie of the Picts, which vndoubtedlie I thinke were not as yet inhabiting in Britaine, but rather first placing themselues in the Iles of Orkney, made inuasion into the maine Ile of Britaine afterwards, as occasion was offred. In the British toong they are called Pightiaid, that is Pightians, and so likewise were they called in the Scotish, and in their owne toong. Now will we shew what chanced in this Ile, during the time of the foresaid Marius his supposed reigne, as is found in the Romane histories.

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_Iulius Agricola is deputed by Vespasian to gouerne Britaine, he inuadeth the Ile of Anglesey, the inhabitants yeeld vp them selues, the commendable gouernement of Agricola, his worthie practises to traine the Britains to ciuilitie, his exploits fortunatelie atchiued against diuerse people, as the Irish, &c._

THE 16. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Iulius Agricola lieutenant.] [Sidenote: _Cor. Tacit. in uit. Agr._] [Sidenote: The first yéere of Agricola his gouernment.] After Iulius Frontinus, the emperor Vespasian sent Iulius Agricola to succéed in the gouernement of Britaine, who comming ouer about the midst of summer, found the men of warre thorough want of a lieutenant negligent inough, so those that looking for no trouble, thought themselues out of all danger, where the enimies neuerthelesse watched vpon the next occasion to worke some displeasure, and were readie on ech hand to mooue rebellion. For the people called Ordouices, that inhabited in the countrie of Chesshire, Lancashire and part of Shropshire, had latelie before ouerthrowne, and in maner vtterlie destroied a wing of such horssemen as soiourned in their parties, by reason whereof all the prouince was brought almost into an assured hope to recouer libertie.

Agricola vpon his comming ouer, though summer was now halfe past, and that the souldiers lodging here & there abroad in the countrie, were more disposed to take rest, than to set forward into the field against the enimies, determined yet to resist the present danger: and therewith assembling the men of warre of the Romans, and such other aids as he might make, he inuaded their countrie that had done this foresaid displeasure, and slue the most part of all the inhabitants thereof. Not thus contented (for that he thought good to follow the steps of fauourable fortune, and knowing that as the begining proued, so would the whole sequele of his affaires by likelihood come to [Sidenote: The Ile of Anglesey.] passe) he purposed to make a full conquest of the Ile of Anglesey, from the conquest wherof the Romane lieutenant Paulinus was called backe by the rebellion of other of the Britains, as before ye haue heard.

But whereas he wanted ships for the furnishing of his enterprise, his wit and policie found a shift to supplie that defect: for choosing out a piked number of such Britains as he had there with him in aid, which knew the foords and shallow places of the streames there, and withall were verie skilfull in swimming (as the maner of the countrie then was) he appointed them to passe ouer on the sudden into the Ile, onelie with their horsses, armor, and weapon: which enterprise they so spéedilie, and with so good successe atchiued, that the inhabitants much amazed with that dooing (which looked for a nauie of ships to haue transported ouer their enimies by sea, and therefore watched on the coast) began to thinke that nothing was able to be defended against such kind of warriors that got ouer into the Ile after such sort and maner.

[Sidenote: Anglesey yéelded to Agricola.] And therefore making sute for peace, they deliuered the Ile into the hands of Agricola, whose fame by these victories dailie much increased, as of one that tooke pleasure in trauell, and attempting to atchiue dangerous enterprises, in stead whereof his predecessors had delighted, to shew the maiesties of their office by vaine brags, statelie ports, and ambitious pomps. For Agricola turned not the prosperous successe of his procéedings into vanitie, but rather with neglecting his fame, increased it to the vttermost, among them that iudged what hope was to be looked for of things by him to be atchiued, which with silence kept secret these his so woorthie dooings.

Moreouer, perceiuing the nature of the people in this Ile of Britaine, and sufficientlie taught by other mens example, that armor should little auaile where iniuries followed to the disquieting of the people, he thought best to take away and remooue all occasions of [Sidenote: Agricola his good gouernment.] warre. And first beginning with himselfe and his souldiers, tooke order for a reformation to be had in his owne houshold, yéelding nothing to fauor, but altogither in respect of vertue, accounting them most faithfull which therein most excelled. He sought to know all things, but not to doo otherwise than reason mooued, pardoning small faults, and sharpelie punishing great and heinous offenses, neither yet deliting alwaies in punishment, but oftentimes in repentance of the offendor. Exactions and tributes he lessened, qualifieng the same by reasonable equitie. And thus in reforming the state of things, he wan him great praise in time of peace, the which either by negligence or sufferance of the former lieutenants, was euer feared, and accounted woorse than open warre. This was his practise in the winter time of his first yéere.

[Sidenote: His diligence.] But when summer was come, he assembled his armie, and leading foorth the same, trained his souldiers in all honest warlike discipline, commending the good, and reforming the bad and vnrulie. He himselfe to giue example, tooke vpon him all dangers that came to hand, and suffered not the enimies to liue in rest, but wasted their countries with sudden inuasions. And when he had sufficientlie chastised them, and put them in feare by such manner of dealing, he spared them, that they might againe conceiue some hope of peace. By which meanes manie countries which vnto those daies had kept themselues out of bondage, laid rancor aside, and deliuered pledges, and further were contented to suffer castels to be builded within them, and to be kept with garrisons, so that no part of Britaine was frée from the Romane power, but stood still in danger to be brought vnder more and more.

[Sidenote: The second yéere of Agricola his gouernment.] [Sidenote: The woorthie practises of Agricola to traine the Britains to ciuilitie.] In the winter following, Agricola tooke paines to reduce the Britains from their rude manners and customs, vnto a more ciuill sort and trade of liuing, that changing their naturall fiercenesse and apt disposition to warre, they might through tasting pleasures be so inured therewith, that they should desire to liue in rest and quietnesse: and therefore he exhorted them priuilie, and holpe them publikelie to build temples, common halls where plées of law might be kept, and other houses, commending them that were diligent in such dooings, and blaming them that were negligent, so that of necessitie they were driuen to striue who should preuent ech other in ciuilitie. He also procured that noble mens sonnes should learne the liberall sciences, and praised the nature of the Britains more than the people of Gallia, bicause they studied to atteine to the knowledge of the Romane eloquence. By which meanes the Britains in short time were brought to the vse of good and commendable manners, and sorted themselues to go in comelie apparell after the Romane fashion, and by little and little fell to accustome themselues to fine fare and delicate pleasures, the readie prouokers of vices, as to walke in galleries, to wash themselues in bathes, to vse banketting, and such like, which amongst the vnskilfull was called humanitie or courtesie, but in verie deed it might be accounted a part of thraldome and seruitude, namelie being too excessiuelie vsed.

[Sidenote: The third yéere.] In the third yéere of Agricola his gouernment in Britaine, he inuaded the north parts thereof (vnknowne till those daies of the Romans) being the same where the Scots now inhabit: for he wasted the countrie [Sidenote: The water of Tay.] vnto the water of Tay, in such wise putting the inhabitants in feare, that they durst not once set vpon his armie, though it were so that the same was verie sore disquieted and vexed by tempest and rage of weather. Wherevpon finding no great let or hinderance by the enimies, he builded certeine castels and fortresses, which he placed in such conuenient stéeds, that they greatlie annoied his aduersaries, and were so able to be defended, that there was none of those castels which he builded, either woon by force out of the Romans hands, or giuen ouer by composition, for feare to be taken: so that the same beeing furnished with competent numbers of men of warre, were safelie kept from the enimies, the which were dailie vexed by the often issues made foorth by the souldiers that laie thus in garrison within them: so that where in times past the said enimies would recouer their losses susteined in summer by the winters aduantage, now they were put to the woorse, and kept backe as well in the winter as in the summer.

[Sidenote: The fourth yéere of Agricola his gouernment.] [Sidenote: Clota Bodotria.] In the fourth summer, after that Agricola was appointed vnto the rule of this land, he went about to bring vnder subiection those people, the which before time he had by incursions and forreies sore vexed and disquieted: and therevpon comming to the waters of Clide and Loughleuen, he built certeine fortresses to defend the passages and entries there, driuing the enimies beyond the same waters, as it had béene into a new Iland.

[Sidenote: The fift yéere.] In the fift summer, Agricola causing his ships to be brought about, and appointing them to arriue on the north coasts of Scotland, he passed with his armie ouer the riuer of Clide; and subdued such people as inhabited those further parts of Scotland, which till those daies had not beene discouered by the Romans. And bicause he thought it should serue well to purpose, for some conquest to be made of Ireland, if that part of Scotland which bordereth on the Irish seas might be kept in due obedience, he placed garrisons of souldiers in those parties, in hope verelie vpon occasion to passe ouer into Ireland, and for the more easie aduancement of his purpose therein, he interteined [Sidenote: An Irish king expelled out of his countrie.] with honourable prouision one of the kings of Ireland, which by ciuill discord was expelled and driuen out of his countrie. In déed Agricola perceiued, that with one legion of souldiers, and a small aid of other men of warre it should be an easie matter to conquer Ireland, and to bring it vnder the dominion of the Romans: which enterprise he iudged verie necessarie to be exploited, for better kéeping of the Britains in obedience, if they should sée the iurisdiction of the Romans euerie where extended, and the libertie of their neighbours suppressed.

[Sidenote: The sixt yéere of Agricola his government.] In the sixt summer of Agricola his gouernment, he proceeded in subduing the furthermost parts of Scotland northwards, causing his nauie to kéepe course against him by the coast as he marched foorth by land, so that the Britains perceiuing how the secret hauens and créekes of their countries were now discouered, and that all hope of refuge was in maner cut off from them, were in maruellous feare. On the other part the Romans were sore troubled with the rough mounteins and craggie rocks, by the which they were constreined to passe beside the dangerous riuers, lakes, woods, streicts, and other combersome waies and passages.

The danger also of them that were in the ships by sea was not small, by reason of winds and tempests, and high spring tides, which tossed and turmoiled their vessels verie cruellie: but by the painfull diligence of them that had béene brought vp and inured with continuall trauell and hardnesse, all those discommodities were ouercome to their great reioising, when they met and fell in talke of their passed perils. For oftentimes the armie by land incamped so by the shore, that those which kept the sea came on land to make merrie in the campe, and then ech one would recount to others the aduentures that had happened, as the manner is in semblable cases.

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_The Britains of Calenderwood assalt the Romans upon aduantage, bloudie battels fought betwixt them, great numbers slaine on both sides, the villanous dealing of certeine Dutch souldiers against their capteins and fellowes in armes, the miserie that they were driven vnto by famine to eate one another, a sharpe conflict betweene the Romans and Britains, with the losse of manie a mans life, and effusion of much bloud._

THE XVIJ. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Calenderwood.] The Britains that inhabited in those daies about the parts of Calenderwood, perceiuing in what danger they were to be vtterlie subdued, assembled themselues togither, in purpose to trie the fortune of battell: whereof Agricola being aduertised, marched foorth with his armie diuided in three battels, so that the enimies doubting to trie the matter in open field, espied their time in the night, and with all their whole puissance set vpon one of the Romane legions, which they knew to be most féeble and weake, trusting by a camisado to distresse the same: and first sleaing the watch, they entred the campe, where the said legion laie, and finding the souldiers in great disorder, betwixt sléepe and feare, began the fight euen within the campe.

Agricola had knowledge of their purposed intent, and therefore with all speed hasted foorth to come to the succours of his people, sending first his light horssemen, and certeine light armed footmen to assaile the enimies on their backs, and shortlie after approched with his whole puissance, so that the Romane standards beginning to appéere in sight by the light of the daie that then began to spring, the Britains were sore discouraged, and the Romans renewing their force, fiercelie preassed vpon them, so that euen in the entrie of the campe, there was a sore conflict, till at length the Britains were put to flight and chased, so that if the mareshes and woods had not saued them from the pursute of the Romans, there had beene an end made of the whole warre euen by that one daies worke. But the Britains escaping as well as they might, and reputing the victorie to haue chanced not by the valiancie of the Romane soldiers, but by occasion, and the prudent policie of their capteine, were nothing abashed with that their present losse, but prepared to put their youth againe into armour: and therevpon they remooued their wiues and children into safe places, and then assembling the chiefest gouernours togither, concluded a league amongst themselues, ech to aid other, confirming their articles with dooing of sacrifice (as the manner in those daies was.)

[Sidenote: The seuenth yéere.] The same summer, a band of such Dutch or Germaine souldiers as had béene leuied in Germanie & sent ouer into Britaine to the aid of the Romans, attempted a great and woonderfull act, in sleaing their capteine, and such other of the Romane souldiers which were appointed to haue the training and leading of them, as officers and instructors to them in the feats of warre: and when they had committed that murther, they got into thrée pinesses, and became rouers on the coasts of Britaine, and incountring with diuerse of the Britains that were readie to defend their countrie from spoile, oftentimes they got the vpper hand of them, and now and then they were chased awaie, insomuch that in the end they were brought to such extremitie for want of vittels, that they did eate such amongst them as were the weakest, and after, such as the lot touched, being indifferentlie cast amongst them: and so being caried about the coasts of Britaine, & losing their vessels through want of skill to gouerne them, they were reputed for robbers, and therevpon were apprehended, first by the Suabeners, and shortlie after by the Frizers, the which sold diuerse of them to the Romans and other, whereby the true vnderstanding of their aduentures came certeinlie to light.

[Sidenote: The eight yéere of Agricola his gouernment.] In summer next following, Agricola with his armie came to the mounteine of Granziben, where he vnderstood that his enimies were incamped, to the number of 30 thousand and aboue, and dailie there came to them more companie of the British youth, and such aged persons also as were lustie and in strength, able to weld weapon and beare [Sidenote: Galgagus whome the Scots name Gald and will néeds haue him a Scotish man.] armour. Amongst the capteins the chiefest was one Galgagus whom the Scotish chronicles name Gald. This man as chiefteine and head capteine of all the Britains there assembled, made to them a pithie oration, to incourage them to fight manfullie, and likewise did Agricola to his people: which being ended, the armies on both sides were put in order of battell. Agricola placed 8 thousand footmen of strangers which he had there in aid with him in the midst, appointing thrée thousand horssemen to stand on the sides of them as wings. The Romane legions stood at their backs in stéed of a bulworke. The Britains were imbattelled in such order, that their fore ward stood in the plaine ground, and the other on the side of an hill, as though they had risen [Sidenote: _Corn. Tacit._] on heigth one ranke aboue another. The midst of the field was couered with their charrets and horssemen. Agricola doubting by the huge multitude of enimies, least his people should be assailed not onlie afront, but also vpon euerie side the battels, he caused the ranks so to place themselues, as their battels might stretch farre further in bredth than otherwise the order of warre required: but he tooke this to be a good remedie against such inconuenience as might haue followed, if the enimie by the narrownesse of the fronts of his battels should haue hemmed them in on ech side.

This done, and hauing conceiued good hope of victorie, he alighted on foot, and putting his horsse from him, he stood before the standards as one not caring for anie danger that might happen. At the first they bestowed their shot and darts fréelie on both sides. The Britains aswell with constant manhood, as skilfull practise, with broad swords and little round bucklers auoided and beat from them the arrowes and darts that came from their enimies, and therewithall paid them home againe with their shot and darts, so that the Romans were néere hand oppressed therewith, bicause they came so thicke in their faces, till [Sidenote: Betaui.] [Sidenote: Congri.] at length Agricola caused thrée cohorts of Hollanders, & two of Lukeners to presse forward, & ioine with them at hand-strokes, so as the matter might come to be tried with the edge of the swoord, which thing as to them (being inured with that kind of fight) it stood greatlie with their aduantage, so to the Britains it was verie dangerous, that were to defend themselues with their mightie huge swoords and small bucklers. Also by reason their swoords were broad at the ends, and pointlesse, they auailed little to hurt the armed enimie. Wherevpon when the Hollanders came to ioine with them, they made fowle worke in sleaing and wounding them in most horrible wise.

The horssemen also that made resistance they pulled from their horsses, and began to clime the hill vpon the Britains. The other bands desirous to match their fellowes in helping to atchiue the [Sidenote: Hollanders.] victorie, followed the Hollanders, and beat downe the Britains where they might approch to them: manie were ouerrun and left halfe dead, and some not once touched with anie weapon, were likewise ouerpressed, such hast the Romans made to follow vpon the Britains. Whilest the British horssemen fled, their charets ioined themselues with their footmen, and restoring the battell, put the Romans in such feare, that they were at a sudden stay: but the charets being troubled with prease of enimies, & vnéeuennesse of the ground, they could not worke their feat to anie purpose, neither had that fight anie resemblance of a battell of horssemen, when ech one so encumbred other, that they had no roome to stirre themselues. The charets oftentimes wanting their guiders were caried awaie with the horsses, that being put in feare with the noise and stur, ran hither and thither, bearing downe one another, and whomsoeuer else they met withall.

Now the Britains that kept the top of the hils, and had not yet fought at all, despising the small number of the Romans, began to come downewards and to cast about, that they might set vpon the backs of their enimies, in hope so to make an end of the battell, and to win the victorie: but Agricola doubting no lesse, but that some such thing would come to passe, had aforehand foreséene the danger, and hauing reserued foure wings of horssemen for such sudden chances, sent them foorth against those Britains, the which horssemen with full randon charging vpon them as they rashlie came forwards, quicklie disordered them and put them all to flight, and so that purposed deuise and policie of the Britains turned to their owne hinderance. For their horssemen by their capteins appointment trauersing ouerthwart by the fronts of them that fought, set vpon that battell of the Britains which they found before them. Then in those open and plaine places a greeuous & heauie sight it was to behold, how they pursued, wounded, and tooke their enimies: and as they were aduised of other to slea those that they had before taken, to the end they might ouertake the other, there was nothing but fléeing, taking, and chasing, slaughter, spilling of bloud, scattering of weapons, grunting and groning of men and horsses that lay on the ground, gasping for breath, & readie to die.

The Britains now and then as they saw their aduantage, namelie when they approched néere to the woods, gathered themselues togither, and set vpon the Romans as they followed vnaduisedlie, and further (through ignorance of the places) than stood with their suertie, insomuch that if Agricola had not prouided remedie, and sent foorth mightie bands of light armed men both on foot and horssebacke to close in the enimies, and also to beat the wood, some greater losse would haue followed through too much boldnes of them that too rashlie pursued vpon the Britains: who when they beheld the Romans thus to follow them in whole troops and good order of battell, they slipt awaie and tooke them to flight, ech one seeking to saue himselfe, and kept not togither in plumps as before they had doone. The night made an end of the chase which the Romans had followed till they were [Sidenote: Ten thousand Britains slaine.] [Sidenote: Aulus Atticus slaine.] throughlie wearied. There were slaine of the Britains that day 10000, and of the Romans 340, among whom Aulus Atticus a capteine of one of the cohorts or bands of footmen was one, who being mounted on horssebacke (through his owne too much youthfull courage, and fierce vnrulines of his horsse) was caried into the middle throng of his enimies, and there slaine.

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_The lamentable distresse and pitifull perplexitie of the Britains after their ouerthrow, Domitian enuieth Agricola the glorie of his victories, he is subtilie depriued of his deputiship, and Cneus Trebellius surrogated in his roome._

THE XVIIJ. CHAPTER.

The night insuing the foresaid ouerthrow of the Britains was spent of the Romans in great ioy & gladnes for the victorie atchiued. But among [Sidenote: Britains, not Scots, neither yet Picts.] the Britains there was nothing else heard but mourning and lamentation, both of men and women that were mingled togither, some busie to beare away the wounded, to bind and dresse their hurts; other calling for their sonnes, kinsfolkes and friends that were wanting. Manie of them forsooke their houses, and in their desperate mood set them on fire, and choosing foorth places for their better refuge and safegard, foorthwith misliking of the same, left them and sought others: herewith diuerse of them tooke counsell togither what they were best to doo, one while they were in hope, an other while they fainted, as people cast into vtter despaire: the beholding of their wiues and children oftentimes mooued them to attempt some new enterprise for the preseruation of their countrie and liberties. And certeine it is that some of them slue their wiues and children, as mooued thereto with a certeine fond regard of pitie to rid them out of further miserie and danger of thraldome.

The next day the certeintie of the victorie more plainlie was disclosed, for all was quiet about, and no noise heard anie where: the houses appeared burning on ech side, and such as were sent foorth to discouer the countrie into euerie part thereof, saw not a creature stirring, for all the people were auoided and withdrawne a farre off.

When Agricola had thus ouerthrowne his enimies in a pitcht field at the mountaine of Granziben, and that the countrie was quite rid of all appearance of enimies: bicause the summer of this eight yéere of his gouernement was now almost spent, he brought his armie into the [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._] confines of the Horrestians, which inhabited the countries now called [Sidenote: _Cor. Tacitus._] Angus & Merne, and there intended to winter, and tooke hostages of the people for assurance of their loialtie and subiection. This doone, he appointed the admirall of the nauie to saile about the Ile, which accordinglie to his commission in that point receiued, luckilie accomplished his enterprise, and brought the nauie about againe into [Sidenote: An hauen called Trutulensis, peraduenture Rutupensis.] an hauen called Trutulensis.

In this meane time, whiles Iulius Agricola was thus occupied in Britaine, both the emperour Vespasianus, and also his brother Titus that succéeded him, departed this life, and Domitianus was elected emperor, who hearing of such prosperous successe as Agricola had against the Britains, did not so much reioise for the thing well doone, as he enuied to consider what glorie and renowme should redound to Agricola thereby, which he perceiued should much darken the glasse of his fame, hauing a priuate person vnder him, who in woorthinesse of noble exploits atchiued, farre excelled his dooings.

To find remedie therefore herein, he thought not good to vtter his malice as yet, whilest Agricola remained in Britaine with an armie, which so much fauoured him, and that with so good cause, sith by his policie and noble conduct the same had obteined so manie victories, so much honor, and such plentie of spoiles and booties. Wherevpon to dissemble his intent, he appointed to reuoke him foorth of Britaine, as it were to honor him, not onelie with deserued triumphs, but also with the lieutenantship of Syria, which as then was void by the death of Aulius Rufus. Thus Agricola being countermanded home to Rome, [Sidenote: Cneus Trebellius alias Salustius Lucullus as some thinke.] deliuered his prouince vnto his successor Cneus Trebellius, appointed thereto by the emperour Domitianus, in good quiet and safegard.

¶ Thus may you sée in what state Britaine stood in the daies of king Marius, of whome Tacitus maketh no mention at all. Some haue written, that the citie of Chester was builded by this Marius, though other (as before I haue said) thinke rather that it was the worke of Ostorius [Sidenote: _Fabian._] Scapula their legat. Touching other the dooings of Agricola, in the Scotish chronicle you maie find more at large set foorth: for that which I haue written héere, is but to shew what in effect Cornelius Tacitus writeth of that which Agricola did here in Britaine, without making mention either of Scots or Picts, onelie naming them Britains, Horrestians, and Calidoneans, who inhabited in those daies a part of this Ile which now we call Scotland, the originall of which countrie, and the inhabitants of the same, is greatlie controuersed among writers; diuerse diuerslie descanting therevpon, some fetching their reason from the etymon of the word which is Gréeke, some from the opening of their ancestors as they find the same remaining in records; other some from comparing antiquities togither, and aptlie collecting the truth as néere as they can. But to omit them, and returne to the continuation of our owne historie.

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_Of Coillus the sonne of Marius, his education in Rome, how long he reigned: of Lucius his sonne and successor, what time he assumed the gouernment of this land, he was an open professor of christian religion, he and his familie are baptised, Britaine receiueth the faith, 3 archbishops and 28 bishops at that time in this Iland, Westminster church and S. Peters in Cornehill builded, diuers opinions touching the time of Lucius his reigne, of his death, and when the christian faith was receiued in this Iland._

THE 19. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: COILLUS.] [Sidenote: 125.] COILLUS the sonne of Marius was after his fathers deceasse made king of Britaine, in the yeare of our Lord 125. This Coillus or Coill was brought vp in his youth amongst the Romans at Rome, where he spent his time not vnprofitablie, but applied himselfe to learning & seruice in the warres, by reason whereof he was much honored of the Romans, and he likewise honored and loued them, so that he paied his tribute truelie all the time of his reigne, and therefore liued in peace and good quiet. He was also a prince of much bountie, and verie liberall, whereby he obteined great loue both of his nobles and commons. Some [Sidenote: Colchester built.] saie, that he made the towne of Colchester in Essex, but others write, that Coill which reigned next after Asclepiodotus was the first founder of that towne, but by other it should séeme to be built long before, being called Camelodunum. Finallie when this Coill had reigned the space of 54 yeares, he departed this life at Yorke, leauing after him a sonne named Lucius, which succéeded in the kingdome.

[Sidenote: LUCIUS.] LUCIUS the sonne of Coillus, whose surname (as saith William Harison) is not extant, began his reigne ouer the Britains about the yeare of our Lord 180, as Fabian following the authoritie of Peter Pictauiensis saith, although other writers seeme to disagrée in that account, as by the same Fabian in the table before his booke partlie appeareth, wherevnto Matthæus Westmonasteriensis affirmeth, that this Lucius was borne in the yeare of our Lord 115, and was crowned king in the yeare 124, as successor to his father Coillus, which died the same yeare, being of great age yer the said Lucius was borne. It is noted by antiquaries, that his entrance was in the 4132 of the world, 916 after the building of Rome, 220 after the comming of Cesar into Britaine, [Sidenote: 165.] and 165 after Christ, whose accounts I follow in this treatise.

This Lucius is highlie renowmed of the writers, for that he was the first king of the Britains that receiued the faith of Iesus Christ: for being inspired by the spirit of grace and truth, euen from the beginning of his reigne, he somewhat leaned to the fauoring of Christian religion, being moued with the manifest miracles which the Christians dailie wrought in witnesse and proofe of their sound and perfect doctrine. For euen from the daies of Ioseph of Arimathia and his fellowes, or what other godlie men first taught the Britains the gospell of our Sauiour there remained amongest the same Britains some christians which ceased not to teach and preach the word of God most sincerelie vnto them: but yet no king amongst them openlie professed that religion, till at length this Lucius perceiuing not onelie some of the Romane lieutenants in Britaine as Trebellius and Pertinax, with others, to haue submitted themselues to that profession, but also the emperour himselfe to begin to be fauorable to them that professed it, he tooke occasion by their good example to giue eare more attentiuelie vnto the gospell, and at length sent vnto Eleutherius bishop of Rome two learned men of the British nation, Eluane and Meduine, requiring him to send some such ministers as might instruct him and his people in the true faith more plentifullie, and to baptise them according to the rules of christian religion.

[Sidenote: Fol. 119.] ¶ The reuerend father Iohn Iewell, sometime bishop of Salisburie, writeth in his * replie vnto Hardings answer, that the said Eleutherius, for generall order to be taken in the realme and churches héere, wrote his aduice to Lucius in maner and forme following. "You haue receiued in the kingdome of Britaine, by Gods mercie, both the law and faith of Christ; ye haue both the new and the old testament, out of the same through Gods grace, by the aduise of your realme make a law, and by the same through Gods sufferance rule you your kingdome of Britaine, for in that kingdome you are Gods vicar."

Herevpon were sent from the said Eleutherius two godlie learned men, the one named Fugatius, and the other Damianus, the which baptised the king with all his familie and people, and therewith remoued the [Sidenote: Britaine receiueth the faith.] worshipping of idols and false gods, and taught the right meane and waie how to worship the true and immortall God. There were in those daies within the bounds of Britaine 28 Flamines, & thrée Archflamines, which were as bishops and archbishops, or superintendents of the pagan or heathen religion, in whose place (they being remoued) were instituted 28 bishops & thrée archbishops of the christian religion. One of the which archbishops held his sée at London, another at Yorke, [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] and the third at Caerleon Arwiske in Glamorganshire. Vnto the archbishop of London was subiect Cornewall, and all the middle part of England, euen vnto Humber. To the archbishop of Yorke all the north parts of Britaine from the riuer of Humber vnto the furthest partes of Scotland. And to the archbishop of Caerleon was subiect all Wales, within which countrie as then were seuen bishops, where now there are but foure. The riuer of Seuern in those daies diuided Wales (then called Cambria) from the other parts of Britaine. Thus Britaine [Sidenote: Iosephus of Arimathia.] partlie by the meanes of Ioseph of Arimathia (of whome ye haue heard before) & partlie by the wholesome instructions & doctrines of Fugatius and Damianus, was the first of all other regions that openlie receiued the gospell, and continued most stedfast in that profession, till the cruell furie of Dioclesian persecuted the same, in such sort, that as well in Britaine as in all other places of the world, the christian religion was in manner extinguished, and vtterlie destroied.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: Westminster Church built.] There be that affirme, how this Lucius should build the church of saint Peter at Westminster, though manie attribute that act vnto Sibert king of the east Saxons, and write how the place was then ouergrowne with thornes and bushes, and thereof tooke the name, and was called Thorney. They ad moreouer that Thomas archbishop of London preached, read, and ministred the sacraments there to such as made resort vnto him. Howbeit by the tables hanging in the reuestrie of saint Paules at London, and also a table sometime hanging in saint Peters church in Cornehill, it should séeme that the said church of saint Peter in Cornehill was the same that Lucius builded. But herein (saith Harison _anno mundi_ 4174) dooth lie a scruple. Sure Cornell might soone be mistaken for Thorney, speciallie in such old records, as time, age, & euill handling haue oftentimes defaced.

But howsoeuer the case standeth, truth it is, that Lucius reioising much, in that he had brought his people to the perfect light and vnderstanding of the true God, that they néeded not to be deceiued anie longer with the craftie temptations and feigned miracles of wicked spirits, he abolished all prophane worshippings of false gods, and conuerted all such temples as had béene dedicated to their seruice, vnto the vse of christian religion: and thus studieng onlie how to aduance the glorie of the immortall God, and the knowledge of his word, without seeking the vaine glorie of worldlie triumph, which is got with slaughter and bloudshed of manie a giltlesse person, he left his kingdome; though not inlarged with broder dominion than he receiued it, yet greatlie augmented and inriched with quiet rest, good ordinances, and (that which is more to be estéemed than all the rest) adorned with Christes religion, and perfectlie instructed with his [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: _Iohn Hard._] most holie word and doctrine. He reigned (as some write) 21 yeares, though other affirme but twelue yeares. Againe, some testifie that he reigned 77, others 54, and 43.

Moreouer here is to be noted, that if he procured the faith of Christ to be planted within this realme in the time of Eleutherius the Romane bishop, the same chanced in the daies of the emperour Marcus Aurelius Antonius; and about the time that Lucius Aurelius Commodus was ioined and made partaker of the empire with his father, which was seuen yéere after the death of Lucius Aelius, Aurelius Verus, and in the 177 after the birth of our Sauiour Iesus Christ, as by some chronologies is easie to be collected. For Eleutherius began to gouerne the sée of Rome in the yéere 169, according to the opinion of the most diligent chronographers of our time, and gouerned fiftéene yeeres and thirtéene [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] daies. And yet there are that affirme, how Lucius died at Glocester in the yéere of our Lord 156. Other say that he died in the yere 201, and other 208. So that the truth of this historie is brought into doubt by the discord of writers, concerning the time and other circumstances, although they all agrée that in this kings daies the christian faith was first by publike consent openlie receiued and professed in this [Sidenote: _Polydor._] land, which as some affirme, should chance in the twelfe yéere of his reigne, and in the yéere of our Lord 177. Other iudge that it came to passe in the eight yeere of his regiment, and in the yéere of our Lord 188, where other (as before is said) alledge that it was in the yéere [Sidenote: _Nauclerus._] of the Lord 179. Nauclerus saith, that this happened about the yeare [Sidenote: _Hen. Herf._] of our Lord 156. And Henricus de Herfordea supposeth, that it was in the yéere of our Lord 169, and in the nintéenth yéere of the emperor Marcus Antonius Verus; and after other, about the sixt yéere of the emperor Commodus.

But to conclude, king Lucius died without issue, by reason whereof after his deceasse the Britains fell at variance, which continued [Sidenote: _Fabian._] about the space of fiftéene yéeres (as Fabian thinketh) howbeit the old English chronicle affirmeth, that the contention betwixt them [Sidenote: _Caxton._] [Sidenote: _Iohn Hard._] remained fiftie yéeres, though Harding affirmeth but foure yéeres. And thus much of the Britains, and their kings Coilus and Lucius. Now it resteth to speake somewhat of the Romans which gouerned here in the meane while. After that Agricola was called backe to Rome, the Britains (and namelie those that inhabited beyond Tweed) partlie being weakned of their former strength, and partlie in consideration of their pledges, which they had deliuered to the Romans, remained in peace certeine yéeres.

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_The Britains after the deceasse of Lucius (who died without issue) rebell against the Romans, the emperor Adrian comming in his owne person into Britaine appeaseth the broile, they go about to recouer their libertie against the Romans, but are suppressed by Lollius the Romane lieutenant; the vigilantnesse or wakefulnesie of Marcellus, and his policie to keepe the souldiers waking, the Britains being ruled by certeine meane gentlemen of Perhennis appointing doo falselie accuse him to the emperor Commodus, he is mangled and murthered of his souldiers._

THE XX. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: CNEUS TREBELLIUS LIEUTENANT.] In the meane time the Romane lieutenant Cneus Trebellius that succéeded Iulius Agricola, could not foresee all things so preciselie but that the souldiers waxing vnrulie by reason of long rest, fell at variance among themselues, and would not in the end obey the lieutenant, but disquieted the Britains beyond measure. Wherefore the Britains perceiuing themselues sore oppressed with intollerable bondage, and that dailie the same incresed, they conspired togither, vpon hope to recouer libertie, and to defend their countrie by all meanes possible, and herewith they tooke weapon in hand against the Romans, and boldlie assailed them: but this they did yet warilie, and so, that they might flie vnto the woods and bogs for refuge vpon necessitie, according to the maner of their countrie. Herevpon diuers slaughters were committed on both parties, and all the countrie was now readie to rebell: whereof when the emperour Adrian was aduertised from Trebellius the lieutenant, with all conuenient speed he passed ouer into Britaine, and quieted all the Ile, vsing great humanitie towards the inhabitants; and making small account of that part where the Scots now inhabit, either bicause of the barrennesse thereof, or for that by reason of the nature of the countrie he thought it would [Sidenote: The wall of Adrian built.] [Sidenote: _Spartianus._] be hard to be kept vnder subiection, he deuised to diuide it from the residue of Britaine, and so caused a wall to be made from the mouth of Tine vnto the water of Eske, which wall contained in length 30 miles.

After this, the Britains bearing a malicious hatred towards the Romane souldiers, and repining to be kept vnder the bond of seruitude, eftsoones went about to recouer libertie againe. Whereof aduertisement [Sidenote: Lollius Vrbicus lieutenant.] being giuen, the emperour Pius Antoninus sent ouer Lollius Vrbicus as lieutenant into Britaine, who by sundrie battels striken, constreined the Britains to remaine in quiet, and causing those that inhabited in the north parts to remooue further off from the confines of the Romane [Sidenote: _Julius Capitol._] [Sidenote: An other wall built.] prouince, raised another wall beyond that which the emperor Adrian had made, as is to be supposed, for the more suertie of the Romane subiects against the inuasion of the enimies. But yet Lollius did not so make an end of the warrs, but that the Britains shortlie after attempted afresh, either to reduce their state into libertie, or to bring the same into further danger.

[Sidenote: CALPHURNIUS AGRICOLA. Of the doings of this Calphurnius in Britaine ye may read more in the Scotish chronicle.] [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._] Wherevpon Marcus Antonius that succéeded Pius, sent Calphurnius Agricola to succéed Lollius in the gouernement of Britaine, the which easilie ouercame and subdued all his enimies. After this there chanced some trouble in the daies of the emperour Commodus the son of Marcus Antonius and his successor in the empire: for the Britans that dwelled northwards, beyond Adrians wall, brake through the same, and spoiled a great part of the countrie, against whom the Romane lieutenant for that time being come foorth, gaue them battell: but both he and the Romane souldiers that were with him, were beaten downe and slaine.

[Sidenote: Vlpius Marcellus lieutenant.] With which newes Commodus being sore amazed, sent against the Britains one Vlpius Marcellus, a man of great diligence and temperance, but therewith rough and nothing gentle. He vsed the same kind of diet that the common souldiers did vse. He was a capteine much watchfull, as one contented with verie little sléepe, and desirous to haue his souldiers also vigilant and carefull to kéepe sure watch in the night season. Euerie euening he would write twelue tables, such as they vsed to make on the lind trée, and deliuering them to one of his seruants, appointed him to beare them at seuerall houres of the night to sundrie souldiers, whereby supposing that their generall was still watching and not gone to bed, they might be in doubt to sléepe.

And although of nature he could well absteine from sléepe, yet to be the better able to forbeare it, he vsed a maruellous spare kind of diet: for to the end that he would not fill himselfe too much with bread, he would eat none but such as was brought to him from Rome, so that more than necessitie compelled him he could not eat, by reason that the stalenesse tooke awaie the pleasant tast thereof, and lesse prouoked his appetite. He was a maruellous contemner of monie, so that bribes might not mooue him to doo otherwise than dutie required. This Marcellus being of such disposition, sore afflicted the Britains, and put them oftentimes to great losses: through fame wherof, C[=o]modus enuieng his renowme was after in mind to make him away, but yet spared him for a further purpose, and suffered him to depart.

[Sidenote: Perhennis capteine of the emperours gard.] After he was remooued from the gouernment of Britaine, one Perhennis capteine of the emperors gard (or pretorian souldiers as they were then called) bearing all the rule vnder the emperor Commodus, appointed certeine gentlemen of meane calling to gouerne the armie in Britaine. Which fond substituting of such petie officers to ouersée and ouerrule the people, was to them an occasion of hartgrudge, and to him a meanes of finall mischéefe: both which it is likelie he might haue auoided, had he béene prouident in his deputation. For the [Sidenote: _Aelius Lampridius._] souldiers in the same armie grudging and repining to be gouerned by men of base degree, in respect of those that had borne rule ouer them before, being honorable personages, as senators, and of the consular dignitie, they fell at square among themselues, and about fiftéene hundred of them departed towards Rome to exhibit their complaint against Perhennis: for whatsoeuer was amisse, the blame was still laid to him. They passed foorth without impeachment at all, and comming to Rome, the emperour himselfe came foorth to vnderstand what they meant by this their comming in such sort from the place where they were appointed to serue. Their answer was, that they were come to informe him of the treason which Perhennis had deuised to his destruction, that he might make his son emperor. To the which accusation when Commodus too lightlie gaue eare, & beléeued it to be true, namelie, through the setting on of one Cleander, who hated Perhennis, for that he brideled him from dooing diuerse vnlawfull acts, which he went about vpon a wilfull mind (without all reason and modestie) to practise; the matter was so handled in the end, that Perhennis was deliuered to the souldiers, who cruellie mangled him, and presentlie put him to a pitifull death.

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_Pertinax is sent as lieutenant into Britaine, he is in danger to be slaine of the souldiers, he riddeth himselfe of that perilous office: Albinus with an armie of Britains fighteth against Seuerus and his power neere to Lions, Seuerus is slaine in a conflict against the Picts, Geta and Bassianus two brethren make mutuall warre for the regiment of the land, the one is slaine, the other ruleth._

THE XXJ CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Pertinax lieutenant of Britaine.] Now will we saie somewhat of the tumults in Britaine. It was thought néedfull to send some sufficient capteine of autoritie thither; and therefore was one Pertinax that had béene consull and ruler ouer foure seuerall consular prouinces, appointed by Commodus to go as lieutenant into that Ile, both for that he was thought a man most méet for such a charge, and also to satisfie his credit, for that he had béene discharged by Perhennis of bearing anie rule, and sent home into Liguria where he was borne, and there appointed to remaine. This Pertinax comming into Britaine, pacified the armie, but not without [Sidenote: The lieutenant in danger.] danger to haue béene slaine by a mutinie raised by one of the legions: for he was stricken downe, and left for dead among the slaine carcasses. But he woorthilie reuenged himselfe of this iniurie. At length, hauing chastised the rebels, and brought the Ile into méetelie good quiet, he sued and obteined to be discharged of that roome, because as he alledged, the souldiers could not brooke him, for that he kept them in dutifull obedience, by correcting such as offended the lawes of armes.

[Sidenote: CLODIUS ALBINUS LIEUTENAT.] Then was Clodius Albinus appointed to haue the rule of the Romane armie in Britaine: whose destruction when Seuerus the emperour sought, Albinus perceiued it quicklie: and therefore choosing foorth a great power of Britains, passed with the same ouer into France to encounter with Seuerus, who was come thither towards him, so that néere to the citie of Lions they ioined in battell and fought right sore, in so much that Seuerus was at point to haue receiued the ouerthrow by the high prowesse and manhood of the Britains: but yet in the end Albinus lost the field, and was slaine. Then Heraclitus as lieutenant began to gouerne Britaine (as writeth Spartianus) being sent thither by Seuerus for that purpose before. And such was the state of this Ile about the yeare of our Lord 195. In which season, because that king Lucius was dead, and had left no issue to succéed him, the Britains (as before ye haue heard) were at variance amongst themselues, and so continued till the comming of Seuerus, whome the British chronographers affirme to reigne as king in this Ile, & that by right of succession in bloud, as descended of Androgeus the Britaine, which went to Rome with Iulius Cesar, as before ye haue heard.

[Sidenote: SEUERUS.] This Seuerus as then emperour of Rome, began to rule this Ile (as authors affirme) in the yeare of our Lord 207, and gouerned the same 4 yeares and od moneths. At length hearing that one Fulgentius as then a leader of the Picts was entred into the borders of his countrie on this side Durham, he raised an host of Britains and Romans, with the which he marched towards his enimies: and méeting with the said Fulgentius in a place néere vnto Yorke, in the end after sore fight Seuerus was slaine, when he had ruled this land for the space almost of fiue yeares, as before is said, and was after buried at Yorke, leauing behind him two sonnes, the one named Geta, and the other Bassianus. This Bassianus being borne of a British woman, succéeded his father in the gouernement of Britaine, in the yeare of the incarnation of our Lord 211. The Romans would haue had Geta created king of Britaine, bearing more fauour to him because he had a Romane ladie to his mother: but the Britains moued with the like respect, held with Bassianus. And thervpon warre was raised betwixt the two brethren, who comming to trie their quarrell by battell, Geta was slaine, and Bassianus with aid of the Britains remained victor, and so continued king, till at length he was slaine by one Carausius a Britaine, borne but of low birth, howbeit right valiant in armes, and therefore well estéemed. In somuch that obteining of the senat of Rome the kéeping of the coasts of Britaine, that he might defend the same from the malice of strangers, as Picts and others, he drew to him a great number of souldiers and speciallie of Britains, to whome he promised that if they would make him king, he would cléerelie deliuer them from the oppression of the Roman seruitude. Wherevpon the Britains rebelling against Bassianus, ioined themselues to Carausius, who by their support vanquished and slue the said Bassianus, after he had reigned 6 or (as some affirme) 30 yeares.

¶ Thus farre out of the English and British writers, the which how farre they varie from likelihood of truth, you shall heare in the next [Sidenote: _Herodianus._] chapter what the approued historiographers, Gréekes and Latines, writing of these matters, haue recorded.

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_The ambitious mind of the old emperour Seuerus, he arriueth in Britaine with a mightie power to suppresse the rebellious Britains, the emperours politike prouision for his souldiers in the fens and bogs: the agilitie of the Britains, their nimblenesse, the painting of their bodies with diuerse colours, their furniture, their great sufferance of hunger, cold, &c: diuerse conflicts betweene the Romans and the Britains, their subtile traines to deceiue their enimies, the Romans pitifullie distressed, Seuerus constreineth the Caledonians to conclude a league with him; he falleth sicke, his owne sonne practiseth to make him away: the Britains begin a new rebellion, the cruell commandement of Seuerus to kill and slea all that came to hand without exception, his age, his death, and sepulchre: Bassianus ambitiouslie vsurpeth the whole regiment, he killeth his brother Geta, and is slaine himselfe by one of his owne souldiers._

THE XXIJ CHAPTER.

The emperour Seuerus receiuing aduertisment from the lieutenant of Britaine, that the people there mooued rebellion, & wasted the countrie with roads and forraies, so that it was néedful to haue the prince himselfe to come thither with a great power to resist the enimies, he of an ambitious mind reioised not a little for those newes, bicause he saw occasion offered to aduance his renowme and fame with increase of new victories now in the west, after so manie triumphs purchased and got by him in the east and north parts of the world. Héerevpon though he was of great age, yet the desire that he had still to win honour, caused him to take in hand to make a iournie into this land, and so being furnished of all things necessarie, he set forwards, being carried for the more part in a litter for his more ease: for that beside his féeblenesse of age, he was also troubled [Sidenote: Antoninus and Geta.] with the gout. He tooke with him his two sonnes, Antoninus Bassianus and Geta, vpon purpose as was thought, to auoid occasions of such inconuenience as he perceiued might grow by discord mooued betwixt them through flatterers and malicious sycophants, which sought to set them at variance: which to bring to passe, he perceiued there should want no meane whilest they continued in Rome, amidst such pleasures & idle pastimes as were dailie there frequented: and therefore he caused them to attend him in this iournie into Britaine, that they might learne to liue soberlie, and after the manner of men of warre.

[Sidenote: The emperor Seuerus arriueth in Britaine.] Seuerus being thus on his iournie towards Britaine, staied not by the waie, but with all diligence sped him foorth, and passing the sea verie swiftlie, entred this Ile, and assembled a mightie power togither, meaning to assaile his enimies, and to pursue the warre against them to the vttermost. The Britains greatlie amazed with this sudden arriuall of the emperour, and hearing that such preparation was made against them, sent ambassadours to him to intreat of peace, and to excuse their rebellious dooings. But Seuerus delaieng time for answere, as he that was desirous to atchiue some high enterprise against the Britains, for the which he might deserue the surname of Britannicus, which he greatlie coueted, still was busie to prepare all things necessarie for the warre; and namelie, caused a great number of bridges to be made to lay ouer the bogs and mareshes, so that his souldiers might haue place to stand vpon, and not to be incumbered for lacke of firme ground when they should cope with their enimies: for [Sidenote: _Herodianus._] the more part of Britaine in those daies (as Herodianus writeth) was full of fens & maresh ground, by reason of the often flowings and [Sidenote: He meaneth of the north Britains or sauage Britains as we may call them.] washings of the sea tides: by the which maresh grounds the enimies being thereto accustomed, would run and swim in the waters, and wade vp to the middle at their pleasure, going for the more part naked, so that they passed not on the mud and mires, for they knew not the vse or wearing cloths, but ware hoopes of iron about their middles and necks, esteeming the same as an ornament token of riches, as other barbarous people did gold.

Moreouer they marked, or (as it were) painted their bodies in diuerse sorts and with sundrie shapes and figures of beasts and fowles, and therefore they vsed not to weare anie garments, that such painting of their bodies might the more apparantlie be séene, which they estéemed a great brauerie.

They were as the same Herodianus writeth, a people giuen much to war, and delighted in slaughter and bloudshed, vsing none other weapons or [Sidenote: The furniture of the sauage Britains.] armour but a slender buckler, a iaueline, and a swoord tied to their naked bodies: as for headpéece or habergeon, they estéemed not, bicause they thought the same should be an hinderance to them when they should passe ouer anie maresh, or be driuen to swim anie waters, or flée to the bogs.

Moreouer, to suffer hunger, cold, and trauell, they were so vsed and inured therewith, that they would not passe to lie in the bogs and mires couered vp to the chin, without caring for meate for the space of diuerse daies togither: and in the woods they would liue vpon roots and barks of trées. Also they vsed to prepare for themselues a certeine kind of meate, of the which if they receiued but so much as amounted to the quantitie of a beane, they would thinke themselues satisfied, and féele neither hunger nor thirst. The one halfe of the Ile or little lesse was subiect vnto the Romans, the other was gouerned of themselues, the people for the most part hauing the rule in their hands.

Seuerus therefore meaning to subdue the whole, and vnderstanding their nature, and the manner of their making warre, prouided him selfe of all things expedient for the annoiance of them and helpe of his owne souldiers, and appointing his sonne Geta to remaine in that part of the Ile which was subiect to the Romans, he tooke with him his other sonne Antoninus, and with his armie marched foorth, and entred into the confines of the enimies, and there began to waste and forrey the countrie, whereby there insued diuerse conflicts and skirmishes betwixt the Romans and the inhabitants, the victorie still remaining on the Romans side: but the enimies easilie escaped without anie great losse vnto the woods, mountains, bogs, and such other places of refuge as they knew to be at hand, whither the Romans durst not follow, nor once approch, for feare to be intrapped and inclosed by the Britains that were readie to returne and assaile their enimies vpon euerie occasion of aduantage that might be offered.

This maner of dealing sore troubled the Romans, and so hindered them in their procéedings, that no spéedie end could be made of that warre. [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._] The Britains would oftentimes of purpose laie their cattell, as oxen, kine, shéepe, and such like, in places conuenient, to be as a stale to the Romans; and when the Romans should make to them to fetch the same awaie, being distant from the residue of the armie a good space, they would fall vpon them and distresse them. Beside this, the Romans were much annoied with the vnwholesomnesse of the waters which they were forced to drinke, and if they chanced to straie abroad, they were snapped vp by ambushes which the Caledonians laid for them, and when they were so féeble that they could not through want of strength kéepe pace with their fellowes as they marched in order of battell, they were slaine by their owne fellowes, least they should be left behind for a prey to the enimies. Héereby there died in this iournie of the Romane armie, at the point of fiftie thousand men: but yet would not Seuerus returne, till he had gone through the whole Ile, and so came to the vttermost parts of all the countrie now called Scotland, and at last backe againe to the other part of the Ile subiect to the Romans, the inhabitants whereof are named (by Dion Cassius) _Meatæ._ But first he forced the other, whom the same Dion nameth Caledonij, to conclude a league with him, vpon such conditons, as they were compelled to depart with no small portion of the countrie, and to deliuer vnto him their armour and weapons.

In the meane time, the emperour Seuerus being worne with age fell sicke, so that he was constreined to abide at home within that part of the Ile which obeied the Romans, and to appoint his sonne Antoninus to take charge of the armie abroad. But Antoninus not regarding the enimies, attempted little or nothing against them, but sought waies how to win the fauour of the souldiers and men of warre, that after his fathers death (for which he dailie looked) he might haue their aid and assistance to be admitted emperour in his place. Now when he saw that his father bare out his sicknesse longer time than he would haue wished, he practised with physicians and other of his fathers seruants to dispatch him by one meane or other.

Whilest Antoninus thus negligentlie looked to his charge, the Britains began a new rebellion, not onlie those that were latelie ioined in league with the emperour, but the other also which were subjects to the Romane empire. Seuerus tooke such displeasure, that he called togither the souldiers, and commanded them to inuade the countrie, and to kill all such as they might méet within anie place without respect, and that his cruell commandement he expressed in these verses taken out of Homer:

[Sidenote: _Iliados._ 3.]

Nemo manus fugiat vestras, cædémque cruentam, Non foetus grauida mater quern gessit in aluo Horrendam effugiat cædem.

But while he was thus disquieted with the rebellion of the Britains, and the disloiall practises of his sonne Antoninus, which to him were not vnknowne, (for the wicked sonne had by diuers attempts discouered his traitorous and vnnaturall meanings) at length, rather through [Sidenote: Heriodianus.] [Sidenote: Dion Cassius.] [Sidenote: Eutropius.] [Sidenote: Dion Cassius.] sorrow and griefe, than by force of sicknesse, he wasted awaie, and departed this life at Yorke, the third daie before the nones of Februarie, after he had gouerned the empire by the space of 17 yeares, 8 moneths, & 33 daies. He liued 65 yeres, 9 moneths, & 13 daies: he was borne the third ides of April. By that which before is recited out of Herodian and Dion Cassius, of the maners & vsages of those people, against whome Seuerus held warre here in Britaine, it maie be coniectured, that they were the Picts, the which possessed in those daies a great part of Scotland, and with continuall incursions and rodes wasted and destroyed the borders of those countries which were [Sidenote: Eutropius.] [Sidenote: Orosius.] subiect to the Romans. To kéepe them backe therefore and to represse their inuasions, Seuerus (as some write) either restored the former [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._] wall made by Adrian, or else newlie built an other ouerthwart the Ile, from the east sea to the west, conteining in length 232 miles. This [Sidenote: _Beda._] wall was not made of stone, but of turfe and earth supported with stakes and piles of wood, and defended on the backe with a déepe [Sidenote: _Hector Boetius._] trench or ditch, and also fortified with diuerse towers and turrets built & erected vpon the same wall or rampire so néere togither, that the sound of trumpets being placed in the same, might be heard betwixt, and so warning giuen from one to another vpon the first descrieng of the enimies.

[Sidenote: _Polydorus._] [Sidenote: _Herodianus._] [Sidenote: 211.] Seuerus being departed out of this life in the yere of our Lord 211, his son Antoninus otherwise called also Bassianus, would faine haue vsurped the whole gouernment into his owne hands, attempting with bribes and large promises to corrupt the minds of the souldiers: but when he perceiued that his purpose would not forward as he wished in that behalfe, he concluded a league with the enimies, and making peace with them, returned backe towards Yorke, and came to his mother and brother Geta, with whome he tooke order for the buriall of his father. And first his bodie being burnt (as the maner was) the ashes were put into a vessell of gold, and so conueied to Rome by the two brethren and the empresse Iulia, who was mother to Geta the yonger brother, and mother in law to the elder, Antoninus Bassianus, & by all meanes possible sought to maintaine loue and concord betwixt the brethren, which now at the first tooke vpon them to rule the empire equallie togither. But the ambition of Bassianus was such, that finallie vpon desire to haue the whole rule himselfe, he found meanes to dispatch his brother Geta, breaking one daie into his chamber, and slaieng him euen in his mothers lap, and so possessed the gouernment alone, till at length he was slaine at Edessa a citie in Mesopotamia by one of his owne souldiers, as he was about to vntrusse his points to doo the office of nature, after he had reigned the space of 6 yeares, as is [Sidenote: _Sextus Aurelius._] aforesaid. Where we are to note Gods judgment, prouiding that he which had shed mans bloud, should also die by the sword.

* * * * *

_Of Carausius an obscure Britaine, what countries he gaue the Picts, and wherevpon, his death by Alectus his successor, the Romans foiled by Asclepiodotus duke of Cornewall, whereof Walbrooke had the name, the couetous practise of Carausius the usurper._

THE XXIIJ CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: CARAUSIUS.] CARAUSIUS a Britan of vnknowne birth, as witnesseth the British histories, after he had vanquisht & slaine Bassianus (as the same histories make mention) was of the Britains made king and ruler ouer [Sidenote: 218.] them, in the yeare of our Lord 218, as Galfridus saith: but W.H. noteth it to be in the yeare 286. This Carausius either to haue the [Sidenote: _Galfrid._] [Sidenote: _Polychron._] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] aid & support of the Picts, as in the British historic is conteined, either else to be at quietnesse with them, being not otherwise able to resist them, gaue to them the countries in the south parts of Scotland, which ioine to England on the east marshes, as Mers, Louthian, and others.

[Sidenote: _Galfridus._] ¶ But here is to be noted, that the British writers affirme, that these Picts which were thus placed in the south parts of Scotland at this time, were brought ouer out of Scithia by Fulgentius, to aid him against Seuerus, and that after the death of Seuerus, and Fulgentius, which both died of hurts receiued in the batell fought betwixt them at Yorke: the Picts tooke part with Bassianus, and at length betraied him in the battell which he fought against Carausius: for he corrupting them by such subtile practises as he vsed, they turned to his side, to the ouerthrow and vtter destruction of Bassianus: for the which traitorous part they had those south countries of Scotland giuen vnto them for their habitation. But by the Scotish writers it should appeare, that those Picts which aided Fulgentius and also Carausius, were the same that long before had inhabited the north parts of Britaine, now called Scotland. But whatsoeuer they were, truth it is (as the British histories record) that at length one Alectus was sent from Rome by the senat with 3 legions of souldiers to subdue Carausius, which he did, and slue him in the field, as the same histories make mention, after he had reigned the space of 7, or 8, yeares: and in the yeare of our saluation two hundred, ninetie, three.

[Sidenote: ALECTUS.] [Sidenote: Of whom our British histories doo write after their maner.] [Sidenote: 293.] ALECTUS in hauing vanquished and slaine Carausius tooke vpon him the rule and gouernment of Britaine, in the yeare of our Lord 293. This Alectus, when he had restored the land to the subiection of the Romans, did vse great crueltie against such Britains as had maintained the part of Carausius, by reason whereof he purchased much euill will of the Britains, the which at length conspired against him, and purposing to chase the Romans altogither out of their countrie, they procured one Asclepiodotus (whome the British chronicles name duke of Cornewall) to take vpon him as chiefe captaine that enterprise. Wherevpon the same Asclepiodotus assembling a great armie, made such sharpe warres on the Romans, that they being chased from place to place, at length withdrew to the citie of London, and there held them till Asclepiodotus came thither, and prouoked Alectus and his Romans so much, that in the end they issued foorth of the citie, and gaue battell to the Britans, in the which much people on both parts were slaine, but the greatest number died on the Romans side: and amongst others, Alectus himselfe was slaine, the residue of the Romans that were left aliue, retired backe into the citie with a capteine of theirs named Liuius Gallus, and defended themselues within the walles [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] for a time right valiantlie. Thus was Alectus slaine of the Britains, after he had reigned (as some suppose) about the terme of six yeares, or (as some other write) thrée yeares.

[Sidenote: ASCLEPIODOTUS.] [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] ASCLEPIODOTUS, duke of Cornewall, began his reigne ouer the Britains in the yeare of our Lord 232. After he had vanquished the Romans in battell, as before is recited, he laid his siege about the citie of London, and finallie by knightlie force entred the same, and slue the forenamed Liuius Gallus néere vnto a brooke, which in those daies ran through the citie, & threw him into the same brooke: by reason whereof [Sidenote: Walbrooke.] long after it was called Gallus or Wallus brooke. And at this present the streete where the same brooke did run, is called Walbrooke.

Then after Asclepiodotus had ouercome all his enimies, he held this land a certeine space in good rest and quiet, and ministred iustice vprightlie, in rewarding the good, and punishing the euill. Till at length, through slanderous toongs of malicious persons, discord was raised betwixt the king and one Coill or Coilus, that was gouernour of Colchester: the occasion whereof appeareth not by writers. But whatsoeuer the matter was, there insued such hatred betwixt them, that on both parts great armies were raised, and meeting in the field, they fought a sore and mightie battell, in the which Asclepiodotus was [Sidenote: Asclepiodotus slaine.] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ hath x. years.] slaine, after he had reigned 30 yeares. Thus haue Geffrey of Monmouth and our common chroniclers written of Carausius, Alectus, and Asclepiodotus, which gouerned héere in Britaine.

[Sidenote: _Eutropius._] But Eutropius the famous writer of the Romane histories, in the acts [Sidenote: The couetous practising of Carausius.] of Dioclesian hath in effect these woords. "About the same time Carausius, the which being borne of most base ofspring, attained to high honour and dignitie by order of renowmed chiualrie & seruice in the warres, receiued charge at Bolein, to kéepe the seas quiet alongst the coasts of Britaine, France, and Flanders, and other countries thereabouts, bicause the Frenchmen, which yet inhabited within the bounds of Germanie, and the Saxons sore troubled those seas. Carausius taking oftentimes manie of the enimies, neither restored the goods to them of the countrie from whome the enimies had bereft the same, nor yet sent anie part therof to the emperours, but kept the whole to his owne use. Whervpon when suspicion arose, that he should of purpose suffer the enimies to passe by him, till they had taken some prises, that in their returne with the same he might incounter with them, and take that from them which they had gotten (by which subtile practise he was thought greatly to haue inriched him selfe) Maximianus that was fellow in gouernment of the empire with Dioclesianus, remaining then [Sidenote: Maximianus purposeth to slea Carusius.] in Gallia, and aduertised of these dooings, commanded that Carausius should be slaine, but he hauing warning thereof rebelled, and vsurping the imperiall ornaments and title, got possession of Britaine, against whom (being a man of great experience in all warlike knowledge) when [Sidenote: _Polydor._] warres had béene attempted and folowed in vaine, at length a peace was concluded with him, and so he enioied the possession of Britaine by [Sidenote: _Eutropius._] the space of seuen yéeres, & then was slaine by his companion Alectus, the which after him ruled Britaine for the space of thrée yéeres, and was in the end oppressed by the guile of Asclepiodotus gouernour of the pretorie, or (as I maie call him) lord lieutenant of some precinct and iurisdiction perteining to the Romane empire." And so was Britaine recouered by the foresaid Asclepiodotus about ten yeeres after that Carausius had first vsurped the gouernment there, and about the yéere

[Sidenote: 300.] of our Lord 300, as Polydor iudgeth, wherein he varieth much from Fabian and others.

¶ But to shew what we find further written of the subduing of Alectus, [Sidenote: _Mamertinus._] I thinke it not amisse to set downe what Mamertinus in his oration written in praise of Maximianus dooth report of this matter, which shall be performed in the chapter following.

* * * * *

_The substance of that which is written touching Britaine in a panegyrike oration ascribed to Mamertinus, which he set foorth in praise of the emperors Dioclesian and Maximian: it is intituled onelie to Maximian, whereas neuerthelesse both the emperors are praised; and likewise (as ye may perceiue) Constantius who was father to Constantine the great is here spoken of, being chosen by the two foresaid emperors, to assist them by the name of Cæsar in rule of the empire: of whom hereafter more shall be said._

THE XXIIIJ CHAPTER.

"All the compasse of the earth (most victorious emperor) being now recouered through your noble prowesse, not onelie so farre as the limits of the Romane empire had before extended, but also the enimies borders beeing subdued, when Almaine had beene so often vanquished, and Sarmatia so often restrained & brought vnder, the people called [Sidenote: Vitungi, Quadi, Carpi, and people of Germanie and Polonie.] Vitungi, Quadi, Carpi so often put to flight, the Goth submitting himselfe, the king of Persia by offering gifts suing for peace: one despitefull reproch of so mightie an empire and gouernement ouer the whole greeued vs to the heart, as now at length we will not sticke to confesse, and to vs it seemed the more intollerable, bicause it onlie remained to the accomplishing of your perfect renowme and glorie. And verilie as there is but one name of Britaine, so was the losse to be esteemed smal to the common wealth of a land so plentifull of corne, so abundant with store of pastures, so flowing with veines of mettall, so gainfull with reuenues rising of customs and tributes, so enuironed with hauens, so huge in circuit, the which when Cesar, the founder of this your honourable title, being the first that entered into it, writ that he had found an other world, supposing it to be so big, that it was not compassed with the sea, but that rather by resemblance the great Ocean was compassed with it. Now at that time Britaine was nothing furnished with ships of warre; so that the Romans, soone after the warres of Carthage and Asia, had latelie beene exercised by sea against pirats, and afterwards by reason of the warres against Mithridates, were practised as well to fight by sea as land; besides this, the British nation then alone was accustomed but onelie to the [Sidenote: Picts and Irishmen.] Picts and Irishmen, enimies halfe naked as yet & not vsed to weare armor, so that the Britains for lacke of skill, easilie gaue place to the Romane puissance, insomuch that Cesar might by that voiage onelie glorie in this, that he had sailed and passed ouer the Ocean sea.

"But in this wicked rebellious robberie, first the nauie that in times past defended the coasts of Gallia, was led away by the pirat when he fled his waies: and beside this, a great number of other ships were built after the mould of ours, the legion of Romane souldiers was woon, and brought to take part with the enimie, and diuers bands of strangers that were also souldiers were shut vp in the ships to serue also against vs. The merchants of the parties of Gallia were assembled and brought togither to the musters, and no small numbers of barbarous nations procured to come in aid of the rebels, trusting to inrich themselues by the spoile of the prouinces: and all these were trained in the wars by sea, through the instruction of the first attemptors of this mischieuous practise.

"And although our armies were inuincible in force and manhood, yet were they raw and not accustomed to the seas, so that the fame of a greeuous and great trouble by warre that was toward by this shamefull rebellious robberie was blowne and sounded in ech mans eare, although [Sidenote: Long sufferance of euill increaseth boldnesse in the authors.] we hoped well of the end. Vnto the enimies forces was added a long sufferance of their wicked practises without punishment, which had puffed vp the presumptuous boldnesse of desperate people, that they bragged of our stay, as it had bene for feare of them, whereas the disaduantage which we had by sea, seemed as it were by a fatall necessitie to deferre our victorie: neither did they beleeue that the warre was put off for a time by aduise and counsell, but rather to be omitted through despaire of dooing anie good against them, insomuch [Sidenote: Carausius slaine.] that now the feare of common punishment being laid aside, one of the mates slue the archpirat or capteine rouer as I may call him, hoping in reward of so great an exploit, to obteine the whole gouernement into his hands.

"This warre then being both so necessarie, so hard to enter vpon, so growne in time to a stubborne stiffenesse, and so well prouided for of the enimies part, you noble emperour did so take it in hand, that so soone as you bent the thundering force of your imperiall maiestie against that enimie, ech man made account that the enterprise was alreadie atchiued. For first of all, to the end that your diuine power being absent, the barbarous nations should not attempt anie new trouble (a thing chieflie to be foreseene) it was prouided for aforehand by intercession made vnto your maiestie: for you your selfe, you (I say) mightie lord Maximian eternall emperour, vouchedsafe to aduance the comming of your diuine excellence by the neerest way that might be, which to you was not vnknowne. You therefore suddenlie came to the Rhine, and not with anie armie of horssemen or footmen, but with the terrour of your presence did preserue and defend all that frontire: for Maximian once being there vpon the riuage, counteruailed anie the greatest armies that were to be found. For you (most inuincible emperour) furnishing and arming diuers nauies, made the enimie so vncerteine of his owne dooing and void of counsell, that then at length he might perceiue that he was not defended, but rather inclosed with the Ocean sea.

"Here commeth to mind how pleasant and easefull the good lucke of those princes in gouerning the common wealth with praise was, which sitting still in Rome had triumphs and surnames appointed them of such [Sidenote: Fronto counted Ciceros match.] nations as their capteins did vanquish. Fronto therefore, not the second, but match with the first honor of the Romane eloquence, when he yeelded vnto the emperor Antoninus the renowme of the warre brought to end in Britaine, although he sitting at home in his palace within the citie, had committed the conduct and successe of that warre ouer vnto the same Fronto, it was confessed by him, that the emperour sitting as it were at the helme of the ship, deserued the praise, by giuing of perfect order to the full accomplishing of the enterprise. But you (most inuincible emperour) haue bene not onlie the appointer foorth how all this voiage by sea, and prosecuting the warre by land should bee demeaned, as apperteined to you by vertue of your imperiall rule and dignitie, but also you haue beene an exhorter and setter forward in the things themselues, and through example of your assured constancie, the victorie was atchiued. For you taking the sea at Sluice, did put an irreuocable desire into their hearts that were readie to take ship at the same time in the mouth of the riuer of Saine, insomuch that when the capteins of that armie did linger out the time, by reason the seas and aire was troubled, they cried to haue the sailes hoised vp, and signe giuen to lanch foorth, that they might passe forward on their iournie, despising certeine tokens which threatened their wrecke, and so set forward on a rainie and tempestuous day, sailing with a crosse wind, for no forewind might serue their turne.

"But what was he that durst not commit himselfe vnto the sea, were the same neuer so vnquiet, when you were once vnder saile, and set forward? One voice and exhortation was among them all (as report hath gone thereof) when they heard that you were once got forth vpon the water, What doo we dout? what mean we to staie? He is now loosed from land, he is forward on his waie, and peraduenture is alreadie got ouer: Let vs put all things in proofe, let vs venter through anie dangers of sea whatsoeuer. What is there that we may stand in feare of? we follow the emperour. Neither did the opinion of your good hap deceiue them: for as by report of them selues we doo vnderstand, at that selfe time there fell such a mist and thicke fog vpon the seas, that the enimies nauie laid at the Ile of wight watching for their aduersaries, and lurking as it were in await, these your ships passed by, and were not once perceiued, neither did the enimie then staie although he could not resist.

"But now as concerning that the same vnuanquishable army fighting vnder your ensignes and name, streightwaies after it came to land, set fire on their ships; what mooued them so to doo, except the admonitions of your diuine motion? Or what other reason persuaded them to reserue no furtherance for their flight, if need were, nor to feare the doubtfull chances of war, nor (as the prouerbe saith) to thinke the hazard of martiall dealings to be common, but that by contemplation of your prosperous hap, it was verie certeine that there needed no doubt to be cast for victorie to be obteined? There were no sufficient forces at that present among them, no mightie or puissant strength of the Romans, but they had onelie consideration of your vnspeakable fortunate successe comming from the heauens aboue. For whatsoeuer battell dooth chance to be offered, to make full account of [Sidenote: The good lucke in a capteine.] victorie, resteth not so much in the assurance of the souldiers, as in the good lucke and felicitie of the capteine generall.

"That same ringleader of the vngratious faction, what ment he to depart from that shore which he possessed? Why did he forsake both his nauie and the hauen? But that (most inuincible emperour) he stood in feare of your comming, whose sailes he beheld readie to approch towards him, how soeuer the matter should fall out, he chose rather to trie his fortune with your capteins, than to abide the present force of your highnes. Ah mad man! that vnderstood not, that whither so euer he fled, the power of your diuine maiestie to be present in all places where your countenance & banners are had in reuerence. But he fleeing from your presence, fell into the hands of your people, of you was he ouercome, of your armies was he oppressed.

"To be short, he was brought into such feare, and as it were still looking behind him, for doubt of your comming after him, that as one out of his wits and amazed, he wist not what to doo, he hasted forward to his death, so that he neither set his men in order of battell, nor marshalled such power as he had about him, but onlie with the old authors of that conspiracie, and the hired bands of the barbarous nations, as one forgetfull of so great preparation which he had made, ran headlong forwards to his destruction, insomuch (noble emperour) your felicitie yeeldeth this good hap to the common wealth, that the victorie being atchiued in the behalfe of the Romane empire, there almost died not one Romane: for as I heare, all those fields and hills lay couered with none but onelie with the bodies of most wicked enimies, the same being of the barbarous nations, or at the leastwise apparelled in the counterfet shapes of barbarous garments, glistering with their long yellow haires, but now with gashes of wounds and bloud all deformed, and lieng in sundrie manners, as the pangs of death occasioned by their wounds had caused them to stretch foorth or draw in their maimed lims and mangled parts of their dieng bodies. And [Sidenote: Alectus found dead.] among these, the chiefe ringleader of the theeues was found, who had [Sidenote: He had despoiled himselfe of the imperiall robes, bicause he would not be knowne if he chanced to be slaine.] put off those robes which in his life time he had vsurped and dishonoured, so as scarse was he couered with one peece of apparell whereby he might be knowne, so neere were his words true, vttered at the houre of his death, which he saw at hand, that he would not haue it vnderstood how he was slaine.

"Thus verelie (most inuincible emperour) so great a victorie was appointed to you by consent of the immortall gods ouer all the [Sidenote: Francones siue Franci.] enimies whome you assailed, but namelie the slaughter of the Frankeners and those your souldiers also, which (as before I haue said) through missing their course by reason of the mist that lay on the seas, were now come to the citie of London, where they slue downe right in ech part of the same citie, what multitude soeuer remained of those hired barbarous people, which escaping from the battell, ment (after they had spoiled the citie) to haue got awaie by flight. But now being thus slaine by your souldiers, the subiects of your prouince were both preserued from further danger, and tooke pleasure to behold the slaughter of such cruell enimies. O what a manifold victorie was this, worthie vndoubtedlie of innumerable triumphes! by which victorie Britaine is restored to the empire, by which victorie the nation of the Frankeners is vtterlie destroied, & by which manie other nations found accessaries in the conspiracie of that wicked practise, are compelled to obedience. To conclude, the seas are purged and brought to perpetuall quietnesse.

"Glorie you therefore, inuincible emperour, for that you haue as it were got an other world, & in restoring to the Romane puissance the glory of conquest by sea, haue added to the Romane empire an element greater than all the compasse of the earth, that is, the mightie maine ocean. You haue made an end of the warre (inuincible emperour) that seemed as present to threaten all prouinces, and might haue spred abroad and burst out in a flame, euen so largelie as the ocean seas stretch, and the mediterrane gulfs doo reach. Neither are we ignorant, although through feare of you that infection did fester within the bowels of Britaine onelie, and proceeded no further, with what furie it would haue aduanced it selfe else where, if it might haue beene assured of means to haue ranged abroad so far as it wished. For it was bounded in with no border of mounteine, nor riuer, which garrisons appointed were garded and defended but euen so as the ships, although we had your martiall prowes and prosperous fortune redie to releeue vs, & was still at our elbowes to put vs in feare, so farre as either sea reacheth or wind bloweth.

"For that incredible boldnesse and vnwoorthie good hap of a few sillie [Sidenote: The piracie of the Frankeners called _Franci_ or _Francones._] captiues of the Frankeners in time of the emperour Probus came to our remembrance, which Frankeners in that season, conueieng awaie certeine vessels from the coasts of Pontus, wasted both Grecia and Asia, and not without great hurt and damage, ariuing vpon diuers parts of the shore of Libia, at length tooke the citie of Saragose in Sicile (an hauen towne in times past highlie renowmed for victories gotten by sea:) & after this passing thorough the streicts of Giberalterra, came into the Ocean, and so with the fortunate successe of their rash presumptuous attempt, shewed how nothing is shut vp in safetie from the desperate boldnesse of pirats, where ships maie come and haue accesse. And so therefore by this your victorie, not Britaine alone is deliuered from bondage, but vnto all nations is safetie restored, which might by the vse of the seas come to as great perils in time of warre, as to gaine of commodities in time of peace.

"Now Spaine (to let passe the coasts of Gallia) with hir shores almost in sight is in suertie: now Italie, now Afrike, now all nations euen vnto the fens of Meotis are void of perpetuall cares. Neither are they lesse ioifull, the feare of danger being taken awaie, which to feele as yet the necessitie had not brought them: but they reioise so much the more for this, that both in the guiding of your prouidence, and also furtherance of fortune, so great a force of rebellion by seamen is calmed, vpon the entring into their borders, and Britaine it selfe which had giuen harbour to so long a mischiefe, is euidentlie knowne to haue tasted of your victorie, with hir onelie restitution to [Sidenote: Britains restored to quietnes.] quietnesse. Not without good cause therfore immediatlie, when you hir long wished reuenger and deliuerer were once arriued, your maiestie was met with great triumph, & the Britains replenished with all inward [Sidenote: The Britains receiue Maximian with great ioy and humblenesse.] gladnesse, came foorth and offered themselues to your presence, with their wiues and children, reuerencing not onlie your selfe (on whom they set their eies, as on one descended downe to them from heauen) but also euen the sailes and tackling of that ship which had brought your diuine presence vnto their coasts: and when you should set foot on land, they were readie to lie downe at your feet, that you might (as it were) march ouer them, so desirous were they of you.

"Neither was it anie maruell if they shewed them selues so ioifull, sith after their miserable captiuitie so manie yeeres continued, after so long abusing of their wiues, and filthie bondage of their children, at length yet were they now restored to libertie, at length made Romans, at length refreshed with the true light of the imperiall rule and gouernement: for beside the fame of your clemencie and pitie, which was set forth by the report of all nations, in your countenance (Cesar) they perceiued the tokens of all vertues, in your face grauitie, in your eies mildnesse, in your ruddie cheekes bashfulnesse, in your words iustice: all which things as by regard they acknowledged, so with voices of gladnesse they signified on high. To you they bound themselues by vow, to you they bound their children: yea and to your children they vowed all the posteritie of their race and ofspring.

[Sidenote: Dioclesian and Maximian.] "We trulie (O perpetuall parents and lords of mankind) require this of the immortall gods with most earnest supplication and heartie praier, that our children and their children, and such other as shall come of them for euer hereafter, may be dedicated vnto you, and to those whom you now bring vp, or shall bring vp hereafter. For what better hap can we wish to them that shall succeed vs, than to be enioiers of that felicitie which now we our selues enioy? The Romane common wealth dooth now comprehend in one coniunction of peace, all whatsoeuer at sundrie times haue belonged to the Romans, and that huge power which with too great a burden was shroonke downe, and riuen in sunder, is now brought to ioine againe in the assured ioints of the imperiall gouernment. For there is no part of the earth nor region vnder heauen, but that either it remaineth quiet through feare, or subdued by force of armies, or at the lestwise bound by clemencie. And is there anie other thing else in other parts, which if will and reason should mooue men thereto, that might be obteined? Beyond the Ocean, what is there [Sidenote: Nations néere to Britaine obeie the emperours.] more than Britaine, which is so recouered by you, that those nations which are nere adioining to the bounds of that Ile, are obedient to your commandements? There is no occasion that may mooue you to passe further, except the ends of the Ocean sea, which nature forbiddeth should be sought for. All is yours (most inuincible princes) which are accounted woorthie of you, and thereof commeth it, that you may equallie prouide for euerie one, sith you haue the whole in your maiesties hands. And therefore as heretofore (most excellent emperour Dioclesian) by your commandement Asia did supplie the desert places of Thracia with inhabitants transported thither, as afterward (most excellent emperour Maximian) by your appointment, the Frankeners at length brought to a pleasant subiection, and admitted to liue vnder [Sidenote: The printed booke hath Heruij, but I take the H, to be thrust in for N.] lawes, hath peopled and manured the vacant fields of the Neruians, and those about the citie of Trier. And so now by your victories (inuincible Constantius Cesar) whatsoeuer did lie vacant about Amiens, Beauois, Trois, and Langres, beginneth to florish with inhabitants of sundrie nations: yea and moreouer that your most obedient citie of Autun, for whose sake I haue a peculiar cause to reioise, by meanes of this triumphant victorie in Britaine, it hath receiued manie & diuerse [Sidenote: Artificers foorth of Britaine.] artificers, of whom those prouinces were ful, and now by their workemanship the same citie riseth vp by repairing of ancient houses, and restoring of publike buildings and temples, so that now it accounteth that the old name of brotherlie incorporation to Rome, is againe to hir restored, when she hath you eftsoones for hir founder. I haue said (inuincible emperour) almost more than I haue beene able, & not so much as I ought, that I may haue most iust cause by your clemencies licence, both now to end, & often hereafter to speake: and thus I ceasse."

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_What is to be observed and noted out of the panegyrike oration of Mamertinus afore remembred, with necessarie collections out of other Antiquaries._

THE XXV CHAPTER.

Now let vs consider what is to be noted out of this part of the foresaid oration. It should seeme that when the emperour Maximian was sent into Gallia by appointment taken betwixt him and Dioclesian, after he had quieted things there, he set his mind foorthwith to reduce Britaine vnder the obedience of the empire, which was at that present kept vnder subiection of such princes as mainteined their state, by the mightie forces of such number of ships as they had got togither, furnished with all things necessarie, & namelie of able [Sidenote: Franci, or Frankeneres, people of Germanie.] seamen, as well Britains as strangers, among whome the Frankeners were chiefe, a nation of Germanie, as then highly renowmed for their puissance by sea, néere to the which they inhabited, so that there were no rouers comparable to them.

But because none durst stirre on these our seas for feare of the British fléet that passed to and fro at pleasure, to the great annoiance of the Romane subiects inhabiting alongst the coasts of Gallia, Maximian both to recouer againe so wealthie and profitable a land vnto the obeisance of the empire, as Britaine then was, and also to deliuer the people of Gallia subiect to the Romans, from danger of being dailie spoiled by those rouers that were mainteined here in Britaine, he prouided with all diligence such numbers of ships as were thought requisite for so great an enterprise, and rigging them in sundrie places, tooke order for their setting forward to his most aduantage for the easie atchiuing of his enterprise. He appointed to passe himselfe from the coasts of Flanders, at what time other of capteines with their fleets from other parts should likewise make saile towards Britaine. By this meanes Alectus that had vsurped the title & dignitie of king or rather emperour ouer the Britains, knew not where to take héed, but yet vnderstanding of the nauie that was made readie in the mouth of Saine, he ment by that which maie be coniectured, to intercept that fléet, as it should come foorth and make saile forwards: and so for that purpose he laie with a great number of ships about the Ile of Wight.

But whether Asclepiodotus came ouer with that nauie which was rigged on the coasts of Flanders, or with some other, I will not presume to affirme either to or fro, because in déed Mamertinus maketh no expresse mention either of Alectus or Asclepiodotus: but notwithstanding it is euident by that which is conteined in his oration, that not Maximian, but some other of his capteins gouerned the armie, which slue Alectus, so that we maie suppose that Asclepiodotus was chiefteine ouer some number of ships directed by Maximians appointment to passe ouer into this Ile against the same Alectus: and so maie this, which Mamertinus writeth, agrée with the [Sidenote: _Eutropius._] truth of that which we doo find in Eutropius.

Héere is to be remembred, that after Maximians had thus recouered Britaine out of their hands that vsurped the rule thereof from the Romans, it should séeme that not onelie great numbers of artificers & other people were conueied ouer into Gallia, there to inhabit and furnish such cities as were run into decaie, but also a power of warlike youths was transported thither to defend the countrie from the inuasion of barbarous nations. For we find that in the daies of this Maximian, the Britains expelling the Neruians out of the citie of Mons in Henaud, held a castell there, which was called Bretaimons after them, wherevpon the citie was afterward called Mons, retaining the last syllable onlie, as in such cases it hath often happened.

Moreouer this is not to be forgotten, that as Humfrey Lhoyd hath very well noted in his booke intituled "Fragmenta historiæ Britannicæ," Mamertinus in this parcell of his panegyrike oration dooth make first mention of the nation of Picts, of all other the ancient Romane writers: so that not one before his time once nameth Picts or Scots. But now to returne where we left.

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_The state of this Iland vnder bloudie Dioclesian the persecuting tyrant, of Alban the first that suffered martyrdome in Britaine, what miracles were wrought at his death, whereof Lichfield tooke the name; of Coilus earle of Colchester, whose daughter Helen was maried to Constantius the emperour, as some authours suppose._

THE XXVJ CHAPTER.

After that Britaine was thus recouered by the Romans, Dioclesian and Maximian ruling the empire, the Iland tasted of the crueltie that Dioclesian exercised against the christians, in persecuting them with all extremities, continuallie for the space of ten yéeres. Amongst other, one Alban a citizen of Werlamchester, a towne now bearing his name, was the first that suffered here in Britaine in this persecution, being conuerted to the faith by the zealous christian Amphibalus, whom he receiued into his house: insomuch that when there [Sidenote: _Beda_ and _Gyldas._] came sergeants to séeke for the same Amphibalus, the foresaid Alban to preserue Amphibalus out of danger, presented himselfe in the apparell of the said Amphibalus, & so being apprehended in his stead, was brought before the iudge and examined: and for that he refused to doo sacrifice to the false gods, he was beheaded on the top of an hill ouer against the towne of Werlamchester aforesaid where afterwards was builded a church and monasterie in remembrance of his martyrdome, insomuch that the towne there restored, after that Werlamchester was destroied, tooke name of him, and so is vnto this day called saint Albons.

It is reported by writers, that diuers miracles were wrought at the [Sidenote: _Beda._] [Sidenote: Sée the booke of acts and monuments set forth by master Fox.] time of his death, insomuch that one which was appointed to doo the execution, was conuerted, and refusing to doo that office, suffered also with him: but he that tooke vpon him to doo it, reioised nothing thereat, for his eies fell out of his head downe to the ground, togither with the head of that holie man which he had then cut off. There were also martyred about the same time two constant witnesses of Christ his religion, Aaron and Iulius, citizens of Caerleon Arwiske. [Sidenote: _Iohn Rossus._] [Sidenote: _Warwicens. in lib. de Wigorniens. epis._] Moreouer, a great number of Christians which were assembled togither to heare the word of life, preached by that vertuous man Amphibalus, [Sidenote: Lichfield whereof it tooke name.] were slaine by the wicked pagans at Lichfield, whereof that towne tooke name, as you would say, The field of dead corpses.

To be briefe, this persecution was so great and greeuous, and thereto [Sidenote: _Gyldas._] so vniuersall, that in maner the Christian religion was thereby destroied. The faithfull people were slaine, their bookes burnt, and [Sidenote: _Ran. Cestren._] churches ouerthrowne. It is recorded that in one moneths space in diuers places of the world there were 17000 godlie men and women put [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Constantius._] to death, for professing the christian faith in the daies of that tyrant Dioclesian and his fellow Maximian.

[Sidenote: COELUS.] [Sidenote: 262.] COELUS earle of Colchester began his dominion ouer the Britains in the yeere of our Lord 262. This Coelus or Coell ruled the land for a certeine time, so as the Britains were well content with his gouernement, and liued the longer in rest from inuasion of the Romans, bicause they were occupied in other places: but finallie they finding [Sidenote: _Fabian._] time for their purpose, appointed one Constantius to passe ouer into this Ile with an armie, the which Constantius put Coelus in such dread, that immediatlie vpon his arriuall Coelus sent to him an ambassage, and concluded a peace with him, couenanting to pay the [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: _Caxton._] accustomed tribute, & gaue to Constantius his daughter in mariage called Helen, a noble ladie and a learned. Shortlie after king Coell died, when he had reigned (as some write) 27 yeeres or (as other haue) but 13 yeeres.

¶ But by the way touching this Coelus, I will not denie, but assuredly such a prince there was: howbeit that he had a daughter named Helen, whom he maried vnto Constantius the Romane lieutenant that was after emperor, I leaue that to be decided of the learned. For if the whole course of the liues, as well of the father and the sonne Constantius and Constantine, as likewise of the mother Helen, be consideratelie marked from time to time, and yeere to yéere, as out of authors both [Sidenote: _Lib._ 7. _cap._ 18.] Greeke and Latine the same may be gathered, I feare least such doubt maie rise in this matter, that it will be harder to prooue Helen a Britane, than Constantine to be borne in Bithynia (as Nicephorus auoucheth.) But forsomuch as I meane not to step from the course of our countrie writers in such points, where the receiued opinion may séeme to warrant the credit of the historie, I will with other admit both the mother and sonne to be Britains in the whole discourse of the historie following, as though I had forgot what in this place I haue said.

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_A further discourse of the forenamed Constantius and Helen, his regiment ouer this Iland, his behauiour and talke to his sonne and councellors as he lay on his death-bed, a deuise that he put in practise to vnderstand what true Christians he had in his court, his commendable vertues, that the Britains in his time imbraced the christian faith is prooued._

THE XXVIJ CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: CONSTANTIUS.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 302.] [Sidenote: 289.] CONSTANTIUS a senatour of Rome began to reigne ouer the Britains, in the yeere of our Lord 289, as our histories report. This Constantius (as before ye haue heard) had to wife Helen the daughter of the foresaid king Coel, of whome he begat a sonne named Constantinus, which after was emperour, and for his woorthie dooings surnamed Constantine the great. S. Ambrose following the common report, writeth [Sidenote: _Orosius._] [Sidenote: _Beda._] that this Helen was a maid in an inne: and some againe write, that she was concubine to Constantius, and not his wife.

[Sidenote: _Cuspinian._] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] But whatsoeuer she was, it appeareth by the writers of the Romane histories, that Constantius being the daughters sonne of one Crispus, that was brother to the emperour Claudius, came into Britaine, and quieted the troubles that were raised by the Britains, and there (as some write) maried the foresaid Helen, being a woman of an excellent beautie, whom yet [after] he was constreined to forsake, and to marrie Theodora the daughter in law of Herculeus Maximianus, by whome he had six sonnes, and finallie was created emperour, togither with the said Galerius Maximianus, at what time Dioclesianus and his fellow Herculeus Maximianus renounced the rule of the empire, and committed the same vnto them. The empire was then diuided betwixt them, so that to Constantius the regions of Italie, Affrike, France Spaine and Britaine were assigned; & to Galerius, Illyricum, Grecia, and all the east parts. But Constantine being a man void of ambition, was contented to leaue Italie and Affrike, supposing his charge to be great inough to haue the gouernement in his hands of France, Spaine, and Britaine (as Eutropius saith.)

But as touching his reigne ouer the Britains, we haue not to say further than as we find in our owne writers recorded: as for his gouernement in the empire, it is to be considered, that first he was admitted to rule as an assistant to Maximian vnder the title of Cesar: and so from that time if you shall account his reigne, it maie comprehend 11, 12, or 13 yeeres, yea more or lesse, according to the diuersitie found in writers. Howbeit, if we shall reckon his reigne from the time onelie that Dioclesian and Maximian resigned their title vnto the empire, we shall find that he reigned not fullie thrée yéeres. For whereas betwéene the slaughter of Alectus, and the comming of Constantius, are accounted 8 yéeres and od moneths, not onelie those eight yéeres, but also some space of time before maie be ascribed vnto Constantius: for although before his comming ouer into Britaine now this last time (for he had béene here afore, as it well appéereth) Asclepiodotus gouerning as legat, albeit vnder Constantius, who had a great portion of the west parts of the empire vnder his regiment, by the title, as I haue said, of Cesar, yet he was not said to reigne absolutelie till Dioclesian and Maximian resigned. But now to conclude with the dooings of Constantius, at length he fell sicke [Sidenote: 306.] at Yorke, and there died, about the yéere of our Lord 306.

This is not to be forgotten, that whilest he laie on his death-bed, somewhat before he departed this life, hearing that his sonne Constantine was come, and escaped from the emperours Dioclesian and Maximian, with whom he remained as a pledge (as after shall be partlie touched) he receiued him with all ioy, and raising himselfe vp in his bed, in presence of his other sonnes & counsellours, with a great number of other people and strangers that were come to visit him, he set the crowne vpon his sonnes head, and adorned him with other imperiall robes and garments, executing as it were him selfe the [Sidenote: _Niceph._] office of an herald, and withall spake these woords vnto his said [Sidenote: _Tripartit. histo._] sonne, and to his counsellours there about him: "Now is my death to me more welcome, and my departure hence more pleasant; I haue héere a large epitaph and monument of buriall, to wit, mine owne sonne, and one whome in earth I leaue to be emperour in my place, which by Gods good helpe shall wipe away the teares of the Christians, and reuenge the crueltie exercised by tyrants. This I reckon to chance vnto me in stéed of most felicitie."

After this, turning himselfe to the multitude, he commanded them all to be of good comfort, meaning those that had not forsaken true vertue and godlinesse in Christ, which Christ he vndertooke should continue with his sonne Constantine in all enterprises, which in warres or otherwise he should take in hand. That deuise also is woorthie to be had in memorie, which he put in practise in his life time, to vnderstand what true and sincere Christians were remaining in his court. For whereas he had béene first a persecuter, and after was conuerted, it was a matter easie to persuade the world, that he was no earnest Christian: and so the policie which he thought to worke, was the sooner brought to passe, which was this.

He called togither all his officers and seruants, feining himselfe to choose out such as would doo sacrifice to diuels, and that those onelie should remaine with him and kéepe their office, and the rest that refused so to doo, should be thrust out, and banished the court. Héervpon all the courtiers diuided themselues into companies: and when some offered willinglie to doo sacrifice, and other some boldlie refused: the emperour marking their dealings, sharpelie rebuked those which were so readie to dishonour the liuing God, accounting them as treitours to his diuine maiestie, and not woorthie to remaine within the court gates: but those that constantlie stood in the profession of the christian faith, he greatlie commended, as men woorthie to be about a prince: and withall declared, that from thencefoorth they should be as chiefe counsellours and defenders both of his person and kingdome, estéeming more of them than of all the treasure he had in his coffers.

To conclude, he was a graue prince, sober, vpright, courteous and liberall, as he which kept his mind euer frée from couetous desire of great riches: insomuch that when he should make anie great feast to his friends, he was not ashamed to borow plate and siluer vessell to [Sidenote: _Pomponius Lænis._] serue his turne, and to furnish his cupbord for the time, being contented for himselfe to be serued in cruses & earthen vessels. He was woont to haue this saieng in his mouth, that better it was that the subiects should haue store of monie and riches, than the prince to kéepe it close in his treasurie, where it serued to no vse. By such courteous dealing the prouinces which were in his charge flourished in [Sidenote: He died in the yéere 306. as _Matt. West._ hath noted, and reigned over the Britains but 11. yéeres as _Galf._ saith.] great wealth and quietnesse. He was a verie wise and politike prince in the ordering of all weightie matters, and verie skillfull in the practise of warres, so that he stood the Romane empire in great stéed, and was therefore highlie beloued of the souldiers, insomuch that immediatlie after his deceasse, they proclaimed his sonne Constantine emperour.

That the Christian faith was imbraced of the Britains in this season, it maie appéere, in that Hilarias bishop of Poictiers writeth to his brethren in Britaine, and Constantine in an epistle (as Theodoretus saith in his first booke and tenth chapter) maketh mention of the churches in Britaine: which also Sozomenus dooth affirme. For the Britains after they had receiued the faith, defended the same euen [Sidenote: 291.] [Sidenote: _Iohn Bale._] with the shedding of their bloud, as Amphibalus, who in this Constantius daies being apprehended, suffered at Redburne neere to Werlamchester, about 15 yéeres after the martyrdome of his host S. Albane.

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_Constantine created emperour in Britaine, he is sollicited to take vpon him the regiment of those countries that his father gouerned, he is requested to subdue Maxentius the vsurping tyrant, Maximianus his father seeketh to depose him, Constantines death is purposed by the said Maximianus the father & his sonne Maxentius, Fausta the daughter of Maximianus & wife to Constantine detecteth hir fathers trecherie to hir husband, Maximianus is strangled at Constantines commandement, lèague and alliance betweene him and Licinius, he is slaine, the empresse Helen commended, the crosse of Christ found with the inscription of the same, what miracles were wrought thereby, of the nailes wherewith Christ was crucified, Constantine commended, the state of Britaine in his time._

THE XXVIIJ CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: CONSTANTINE.] CONSTANTINE being the son of the forenamed Constantius, begot of his first wife Helen, the daughter (as some affirme) of Coell late king of [Sidenote: 306.] the Britains, began to reigne in the yéere of our Lord 306. This worthie prince begotten of a British woman, & borne of hir in Britaine (as our writers doo affirme) and created certeinlie emperour in Britaine, did doubtlesse make his natiue countrie partaker of his high glorie and renowme, which by his great prowes, politike wisedome, woorthie gouernment, and other his princelie qualities most abundantlie planted in his noble person, he purchased and got thorough the circuit of the whole earth, insomuch that for the high enterprises and noble acts by him happilie brought to passe and atchiued, he was surnamed (as before is said) the great Constantine. Whilest this Constantine remained at Rome in manner as he had béene a pledge with Galerius in his fathers life time, he being then but yoong, fled from thence, and with all post hast returned to his father into Britaine, killing or howghing by the waie all such horsses as were appointed to [Sidenote: Eutropius.] [Sidenote: Sextus Aurelius Victor.] stand at innes readie for such as should ride in post, least being pursued, he should haue béene ouertaken, and brought backe againe by such as might be sent to pursue him.

At his comming into Britaine, he found his father sore vexed with sicknesse, whereof shortlie after he died, and then was he by helpe of such as were about him, incouraged to take vpon him as emperour: and [Sidenote: Erocus king of the Almains.] namelie one Erocus king of the Almains, which had accompanied his father thither, assisted him thereto, so that being proclaimed emperour, he tooke vpon him the rule of those countries which his father had in gouernment, that is to saie, France, Spaine, the Alpes, and Britaine, with other prouinces héere in the west: and ruling the same with great equitie and wisdome, he greatly wan the fauour of the people, insomuch that the fame of his politike gouernment and courteous dealing being spred abroad, when Maxentius the tyrant that [Sidenote: Maxentius the tyrant.] occupied the rule of the empire at Rome, and in Italie by wrongfull vsurping & abusing the same, was grown into the hatred of the Romans and other Italians, Constantine was earnestlie by them requested to come into Italie, and to helpe to subdue Maxentius, that he might reforme the state of things there.

This Maxentius was sonne to Herculeus Maximianus, and Constantine had married Fausta the daughter of the said Maximianus. Now so it was, that Maximianus, immediatlie after that his sonne Maxentius had taken the rule vpon him, sought meanes to haue deposed him, and to haue resumed and taken eftsoones into his owne hands the gouernment of the empire. But solliciting Dioclesian to doo the like, he was much reprooued of him for his vnreasonable and ambitious purpose: so that when he perceiued that neither Dioclesian would be thereto agreeable, nor induce the souldiers to admit him, they hauing alreadie established his sonne, began to deuise waies how to assure the state more stronglie to his said sonne. And hearing that his sonne in law Constantine was minded to come into Italie against him, he purposed to practise Constantines destruction, insomuch that it was iudged by this [Sidenote: Dissimulation.] which followed, that Herculeus Maximianus did but for a colour séeme to mislike that which his said son Maxentius had doone, to the end he might the sooner accomplish his intent for the dispatching of Constantine out of the waie.

[Sidenote: _Ranulphus Cestrensis._] Heerevpon (as it were) fléeing out of Italie, he came to Constantine, who as then hauing appointed lieutenants vnder him in Britaine, remained in France, and with all ioy and honour that might be, receiued his father in law: the which being earnestlie bent to [Sidenote: Fausta the daughter of Maximianas and wife to Constantine.] compasse his purpose, made his daughter Fausta priuie thereto: which ladie (either for feare least the concealing thereof might turne hir to displeasure, either else for the entire loue which she bare to hir husband) reuealed hir fathers wicked purpose. Wherevpon whilest [Sidenote: Marsiles.] Constantine went about to be reuenged of such a traitorous practise, Herculeus fled to Marsiles, purposing there to take the sea, and so to retire to his sonne Maxentius into Italie. But yer he could get awaie from thence, he was strangled by commandement of his sonne in law [Sidenote: Maximianus slaine.] [Sidenote: _Ann. Chri._ 322.] Constantine, and so ended his life, which he had spotted with manie cruell acts, as well in persecuting the professours of the christian name, as others.

[Sidenote: Licinius chosen fellow with Maximianus in the empire.] In this meane time had Maximianus adopted one Licinius to assist him in gouernance of the empire, proclaiming him Cesar. So that now at one selfe time Constantine gouerned France and the west parts of the empire, Maxentius held Italie, Affrike, and Aegypt: and Maximianus which likewise had beene elected Cesar, ruled the east parts, and Licinius Illyrium and Grecia. But shortlie after, the emperour Constantine ioined in league with Licinius, and gaue to him his sister in marriage, named Constantia, for more suertie of faithfull friendship to indure betwixt them. He sent him also against Maximianus who gouerning in the east part of the empire, purposed the destruction of Constantine and all his partakers: but being vanquished by Licinius at Tarsus, he shortlie after died, being eaten with lice. Constantine after this was called into Italie, to deliuer the Romans and Italians from the tyrannie of Maxentius, which occasion so offered, Constantine gladlie accepting, passed into Italie, and after certeine victories got against Maxentius, at length slue him.

After this, when Maximianus was dead, who prepared to make warre against Licinius, that had married Constantia the sister of Constantine, he finallie made warre against his brother in law the said Licinius, by reason of such quarrels as fell out betwixt them. In the which warre Licinius was put to the woorse, and at length comming into the hands of Constantine, was put to death, so that Constantine by this meanes got the whole empire vnder his rule and subiection. He was a great fauourer of the Christian religion, insomuch that to aduance the same, he tooke order for the conuerting of the temples dedicated to the honour of idols, vnto the seruice of the true and almightie God. He commanded also, that none should be admitted to [Sidenote: Christians honoured and cherished.] serue as a souldier in the warres, except he were a christian, nor yet to haue rule of anie countrie or armie. He also ordeined, the wéeke before Easter, and that which followed to be kept as holie, and no person to doo anie bodilie woorks during the same.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: The praise of the empresse Helen.] [Sidenote: 328.] He was much counselled by that noble and most vertuous ladie his mother, the empresse Helen, who being a godlie and deuout woman, did what in hir laie, to mooue him to the setting foorth of Gods honour and increase of the christian faith, wherein as yet he was not fullie instructed. ¶ Some writers alledge, that she being at Ierusalem, made diligent search to find out the place of the sepulchre of our Lord, and at length found it, though with much adoo: for the infidels had stopped it vp, and couered it with a heape of filthie earth, and builded aloft vpon the place, a chappell dedicated to Venus, where yoong women vsed to sing songs in honour of that vnchast goddesse. Helen caused the same to be ouerthrowne, the earth to be remooued, and the place cleansed, so that at length the sepulchre appéered, and fast by were found there buried in the earth thrée crosses and the nailes. But the crosse wherevpon our Sauiour was crucified, was knowne by the title written vpon it, though almost worne out, in letters of Hebrew, Gréeke, and Latine: the inscription was this, _Iesus Nazarenus rex Iudæorum._ It was also perceiued which was that crosse by a miracle (as it is reported, but how trulie I can not tell) that should be wrought thereby: for being laid to a sicke woman, onlie with the touching thereof she was healed. It was also said, that a dead man was raised from death to life, his bodie onlie being touched therewith. Wherevpon Constantine mooued with these things, forbad that from thencefoorth anie should be put to death on the crosse, to the end that the thing which afore time was accounted infamous and reprochfull, might now be had in honour and reuerence.

The empresse Helen hauing thus found the crosse, builded a temple there, & taking with hir the nailes, returned with the same to hir [Sidenote: _Polydor._] sonne Constantine, who set one of them in the crest of his helmet, an other in the bridle of his horsse, and the third he cast into the sea, to asswage and pacifie the furious tempests and rage thereof. She also [Sidenote: _Polydor._] brought with hir a parcell of that holie crosse, and gaue it to hir sonne the said Constantine, the which he caused to be closed within an image that represented his person, standing vpon a piller in the market place of Constantine, or (as some late writers haue) he caused it to be inclosed in a coffer of gold, adorned with rich stones and pearls, placing it in a church called Sessoriana, the which church he indued with manie great gifts and precious ornaments. Manie works of great zeale and vertue are remembered by writers to haue béene doone by this Constantine and his mother Helen, to the setting foorth of Gods glorie, and the aduancing of the faith of Christ.

[Sidenote: The commendation of Constantine.] But to be briefe, he was a man in whome manie excellent vertues and good qualities both of mind and bodie manifestlie appéered, chieflie he was a prince of great knowledge and experience in warre, and therewith verie fortunate, an earnest louer of iustice, and to conclude, borne to all honour.

But now to speake somewhat of the state of Britaine in his time, ye shall vnderstand, that as before is recorded, at his going ouer into France, after that he was proclaimed emperour, he left behind him in Britaine certeine gouernours to rule the land, and amongst other one Maximinus a right valiant capteine. He tooke with him a great part of the youth of Britaine, and diuerse of the chiefe men amongst the nobilitie, in whose approoued manhood, loialtie, and constancie, he conceiued a great hope to go thorough with all his enterprises, as with the which being accompanied and compassed about, he passed ouer into Gallia, entred into Italie, and in euerie place ouercame his enimies.

[Sidenote: _Gulielmus Malmes._] [Sidenote: Britains seruing in the warres vnder Constantine.] Some write that Constantine thus conueieng ouer sea with him a great armie of Britains, and by their industrie obteining victorie as he wished, he placed a great number of such as were discharged out of wages, and licenced to giue ouer the warre, in a part of Gallia towards the west sea coast, where their posteritie remaine vnto this daie, maruellouslie increased afterwards, and somewhat differing from our Britains, the Welshmen, in manners and language. Amongst those noble men which he tooke with him when he departed out of this land [Sidenote: _Galfridus._] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] (as our writers doo testifie) were thrée vncles of his mother Helen, that is to say Hoelmus, Trahernus, and Marius, whome he made senators of Rome.

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_Of Octauius a British lord, his reigne ouer the Britains, he incountereth with Traherne first néere Winchester, and afterwards in Westmerland: Octauius being discomfited fléeth into Norway, Traherne is slaine, Octauius sendeth for Maximianus, on whom he bestoweth his daughter and the kingdome of Britaine: the death of Octauius, Helena builded the wals of Colchester and London, she dieth and is buried, Constantine departeth this life, Britaine reckoned among the prouinces that reteined the christian faith, Paulus a Spaniard is sent into Britaine, he dealeth roughlie with the people, Martinus the lieutenant excuseth them as innocent, his vnluckie end, Paulus returneth into Italie._

THE XXIX CHAPTER.

Now in the meane time that Constantine had obteined and ruled the whole empire, Britaine as it were hauing recouered libertie, in that one of hir children being hir king, had got the gouernment of the whole earth, remained in better quiet than afore time she had doone. [Sidenote: Octauius.] [Sidenote: _Caxton._] But yet in the meane season, if we shall credit the British chronicle and Geffrey of Monmouth the interpretor thereof; there was a British lord, named Octauius or Octauian, as the old English chronicle nameth [Sidenote: Gewisses inhabited the countrie which the west Saxons after held.] [Sidenote: The name of Gewisses came in with the Saxons of Guuy, &c.] him, that was duke of the Gewisses, and appointed by Constantine to be ruler of the land in his absence, the which Octauius (after that Constantine had recouered Rome and Italie, and was so busied in the affaires of the empire in those parts, that as was thought, he could not returne backe into Britaine) seized into his hands the whole dominion of Britaine, and held himselfe for king.

[Sidenote: OCTAUIUS.] [Sidenote: _Galfridus._] [Sidenote: 329.] This Octauius then beginning his reigne ouer the Britains in the yéere of our Lord 329, prouoked Constantine to send against him one of his mothers vncles, the foresaid Traherne. This Trahernus, or as some name him Traherne, entred this land with three legions of souldiers, & in a field néere vnto Winchester, was incountered by Octauius and his [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: _Galfridus._] [Sidenote: This agréeth not altogither with that which _Hector Boetius_ writeth, as in the Scotish chronicle appéereth.] Britains, by whome after a sore battell there striken betwixt them, in the end Traherne was put to flight and chased, insomuch that he was constreined to forsake that part of the land, and to draw towards Scotland. Octauius hauing knowledge of his passage, followed him, & in the countrie of Westmerland eftsoones gaue him battell, but in that battell Octauius was put to the woorsse, and constreined to forsake the land, fled into Norway, there to purchase aid: and being readie with such power as he there gathered, what of Britains and Norwegians, to returne into Britaine. Before his landing he was aduertised that an earle of Britaine which bare him heartie good will, had by treason

[Sidenote: Traherne slaine.] [Sidenote: See in the Scotish chronicles more of these matters.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 316.] slaine Traherne. Octauius then comming to land, eftsoones got possession of Britaine, which should be (as Fabian gathereth) about the yéere of our Lord 329, in the 20 yéere of the reigne of the emperour Constantine, and about two yéeres after that the said Octauius first tooke vpon him to rule as king.

After this (as the British chronicle affirmeth) Octauius gouerned the land right noblie, and greatlie to the contentation of the Britains. At length when he was fallen in age, and had no issue but one daughter, he was counselled to send vnto Rome for one Maximianus, a noble yoong man, coosine to the emperour Constantine, on the part of his mother Helena, to come into Britaine, and to take to his wife the said daughter of Octauius, and so with hir to haue the kingdome. [Sidenote: Maximianus is sent for.] [Sidenote: Conan Meridoc duke of Cornewall. This agréeth not with Octauius at the first that which is found in the Scotish chronicles.] meant to haue giuen hir in mariage vnto one Conan Meridoc duke of Cornewall, which was his nephue: but when the lords would not thereto agrée, at the length he appointed one Maurice sonne to the said Conan to go to Rome to fetch the forenamed Maximianus.

Maurice according to his commission and instruction in that behalfe receiued, came to Rome, and declared his message in such effectuall [Sidenote: Maximianus commeth into Britaine.] sort, that Maximianus consented to go with him into Britaine, and so taking with him a conuenient number, set forward, and did so much by his iournies, that finallie he landed here in Britaine. And notwithstanding that Conan Meridoc past not so much to haue béene dooing with him, for malice that he conceiued towards him, because he saw that by his meanes he should be put beside the crowne, yet at length was Maximianus safelie brought to the kings presence, and of him honorablie receiued, and finallie the mariage was knit vp, and solemnized in all princelie maner. Shortlie after, Octauius departed [Sidenote: Octauius departeth this life.] out of this life, after he had reigned the terme of fiftie and foure yeares, as Fabian gathereth by that which diuers authors doo write, how he reigned till the daies that Gratian and Valentinian ruled the [Sidenote: 382.] Roman empire which began to gouerne in the yeare of our Lord (as he saith) 382, which is to be vnderstood of Gratian his reigne after the deceasse of his vncle Valens, for otherwise a doubt maie rise, because Valentine the father of Gratian admitted the said Gratian to the title of Augustus in the yeare of our Lord 351.

But to leaue the credit of the long reigne of Octauius, with all his and others gouernement and rule ouer the Britains since the time of Constantius, vnto our British and Scotish writers, let vs make an end with the gouernement of that noble emperour Constantine, and assured branch of the Britains race, as borne of that worthie ladie the empresse Helen, daughter to Coell earle of Colchester, and after king of Britaine (as our histories doo witnesse.) Vnto the which empresse Constantine bare such dutifull reuerence, that he did not onelie honour hir with the name of empresse, but also made hir as it were partaker with him of all his wealth, and in manie things was led and ruled by hir vertuous and godlie admonitions, to the aduancement of Gods honour, and maintenance of those that professed the true christian religion. For the loue that she bare vnto Colchester and London, she walled them about, and caused great bricke and huge tiles to be made for the performance of the same, whereof there is great store to be séene euen yet to this present, both in the walls of the towne and castell of Colchester, as a testimonie of the woorkemanship [Sidenote: _Nicephorus._] [Sidenote: The empresse Helen departeth this life.] of those daies. She liued 79 yeares, and then departed this life about the 21 yeare of hir sonnes reigne. First she was buried at Rome without the walls of the citie with all funerall pompe, as to hir estate apperteined: but after hir corps was remoued and brought to Constantinople, where it was eftsoones interred. Hir sonne the [Sidenote: 340.] [Sidenote: The deceasse of the emperour Constantine.] emperour Constantine liued till about the yeare of Christ 340, and then deceassed at Nicomedia in Asia, after he had ruled the empire 32 yeares and od moneths.

We find not in the Romane writers of anie great stur here in Britaine during his reigne more than the British and Scotish writers haue recorded: so that after Traherne had reduced this land to quietnesse, it maie be supposed, that the Britains liued in rest vnder his gouernement, and likewise after vnder his sonnes that succéeded him in [Sidenote: 360.] the empire, till about the yeare 360, at what time the Picts and Scots inuaded the south parts of the land.

But now to end with Octauius, that the christian faith remained still in Britaine, during the supposed time of this pretended kings reigne, it maie appeare, in that amongst the 36 prouinces, out of the which there were assembled aboue 300 bishops in the citie of Sardica in [Sidenote: _Synodus anno._ 354] Dacia, at a synod held there against the Eusebians, Britaine is numbred by Athanasius in his second apologie to be one. And againe, the said Athanasius in an epistle which he writeth to the emperour Iouinianus reciteth, that the churches in Britaine did consent with the churches of other nations in the confession of faith articuled in the Nicene councell. Also mention is made by writers of certeine godlie & learned men, which liued in offices in the church in those daies, as Restitutus bishop of London, which went ouer to the synod held at Arles in France, and also one Kibius Corinnius sonne to Salomon duke of Cornewall, and bishop of Anglesey, who instructed the people that inhabited the parts now called Northwales, and them of Anglesey aforesaid verie diligentlie.

But now to speake somewhat of things chancing in Britaine about this season (as we find recorded by the Romane writers) some trouble was likelie to haue growne vnto the Britains by receiuing certeine men of warre that fled out of Italie into Britaine, whome the emperour [Sidenote: _Marcellinus._] [Sidenote: _lib._ 14.] Constantius would haue punished, because they had taken part with [Sidenote: Paulus a notarie.] Maxentius his aduersarie. Paulus a Spaniard and notarie was sent ouer by him, with commission to make inquirie of them, and to sée them brought to light to answere their transgressions: which Paulus began to deale roughlie in the matter, whereof he was called Catera, and to rage against the Britains and partakers with the fugitiues, in that they had receiued and mainteined them, as he alledged: but in the end [Sidenote: Martinus lieutenant.] being certified by Martinus the lieutenant of their innocencie, and fearing least his extreame rigour might alienate the hearts of the inhabitants altogither, and cause them to withdraw their obedience from the Romane empire, he turned the execution of his furie from them vnto the Romans, and made hauocke of those that he suspected, till the said Martinus fell at square with him, & thinking on a time to kill him, he drew his sword and smote at him. But such was his age and weakenesse, that he was not able to kill him or giue him anie deadlie wound: wherefore he turned the point of his sword against himselfe, and so ended his life, being contented rather to die than sée his countriemen and subiects of the empire so to be abused. After this the said Paulus returned backe againe into Italie from whence he came, after whose departure, it was not long yer he also was slaine, and then all the Scots and Picts sore disquieted the Romane subiects, for the suppressing of whose attempts Lupicinus was sent ouer out of Gallia by Iulianus, as shall be declared out of Amianus Marcellinus, after we haue first shewed what we find written in our owne writers concerning the Scots and Picts, who now began to rob and spoile the British inhabitants within the Romane prouinces here in this Ile, and that euen in most outragious maner.

* * * * *

_Maximianus or Maximus gouerneth this Ile, why writers speake ill of him, strife betwixt him and Conan duke of Cornewall, Maximus is proclaimed emperour in Britaine, he transporteth the British youth seruiceable for warres into France, little Britaine in France why so called, eleuen thousand maids sent thither to match with Conans people, whereof some were drowned, and other some murthered in the way by Guanius king of Hunnes and Melga king of Picts, they flie into Ireland, murther requited with murther, the words of Gyldas concerning Maximus._

THE XXX CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: MAXIMIANUS OR MAXIMUS.] [Sidenote: 383.] After the deceasse of Octauius or Octauian (as the old English chronicle nameth him) Maximianus or Maximus (as the Romane writers call him) began to rule the Britains in the yéere of our Lord 383, he was the sonne of one Leonine, and coosen germane to Constantine the great, a valiant personage, & hardie of stomach: but yet because he was cruell of nature, and (as Fabian saith) somewhat persecuted the christians, he was infamed by writers: but the chiefe cause why he was euil reported, was for that he slue his souereigne lord the emperour Gratianus, as after shall appeare, for otherwise he is supposed woorthie to haue had the rule of the empire committed to his hands in ech respect. Betwixt him and the aboue-named Conan Meridoc duke of Cornewall, chanced strife and debate, so that Conan got him into Scotland, and there purchasing aid, returned, and comming ouer Humber, wasted the countrie on ech side. Maximianus thereof hauing aduertisement, raised his power and went against him, and so fighting with him diuers battels, sometime departed awaie with victorie, and sometime with losse. At length through mediation of friends, a peace was made betwixt them. Finallie this Maximianus, or (as the Romane histories say) Maximus, was by the souldiers chosen and proclaimed emperour here in Britaine: although some write that this was doone in Spaine.

[Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: _Caxton._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: The British youth led forth of the realme by Maximianus.] [Sidenote: Britaine in France.] After he had taken vpon him the imperiall dignitie, vpon desire to haue inlarged his dominion, he assembled togither all the chosen youth of this land méet to doo seruice in the warres, with the which he passed ouer into France, & there (as our writers record) he first subdued the countrie ancientlie called Armorica, and slue in battell the king thereof called Imball. This doone he gaue the countrie vnto Conan Meridoc, which was there with him, to hold the same of him, and of the kings of great Britaine for euer. He also commanded that the said countrie from thencefoorth should be called litle Britaine, and so was the name changed. What people soeuer inhabited there before, the ancient name argueth that they were rather Britains than anie other: for Armorica in the British toong signifieth as much as a countrie lieng vpon the sea.

Conan then placing himselfe and his Britains in that quarter of Gallia, auoided all the old inhabitants, peopling that countrie onelie with Britains, which abhorring to ioine themselues with women borne in Gallia, Conan was counselled to send into Britaine for maids to be [Sidenote: Dionethius duke of Cornwall.] coupled with his people in mariage. Herevpon a messenger was dispatched vnto Dionethus at that time duke of Cornwall, and gouernour of Britaine vnder Maximianus, requiring him to send ouer into little [Sidenote: Maids sent foorth.] Britaine 11000 maids, that is to say, 8000 to be bestowed vpon the meaner sort of Conans people, and 3000 to be ioined in mariage with the nobles and gentlemen. Dionethus at Conans request, assembled the appointed number of maids, and amongst them he also appointed his daughter Vrsula, a ladie of excellent beautie, to go ouer and to be giuen in mariage to the foresaid Conan Meridoc, as he had earnestlie requested.

[Sidenote: Vrsula the daughter of Dionethus.] These number of maids were shipped in Thames, and passing forward toward Britaine, were by force of weather and rage of wind scattered abroad, and part of them drowned, and the residue (among whom was the foresaid Vrsula) were slaine by Guanius king of the Hunnes, and Melga king of the Picts, into whose hands they fell, the which Guanius and Melga were sent by the emperour Gracian to the sea coasts of Germanie, to oppresse and subdue all such as were friends and mainteiners of the part of Maximianus. We find in some bookes, that there were sent ouer at that time 51000 maids, that is to say, 11000 gentlewomen, and 40000 other.

[Sidenote: Guanius and Melga.] After that Guanius and Melga had murthered the foresaid virgins, they entred into the north parts of Britaine, where the Scots now inhabit, and began to make sore warre on the Britains, whereof when Maximus was aduertised, he sent into Britaine one Gratianus with thrée legions of souldiers, who bare himselfe so manfullie against the enimies, that he constreined the said Guanius and Melga to flie out of the land, and to withdraw into Ireland. In this meane while, Maximus hauing slaine the emperor Gratian at Lions in France, and after entring into Italie, was slaine himselfe at Aquilia (after he had gouerned the Britains eight yéeres) by the emperour Theodosius, who came in aid of Valentinian, brother to the said emperor Gratian, as ye may find in the abridgement of the histories of Italie.

¶ But here yet before we make an end with this Maximus or Maximianus, I haue thought good to set downe the words which we find in Gyldas, where he writeth of the same Maximus, vndoubtedlie a Britaine borne, [Sidenote: Consobrinus Helenæ imperatricis.] nephue to the empresse Helen, and begotten by a Romane. "At length (saith Gyldas) the spring of tyrants budding vp, and now increasing into an huge wood, the Ile being called after the name of Rome, but holding neither maners nor lawes according to that name, but rather casting the same from it, sendeth foorth a branch of hir most bitter planting, to wit Maximus, accompanied with a great number of warriors to gard him, and apparelled in the imperiall robes which he neuer ware as became him, nor put them on in lawfull wise, but (after the custome of tyrants) was put into them by the mutining souldiers: which Maximus at the first by craftie policie rather than by true manhood winding in (as nets of his periurie and false suggestion) vnto his wicked gouernement the countries & prouinces next adioining, against the imperiall state of Rome, stretching one of his wings into Spaine, and the other into Italie, placed the throne of his most vniust empire at Trier, and shewed such rage in his wood dealing against his souereigne lords, that the one of the lawfull emperours he expelled out of Rome, and the other he bereft of his most religious and godlie life. Now without long tariance, compassed about with such a furious and bold gard as he had got togither, at the citie of Aquilia he loseth his wicked head, which had cast downe the most honourable heads of all the world from their kingdome and empire.

"From thencefoorth Britaine being depriued of all hir warlike souldiers and armies, of hir gouernors also (though cruell) and of an huge number of hir youth (the which following the steps of the foresaid tyrant, neuer returned home againe) such as remained being vtterlie vnskilfull in feats of warre, were troden downe by two nations of beyond the seas, the Scots from the west, and the Picts [Sidenote: Scotorum à circio, Pictorum ab aquilone.] from the north, and as men thus quite dismaid, lament their miserable case, not knowing what else to doo for the space of manie yéeres togither. By reason of whose gréeuous inuasion and cruell oppression wherewith she was miserablie disquieted, she sendeth hir ambassadors vnto Rome, making lamentable sute euen with teares to haue some power of men of warre sent to defend hir against the enimies, promising to be true subiects with all faithfulnes of mind, if the enimie might be kept off and remooued." ¶ Thus farre Gyldas, and more, as in place hereafter you shall find recited.

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_What Gratianus it was that was sent ouer from Rome into Britaine by Maximus, in what estimation the British souldiers haue béene, the priuie treason of Andragatius whereby Gratian came to his end: Maximus and his sonne Victor doo succéed him in the empire, they are both slaine, Marcus the Romane lieutenant sucéeding them is murthered, Gratianus also his successour hath the same end, the election of Constantine a Britaine borne, his praise and dispraise reported by writers, he goeth into France, maketh his sonne Constance partaker with him of the empire, a sharpe incounter betwixt his power and two brethrens that had the kéeping of the Pyrenine hils, the issue of the battell._

THE XXXJ CHAPTER.

But now where the British histories, and such of our English writers as follow them, make mention of one Gratianus a Romane, sent ouer with thrée legions of souldiers by Maximus, as before ye haue heard: we maie suppose that it was Gratianus the Britaine, that afterwards vsurped the imperiall dignitie héere in Britaine, in the daies of the [Sidenote: _Sextus Aurelius._] emperour Honorius. For it standeth neither with the concurrence of time nor yet with reason of the historie, that it should be Gratianus, surnamed Funarius, father to Valentinian, and grandfather to the emperour Gratianus, against whome Maximus rebelled. And yet I remember not that anie of the Romane writers maketh mention of anie other Gratianus, being a stranger, that should be sent hither as lieutenant to gouerne the Romane armie, except of the foresaid Gratianus [Sidenote: _Lib._ 30.] Funarius, who (as appéereth by Amian. Marcellinus) was generall of the Romane armie héere in this Ile, and at length being discharged, returned home into Hungarie (where he was borne) with honour, and there remaining in rest, was at length spoiled of his goods by the emperour Constantius as confiscate, for that in time of the ciuill warres he had receiued Maxentius, as he past thorough his countrie.

But let vs grant, that either Gratianus the Britaine, or some other of that name, was sent ouer into Britaine (as before is said) by Maximus, least otherwise some errour may be doubted in the writers of the British histories, as hauing happilie mistaken the time and matter, bringing Gratianus Funarius to serue vnder Maximus, where peraduenture that which they haue read or heard of him, chanced long before that time by them suppposed: and so thorough mistaking the thing, haue made a wrong report, where neuerthelesse it standeth with great likelihood of truth, that some notable seruice of chiualrie was atchiued by the same Gratianus Funarius whilest he remained héere in this Ile, if the truth might be knowne of that which hath béene written by authors, and happilie by the same Am. Marcellinus, if his first thirtéene bookes might once come to light and be extant.

But now to end with Maximus. William of Malmesburie (as ye haue heard) writeth, that not Maximus, but rather Constantine the great first peopled Armorica: but yet he agréeth, that both Maximus, and also Constantinus the vsurper, of whome after ye shall heare, led with them a great number of the Britains out of this land, the which Maximus or Maximianus and Constantinus afterwards being slaine, the one by Theodosius, and the other by Honorius, the Britains that followed them to the warres, part of them were killed, and the residue escaping by flight, withdrew vnto the other Britains which Constantine the great had first placed in Armorica. And so when the tyrants had left none in the countrie but rude people, nor anie in the townes but such as were giuen to slouth and gluttonie, Britaine being void of all aid of hir valiant youth, became a prey to hir next neighbours the Scots and Picts.

Héere is yet to be considered, in what price the souldiers of the British nation were had in those daies, with whose onelie puissance Maximus durst take vpon him to go against all other the forces of the whole Romane empire: and how he prospered in that dangerous aduenture, it is expressed sufficientlie in the Romane histories, by whose report [Sidenote: _W.H._ out of _Paulus Diaco._] [Sidenote: _lib._ 12. & _alijs._] it appéereth, that he did not onlie conquer all the hither parts of France and Germanie, namelie on this side the Rhine, but also found meanes to intrap the emperour Gratian by this kind of policie. He had a faithfull friend called Andragatius, who was admirall of the seas perteining to the empire. It was therefore agréed betwixt them, that this Andragatius (with a chosen companie of the armie) should be carried in secret wise in a coch toward Lions, as if it had béene [Sidenote: _Tripart. hist. lib._ 9. _cap._ 21.] Constantia Posthumia the empresse, wife to the emperour Gratian, bruting abroad there withall, that the said empresse was comming forwards on hir waie to Lions, there to méet with hir husband, for that vpon occasion she was verie desirous to commune with him about certeine earnest businesse.

When Gratian heard héereof, as one mistrusting no such dissimulation, he made hast to meete his wife, and comming at length without anie great gard about him, as one not in doubt of anie treason, approched the coch, where supposing to find his wife, he found those that streightwaies murthered him: & so was he there dispatched quite of life by the said Andragatius, who leapt foorth of the coch to woorke that feate when he had him once within his danger.

Thus did the emperour Gratian finish his life in the 29 yéere of his [Sidenote: 383.] age, on the 25 of August, in the yéere of Christ 383, and then died. [Sidenote: This Flauius Victor he begat of his wife Helen the daughter of Eudes.] [Sidenote: _H. Lhoyd._] Maximus succéeded him (making his sonne Flauius Victor Nobilissimus his assistant in the empire) reigning fiue yéeres and two daies. In the beginning of his reigne Valentinian the yoonger made great suit to him to haue his fathers bodie, but it would not be granted. Afterwards also Maximus was earnestlie requested to come to an enteruiew with the same Valentinian, who promised him not onelie a safe conduct, but also manie other beneficiall good turnes beside. Howbeit Maximus durst not put himselfe in anie such hazard, but rather ment to pursue Valentinian as an vsurper, and so at length chased him into Slauonie, where he was driuen to such a streight, that if Theodosius had not [Sidenote: Valentinian put in danger by Maximus.] come to releeue him, Maximus had driuen him thence also, or else by slaughter rid him out of the waie.

But when Maximus thought himselfe most assured, and so established in the empire, as he doubted no perils, he liued carelesse of his owne safegard, and therfore dismissed his British souldiers, who retiring into the northwest parts of Gallia, placed themselues there among their countriemen, which were brought ouer by the emperour Constantius, whilest Maximus passing the residue of his time in delights and pleasures, was surprised in the end and slaine by [Sidenote: _Eutropius._] [Sidenote: 388.] Theodosius néere vnto Aquilia, the 27 of August, in the yéere of Grace 388, and in the beginning of the sixt yéere of his reigne, or rather vsurpation, as more rightlie it maie be tearmed. His sonne Flauius Victor surnamed Nobilissimus was also dispatched and brought to his end, not farre from the place where his father was slaine, by the [Sidenote: Arbogastes.] practise of one Arbogastes a Goth, which Flauius Victor was by the said Maximus made regent of the Frankeners, and partaker (as before is said) with him in the empire.

After this, the Ile of Britaine remained in méetlie good quiet by the space of twentie yéeres, till one Marcus (that was then legat, or as we maie call him lord lieutenant or deputie of Britaine for the Romans) was by the souldiers héere proclaimed emperour against Honorius, which Marcus was soone after killed in a tumult raised among [Sidenote: Gratianus a Britaine. He reigned foure yéeres if we shal beléeue the British historie.] the people within few daies after his vsurpation began. Then one Gratianus a Britaine borne succéeded in his place, who was also slaine in the fourth moneth, after he had taken vpon him the imperiall ornaments. The souldiers not yet heerewith pacified, procéeded to the election of an other emperour, or rather vsurper, and so pronounced a noble gentleman called Constantine, borne also in Britaine, to be [Sidenote: 409.] emperour, who tooke that honour vpon him in the 409 yéere after the birth of our Sauiour, continuing his reigne by the space of two yéeres and od moneths, as the Romane histories make mention. Some report this Constantine to be of no great towardlie disposition woorthie to gouerne an empire, and that the souldiers chose him rather for the name sake, bicause they would haue another Constantine, more than for anie vertues or sufficient qualities found in his person. But other commend him both for manhood and wisedome, wherein to speake a truth, he deserued singular commendation, if this one note of vsurpation of the imperiall dignitie had not stained his other noble qualities. But heerein he did no more than manie other would haue doone, neither yet after his inuesture did so much as was looked for at his hands.

Constantine being placed in the imperiall throne, gathered an armie with all possible indeuour, purposing out of hand to go ouer therwith into France, and so did, thinking thereby to win the possession of that countrie out of the hands of Honorius, or at the least to worke so, as he should not haue the souldiers and people there to be against him, if he missed to ioine in league with the Suabeiners, Alanes, and Vandales, which he sought to performe. But in the end, when neither of these his deuises could take place, he sent ouer for his sonne Constans (whome in his absence his aduersaries had shorne a moonke) & making him partaker with him in the empire, caused him to bring ouer with him another armie, which vnder the conduct of the same Constans he sent into Spaine to bring that countrie vnder his obeisance.

This Constans therefore comming vnder the passages that lead ouer the Pyrenine mountains, Dindimus and Verianianus two brethren, vnto whome the keeping of those passages was committed to defend the same against the Vandals, and all other enimies of the empire, were readie to [Sidenote: His souldiers were Picts, and placed among other men of warre that serued vnder the ensignes of the empire, and named after Honorius, Honoriciani.] [Sidenote: _Blondus._] resist him with their seruants and countriemen that inhabited therabouts, giuing him a verie sharpe incounter, and at the first putting him in great danger of an ouerthrow, but yet at length by the valiant prowes of his British souldiers, Constans put his aduersaries to flight, and killed the two capteins, with diuers other men of name, that were partakers with him in the necessarie defense of that countrie against the enimies. When Constans had thus repelled those that resisted him, the custodie of the passages in the Pyrenine mounteins was committed vnto such bands of Picts and other, as were appointed to go with him about the atchiuing of this enterprise, who hauing the possession of those streicts or passages in their hands, gaue entrie vnto other barbarous nations to inuade Spaine, who being once entered, pursued the former inhabitants with fire and swoord, setled them selues in that countrie, and droue out the Romans.

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_Honorius sendeth earle Constantius to expell Constantine out of Gallia, the end of Constantinus the father and Constans the sonne, the valure and prowesse of the British souldiers, the British writers reprooued of necligences for that they haue inserted fables into their woorkes, whereas they might haue deposed matters of truth._

THE XXXIJ CHAPTER.

The emperour Honorius, perceiuing the réeling state of the empire, determined, foorthwith to recouer it, before it fell altogither into ruine: and therefore sent one Constantius an earle to driue Constantine out of Gallia, which he accordinglie performed: for after certeine bickerings, he slue the said Constantine at Arles, although not without great bloudshed. He pursued also the residue of the Britains, driuing them to the verie sea coasts, where they shrowded themselues among the other Britains, that before were setled in the countrie there, ancientlie called (as before we said) Armorica, that is, a region lieng on the sea coast: for _Ar_ in the British toong signifieth vpon; and _Moure_, perteining to the sea. And as this Constantine the father was slaine by Constantius, so was Constans the sonne killed at Vienna by one of his owne capteines named Gerontius. Whereby it came to passe, that Honorius shortlie after, hauing thus obteined the victorie of both these vsurpers, recouered the Ile, but yet not till the yeare next following, and that by the high industrie and great diligence of that valiant gentleman earle Constantius. The slaughter of Constantine & his sonne happened in the 1 yeare of the 297 Olympiad, 465 after the comming of Cesar, 1162 after the building of Rome, the dominicall letter being A, and the golden number 13, so [Sidenote: 411.] that the recouering of the Iland fell in the yeare of our Lord 411.

Here also is eftsoones to be considered the valure of the British souldiers, who following this last remembred Constantine the vsurper, did put the Romane state in great danger, and by force brake through into Spaine, vanquishing those that kept the streicts of the mounteins betwixt Spaine and Gallia, now called France, an exploit of no small consequence, sith thereby the number of barbarous nations got frée passage to enter into Spaine, whereof insued manie battels, sacking of cities and townes, and wasting of the countries, accordinglie as the furious rage of those fierce people was mooued to put their crueltie in practise.

¶ If therefore the Britaine writers had considered and marked the valiant exploits and noble enterprises which the Brittish aids, armies and legions atchiued in seruice of the Romane emperours (by whome whilest they had the gouernement ouer this Ile, there were at sundrie times notable numbers conueied foorth into the parties of beyond the seas, as by Albinus and Constantius, also by his sonne Constantine the great, by Maximus, and by this Constantine, both of them vsurpers) if (I saie) the British writers had taken good note of the numbers of the British youth thus conueied ouer from hence, & what notable exploits they boldlie attempted, & no lesse manfullie atchiued, they néeded not to haue giuen eare vnto the fabulous reports forged by their Bards, of Arthur and other their princes, woorthie in déed of verie high commendation.

And pitie it is, that their fame should be brought by such meanes out of credit, by the incredible and fond fables which haue béene deuised of their acts so vnlike to be true, as the tales of Robin Hood, or the gests written by Ariost the Italian in his booke intituled "Orlando furioso," sith the same writers had otherwise true matter inough to write of concerning the worthie feats by their countriemen in those daies in forren parts boldlie enterprised, and no lesse valiantlie accomplished, as also the warres which now and then they mainteined against the Romans here at home, in times when they felt themselues oppressed by their tyrannicall gouernment, as by that which is written before of Caratacus, Voadicia, Cartimandua, Venusius, Galgagus, or Galdus (as some name him) and diuers other, who for their noble valiancies deserue as much praise, as by toong or pen is able to be expressed. But now to returne vnto the British historie: we will procéed in order with their kings as we find them in the same mentioned, and therefore we haue thought good to speake somewhat further of Gratian, from whome we haue digressed.

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_Gratians rough regiment procureth his owne destruction, the comming of his two brethren Guanius and Melga with their armies, the Scots and Picts plague the Britains, they send for aid to Rome, Valentinian sendeth Gallio Rauenna to reléeue them, the Romans refuse anie longer to succour the Britains, whom they taught how to make armour and weapons, the Scots and Picts enter afresh into Britaine and preuaile, the Britains are brought to extreme miserie, ciuill warres among them, and what mischiefe dooth follow therevpon, their lamentable letter to Actius for succour against their enimies, their sute is denied, at what time the Britains ceased to be tributaries to the Romans, they send ambassadors to the K. of Britaine in France, and obteine their sute._

THE XXXIIJ CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: GRATIANUS.] GRATIANUS then, whome Maximus or Maximinus had sent into Britaine (as before ye haue heard) hearing that his maister was slaine, tooke vpon him the rule of this our Britaine, and made himselfe king therof, in [Sidenote: 390.] the yeare 390. He was a Britaine borne, as Polydor writeth, coniecturing so, by that he is named of authors to be Municeps, that [Sidenote: Of the Romane souldiers as _Blondus_ saith.] is to saie, a frée man of the countrie or citie where he inhabited. For his sternenesse and rough gouernement, he was of the Britains (as the histories alledge) slaine and dispatched out of the waie, after he had reigned the space of foure yeares, or rather foure moneths, as should séeme by that which is found in autentike writers. Then the [Sidenote: _Galfrid._] [Sidenote: _Caxton._] forenamed kings Guantius and Melga, which (as some write) were brethren, returned into this land with their armies increased with new supplies of men of warre, as Scots, Danes, the Norwegians, and destroied the countrie from side to side. For the Britains in this [Sidenote: _Galfrid._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Caxton._] season were sore inféebled, and were not able to make anie great numbers of souldiers, by reason that Maximus had led foorth of the land the floure and chiefest choise of all the British youth into Gallia, as before ye haue heard.

[Sidenote: _Gyldas._] Gyldas maketh no mention of these two kings Guanius and Melga of the Hunnes, but rehearsing this great destruction of the land, declareth (as before ye haue heard) that the Scots and Picts were the same that did all the mischiefe, whome he calleth two nations of beyond the seas, the Scots comming out of the northwest, and the Picts out of the northeast, by whome (as he saith) the land was ouerrun, and brought vnder foot manie yeares after. Therefore the Britains being thus vexed, spoiled, and cruellie persecuted by the Scots and Picts (if we shall so take them) sent messengers with all spéed vnto Rome to make sute for some aid of men of war to be sent into Britaine. Wherevpon [Sidenote: 414.] immediatlie a legion of souldiers was sent thither in the yéere 414, which easilie repelled the enimies, and chased them backe with great slaughter, to the great comfort of the Britains, the which by this meanes were deliuered from danger of vtter destruction, as they thought.

But the Romans being occasioned to depart againe out of the land, appointed the Britains to make a wall (as had béene aforetime by the [Sidenote: _Beda_ and _Polychron._] emperours Adrian, Antoninus and Seuerus) ouerthwart the countrie from sea to sea, stretching from Penuelton vnto the citie of Aclud, whereby the enimies might be staid from entring the land: but this wall being made of turfs and sods, rather than with stones, after the departure of the Romans was easilie ouerthrowne by the Scots and Picts, which eftsoones returned to inuade the confines of the Britains, and so entring the countrie, wasted and destroied the places before them, [Sidenote: _Gyldas._] [Sidenote: _Polychron._] [Sidenote: _Beda._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] according to their former custome. Herevpon were messengers with most lamentable letters againe dispatched towards Rome for new aid against those cruell enimies, with promise, that if the Romans would now in this great necessitie helpe to deliuer the land, they should be assured to find the Britains euermore obedient subiects, and redie at [Sidenote: _Blondus._] [Sidenote: Gallio Ravenna sent into Brittaine.] their commandement. Valentinianus (pitieng the case of the poore Britains) appointed another legion of souldiers (of the which one Gallio of Rauenna had the leading) to go to their succours, the which arriuing in Britaine set on the enimies, and giuing them the ouerthrow, slue a great number of them, and chased the residue out of the countrie.

The Romans thus hauing obteined the victorie, declared to the Britains, that from thencefoorth they would not take vpon them for euerie light occasion so painefull a iournie, alledging how there was no reason why the Romane ensignes, with such a number of men of warre, should be put to trauell so far by sea and land, for the repelling and beating backe of a sort of scattering rouers and pilfring théeues. Wherfore they aduised the Britains to looke to their dueties, and like men to indeuour themselues to defend their countrie by their owne force from the enimies inuasions. And because they iudged it might be an helpe to the Britains, they set in hand to build a wall yet once [Sidenote: A wall built overthwart the Iland.] [Sidenote: _Beda._] againe ouerthwart the Ile, in the same place where the emperour Seuerus caused his trench and rampire to be cast. This wall which the Romans now built with helpe of the Britains, was 8 foot in bredth and 12 in length, trauersing the land from east to west, & was made of stone.

[Sidenote: _Gyldas_ and _Beda._] After that this wall was finished, the Romans exhorted the Britains to plaie the men, and shewed them the way how to make armor & weapons. Besides this, on the coast of the east sea where their ships lay at rode, & where it was douted that the enimies would land, they caused towers to be erected, with spaces betwixt, out of the which the seas [Sidenote: _Gyldas._] might be discouered. These things ordered, the Romans bad the Britains farewell, not minding to returne thither againe. The Romans then being gon out of the land, the Scots and Picts knowing thereof, by & by came againe by sea, & being more emboldened than before, bicause of the deniall made by the Romans to come any more to the succor of the Britains, they tooke into possession all the north and vttermost [Sidenote: This chanced in the yere 43. as _M. W._ saith.] bounds of the Ile, euen vnto the foresaid wall, therein to remaine as inhabitants. And wheras the Britains got them to their wall to defend the same, that the enimies should not passe further into the countrie, they were in the end beaten from it, and diuers of them slaine, so that the Scots and Picts entred vpon them and pursued them in more cruell maner than before, so that the Britains being chased out of their cities, townes, and dwelling houses, were constreined to flie into desert places, and there to remaine and liue after the maner of sauage people, and in the end began to rob and spoile one another, so to auoid the danger of staruing for lacke of food: and thus at the last the countrie was so destroied and wasted, that there was no other shift for them that was left aliue to liue by, except onelie by hunting and taking of wild beasts and foules. And to augment their miserie, the commons imputing the fault to rest in the lords and [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._] [Sidenote: Rebellion.] gouernors, arose against them in armes, but were vanquished and easilie put to flight at two seuerall times, being beaten downe and slaine (through lacke of skill) in such numbers, especiallie the latter time, that the residue which escaped, withdrew into the craggie mounteins, where within the bushes and caues they kept themselues close, sometimes comming downe and fetching away from the heards of beasts and flocks of shéepe which belonged to the nobles and gentlemen of the countrie, great booties to relieue them withall. But at length oppressed with extreme famine, when neither part could long remaine in this state, as néeding one anothers helpe, necessitie made peace [Sidenote: Ciuill warre decaied the force of the Britains. What mischiefe follow of ciuill warres.] betwixt the lords and commons of the land, all iniuries being pardoned and cléerelie forgiuen. This ciuill warre decaied the force of the Britains, little lesse than the tyrannicall practises of Maximus, for by the auoiding of the commons thus out of their houses, the ground laie vntilled, whereof insued such famine for the space of thrée yéeres togither, that a woonderfull number of people died for want of sustenance.

Thus the Britains being brought generallie into such extreame miserie, they thought good to trie if they might purchase some aid of that [Sidenote: Actius.] noble man Actius, which at that time remained in France as yet called Gallia, gouerning the same as lieutenant vnder the emperor Honorius: and herevpon taking counsell togither, they wrote a letter to him, the tenor whereof insueth.

_To Actius thrise consull._

"The lamentable request of vs the Britains, beseeching you of aid to bee ministred vnto the prouince of the Romane empire, vnto our countrie, vnto our wiues and children at this present, which stand in most extreame perill. For the barbarous people driue vs to the sea, and the sea driueth vs backe vnto them againe. Hereof rise two kinds of death, for either we are slaine, or drowned, and against such euils haue we no remedie nor helpe at all. Therefore in respect of your clemencie, succor your owne we most instantlie require you, &c."

Notwithstanding the Britains thus sought for aid at Actius hands as [Sidenote: The Britains could get no aid fr[=o] the Romans.] then the emperours lieutenant, yet could they get none; either for that Actius would not, as he that passed litle how things went, bicause he bare displeasure in his mind against Valentinian as then emperor; or else for that he could not, being otherwise constreined to imploie all his forces in other places against such barbarous nations as then inuaded the Romane empire. And so by that means was Britaine lost, and the tribute which the Britains were accustomed to pay to the Romans ceassed, iust fiue hundred yéeres after that Iulius Cesar first entred the Ile.

The Britains being thus put to their shifts, manie of them as hunger-starued were constrained to yéeld themselues into the griping hands of their enimies, whereas other yet kéeping within the mounteins, woods and caues, brake out as occasion serued vpon their aduersaries, and then first (saith Gyldas) did the Britains not putting their trust in man but in God (according to the saieng of Philo, Where mans helpe faileth, it is needfull that Gods helpe be present) make slaughter of their enimies that had béene accustomed manie yéeres to rob and spoile them in maner as before is recited, and so the bold attempts of the [Sidenote: Punishment ceaseth, but sin increaseth.] enimies ceassed for a time, but the wickednesse of the British people ceassed not at all. The enimies departed out of the land, but the inhabitants departed not from their naughtie dooings, being not so readie to put backe the common enimies, as to exercise ciuill warre and discord among themselues. The wicked Irish people departed home, to make returne againe within a while after. But the Picts settled themselues first at that season in the vttermost bounds of the Ile, and there continued, making insurrections oftentimes vpon their neighbours, and spoiling them of their goods.

[Sidenote: _Galfridus._] [Sidenote: _Gyldas_ his words are to be considered.] This with more also hath Gyldas, and likewise Beda written of this great desolation of the British people: wherein if the words of Gyldas be well weighed and considered, it maie lead vs to thinke, that the Scots had no habitations here in Britaine, but onelie in Ireland, till after this season, and that at this present time the Picts, which before inhabited within the Iles of Orkenie, now placed themselues in the north parts of Scotland, and after by processe of time came and nestled themselues in Louthian, in the Mers, and other countries more neere to our borders. But to procéed.

The British histories affirme, that whilest the Britains were thus persecuted by these two most cruell and fierce nations the Scots and Picts, the noble and chiefest men amongst them consulted togither, & [Sidenote: An ambassage sent from the Britains vnto Aldroenus king of Britaine in France.] concluded to send an honorable ambassage vnto Aldroenus as then king of little Britaine in Gallia, which Aldroenus was the fourth from Conan Meridoc the first king there of the British nation. Of this ambassage the archbishop of London named Guetheline or Gosseline was appointed the chiefe and principall, who passing ouer into little Britaine, and comming before the presence of Aldroenus, so declared the effect of his message, that his suit was granted. For Aldroenus [Sidenote: Constantine the brother of Aldroenus.] agréed to send his brother Constantine ouer into great Britaine with a conuenient power, vpon condition, that the victorie being obteined against the enimies, the Britains should make him king of great Britaine.

¶ Thus it is apparent, that this land of Britaine was without anie certeine gouernour (after that Gratian the vsurper was dispatched) a [Sidenote: _Fabian._] number of yéeres togither, but how manie, writers in their account do varie. Fabian deposeth by diuers coniecturs that the space betwixt the death of Gratian, and the beginning of the reigne of the said Constantine, brother to Aldroenus, continued nine and thirtie yéeres, during which time the Britains were sore and miserablie afflicted by the inuasions of the Scots and Picts, as before ye haue heard by testimonies taken out of Beda, Gyldas, Geffrey of Monmouth, and other writers both British and English.

* * * * *

_What the Roman historiographer Marcellinus reporteth of the Scots, Picts, and Britains vnder the emperour Iulianus, Valentinianus and Valens, they send their vicegerents into Britaine, the disquietnesse of that time, London called Augusta, the worthie exploits of Theodosius in this Iland against the enimie, Valentinus a banished malefactor deuiseth his destruction, he is taken and executed, he reformeth manie disorders and inconueniences, the first entring of the Saxons into Britaine, they are dawnted at the verie sight of the Romane ensignes, the Saxons lieng in wait for their enimies are slaine euerie mothers sonne._

THE XXXIIIJ CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Maximus.] [Sidenote: 383.] But now sith no mention is made of the Scots in our histories, till the daies of Maximus the vsurper or tyrant, as some call him, who began his reigne here in Britaine about the yéere of our Lord 383, and that till after he had bereft the land of the chiefest forces thereof, in taking the most part of the youth ouer with him: we find not in the same histories of anie troubles wrought to the Britains by that nation. Therefore we haue thought good héere to come backe to the former times, that we may shew what is found mentioned in the Romane histories, both before that time and after, as well concerning the [Sidenote: _Ammianus Marcellinus lib._ 20.] [Sidenote: The emperor Iulianius.] Scots and Picts, as also the Saxons, and especiallie in Ammianus Marcellinus, where in the beginning of his twentith booke intreating of the doings of the emperour Iulianus, he saith as followeth.

In this state stood things in Illyricum or Slauonia, and in the east parts, at what time Constantius bare the office of consull the tenth time, and Iulianus the third time, that is to say, in the yéere of our [Sidenote: 360.] Lord 360, when in Britaine quietnesse being disturbed by roads made [Sidenote: Scots and Picts trouble the state of this Ile.] by the Scots and Picts, which are wild and sauage people, the frontiers of the countrie were wasted, and feare oppressed the prouinces wearied with the heape of passed losses. The emperor [he meaneth Iulianus] as then remaining at Paris, and hauing his mind troubled with manie cares, doubted to go to the aid of them beyond the sea, as we haue shewed that Constantius did, least he should leaue them in Gallia without a ruler, the Almains being euen then prouoked and stirred vp to crueltie and warre.

[Sidenote: Lupicinus sent into Britaine.] He thought good therefore to send Lupicinus vnto these places to bring things into frame and order, which Lupicinus was at that time master of the armorie, a warlike person and skilfull in all points of chiualrie, but proud and high-minded beyond measure, and such one as it was doubted long whether he was more couetous or cruell. Herevpon [Sidenote: Bataui now Hollanders.] the said Lupicinus setting forward the light armed men of the Heruli and Bataui, with diuers companies also of the people of Mesia now called Bulgarie; when winter was well entred and come on, he came himselfe to Bulleine, and there prouiding ships, and imbarking his [Sidenote: Rutupis.] men, when the wind serued his purpose, he transported ouer vnto Sandwich, and so marched foorth unto London, from thence purposing to set forward, as vpon aduise taken according to the qualitie of his businesse he should thinke méet and expedient.

[Sidenote: Of the displacing of these men the learned may sée more in _Am. Mar._] In the meane time, whilest Lupicinus was busie here in Britaine to represse the enimies, the emperour Constantius displaced certeine officers, and among other he depriued the same Lupicinus of the office of the master of the armorie, appointing one Gumobarius to succéed him in that roome, before anie such thing was knowen in these parties. And where it was doubted least that Lupicinus (if he had vnderstood so much whilest he was yet in Britaine) would haue attempted some new trouble, as he was a man of a stout and loftie mind, he was called backe from thence, and withall there was sent a notarie vnto Bulleine, to watch that none should passe the seas ouer into Britaine till Lupicinus were returned: and so returning ouer from thence yer he had anie knowledge what was doone by the emperour, he could make no sturre, hauing no such assistants in Gallia, as it was thought he might haue had in Britaine, if he should haue mooued rebellion there.

[Sidenote: _Lib._ 26.] [Sidenote: _Ammianus Marcellinus lib._ 26.] The same Marcellinus speaking of the doings about the time that Valentinianus, being elected emperour, had admitted his brother Valens as fellow with him in gouernement, hath these words. In this season as though trumpets had blowne the sound to battell through out the whole Romane empire, most cruell nations being stirred vp, inuaded the borders next adioining, the Almans wasted and destroied the parts of [Sidenote: The Almans.] [Sidenote: The Sarmatians.] [Sidenote: The Quadi Picts and Saxons.] [Sidenote: Austorians.] [Sidenote: The Goths.] Gallia and Rhetia, as the Sarmatians and Quadi did Paunonia, the Picts, the Saxons, the Scots, and the Attacots vexed the Britains with continuall troubles, and gréeuous damages; the Austorians and the people of the Moores ouerran the countrie of Affrike more sharpelie than in time past they had done; the pilfring troops of the Goths spoiled Thracia; the king of Persia set in hand to subdue the Armenians, and sought to bring them vnder his obeisance, hasting with all spéed toward Numonia, pretending (though vniustlie) that now after the deceasse of Iouinius, with whome he had contracted a league and bond of peace, there was no cause of let what he ought not to recouer those things, which (as he alledged) did belong to his ancestors: and so foorth.

[Sidenote: _Lib._ 27.] Moreouer, the same Marcellinus in another place writeth in this wise, where he speaketh of the said Valentinianus. Departing therefore from Amiens, and hasting to Trier, he was troubled with gréeuous newes that were brought him, giuing him to vnderstand, that Britaine by a conspiracie of the barbarous nations was brought to vtter pouertie, [Sidenote: Comes maritimi tractus.] that Nectaridus one of the emperours house earle of the sea coast, hauing charge of the parties towards the sea, was slaine, and that the generall Bulchobaudes was circumuented by traines of the enimies. These things with great horrour being knowne, he sent Seuerus as then [Sidenote: Comes domesticorum.] erle, or (as I may call him lord steward of his houshold) to reforme things that were amisse, if hap would so permit, who being shortlie called backe, Iouinius going thither, and with spéed hasting forward, sent for more aid and a great power of men, as the instant necessitie then required. At length, for manie causes, and the same greatlie to be feared, the which were reported and aduertised out of that Ile, [Sidenote: Theodosius sent into Britaine.] Theodosius was elected and appointed to go thither, a man of approoued skill in warlike affaires, and calling togither an hardie youthfull number of the legions and cohorts of men of warre, he went foorth, no small hope being conceiued of his good spéed; the fame wherof spred and went afore him.

A litle after, Marcellinus adding what people they were that troubled the Britains in this wise, saith thus. This shall suffice to be said, [Sidenote: Picts diuided into two nations.] [Sidenote: Attacotti.] that in this season the Picts diuided into two nations Dicalidones, and Victuriones, and in like maner the Attacotti a right warlike nation, and the Scots wandering here and there, made fowle woorke in places where they came. The confines of France were disquieted by the Frankeners and Saxons borderers vnto them, euerie one as they could breaking foorth, & dooing great harme by cruell spoile, fire, and taking of prisoners. To withstand those dooings if good fortune would giue him leaue, that most able capteine going vnto the vttermost bounds of the earth, when he came to the coast of Bullen which is seuered from the contrarie coast on the other side by the sea, with a narrow streight, where sometime the water goeth verie high and rough, & shortlie after becommeth calme & pleasant, without hurt to those [Sidenote: Theodosius passeth ouer into Britaine.] that passe the same, transporting ouer at leasure, he arriued at Sandwich (or rather Richburrow) where there is a quiet road for [Sidenote: Bataui Hollanders.] vessels to lie at anchor. Wherevpon the Bataui and Heruli, with the souldiers of the legions called Iouij, and Victores, being companies that trusted well to their owne strength, marched foorth & drew [Sidenote: London called Augusta.] towards London, an ancient citie, which now of late hath bin called Augusta. Herewith diuiding his armie into sundrie parts, he set vpon the troops of his enimies as they were abroad to forrey the countrie, pestered with burdens of their spoiles and pillage, and spéedilie putting them to flight, as they were leading away those prisoners which they had taken, with their booties of cattell, he bereft them of their preie, the which the poore Britains that were tributaries had lost. To be briefe, restoring the whole, except a small portion bestowed amongst the wearie souldiers, he entred the citie which before was opprest with troubles, but now suddenlie refreshed, bicause there was hope of reliefe and assured preseruation.

After this, when Theodosius was comforted with prosperous successe to attempt things of greater importance, and searching waies how with good aduise to woorke suerlie: whilest he remained doubtfull what would insue, he learned as well by the confession of prisoners taken, as also by the information of such as were fled from the enimies, that the scattered people of sundrie nations which with practise of great crueltie were become fierce and vndanted, could not be subdued but by policie secretlie practised, and sudden inuasions. At length therefore setting foorth his proclamations, and promising pardon to those that were gone awaie from their capteins or charge, he called them backe againe to serue: and also those that by licence were departed and laie scattered here and there in places abroad. By this meanes, when manie were returned, he being on the one side earnestlie prouoked, and on [Sidenote: Theodosius requireth to haue Ciuilis sent to him.] the other holden backe with thoughtfull cares, required to haue one Ciuilis by name sent to him to haue the rule of the prouinces in Britaine in steed of the other gouernours, a man of sharpe wit, and an [Sidenote: Dulcitius.] earnest mainteiner of iustice. He likewise required that one Dulcitius a capteine renowmed in knowledge of warlike affaires might be sent ouer to him for his better asistance. These things were doone in Britaine.

Againe, in his eight and twentith booke, the same Marcellinus reciting further what the same Theodosius atchiued in Britaine, hath in effect these words: Thedosius verelie a capteine of woorthie fame, taking a [Sidenote: London called Augusta.] valiant courage to him, and departing from Augusta, which men of old time called London, with souldiers assembled by great diligence, did succour and reléeue greatlie the decaied and troubled state of the Britains, preuenting euerie conuenient place where the barbarous people might lie in wait to doo mischiefe: and nothing he commanded the meane souldiers to doo, but that whereof he with a chéerefull mind would first take in hand to shew them an example. By this meanes accomplishing the roome of a valiant souldier, and fulfilling the charge of a noble capteine, he discomfited and put to flight sundrie nations, whome presumption (nourished by securitie) emboldened to inuade the Romane prouinces: and so the cities and castels that had béene sore endamaged by manifold losses and displeasures, were restored to their former state of wealth, the foundation of rest and quietnesse being laid for a long season after to insue.

But as these things were a dooing, one wicked practise was in hand & like to haue burst foorth, to the gréeuous danger of setting things in broile, if it had not béene staied euen in the beginning of the first attempt. For there was one Valentinus, borne in the parties of Valeria adioining to Pannonia, now called Stiermarke, a man of a proud and [Sidenote: Valentinus.] [Sidenote: Valeria now Stiermarke.] loftie stomach, brother to the wife of Maximinus, which Valentinus for some notable offense had béene banished into Britaine, where the naughtie man that could not rest in quiet, deuised how by some commotion he might destroy Theodosius, who as he saw was onelie able to resist his wicked purposes. And going about manie things both priuilie and apertlie, the force of his vnmeasurable desire to mischiefe still increasing, he sought to procure aswell other that were in semblable wise banished men, & inclined to mischiefe like him selfe, as also diuers of the souldiers, alluring them (as the time serued) with large promises of great wealth, if they would ioine with him in that enterprise. But euen now in the verie nicke, when they shuld haue gone in hand with their vngratious exploit, Theodosius warned of their intent, boldlie aduanced himselfe to sée due punishment executed on the offendors that were foorthwith taken and knowne to be guiltie in that conspiracie.

[Sidenote: Dulcitius is appointed to put Valentinus to death.] Theodosius committed Valentine with a few other of his trustie complices vnto the capteine Dulcitius, commanding him to see them put to death: but coniecturing by his warlike skill (wherein he passed all other in those daies) what might follow, he would not in anie wise haue anie further inquirie made of the other conspirators, least through feare that might be spread abroad in manie, the troubles of the prouinces now well quieted, should be againe reuiued. After this, Theodosius disposing himselfe to redresse manie things as néed required, all danger was quite remooued: so that it was most apparent, that fortune fauored him in such wise, that she left him not destitute of hir furtherance in anie one of all his attempts. He therefore restored the cities & castels that were appointed to be kept with garrisons, and the borders he caused to be defended and garded with sufficient numbers to kéepe watch and ward in places necessarie. And hauing recouered the prouince which the enimies had gotten into their possession, he so restored it to the former state, that vpon his motion to haue it so, a lawfull gouernour was assigned to rule it, and [Sidenote: A part of Britaine called Valentia.] the name was changed, so as from thencefoorth it should be called Valentia for the princes pleasure.

The Areani, a kind of men ordeined in times past by our elders (of whome somewhat we haue spoken in the acts of the emperour Constance) being now by little and little fallen into vices, he remooued from their places of abiding, being openlie conuicted, that allured with bribes and faire promises, they had oftentimes bewraied vnto the barbarous nations what was doone among the Romans: for this was their charge, to runne vp and downe by long iournies, and to giue warning to our captains, what sturre the people of the next confines were about to make.

[Sidenote: The praise of Theodosius.] Theodosius therefore hauing ordered these & other like things, most woorthilie & to his high fame, was called home to the emperours court, who leauing the prouinces in most triumphant state, was highlie renowmed for his often and most profitable victories, as if he had béene an other Camillus or Cursor Papirius, and with the fauor and loue of all men was conueied vnto the sea side; and passing ouer with a gentle wind, came to the court, where he was receiued with great gladnesse and commendation, being immediatlie appointed to succéed in the roome of Valence Iouinus that was maister of the horsses. Finallie, he was called by the emperour Gratianus, to be associated with him in the imperiall estate, after the death of Valence, in the [Sidenote: 379.] yeare after the incarnation of our Sauior 379, and reigned emperour, surnamed Thodosius the great, about 16 yeares and 2 daies.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Har._] Hereto also maie that be applied which the foresaid Marcellinus writeth in the same booke, touching the inuasion of the Saxons, the [Sidenote: _Walf. Lazi._] which (as Wolf. Lazius taketh it) entred then first into great Britaine, but were repelled of the emperour Valentinianus the first, [Sidenote: Seuerus.] by the conduct and guiding of Seuerus. The same yéere (saith he) that the emperours were the third time consuls, there brake forth a multitude of Saxons, & passing the seas, entred stronglie into the Romane confines: a nation fed oftentimes with the slaughter of our [Sidenote: Nonneus Comes.] people, the brunt of whose first inuasion earle Nonneus sustained, one which was appointed to defend those parties, an approoued capteine, & with continuall trauell in warres verie expert. But then incountring with desperate and forlorne people, when he perceiued some of his souldiers to be ouerthrowne and beaten downe, and himselfe wounded, not able to abide the often assaults of his enimies, he obteined this by informing the emperour what was necessarie and ought to be doone, [Sidenote: Seuerus coronell of the footmen.] insomuch that Seuerus, maister or (as I maie call him) coronell of the footmen, was sent to helpe and reléeue things that stood in danger: the which bringing a sufficient power with him for the state of that businesse, when he came to those places, he diuiding his armie into parts, put the Saxons in such feare and trouble before they fought, that they did not so much as take weapon in hand to make resistance, but being amazed with the sight of the glittering ensignes, & the eagles figured in the Romane standards, they streight made sute for peace, and at length after the matter was debated in sundrie wise (because it was judged that it should be profitable for the Romane commonwealth) truce was granted vnto them, and manie yoong men (able for seruice in the warres) deliuered to the Romans according to the couenants concluded.

After this the Saxons were permitted to depart without impeachment, & so to returne from whence they came, who being now out of all feare, and preparing to go their waies, diuers bands of footmen were sent to lie priuilie in a certeine hid vallie so ambushed, as they might easilie breake foorth vpon the enimies as they passed by them. But it chanced far otherwise than they supposed, for certeine of those footmen stirred with the noise of them as they were comming, brake foorth out of time, and being suddenlie discouered whilest they hasted to vnite and knit themselues togither, by the hideous crie and shout of the Saxons they were put to flight. Yet by and by closing togither againe, they staied, and the extremitie of the chance ministring to them force (though not sufficient) they were driuen to fight it out, and being beaten downe with great slaughter, had died euerie mothers sonne, if a troope of horssemen armed at all points (being in like maner placed in an other side at the entring of the waie to assaile the enimies as they should passe) aduertised by the dolefull noise of them that fought, had not spéedilie come to the succour of their fellowes.

Then ran they togither more cruellie than before, and the Romans bending themselues towards their enimies, compassed them in on each side, and with drawne swords slue them downe right, so that there was not one of them left to returne home to their natiue countrie to bring newes how they had sped, nor one suffered to liue after anothers death, either to reuenge their ruine, or to lament their losse. Thus were the limits of the Romane empire preserued at that time in [Sidenote: 399.] Britaine, which should séeme to be about the yéere of our Lord 399.

¶ Thus were the Romans, as commonlie in all their martiall affaires, so in this incounter verie fortunate, the happie issue of the conflict falling out on their side. And strange it is to consider and marke, how these people by a celestiall kind of influence were begotten and borne as it were to prowesse and renowme; the course of their dealings in the field most aptlie answering to their name. For (as some [Sidenote: _Solinus._] [Sidenote: _Adr. Iun._] suppose) the Romans were called of the Gréeke word [Greek: 'rômê], signifieng power and mightinesse: and in old time they were called Valentians, _A valendo_, of preuailing: so that it was no maruell though they were victorious subduers of forren people, sithens they were by nature created and appointed to be conquerors, and thereof had their denomination.

* * * * *

_What the poet Claudianus saith of the state of Britaine in the decaie of the Romane empire, of the Scots and Picts cruellie vexing the Britains, they are afflicted by inuasion of barbarous nations, the practise of the Saxons, of the Scots first comming into this Iland, and from whence, the Scotish chronographers noted for curiositie and vanitie._

THE XXXV CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Honorius the emperour.] After this, in the time of the emperour Honorius, the Scots, Picts, and Saxons, did eftsoones inuade the frontiers of the Romane prouince in Britaine, as appéereth by that which the poet Claudianus writeth, in attributing the honour of preseruing the same frontiers vnto the said emperour, in his booke intituled "Panegerycus tertij consulatus" [Sidenote: 396.] (which fell in the yéere 396) as thus:

[Sidenote: _Claudianus._]

Ille leues Mauros nec falso nomine Pictos Edomuit, Scotúmq; vago mucrone secutus, Fregit Hyperboreas remis audacibus vndas, Et geminis fulgens vtróq; sub axe tropheis, Tethyos alternae refluas calcauit arenas.

The nimble Mores and Picts by right so cald, he hath subdude, And with his wandring swoord likewise the Scots he hath pursude: He brake with bold couragious oare the Hyperborean waue, And shining vnder both the poles with double trophies braue, He marcht vpon the bubling sands of either swelling seas.

The same Claudianus vpon the fourth consulship of Honorius, saith in a tetrastichon as followeth:

Quid rigor æternus cæli? quid frigora prosunt? Ignotúmq; fretum? maduerunt Saxone fuso Orcades, incaluit Pictonum sanguine Thule, Scotorum cumulos fleuit glacialis Hyberne.

What lasting cold? what did to them the frostie climats gaine? And sea vnknowne? bemoisted all with bloud of Saxons slaine The Orknies were: with bloud of Picts hath Thule waxed warme, And ysie Ireland hath bewaild the heaps of Scotish harme.

[Sidenote: Thule some take to be Iseland, some Scotland.]

The same praise giueth he to Stilico the sonne in law of Honorius, and maketh mention of a legion of souldiers sent for out of Britaine in the periphrasis or circumlocution of the Gotish bloudie warres:

Venit & extremis legio prætenta Britannis, Quas Scoto dat fræna truci, ferróq; notatas Perleget exanimes Picto moriente figuras.

A legion eke there came from out the farthest Britains bent, Which brideled hath the Scots so sterne: and marks with iron brent Vpon their liuelesse lims dooth read, whiles Picts their liues relent.

He rehearseth the like in his second "Panegerycus" of Stilico, in most ample and pithie manner insuing:

Inde Calidonio velata Britannia monstro, Ferro Picta genas, cuius vestigia verrit Cærulus, Oceaniq; æstum mentitur amictus, Me quoq; vicinis pereuntem gentibus inquit, Muniuit Stilico, totam quum Scotus Hybernam Mouit, & infesto spumauit remige Thetis, Illius effectum curis, ne bella timerem Scotica, ne Pictum tremerem, ne littore toto Prospicerem dubijs venturum Saxona ventis.

Then Britaine whom the monsters did of Calidone surround, Whose cheekes were pearst with scorching steele, whose garments swept the ground, Resembling much the marble hew of ocean seas that boile, Said, She whom neighbour nations did conspire to bring to spoile, Hath Stilico munited strong, when raised by Scots entice All Ireland was, and enimies ores the salt sea fome did slice, His care hath causd, that I all feare of Scotish broiles haue bard, Ne doo I dread the Picts, ne looke my countrie coasts to gard Gainst Saxon troops, whom changing winds sent sailing hitherward.

[Sidenote: Britaine afflicted by inuasion of barbarous nations.] Thus maie it appéere, that in the time when the Romane empire began to decaie, in like manner as other parts of the same empire were inuaded by barbarous nations, so was that part of Britaine which was subiect to the Romane emperors grieuouslie assailed by the Scots and Picts, and also by the Saxons, the which in those daies inhabiting all alongst the sea coasts of low Germanie, euen from the Elbe vnto the Rhine, did not onelie trouble the sea by continuall rouing, but also vsed to come on land into diuerse parts of Britaine and Gallia, inuading the countries, and robbing the same with great rage and crueltie.

[Sidenote: _Sidon. Apol. li._ 8. _Epist._] To the which Sidonius Apollinaris thus alludeth, writing to Namatius. "The messenger did assuredlie affirme, that latelie ye blew the trumpet to warre in your nation, and betwixt the office one while of a mariner, and another while of a souldier, wafted about the crooked [Sidenote: The pirasie of the Saxons.] shores of the ocean sea against the fléet of the Saxons, of whome as manie rouers as ye behold, so manie archpirats ye suppose to sée: so doo they altogither with one accord command, obeie, teach, and learne to plaie the parts of rouers, that euen now there is good occasion to warne you to beware. This enimie is more cruell than all other enimies. He assaileth at vnwares, he escapeth by forseeing the danger afore hand, he despiseth those that stand against him, he throweth downe the vnwarie: if he be followed he snappeth them vp that pursue him, if he flée he escapeth."

Of like effect for proofe héereof be those verses which he wrote vnto Maiorianus his panegyrike oration, following in Latine and in English verse.

Tot maria intraui duce te, longéq; remotas Sole sub occiduo gentes, victricia Cæsar Signa Calidonios transuexit ad vsq; Britannos, Fuderit & quanquam Scotum, & cum Saxone Pictum, Hostes quæsiuit quem iam natura vetabat, Quærere plus homines, &c.

So manie seas I entred haue, and nations farre by west, By thy conduct, and Cæsar hath his banners borne full prest Vnto the furthest British coast, where Calidonians dwell, The Scot and Pict with Saxons eke, though he subdued fell, Yet would he enimies seeke vnknowne whom nature had forbid, &c.

¶ Thus much haue we thought good to gather out of the Romane and other writers, that ye might perceiue the state of Britaine the better in that time of the decaie of the Romane empire, and that ye might haue occasion to marke by the waie, how not onelie the Scots, but also the Saxons had attempted to inuade the Britains, before anie mention is made of the same their attempts by the British and English writers. But whether the Scots had anie habitation within the bounds of Britaine, till the time supposed by the Britaine writers, we leaue that point to the iudgement of others that be trauelled in the search of such antiquities, onelie admonishing you, that in the Scotish chronicle you shall find the opinion which their writers haue conceiued of this matter, and also manie things touching the acts of the Romans doone against diuerse of the Britains, which they presume to be doone against their nation, though shadowed vnder the generall name of Britains, or of other particular names, at this daie to most men vnknowne. But whensoeuer the Scots came into this Ile, they made the third nation that inhabited the same, comming first out of [Sidenote: _Polydor._] Scithia, or rather out of Spaine (as some suppose) into Ireland, and from thence into Britaine; next after the Picts, though their writers fetch a farre more ancient beginning (as in their chronicles at large appéereth) referring them to the reading thereof, that desire to vnderstand that matter as they set it foorth.

_Thus farre the dominion and tribute of the Romans ouer this land of Britaine, which had continued (by the collection of some chronographers) the space of 483. yeeres. And heere we thinke it conuenient to end this fourth booke._

* * * * *

THE FIFT BOOKE

OF THE

HISTORIE OF ENGLAND.

* * * * *

_Constantinus at the generall sute of the Britains vndertaketh to gouerne this Iland, he is crowned king, his three sonnes, he is traitorouslie slaine of a Pict, Constantius the eldest sonne of Constantine hauing bene a monke is created king, the ambitious & slie practises of duke Vortigerne to aspire to the gouernment, he procureth certeine Picts and Scots to kill the king who had reteined them for the gard of his person, his craftie deuises and deepe dissimulation vnder the pretense of innocencie, he winneth the peoples harts, and is chosen their king._

THE FIRST CHAPTER.

Having ended our former booke with the end of the Romane power ouer this Iland, wherein the state of the Iland vnder them is at full described; it remaineth now that we procéed to declare, in what state they were after the Romans had refused to gouerne them anie longer. Wherefore we will addresse our selues to saie somewhat touching the succession of the British kings, as their histories make mention.

[Sidenote: CONSTANTINUS.] [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._] CONSTANTINUS the brother of Aldroenus king of little Britaine, at the sute and earnest request of the archbishop of London, made in name of all the Britains in the Ile of great Britaine, was sent into the same Ile by his said brother Aldroenus vpon couenants ratified in manner as before is recited, and brought with him a conuenient power, landing with the same at Totnesse in Deuonshire. Immediatlie after his [Sidenote: _Caxton_ saith 12000. but _Gal._ and others say but 2000.] c[=o]ming on land, he gathered to him a great power of Britains, which before his landing were hid in diuerse places of the Ile. Then went he foorth with them, and gaue battell to the enimies, whom he vanquished: & slue that tyrannicall king Guanius there in the field (as some [Sidenote: The British historie disagreeth from the Scotish.] bookes haue.) Howbeit, this agréeth not with the Scotish writers, which affirme that they got the field, but yet lost their king named Dongard (as in their historie ye maie read.)

But to procéed as our writers report the matter. When the Britains had thus ouercome their enimies, they conueied their capteine the said Constantine vnto Cicester, and there in fulfilling their promise and couenant made to his brother, crowned him king of great Britaine, in the yéere of our Lord 433, which was about the fift yéere of the [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 435.] emperour Valentinianus the second, and third yéere of Clodius king of the Frankners after called Frenchmen, which then began to settle themselues in Gallia, whereby the name of that countrie was afterwards changed and called France. Constantine being thus established king, ruled the land well and noblie, and defended it from all inuasion of enimies during his life. He begat of his wife thrée sonnes (as the British historie affirmeth) Constantius, Aurelius Ambrosius, and Vter surnamed named Pendragon. The eldest, bicause he perceiued him to be but dull of wit, and not verie toward, he made a moonke, placing him within the abbie of Amphibalus in Winchester.

[Sidenote: In a groue of bushes as _Gal._ saith.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Beda._] [Sidenote: _Orosius._] [Sidenote: _Blondus._] Finallie this Constantine, after he had reigned ten yéeres, was traitorouslie slaine one day in his owne chamber (as some write) by a Pict, who was in such fauor with him, that he might at all times haue frée accesse to him at his pleasure. Neither the Romane writers, nor Beda, make anie mention of this Constantine: but of the other Constantine they write, which immediatlie after the vsurper Gratian was dispatched out of the way (as before ye haue heard) was aduanced to the rule of this land, and title of emperour, onelie in hope of his name, and for no other respect of towardnesse in him, afore time being but a meane souldier, without anie degrée of honour. The same Constantine (as writers record) going ouer into Gallia, adorned his sonne Constantius with the title and dignitie of Cesar, the which before was a moonke, and finallie as well the one as the other were slaine, the father at Arles by earle Constantius, that was sent against him by the emperour Honorius; and the sonne at Vienna (as before ye haue heard) by one of his owne court called Gerontius (as in [Sidenote: 415.] more at large.) This chanced about the yeere of our Lord 415.

¶ This haue we thought good to repeat in this place, for that some may suppose that this Constantine is the same that our writers take to be the brother of Aldroenus king of little Britaine, as the circumstance of the time and other things to be considered may giue them occasion to thinke, for that there is not so much credit to be yéelded to them that haue written the British histories, but that in some part men may with iust cause doubt of sundrie matters conteined in the same: and therfore haue we in this booke béene the more diligent to shew what the Romans and other forreine writers haue registred in their bookes of histories touching the affaires of Britaine, that the reader may be the better satisfied in the truth. But now to returne to the sequele of the historie as we find the same written by the British chroniclers.

[Sidenote: This Vortigerne was duke of the Geuisses and Cornewall, as _Rad. Cestr._ reporteth.] [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] After that Constantine was murthered (as before ye haue heard) one Vortigerus, or Vortigernus, a man of great authoritie amongst the Britains, wrought so with the residue of the British nobilitie, that Constantius the eldest sonne of their king the fore-remembred Constantine, was taken out of the abbie of Winchester where he remained, and was streightwaies created king, as lawfull inheritour to his father.

Ye haue heard how Constantius was made a moonke in his fathers life time, bicause he was thought to be too soft and childish in wit, to haue anie publike rule committed to his hands: but for that cause speciallie did Vortigerne séeke t'aduance him, to the end that the king being not able to gouerne of himselfe, he might haue the chiefest swaie, and so rule all things as it were vnder him, preparing thereby a way for himselfe to atteine at length to the kingdome as by that which followed was more apparentlie perceiued.

[Sidenote: CONSTANTIUS.] [Sidenote: _Matt. West_ saith 445.] This Constantius then the sonne of Constantine, by the helpe (as before ye haue heard) of Vortigerne, was made king of Britaine, in the yere of our Lord 443. But Constantius bare but the name of king: for Vortigerne abusing his innocencie and simple discretion to order things as was requisite, had all the rule of the land, and did what pleased him. Wherevpon first, where there had béene a league concluded betwixt the Britains, Scots and Picts, in the daies of the late king [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._] Constantine, Vortigerne caused the same league to be renewed, & waged an hundred Picts, and as manie Scots to be attendant as a gard vpon the kings person, diuers of the which (corrupting them with faire [Sidenote: Constantius murthered.] promises) he procured by subtile meanes in the end to murther the king, and immediatlie vpon the deed doone, he caused the murtherers to be strangled, that they should not afterwards disclose by whose [Sidenote: The subtile dealing of Vortigerne.] procurement they did that déed. Then caused he all the residue of the Scots and Picts to be apprehended, and as it had béene vpon a zeale to sée the death of Constantius seuerelie punished, he framed such inditements and accusations against them, that chieflie by his meanes (as appeared) the giltlesse persons were condemned and hanged, the multitude of the British people béeing woonderfullie pleased therewith, and giuing great commendations to Vortigerne for that déed. Thus Constantius was made awaie in maner as before ye haue heard, after he had reigned (as most writers affirme) the space of fiue yéeres.

After his death was knowne, those that had the bringing vp and [Sidenote: Aurelius Ambrosius.] [Sidenote: Vter Pendragon.] custodie of his two yoonger brethren, Aurelius Ambrose, and Vter Pendragon, mistrusting the wicked intent of Vortigerne, whose dissimulation and mischieuous meaning by some great likelihoods they suspected, with all spéed got them to the sea, and fled into litle Britaine, there kéeping them till it pleased God otherwise to prouide for them. But Vortigerne could so well dissemble his craftie workings, and with such conueiance and cloked maner could shadow and colour the matter, that most men thought and iudged him verie innocent and void of euill meaning: insomuch that he obteined the fauour of the people so greatlie, that he was reputed for the onelie staie and defender of the common wealth. Herevpon it came to passe, that when the councell was assembled to elect a new king, for so much as the other sonnes of [Sidenote: Vortigerne chosen king of Britaine.] king Constantine were not of age sufficient to rule, Vortigerne himselfe was chosen, diuers of the nobles (whom he had procured thereto) giuing their voices to this his preferment, as to one best deseruing the same in their opinion and judgement. This Vortigerne, as by indirect meanes and sinister procéedings he aspired to the regiment, hauing no title therevnto, otherwise than as blind fortune vouchsafed him the preferment: so when he was possessed, but not interessed in the same, he vncased the crooked conditions which he had couertlie concealed, and in the end (as by the sequele you shall sée) did pull shame and infamie vpon himselfe.

* * * * *

_Vortigerne furnisheth the tower with a garrison, he bewraieth his crueltie, Aurelius and Pendragon brethren to the late king Constantius flie into Britaine Armorike, what common abuses and sinnes did vniuersally concurre with a plentifull yeere, the Scots and Picts reuenge the death of their countrimen, Vortigerne is in doubt of his estate, the Britains send for succour to the Saxons, they come vnder the conduct of Hengist and Horsus two brethren, where they are assigned to be seated, they vanquish the Scots, disagreement in writers touching the Saxons first comming into this Iland._

THE SECOND CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: VORTIGERNE.] [Sidenote: 446.] Vortigerne, by such diuelish meanes and vnconscionable practises (as you heare) stealing away the hearts of the people, was chosen and made king of Britaine, in the yéere of our Lord 446, in the 3 consulship of Aetius, 1197 of Rome, 4 of the 305 Olympiad, 4112 of the world, the dominicall letter going by F, the prime by 10, which fell about the 21 yéere of the emperour Valentinianus, the same yéere that Meroneus began to reigne ouer the Frenchmen. Before he was made king, he was earle or duke of the Geuisses, a people which held that part of [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._] Britaine where afterwards the west Saxons inhabited. Now when he had with treason, fraud, and great deceit at length obteined that for the which he had long looked, he first of all furnished the tower of London with a strong garrison of men of warre.

Then studieng to aduance such onelie as he knew to be his speciall [Sidenote: 415.] friends and fauourers, he sought by all meanes how to oppresse other, of whose good will he had neuer so litle mistrust, and namelie those that were affectionate towards the linage of Constantine he hated deadlie, and deuised by secret meanes which way he might best destroy them. But these his practises being at the first perceiued, caused such as had the gouernance of the two yoong gentlemen with all spéed [Sidenote: _Fabian._] to get them ouer (as ye haue heard) into Britaine Armorike, there to remaine out of danger with their vncle the king of that land. Diuers of the Britains also, that knew themselues to be in Vortigerne his displeasure, sailed ouer dailie vnto them, which thing brought Vortigerne into great doubt and feare of his estate.

[Sidenote: _Gyldas._] [Sidenote: Plentie of wealth accompanied with store of sinnes.] It chanced also the same time, that there was great plentie of corne, & store of fruit, the like wherof had not béene seene in manie yéeres before, and therevpon insued riot, strife, lecherie, and other vices verie heinous, & yet accounted as then for small or rather none offenses at all. These abuses & great enormities reigned not onelie in the temporaltie, but also in the spiritualtie and chéefe rulers in the same: so that euerie man turned the point of his speare (euen as he had consented of purpose) against the true and innocent person. The commons also gaue themselues to voluptuous lust, drunkennesse, and idle loitering, whereof followed fighting, contention, enuie, and much debate. Of this plentie therefore insued great pride, and of this abundance no lesse hautinesse of mind, wherevpon followed great wickednesse, lacke of good gouernement and sober temperancie, and in the necke of these as a iust punishment, death and mortalitie, so that in some countries scarse the quicke sufficed to burie the dead.

[Sidenote: Scots and Picts inuade the Britains.] And for an augmentation of more mischéefe, the Scots and Picts hearing how their countrimen through the false suggestion of Vortigerne, had bene wrongfullie and most cruellie put to death at London, began with fire & sword to make sharpe & cruell warre against the Britains, wasting their countrie, spoiling and burning their townes, and giuing them the ouerthrow in a pitcht field, as in the Scotish historie more plainlie appeareth. To be bréefe, the Britains were brought into such danger and miserie, that they knew not what way to take for remedie in such present perill, likelie to be ouerrun and vtterlie vanquished of their enimies. In the meane time Vortigerne not onelie troubled with these imminent euils, but fearing also the returne of the two brethren, Aurelius Ambrose, and Vter Pendragon, began to consider of the state of things, and estéeming it most sure to worke by aduise, called togither the principall lords and chéefe men of the realme to haue their counsell and opinion, how to procéed in such a weightie businesse: and so debating the matter with them, measured both his owne force, and also the force of his enimies, and according to the condition and state of the time, diligentlie considered and searched out what remedie was to be had and prouided.

[Sidenote: _Gyldas._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Beda._] [Sidenote: The Saxons sent for.] [Sidenote: 10000 hath _Hector Boet._] [Sidenote: _Gyldas_ and _Beda_ mention onelie but of 3 plates or gallies, but _Hector Boet._ hath 30.] At length after they had throughlie pondered all things, the more part of the nobles with the king also were of this mind, that there could be no better way deuised, than to send into Germanie for the Saxons to come to their aid: the which Saxons in that season were highlie renowmed for their valiancie in armes, and manifold aduentures heretofore atchiued. And so forthwith messengers were dispatched into Germanie, the which with monie, gifts, and promises, might procure the Saxons to come to the aid of the Britains against the Scots and Picts. The Saxons glad of this message, as people desirous of intertainment to serue in warres, choosing forth a picked companie of lustie yoong men vnder the leading of two brethren Hingist and Horsus, got them aboord into certeine vessels appointed for the purpose, and so with all spéed directed their course towards great Britaine.

[Sidenote: 449.] This was in the yeare of our Lord 449, and in the second yeare of Vortigerns reigne, as the most autentike writers both British and [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] English séeme to gather, although the Scotish writers, and namelie, Hector Boetius doo varie herein, touching the iust account of yeares, as to the perusers of the writings aswell of the one as the other may appeare. But others take it to be in the 4 yéere of his reigne: whereto Beda séemeth to agrée, who noteth it in the same yeare that Martianus the emperour began to rule the empire, which was (as appeareth by the consularie table) in the consulship of Protogenes and Austerius, and third yeere of Meroneus king of France.

These Saxons thus arriuing in Britaine, were courteouslie receiued, & hartilie welcomed of king Vortigerne, who assigned to them places in Kent to inhabit, and foorthwith led them against the Scots and Picts, which were entred into Britaine, wasting & destroieng the countrie before them. Héerevpon comming to ioine in battell, there was a sore fight betwixt the parties for a while. But at length when the Saxons called to their remembrance that the same was the day which should either purchase to them an euerlasting name of manhood by victorie, or [Sidenote: Scots vanquished by the Saxons.] else of reproch by repulse, began to renew the fight with such violence, that the enimies not able to abide their fierce charge, were scattered and beaten downe on ech side with great slaughter.

The king hauing gotten this victorie, highlie rewarded the strangers according to their well deseruings, as by whose prowesse he had thus [Sidenote: _Henrie Hunt._] vanquished his enimies, which (as some write) were come as farre as Stamford, and vsed at that time to fight with long darts and speares, whereas the Saxons fought onelie with long swords and axes.

[Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] ¶ Some haue written that the Saxons were not sent for, but came by chance into the Ile, and the occasion to be this. There was an ancient custome among the English Saxons a people in Germanie, as was also at the first among other nations, that when the multitude of them was so increased, that the countrie was not able to susteine and find them, by commandement of their princes, they should choose out by lots a number of yoong and able personages fit for the warrs, which should go foorth to séeke them new habitations: and so it chanced to these, that they came into great Britaine, and promised to serue the king for wages in his warres.

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_Hengistus the Saxon shooteth at the crowne and scepter of the kingdome by craftie and subtile practises, a great number of forren people arriue in Britaine for the augmentation of his power, of the faire ladie Rowen his daughter, whereof Wednesdaie and Fridaie tooke their name, of the Iutes, Saxons, and Angles, Vortigerne being inflamed with the loue of Hengists daughter forsaketh his owne wife and marrieth hir, Vortigerne giueth Hengist all Kent, the Saxons come ouer by heaps to inhabit the land, the British nobilitie moue the king to auoid them, he is depriued of his kingdome, the miserable destruction made by the Saxons in this land, skirmishes betwixt them and the Britains._

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Hengist purposeth at the first to conquere the Britains.] Now Hengistus, being a man of great wit, rare policie, and high wisedome, vnderstanding the kings mind, who wholie trusted to the valiancie of the Saxons, & herewithall perceiuing the fruitfulnesse of the countrie, presentlie began to consider with himselfe, by what wiles and craft he might by little little settle heere, and obteine a kingdome in the Ile, and so establish the same to him and his for euer.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._] Therefore first he endeuored with all speed possible to fense that part of the countrie, which was giuen him and his people, and to inlarge and furnish it with garisons appointed in places most conuenient. After this he did what he could to persuade the king, that a great power of men might be brought ouer out of Germanie, that the land being fortified with such strength, the enimies might be put in [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: 18 Foists or plates saie the Scotish writers, and 5000 men in the same.] [Sidenote: The Saxons call these vessels Ceoles, or Kéeles, and our old histories Cogiones.] feare, and his subiects holden in rest. The king not foreséeing the hap that was to come, did not despise this counsell tending to the destruction of his kingdome, and so was more aid sent for into Germanie: wherevpon now at this second time there arriued héere 16 vessels fraught with people, and at the same time came the ladie Rowen or Ronix (daughter to Hengist) a maid of excellent beautie and comelinesse, able to delight the eies of them that should behold hir, and speciallie to win the heart of Vortigerne with the dart of concupiscence, wherevnto he was of nature much inclined, and that did Hengist well perceiue.

[Sidenote: The _Vitæ_ or _Iutæ_ are called Ibitri.] [Sidenote: _Alex. Now._] There came ouer into this land at that time, and soone after, thrée maner of people of the Germane nation, as Saxons, Vitæ or Iutes, and Angles, ouer the which the said Hengist and Horse being brethren, were capteines & rulers, men of right noble parentage in their countrie, as descended of that ancient, prince Woden, of wham the English Saxon kings doo for the more part fetch their pedegrée, as lineallie descended from him, vnto whome also the English people (falselie reputing him for a god) consecrated the fourth daie of the wéeke, as they did the sixt to his wife Frea: so that the same daies tooke name [Sidenote: Wednesdaie, and Fridaie, whereof they came.] of them, the one being called Wodensdaie, and the other Freadaie, which woords after in continuance of time by corruption of spéech were somewhat altered, though not much, as from Wodensdaie, to Wednesdaie, [Sidenote: _Beda._] and from Freadaie to Fridaie. The foresaid Woden was father to Vecta, the father of Wergistus that was father to the foresaid Hengistus and Horsus.

But now to rehearse further touching those thrée people which at this time came ouer into Britaine out of Germanie. Of the Vites or Iutes (as Beda recordeth) are the Kentishmen descended, and the people of the Ile of Wight, with those also that inhabit ouer against the same Ile. Of the Saxons came the east, the south, & the west Saxons. Moreouer, of the Angles proceéded the east Angles, the middle Angles or Mercies, and the Northerne men. That these Angles were a people of [Sidenote: _Cor. Tacitus._] Germanie, it appeareth also by Cornelius Tacitus, who called them Anglij, which word is of thrée syllables (as Polydor saith:) but some write it Angli, with two syllables. And that these Angli, or Anglij were of no small force and authoritie in Germanie before their comming into this land, maie appeare, in that they are numbred amongst the twelue nations there, which had lawes and ancient ordinances apart by themselues, according to the which the state of their common wealth was gouerned, they being the same and one people with the Thuringers, as in the title of the old Thuringers lawes we find recorded, which is thus: "Lex Angliorum & Werinorum, hoc est Thuringorum," The law of the Angles and Werinians that is to saie the Thuringers, which Thuringers are a people in Saxonie, as in the description of that countrie it maie appeare.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: Rowen, or Ronowen Hengists daughter.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] But now to the matter. Hengist perceiuing that his people were highlie in Vortigernes fauour, began to handle him craftilie, deuising by what means he might bring him in loue with his daughter Ronix, or Rowen, or Ronowen (as some write) which he beléeued well would easilie be brought to passe, bicause he vnderstood that the king was much giuen to sensuall lust, which is the thing that often blindeth wise mens vnderstanding, and maketh them to dote, and to lose their perfect wits: yea, and oftentimes bringeth them to destruction, though by such pleasant poison they féele no bitter taste, till they be brought to the extreame point of confusion in déed.

[Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] A great supper therefore was prepared by Hengist, at the which it pleased the king to be present, and appointed his daughter, when euerie man began to be somewhat merrie with drinke, to bring in a cup of gold full of good and pleasant wine, and to present it to the king, saieng; Wassail. Which she did in such comelie and decent maner, as she that knew how to doo it well inough, so as the king maruelled greatlie thereat, and not vnderstanding what she ment by that salutation, demanded what it signified. To whom it was answered by [Sidenote: Wassail, what it signifieth.] Hengist, that she wished him well, and the meaning of it was, that he should drinke after hir, ioining thereto this answer, Drinke haile. Wherevpon the king (as he was informed) tooke the cup at the damsels hand, and dranke.

Finallie, this yoong ladie behaued hir selfe with such pleasant woords, comelie countenance, and amiable grace, that the king beheld hir so long, till he felt himselfe so farre in loue with hir person, that he burned in continuall desire to inioy the same: insomuch that [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] shortlie after he forsooke his owne wife, by the which he had thrée sonnes, named Vortimerus, Catagrinus, and Pascentius, and required of Hengist to haue his daughter, the said Rowen, or Ronowen in mariage. Hengist at the first séemed strange to grant to his request, and excused the matter, for that his daughter was not of estate and [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] dignitie méet to be matched with his maiestie. But at length as it had béene halfe against his will he consented, and so the mariage was concluded & solemnized, all Kent being assigned vnto Hengist in reward, the which countrie was before that time gouerned by one Guorongus (though not with most equall Justice) which Guorongus was subiect vnto Vortigerne, as all other the potentats of the Ile were.

This mariage and liberalite of the king towards the strangers much offended the minds of his subiects, and hastened the finall destruction of the land. For the Saxons now vnderstanding the affinitie had betwixt the king and Hengist, came so fast ouer to inhabit héere, that it was woonder to consider in how short a time such a multitude could come togither: so that bicause of their great number and approoued puissance in warres, they began to be a terrour [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] to the former inhabitants the Britains. But Hengist being no lesse politike in counsell than valiant in armes, abusing the kings lacke of discretion, to serue his owne turne, persuaded him to call out of [Sidenote: _Gal._ saith he was Hengists sonne, and Ebusa his vncles sonne.] [Sidenote: Occa and Ebusa leaders of Saxons.] Germanie his brother Occa and his sonne named Ebusa, being men of great valure, to the end that as Hengist defended the land in the south part: so might they kéepe backe the Scots in the north.

Héerevpon by the kings consent, they came with a power out of Germanie, and coasting about the land, they sailed to the Iles of Orknie, and sore vexed the people there, and likewise the Scots and Picts also, and finallie arriued in the north parts of the realme, now called Northumberland, where they setled themselues at that present, [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm. de Regib._] and so continued there euer after: but none of them taking vpon him the title of king, till about 99 yéeres after their first comming into that countrie, but in the meane time remaining as subiects vnto the Saxon kings of Kent. After their arriuall in that prouince, they oftentimes fought with the old inhabitants there, and ouercame them, chasing away such as made resistance, and appeased the residue by receiuing them vnder allegiance.

[Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: The great numbers of strangers suspected to the Britains.] When the nobles of Britaine saw and perceiued in what danger the land stood, by the dailie repaire of the huge number of Saxons into the same, they first consulted togither, and after resorting to the king, mooued him that some order might be taken for the auoiding of them, or the more part of them, least they should with their power and great multitude vtterlie oppresse the British nation. But all was in vaine, for Vortigerne so estéemed and highlie fauoured the Saxons, and namelie by reason of the great loue which he bare to his wife, that he little regarded his owne nation, no nor yet anie thing estéemed his owne naturall kinsmen and chiefe friends, by reason whereof the [Sidenote: Vortigerne depriued.] Britains in fine depriued him of all kinglie honour, after that he had reigned 16 yéeres, and in his steed crowned his sonne Vortimer.

[Sidenote: _Gyldas._] [Sidenote: _Beda._] [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] Gyldas and Beda make no mention of Vortimer, but declare that after the Saxons were receiued into this land, there was a couenant made betwixt them and the Britains, that the Saxons should defend the countrie from the inuasion of enimies by their knightlie force: and that in consideration therof, the Britains should find them prouision of vittels: wherewith they held them contented for a time. But afterwards they began to pike quarrels, as though they were not sufficientlie furnished of their due proportion of vittels, threatening that if they were not prouided more largelie thereof, they would surelie spoile the countrie. So that without deferring of time, [Sidenote: The miserable destruction made by the Saxons in this land.] they performed their woords with effect of deeds, beginning in the east part of the Ile, & with fire and swoord passed foorth, wasting and destroieng the countrie, till they came to the vttermost part of the west: so that from sea to sea, the land was wasted and destroied in such cruell and outragious manner, that neither citie, towne, nor church was regarded, but all committed to the fire: the priests slaine and murthered euen afore the altars, and the prelats with the people without anie reuerence of their estate or degrée dispatched with fire and swoord, most lamentablie to behold.

Manie of the Britains séeing the demeanour of the Saxons, fled to the mounteins, of the which diuers being apprehended, were cruellie slaine, and other were glad to come foorth and yeeld themselues to eternall bondage, for to haue reléefe of meate and drinke to asswage their extremitie of hunger. Some other got them out of the realme into strange lands, so to saue themselues; and others abiding still in their countrie, kept them within the thicke woods and craggie rocks, whither they were fled, liuing there a poore wretched life, in great feare and vnquietnesse of mind.

But after that the Saxons were departed and withdrawne to their houses, the Britains began to take courage to them againe, issuing foorth of those places where they had lien hid, and with one consent calling for aid at Gods hand, that they might be preserued from vtter destruction, they began vnder the conduct of their leader Aurelius Ambrose, to prouoke the Saxons to battell, and by the helpe of God they obteined victorie, according to their owne desires. And from thence foorth, one while the Britains, and an other while the Saxons were victors. So that in this British people, God (according to his accustomed maner) as it were present Israell, tried them from time to time, whether they loued him or no, vntill the yeare of the siege of Badon hill, where afterwards no small slaughter was made of the [Sidenote: So _Gyldas_ was borne in the yeare of our Lord 493.] enimies: which chanced the same yeare in the which Gyldas was borne (as he himselfe witnesseth) being about the 44 yeare after the comming of the Saxons into Britaine.

Thus haue Gyldas & Beda (following by likelihood the authoritie of the same Gyldas) written of these first warres begun betwéene the Saxons and Britains. But now to go foorth with the historie, according to the order of our chronicles, as we doo find recorded touching the doings of Vortimer that was elected king (as ye haue heard) to gouerne in place of his father Vortigerne.

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_Vortimer is created king in the roome of his father Vortigerne, he giueth the Saxons sore and sharpe battels, a combat fought betweene Catigerne the brother of Vortimer and, Horsus the brother of Hengist, wherein they were both slaine, the Britains driue the Saxons into the Ile of Tenet, Rowen the daughter of Hengist procureth Vortimer to be poisoned, the Saxons returne into Germanie as some writers report, they ioine with the Scots and Picts against the Britains and discomfit them._

THE FOURTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: VORTIMER.] [Sidenote: 464.] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: _Galf. Mon._] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ saith 454.] This Vortimer being eldest sonne to Vortigerne, by the common assent of the Britains was made king of Britaine, in the yeare of our Lord 464, which was in the fourth yeare of the emperour Leo the fift, and about the sixt yeare of Childericus king of France, as our common account runneth, which is far disagréeing from that whereof W. Harison dooth speake in his chronologie, who noteth Vortigerne to be deposed in the 8 after his exaltation to the crowne, 454 of Christ, and 5 currant after the comming of the Saxons, which concurreth with the 4420 of the world, and 8 of Meroneus, as by his chronologie dooth more at large appear.

But to procéed, Vortimer being thus aduanced to the gouernment of the realme, in all hast made sore warre against the Saxons, and gaue vnto [Sidenote: The riuer of Derwent.] them a great battell vpon the riuer of Derwent, where he had of them the vpper hand. And the second time he fought with them at a place [Sidenote: Epiford.] called Epiford, or Aglisthrop, in the which incounter Catagrine or Catigernus the brother of Vortimer, and Horsus the brother of Hengist, after a long combat betwixt them two, either of them slue other: but the Britains obteined the field (as saith the British historie.) The third battell Vortimer fought with them néere to the sea side, where [Sidenote: The Ile of Tenet.] also the Britains chased the Saxons, & droue them into the Ile of Tenet. The fourth battell was stricken néere to a moore called [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: Colemoore.] Colemoore, the which was sore fought by the Saxons, and long continued with great danger to the Britains, because the foresaid moore inclosed a part of their host so stronglie, that the Britains could not approch to them, being beaten off with the enimies shot, albeit in the end the Saxons were put to flight, & manie of them drowned and swallowed vp in the same moore. Beside these foure principall battels, Vortimer had [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: Tetford in Norfolke.] [Sidenote: Colchester.] diuers other conflicts with the Saxons, as in Kent and at Tetford in Norfolke, also néere to Colchester in Essex: for he left not till he had bereft them of the more part of all such possessions as before time they had got, so that they were constrained to kéepe them within the Ile of Tenet, where he oftentimes assailed them with such ships as he then had. When Ronowen the daughter of Hengist perceiued the great losse that the Saxons sustained by the martiall prowesse of Vortimer, she found means that within a while the said Vortimer was poisoned, after he had ruled the Britains by the space of 6 or 7 yeares and od moneths.

¶ By the British historie it should séeme, that Vortimer before his death handled the Saxons so hardlie, kéeping them besieged within the Ile of Tenet, till at length they were constrained to sue for licence to depart home into Germanie in safetie: and the better to bring this to pas, they sent Vortigerne, (whome they had kept still with them in all these battels) vnto his sonne Vortimer, to be a meane for the obteining of their sute. But whilest this treatie was in hand, they got them into their ships, and leauing their wiues and children behind them, returned into Germanie. Thus far Gal. Mon. But how vnlikelie this is to be true, I will not make anie further discourse, but onelie refer euerie man to that which in old autentike historiographers of [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] the English nation is found recorded, as in Will. Malmes. Henr. Hunt, Marianus, and others: vnto whome in these matters concerning the dooings betwixt the Saxons and Britains, we maie vndoubtedlie and safelie giue most credit.

William Malmes. writing of this Vortimer, or Guortigerne, and of the warres which he had against the Saxons, varieth in a maner altogether from Geffrey of Monmouth, as by his words here following ye maie perceiue. Guortimer, the sonne of Vortimer (saith he) thinking not good long to dissemble the matter, for that he saw himselfe and his countriemen the Britains preuented by the craft of the English Saxons, set his full purpose to driue them out of the realme, and kindled his father to the like attempt. He therefore being the author and procurer, seuen yeares after their first comming into this land, the league was broken, and by the space of 20 yeares they fought [Sidenote: Hengist had the victorie in this battell saith _Ra. Hig._] [Sidenote: Horse and Catigene slaine.] oftentimes togither in manie light incounters, but foure times they fought puissance against puissance in open field: in the first battell they departed with like fortune, whilest the one part, that is to meane, the Saxons lost their capteine Horse that was brother to Hengist, and the Britains lost Catigerne an other of Vortigerns sonnes.

[Sidenote: 458.] In the other battels, when the Englishmen went euer awaie with the vpper hand, at length a peace was concluded, Guortimer being taken out of this world by course of fatall death, the which much differing from the soft and milde nature of his father, right noblie would haue gouerned the realme, if God had suffered him to haue liued. But these battels which Vortimer gaue to the Saxons (as before is mentioned) should appeare by that which some writers haue recorded, to haue chanced before the supposed time of Vortimers or Guortimers atteining to the crowne, about the 6 or 7 yeare after the first comming of the Saxons into this realme with Hengist. And hereto W. Harison giueth his [Sidenote: _Polydor._] consent, referring the mutuall slaughter of Horsus and Catigerne to the 6 years of Martianus, & 455 of Christ. Howbeit Polydor Virgil saith, that Vortimer succéeded his father, and that after his fathers deceasse the English Saxons, of whome there was a great number then in the Ile, comming ouer dailie like swarmes of bées, and hauing in possession not onelie Kent, but also the north parts of the realme towards Scotland, togither with a great part of the west countrie, thought it now a fit time to attempt the fortune of warre: and first therefore concluding a league with the Scots and Picts, vpon the sudden they turned their weapons points against the Britains, and most cruellie pursued them, as though they had receiued some great iniurie at their hands, and ne benefit at all. The Britains were maruelouslie abashed herewith, perceiuing that they should haue to doo with Hengist, a capteine of so high renowme, and also with their ancient enimies the Scots and Picts, thus all at one time, and that there was no remedie but either they must fight or else become slaues. Wherefore at length, dread of bondage stirred vp manhood in them, so that they assembled togither, and boldlie began to resist their enimies on ech [Sidenote: The Britains discomfited by the Scots.] side: but being too weake, they were easilie discomfited and put to flight, so that all hope of defense by force of armes being vtterlie taken awaie, as men in despaire to preuaile against their enimies, they fled as shéepe scattered abroad, some following one capteine and some another, getting them into desart places, woods and maresh grounds, and moreouer left such townes and fortresses as were of no notable strength, as a preie vnto their enimies.

Thus saith Polydor Virgil of the first breaking of the warres betwixt the Saxons and the Britains, which chanced not (as should appeare by that which he writeth thereof) till after the death of Vortigerne. Howbeit he denieth not that Hengist at his first comming got seates for him and his people within the countie of Kent, and there began to inhabit. This ought not to be forgotten, that king Vortimer (as [Sidenote: _Sigebertus._] Sigebertus hath written) restored the Christian religion after he had vanquished the Saxons, in such places where the same was decaied by the enimies inuasion, whose drift was not onelie to ouerrun the land with violence, but also to erect their owne laws and liberties without regard of clemencie.

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_Vortigerne is restored to his regiment, in what place he abode during the time of his sonnes reigne, Hengist with his Saxons re-enter the land, the Saxons and Britains are appointed to meet on Salisburie plaine, the priuie treason of Hengist and his power whereby the Britains were slaine like sheepe, the manhood of Edol earle of Glocester, Vortigerne is taken prisoner, Hengist is in possession of three prouinces of this land, a description of Kent._

THE FIFT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: 471.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 461.] After all these bloudie broiles and tempestuous tumults ended, Vortigerne was restored and set againe into the kingdome of Britaine, in the yeare of our Lord 471. All the time of his sonnes reigne, he had remained in the parties now called Wales, where (as some write) in that meane time he builded a strong castle called Generon, or Guaneren, in the west side of Wales nere to the riuer of Guana, vpon a mounteine called Cloaricus, which some referre to be builded in his second returne into Wales, as shall be shewed hereafter. And it is so much the more likelie, for that an old chronicle, which Fabian had sight of, affirmeth, that Vortigerne was kept vnder the rule of [Sidenote: Caerleon Arwiske.] certeine gouernors to him appointed in the towne of Caerlegion, and behaued himselfe in such commendable sort towards his sonne, in aiding him with his counsell, and otherwise in the meane season whilest his sonne reigned, that the Britains by reason thereof began so to fauour him, that after the death of Vortimer they made him king againe.

Shortlie after that Vortigerne was restored to the rule of the kingdom, Hengist aduertised therof returned into the land with a [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 4000.] [Sidenote: He might easilie returne, for except I be deceiued he was neuer driuen out after he had once set foot within this Ile.] mightie armie of Saxons, whereof Vortigerne being admonished, assembled his Britains, and with all speed made towards him. When Hengist had knowledge of the huge host of the Britains that was comming against him, he required to come to a communication with Vortigerne, which request was granted, so that it was concluded, that on Maie day a certeine number of Britains, and as manie of the Saxons should meet togither vpon the plaine of Salisburie. Hengist hauing deuised a new kind of treason, when the day of their appointed méeting was come, caused euerie one of his allowed number secretlie to put into his hose a long knife (where it was ordeined that no man should bring anie weapon with him at all) and that at the verie instant when [Sidenote: Nempt your sexes, what if it were messes.] this watchword should be vttered by him, "Nempt your sexes," then should euerie of them plucke out his knife, and slea the Britaine that chanced to be next to him, except the same should be Vortigerne, whom he willed to be apprehended, but not slaine.

At the day assigned, the king with his appointed number or traine of the Britains, mistrusting nothing lesse than anie such maner of vnfaithfull dealing, came vnto the place in order before prescribed, without armor or weapon, where he found Hengist readie with his Saxons, the which receiued the king with amiable countenance and in most louing sort: but after they were a little entred into communication, Hengist meaning to accomplish his deuised purpose, gaue the watchword, immediatlie wherevpon the Saxons drew out their kniues, [Sidenote: There died of the nobles of Britaine 460 as _Gal._ saith.] fell on the Britains, and slue them as shéepe being fallen within the danger of woolues. For the Britains had no weapons to defend themselues, except anie of them by his strength and manhood got the knife of his enimie.

[Sidenote: _Ran. Cestren._] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] Amongst other of the Britains, there was one Edol earle of Glocester, or (as other say) Chester, which got a stake out of an hedge, or else where, and with the same so defended himselfe and laid about him, that [Sidenote: _Gal._ saith 70.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Ran. Cestren._] he slue 17 of the Saxons, and escaped to the towne of Ambrie, now called Salisburie, and so saued his owne life. Vortiger was taken and kept as prisoner by Hengist, till he was constreined to deliuer vnto Hengist thrée prouinces or countries of this realme, that is to say, Kent &Essex, or as some write, that part where the south Saxons after did inhabit, as Sussex and other: the third was the countrie where the Estangles planted themselues, which was in Norfolke and Suffolke. Then Hengist being in possession of those thrée prouinces, suffered Vortigerne to depart, &to be at his libertie.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] ¶ William Malmesburie writeth somewhat otherwise of this taking of Vortigerne, during whose reigne, after the deceasse of his sonne Vortimer, nothing was attempted against the Saxons, but in the meane time Hengist by colorable craft procured his sonne in law Vortigerne to come to a banket at his house, with three hundred other Britains, and when he had made them well and warme with often quaffing and emptieng of cups, and of purpose touched euerie of them with one bitter tawnt or other, they first fell to multiplieng of malicious words, and after to blowes that the Britains were slaine, euerie mothers sonne so yéelding vp their ghosts euen amongst their pots. The king himselfe was taken, and to redéeme himselfe out of prison, gaue to the Saxons thrée prouinces, and so escaped out of bondage.

Thus by what meane soeuer it came to passe, truth it is (as all writers agrée) that Hengist got possession of Kent, and of other countries in this realme, and began to reigne there as absolute lord & gouernor, in

[Sidenote: 476.] the yéere of our Lord (as some write) 476, about the fift yéere of Vortigerns last reigne: but after other, which take the beginning of this kingdome of Kent to be when Hengist had first gift therof, the same kingdome began in the yéere 455, and conteined the countrie that stretcheth from the east Ocean vnto the riuer of Thames, hauing on the [Sidenote: Kingdome of Kent.] southeast Southerie, and vpon the west London, vpon the northeast the riuer of Thames aforesaid, and the countrie of Essex.

* * * * *

_The heptarchie or seuen kingdoms of this land, Hengist causeth Britaine to be peopled with Saxons, the decaie of Christian religion, the Pelagians with their hereticall and false doctrine infect the Britains, a synod summoned in Gallia for the redresse thereof, the Scots assist the Britains against the Saxons, who renew their league with the Picts, Germane and Lupus two bishops of Germanie procure the British armie to be newlie christened, the terror that the Britains vnder bishop Germans fortunate conduct draue into the Saxons by the outcrie of Alleluia, and got the victorie, bishop Germane departeth out of the land, and to redresse the Pelagian heresie commeth againe at the clergies request, he confirmeth his doctrine by a miracle, banisheth the Pelagians out of the land, the death of Germane, murther requited with murther._

THE VJ CHAPTER.

Hengist and all other the Saxon kings which ruled (as after shall appeare) in seuen parts of this realme, are called by writers _Reguli_, that is, little kings or rulers of some small dominion: so that Hengist is counted a little king, who when he had got into his hands the foresaid thrée prouinces, he caused more Saxons to come into Britaine, and bestowed them in places abroad in the countrie, by reason whereof the christian religion greatlie decaied within the land, for the Saxons

[Sidenote: The decay of christian religion.] being pagans, did what they could to extinguish the faith of Christ, and to plant againe in all places their heathenish religion, and woorshipping of false gods: and not onelie hereby was the true faith of the Christians brought in danger dailie to decaie, but also the erronious opinions of the Pelagians greatlie preuailed here amongst the Britains, by meanes of such vnsound preachers as in that troublesome season did set forth false doctrine amongst the people, without all maner of reprehension.

[Sidenote: _Beda._] Certeine yéeres before the comming of the Saxons, that heresie began to spread within this land verie much, by the lewd industrie of one Leporius Agricola, the sonne of Seuerus Sulpitius (as Bale saith) a bishop of that lore. But Pelagius the author of this heresie was borne in Wales, and held opinion that a man might obteine saluation by his owne frée will and merit, and without assistance of grace, as he that was borne without originall sinne, &c.

This erronious doctrine being taught therefore, and mainteined in this troublesome time of warres with the Saxons, sore disquieted the godlie [Sidenote: _Beda._] minded men amongst the Britains, who not meaning to receiue it, nor yet able well to confute the craftie and wicked persuasions vsed by the professors thereof, thought good to send ouer into Gallia, requiring of the bishops there, that some godlie and profound learned men might be sent ouer from thence into this land, to defend the cause of the true doctrine against the naughtie teachers of so blasphemous an error. Whervpon the bishops of Gallia sore lamenting the miserable state of the Britains, and desirous to relieue their present néed, [Sidenote: A synod called in Gallia.] speciallie in that case of religion, called a synod, and therein taking counsell to consider who were most méet to be sent, it was [Sidenote: Germanus and Lupus.] decréed by all their consents in the end, that one Germane the bishop of Auxerre, and Lupus bishop of Trois should passe ouer into Britaine to confirme the Christians there in the faith of the celestiall grace. And so those two vertuous learned men taking their iournie, finallie arriued in Britaine, though not without some danger by sea, through stormes &rage of winds, stirred (as hath beene thought of the superstitious) by the malice of wicked spirits, who purposed to haue hindered their procéedings in this their good and well purposed iournie. After they were come ouer, they did so much good with conuincing the wicked arguments of the aduersaries of the truth, by the inuincible power of the woord of God, and holinesse of life, that those which were in the wrong waie, were soone brought into the right path againe.

[Sidenote: _Beda._] [Sidenote: Palladius.] [Sidenote: Constantine king of Scots.] About the same time also, one Palladius was sent from Celestinus bishop of Rome, vnto the Scots, to instruct them in the faith of Christ, and to purge them from the heresie of the said Pelagius. This Palladius exhorted Constantinus the king of Scots, that in no wise he should aid the Saxons being infidels against the Britains: whose exhortation tooke so good effect, that the said Constantinus did not onelie forbeare to assist the Saxons, but contrarilie holpe the Britains in their warres against them, which thing did mainteine the state of the Britains for a time from falling into vtter ruine and [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Beda._] decaie. In the meane time, the Saxons renewed their league with the Picts, so that their powers being ioined togither, they began afresh to make sore warres vpon the Britains, who of necessitie were constreined to assemble an armie, &mistrusting their owne strength, required aid of the two bishops, Germane and Lupus, who hasting forward with all speed came into the armie, bringing with them no small hope of good lucke to all the Britains there being assembled. This was doone in Kent.

Now such was the diligence of the bishops, that the people (being instructed with continuall preaching) in renouncing the error of the Pelagians, earnestlie came by troops to receiue the grace of God offred in baptisme, so that on Easter day which then insued, the more [Sidenote: The armie of the Britains newlie christened.] part of the armie was baptised, and so went foorth against the enimies, who hearing thereof, made hast towards the Britains; in hope to ouercome them at pleasure. But their approch being knowne, bishop Germane tooke vpon him the leading of the British host, and ouer against the passage thorough the which the enimies were appointed to come, he chose foorth a faire vallie inclosed with high mounteins, and within the same he placed his new washed armie. And when he saw the enimies now at hand, he commanded that euerie man with one generall voice should answer him, crieng alowd the same crie that he should begin. So that euen as the enimies were readie to giue the charge vpon the Britains, supposing that they should haue taken them at vnwares, and before anie warning had béen giuen, suddenlie bishop Germane and [Sidenote: Alleluia.] the priests with a lowd and shrill voice called _Alleluia_, thrice: and therewith all the multitudes of the Britains with one voice cried the same crie, with such a lowd shout, that the Saxons were therewith so amazed and astonied (the echo from the rocks and hils adjoining, redoubling in such wise the crie) that they thought not onelie the rocks and clifs had fallen vpon them, but that euen the skie it selfe had broken in péeces and come tumbling downe vpon their heads: héerewith therefore throwing awaie their weapons, they tooke them to their féet, and glad was he that might get to be formost in running awaie. Manie of them for hast were drowned in a riuer which they had to passe. Polydor taketh that riuer to be Trent. The Britains hauing thus vanquished their enimies, gathered the spoile at good leasure, &gaue God thanks for the victorie thus got without bloud, for the which the holie bishops also triumphed as best became them. Now after they had setled all things in good quiet within the Ile, as was thought expedient, they returned into Gallia or France, from whence they came (as is before rehearsed.)

[Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: 448.] By one author it should appéere that this battell was woone against the Scots and Picts, about the yéere of our Lord 448, a little before the comming of the Saxons into this land vnder Hengist, in which yéere Germane first came hither to wéed out the heresie of Pelagius, as by the same author more at large is affirmed. Howbeit, some chronographers alledge out of Prosper &other, and note the first comming of Germane to haue béene in the 429 yéere of Christ, and vnder the consulship of Florentius and Dionysius. And this should séeme to agrée with the truth, for that after some, the foresaid Germane should die at Rauenna, about the yéere of our Lord 450, as Vincentius noteth, which was the verie yeere of the comming of the Saxons: notwithstanding, when or wheresoeuer he died, it was not long after his returne into Gallia, vpon his first iournie made hither into this land, who no sooner obteined the victorie before mentioned, but woord was brought againe vnto him, that eftsoones the heresie of the Pelagians was spread abroad in Britaine, and therefore all the priests or cleargie made request to him that it might stand with his pleasure to come ouer againe, and defend the cause of true religion which he had before confirmed.

[Sidenote: Germane returneth againe into Britaine.] Héerevpon bishop Germane granted so to doo, and therefore taking with him one Seuerus (that was disciple vnto Lupus, and ordeined at that time bishop of Triers) tooke the sea, and came againe into Britaine, where he found the multitude of the people stedfast in the same beliefe wherein he had left them, &perceiued the fault to rest in a few: wherevpon inquiring out the authors, he condemned them to exile (as it is written) and with a manifest miracle by restoring a yoong man that was lame (as they saie) vnto the right vse of his lims, he confirmed his doctrine. Then followed preaching to persuade amendment of errors, and by the generall consent of all men, the authors of the wicked doctrine being banished the land, were deliuered vnto bishop Germane and to his fellow Seuerus, to conueie them away in their companie vnto the parties beyond the seas, that the region might so be deliuered of further danger, and they receiue the benefit of due amendment.

By this meanes it came to passe, that the true faith continued in Britaine sound and perfect a long time after. Things being thus set in good order, those holie men returned into their countries, the forenamed bishop Germane went to Rauenna to sue for peace to be granted vnto the people of Britaine Armorike, where being receiued of the emperor Valentinian and his mother Placida in most reuerend maner, [Sidenote: Anno 450, as _Vincentius_ noteth, _lib._ 20. _ca._ 15.] he departed in that citie out of this transitorie life, to the eternall ioies of heauen. His bodie was afterwards conueied to the citie of Auxerre, where he had béene bishop with great opinion of holines for his sincere doctrine and pure and innocent life. Shortlie [Sidenote: The emperour Valentinian slaine.] after was the emperour Valentinian slaine by the friends of that noble man named Aetius, whome he had before caused to be put to death.

¶ By this it maie appéere, that bishop Germane came into this realme both the first and second time, whilest as well Hengist, as also Vortigerne were liuing: for the said Valentinian was murthered about [Sidenote: 454.] the yeere of our Lord 454, where the said kings liued and reigned long after that time, as maie appéere both before and after in this present booke.

* * * * *

_What part of the realme the Saxons possessed, Vortigerne buildeth a castell in Wales for his safetie, Aurelius and Vter both brethren returne into Britaine, they assalt the vsurper Vortigerne, and with wildfire burne both him, his people, his fort, and all the furniture in the same, Vortigerne committeth incest with his owne daughter, feined and ridiculous woonders of S. Germane, a sheepherd made a king._

THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.

Now will we returne to Vortigerne, of whome we read in the British historie, that after the Saxons had constreined him to deliuer into their hands a great part of the south and east parts of the realme, so that they had in possession London, Yorke, Lincolne, & Winchester, [Sidenote: _Galfrid._] with other cities & townes, he not onelie fearing their puissance, but also the returne of Aurelius Ambrosius, and his brother Vter Pendragon, withdrew him into Wales, where he began to build a strong [Sidenote: _Caxton._] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: _Polychron._] castell vpon a mounteine called Breigh, or after other Cloaric, néere to the riuer of Guana, which is in the west side of Wales in a place [Sidenote: Mount Erix he calleth it in one place of his booke.] within the compasse of the same hill called Generon or Gueineren. Of the building of this castell, and of the hinderance in erecting the same, with the monstrous birth of Merlin and his knowledge in prophesieng, the British histories tell a long processe, the which in Caxton, and in Galfrides bookes is also set foorth, as there ye maie sée: but for that the same séemeth not of such credit as deserueth to be registred in anie sound historie, we haue with silence passed it ouer.

[Sidenote: Aurelius and Vter brethren returne into Britaine.] Whilest Vortigerne was busied in building of this castell, the two foresaid brethren Aurelius and Vter prepared a nauie of ships, and an armie of men, by helpe of such their kinsmen and fréends as they found in Britaine Armorike, and so passed the sea, and landed at Totnesse: whereof when the Britains were aduertised, the which were scattered abroad and seuered in diuers parties and countries, they drew vnto the said two brethren with all spéed that might be. When Aurelius and his brother Vter perceiued that they were sufficientlie furnished of people, they marched foorth towards Wales against Vortigerne, who hauing knowledge of their approch, had fortified his castell verie strongly with men, munition and vittels, but yet all auailed him nothing, for in the end after his enimies had giuen diuers assaults to [Sidenote: Vortigerne burnt to death.] [Sidenote: Wild fire not yet inuented as some think.] the said castell, they found meanes with wild fire to burne it downe to the earth, and so consumed it by fire togither with the king, and all other that were within it.

Thus did Vortigerne end his life (as in the British historie is recorded.) Much euill is reported of him by the same historie, and also by other writers, and among other things it is written, that he should lie by his owne daughter, and of hir beget a sonne, in hope [Sidenote: _Polychron._] [Sidenote: A feined tale of S. Germane.] [Sidenote: A caluish narration.] that kings should come of him, and therefore he was excommunicated by S. Germane. It is also said, that when the same S. Germane came into Britaine (as before ye haue heard) this Vortigerne on a time should denie the same S. Germane harbour: but one that kept the kings heards of cattell receiued him into his house, and lodged him, and slue a calfe for his supper, which calfe after supper was ended, S. Germane restored againe to life: and on the morrow by the ordinance of God, he caused Vortigerne to be deposed from his kinglie estate, and tooke the heardman and made him king. But Ranulfe Hig. in his "Polychronicon," alledging Gyldas for his author, saith that this chanced to a king that ruled in Powsey, whose name was Bulie, and not to Vortigerne: so that the successors of that Bulie reigning in that side of Wales, came of the linage of the same heardman.

[Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] Moreouer it hath beene said (as one writer recordeth) that when Vortigerne refused to heare the preaching of saint Germane, and fled from him as he would haue instructed him, one night there fell fire from heauen vpon the castell wherein the king was lodged, and so the king being destroied with the fall of the house and the fire togither, was neuer after séene.

¶ But these are fables, and therfore I passe them ouer, hoping that it shall suffice to shew here with what stuffe our old historiographers haue farced vp their huge volumes, not so much regarding the credit of an historie, as satisfieng the vanitie of their owne fond fantasies, studieng with a pretended skilfulnesse to cast glorious colours vpon lies, that the readers (whom they presupposed either ignorant or credulous) would be led away with a flowing streme of woords void of reason and common sense. Which kind of men knew not (belike) that the nature of an historie, (defined to be _Rei verè gestæ memoria)_ will not beare the burthen or lode of a lie, sith the same is too heauie: otherwise they would haue deposed matters conspiring with the truth.

* * * * *

_Aurelius Ambrosius the brother to Constantius created king of Britaine, he incountereth with the Saxons, Hengist their generall is beheaded, Occa his sonne submitteth himselfe to Aurelius, he putteth all the Saxons out of the land, repaireth places decaied, and restoreth religion, the memorable monument of the stones that are so much spoken of on Salisburie plaine, the exploits of Pascentius Vortigerns yongest sonne, Aurelius lieth sicke, Vter goeth against Pascentius and giueth him the ouerthrow, Aurelius is poisoned of a counterfet moonke, the place of his buriall, Polydor Virgils report of the acts and deeds of Aurelius against the Saxons, Hengist is slaine, Osca and Occa his two sonnes make a fowle spoile if the west part of the land, Vortimer dieth, the disagreement of writers touching matters interchangeablie passed betwene the Britains and Saxons._

THE EIGHT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: AURELIUS AMBROSIUS.] Aurelius Ambrose, the second sonne of king Constantine, brother to Constantius, and murthered by the treason of Vortigerne (as before ye [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ saith 466.] haue heard) was made king of Britaine in the yéere of our Lord 481, which was about the third yéere of the reigne of the emperour Zeno, and the 23 of Childericus king of France, Odocer king of the Herulians then vsurping the gouernment of Italie. When this Aurelius Ambrosius had dispatched Vortigerne, and was now established king of the Britains, he

[Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] made towards Yorke, and passing the riuer of Humber, incountred with the Saxons at a place called Maesbell, and ouerthrew them in a strong battell, from the which as Hengist was fléeing to haue saued himselfe, he was taken by Edoll earle of Glocester, or (as some say) Chester, [Sidenote: Hengist taken and beheaded.] and by him led to Conningsborrow, where he was beheaded by the counsell of Eldad then bishop of Colchester.

[Sidenote: _Matth. West._] Howbeit there be some that write, how that Hengist was taken at another battell fought vpon the riuer of Dune, in the yéere of our Lord 489, and not in the chase of the battell which was fought at [Sidenote: Occa.] Maesbell in the yéere 487, as the same authors doo alledge. Occa the son of Hengist by flight escaped to Yorke, and being there besieged, at length was constreined to yéeld himselfe to Aurelius: who dealing fauourablie with him, assigned vnto him and other of the Saxons a countrie bordering neere to the Scots, which (as some affirme) was Galloway, where the said Occa and the Saxons began to inhabit. Then did Aurelius Ambrosius put the Saxons out of all other parts of the land, & repaired such cities, townes and also churches, as by them had beene destroied or defaced, and placed againe priests, and such other as should attend on the ministerie and seruice of God in the same churches.

Also for a perpetuall memorie of those Britains that were slaine on the plaine of Salisburie by the treason of Hengist, he caused stones to be fetched out of Ireland, and to be set vp in the same place where [Sidenote: Stoneheng.] that slaughter was committed, and called the place Stoneheng, which name continueth vnto this day. Fiftéene thousand men (as Galfrid [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] saith) were sent for those stones, vnder the leading of Vter Pendragon the kings brother, who giuing battell vnto Gillomanus king of Ireland that went about to resist the Britains, and would not permit them to fetch away the same stones out of his countrie, discomfited him and his people, and so (maugre his hart) brought the stones away with him.

Shortlie after, Pascentius that was Vortigerns yoongest sonne, and had escaped into Ireland (when Aurelius Ambrosius came into Britaine) returned with a great power of strange nations, and tooke the citie of Meneuia in Wales, afterwards called saint Dauids, and did much hurt in the countrie with fire and swoord. At which time the same Aurelius Ambrosius lay sicke at Winchester, and being not able to go foorth himselfe, desired his brother Vter Pendragon to assemble an armie of Britains, and to go against Pascentius and his adherents. Vter, according to his brothers request, gathering his people, went foorth, and incountering with the enimies gaue them the ouerthrow, slue Pascentius and Gillomare or Gilloman king of Ireland, that was come ouer with him in aid against the Britains.

[Sidenote: _Hector Boet._] In the meane while, a Saxon or some other stranger, whose name was Eopa or Copa, not long before procured thereto by Pascentius, fained himselfe to be a Britaine, and for a colour counterfeiting himselfe a moonke, and to haue great knowledge in physicke, was admitted to [Sidenote: _Fabian._] minister as it were medicins to Aurelius: but in stead of that which should haue brought him health, he gaue him poison, wherof he died shortlie after at Winchester aforesaid, when he had reigned after most accord of writers nintéene yéeres: his bodie was conueied to Stoneheng and there buried. ¶ Thus find we in the British and common English histories of the dooings of Aurelius Ambrosius, who (as ye haue hard) makes him a Britaine borne, and descended of the bloud of the ancient Britains. But Gyldas and Beda report him to be a Romane by descent, as before is mentioned.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._] Polydor Virgil writeth in this sort of the victorious acts atchiued by the foresaid Aurelius Ambrosius. Then (saith he) the Saxons hauing alreadie gotten the whole rule of the Ile, practised their outragious cruelties speciallie against the princes of the Britains, to the end that the said princes being ouercome and destroied, they might with more ease obteine possession of the whole Ile, which thing they onlie sought. But the fauour of almightie God was not wanting to the miserable Britains in that great necessitie. For behold, Aurelius Ambrosius was at hand, who had no sooner caused the trumpet to sound to armor, but euerie man for himselfe prepared and repaired vnto him, praieng & beseeching him to helpe to defend them, and that it might stand with his pleasure to go foorth with them against the enimies in all speed.

Thus an armie being assembled, Aurelius Ambrosius went against them, and valiantlie assailed them, so that within the space of a few daies they fought thrée battels with great fiercenesse on both sides, in triall of their high displeasures and vttermost forces, in which at length the Britains put the Saxons to flight, Horsus the brother of Hengist being slaine with a great number of his people. But yet notwithstanding the enimies rage was little abated hereby, for within a few daies after receiuing out of Germanie a new supplie of men, they brake foorth vpon the Britains with great confidence of victorie. Aurelius Ambrosius was no sooner aduertised thereof, but that without delaie he set forward towards Yorke, from whence the enimies should come, and hearing by the way that Hengist was incamped about seuen & twentie miles distant from that citie, néere to the banke of a riuer at this day called Dune, in the place where Doncaster now standeth, he returned out of his waie, and marched towards that place, and the next day set on the enimie and vanquished him, Hengist at the first méeting

[Sidenote: Hengist is slaine.] of the battell being slaine, with a great number of the Germans. The fame of this victorie (saith Polydor) is had in memorie with the inhabitants of those parties euen vnto this day, which victorie did sore diminish the power of the Saxons, insomuch that they began now to thinke it should be more for their profit to sit in rest with that dishonour, than to make anie new warres to their great disaduantage and likelihood of present losse.

Hengist left behind him two sonnes, Osca and Occa, which as men most sorowfull for the ouerthrow of late receiued, assembled such power as they could togither, and remooued therewith towards the west part of the Ile, supposing it to be better for them to draw that way foorth, than to returne into Kent, where they thought was alreadie a sufficient number of their people to resist the Britains on that side. Now therefore when they came into the west parts of the land, they wasted the countrie, burnt villages, and absteined from no maner of crueltie that might be shewed. These things being reported vnto Aurelius Ambrosius, he straightwaies hasted thither to resist those enimies, and so giuing them battell, eftsoones discomfited them: but [Sidenote: Aurelius dieth of a wound.] he himselfe receiuing a wound, died thereof within a few daies after. The English Saxons hauing thus susteined so manie losses within a few moneths togither, were contented to be quiet now that the Britains stirred nothing against them, by reason they were brought into some trouble by the death of such a noble capteine as they had now lost. In [Sidenote: Vortimer departeth this life.] the meane time Vortimer died, whome Vter surnamed Pendragon succéeded.

Thus hath Polydor written of the forsaid Aurelius Ambrosius, not naming him to be king of Britaine, and differing in déed in sundrie points in this behalfe from diuerse ancient writers of the English histories: for where he attributeth the victorie to the Britains in the battell fought, wherein Horsus the brother of Hengist was slaine, [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] by the report of Polychronicon, and others, the Saxons had the victorie in that reincounter: and William of Malmesburie saith, that they departed from that batell with equall fortune, the Saxons losing [Sidenote: Katigerne.] their capteine Horsus, and the Britains their capteine Katigerne (as before ye haue heard.) But there is such contrarietie in writers touching the dooings betwixt the Britains and Saxons in those daies, as well in account of yéeres, as in report of things doone, that setting affection aside, hard it is to iudge to which part a man should giue credit.

For Fabian and other authors write, that Aurelius Ambrosius began his [Sidenote: 458.] reigne ouer the Britains about the yéere of our Lord 481, and Horsus was slaine about the yéere 458, during the reigne of Vortimer, as aboue is mentioned, so that it cannot stand with the truth of the British histories (the which Fabian followeth) that Horsus was slaine by Aurelius Ambrosius, if according to the same histories he returned not into Britaine, till the time there supposed. But diuerse such maner of contrarieties shall ye find, in perusing of those writers that haue written the chronicles of the Britains and Saxons, the which in euerie point to recite, would be too tedious and combersome a matter, and therefore we are forced to passe the same ouer, not knowing how to bring them to anie iust accord for the satisfieng of all mens minds, speciallie the curious, which may with diligent search satisfie themselues happilie much better, than anie other shall be able to doo in vttering his opinion neuer so much at large, and agréeable to a truth. This therefore haue we thought good as it were by the waie to touch what diuerse authors doo write, leauing it so to euerie mans iudgement to construe thereof, as his affection leadeth [Sidenote: _Sigebertus._] him. We find in the writings of those that haue registred the dooings of these times, that Aurelius hauing vanquished the Saxons, restored churches to the furtherance of the christian religion, which by the [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 488.] inuasion of the Saxons was greatlie decaied in diuerse parts of Britaine, and this chanced in the daies of the emperour Theodosius the yoonger.

* * * * *

_The beginning of the kingdome of the Southsaxons commonlie called Sussex, the Britains with their rulers giue battell to Ella the Saxon & his three sonnes, disagreement betweene the English and British chronographers about the battels fought by Hengist and his death, the beginning of the Kentish kingdome, a battell fought betweene the Britains and Saxons, the first are conquered, the last are conquerors._

THE NINTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Ella entred this land as _Matt. West._ saith ann. 477.] In the time of the foresaid Aurelius Ambrosius, one Ella a Saxon with his 3 sonnes Cymen, Plettinger and Cissa, came out of Germanie with thrée ships, and landed in the south parts of Britaine and being incountred with a power of Britains at a place called Cuneueshore, discomfited them, and chased them vnto a wood then called Andredescester, and so tooke that countrie, and inhabited there with his people the Saxons which he brought with him, and made himselfe king and lord thereof, in somuch that afterwards the same countrie was [Sidenote: The kingdom of the Southsaxons dooth begin.] named the kingdome of the Southsaxons, which had for limits on the east side Kent, on the south the sea and Ile of Wight, on the west Hamshire, and on the north part Southerie. This kingdome (after some) began vnder the foresaid Ella, about the 32 yeere after the first comming of the Saxons into this land, which by following that account, should be about the second yéere of the reigne of Aurelius Ambrosius, [Sidenote: 482.] and about the yéere of our Lord 482. But other write, that it did begin about the 30 yéere after the first comming of Hengist, which should be two yéeres sooner.

William Harison differing from all other, noteth it to begin in the fourth yéere after the death of Hengist, 4458 of the world, 2 of the 317 Olympiad, 1248 of Rome, 492 of Christ, and 43 after the comming of the Saxons: his woords are these. Ella erected the kingdome of the Southsaxons, in the 15 after his arriuall, and reigned 32 yéeres, the chiefe citie of his kingdome also was Chichester, and after he had inioied the same his kingdome a while, he ouerthrew the citie called Andredescester, which as then was taken for one of the most famous in all the south side of England. ¶ For my part I thinke my dutie discharged, if I shew the opinions of the writers: for if I should therto ad mine owne, I should but increase coniectures, whereof alreadie we haue superfluous store. To procéed thereforr as I find.

About the ninth yéere after the comming of Ella, the Britains perceiuing that he with his Saxons still inlarged the bounds of his lordship by entring further into the land, assembled themselues togither vnder their kings and rulers, and gaue battell to Ella and his sonnes at Mecredesbourne, where they departed with doubtfull victorie, the armies on both sides being sore diminished, and so returned to their homes. Ella after this battell sent into his countrie for more aid.

But now touching Hengist, who as ye haue heard, reigned as king in the prouince of Kent, the writers of the English kings varie somewhat from the British histories, both in report of the battels by him fought against the Britains, and also for the maner of his death: as thus. After that Vortimer was dead, who departed this life (as some write) [Sidenote: _Polychron._] [Sidenote: 457.] in the first yéere of the emperor Leo, surnamed the great, and first of that name that gouerned the empire, who began to rule in the yéere of our Lord 457, we find that Hengist and his sonne Occa or Osca [Sidenote: _Henrie Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: Creiford.] [Sidenote: Britains ouerthrowne.] gathered their people togither that were before sparkled, and hauing also receiued new aid out of Germanie, fought with the Britains at a place called Crekenford, where were slaine of the Britains foure dukes or capteins, and foure thousand of other men, the residue were chased by Hengist out of Kent vnto London, so that they neuer returned afterwards againe into Kent: thus the kingdome of Kent began vnder Hengist the twelfe yéere after the comming of the Saxons into Britaine, and Hengist reigned in Kent after this (as the same writers agrée) foure and twentie yéeres.

[Sidenote: _Polychron._] It is remembred that those Germans which latelie were come ouer to the aid of Hengist, being chosen men, mightie and strong of bodie, with their axes and swoords made great slaughter of the Britains in that battell at Crekenford or Creiford, which Britains were ranged in foure [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] battels vnder their aforesaid foure dukes or capteins, and were (as before is mentioned) slaine in the same battell. About the sixt yéere of the said emperor Leo, which was in the 17 yéere after the comming [Sidenote: Wipets field.] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: This battell was fought anno 473. as the same _Mat. West._ noteth.] of the Saxons, Hengist and his sonne Occa or Osca fought at Wipets field in Kent, néere to a place called Tong with the Britains, and slue of them twelue dukes or capteins, & on the part of the Saxons was [Sidenote: Wipet.] [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] slaine beside common souldiers but onlie one capteine called Wipet, of whom the place after that daie tooke name.

This victorie was nothing plesant to the Saxons, by reason of the great losse which they susteined, as well by the death of the said Wipet, as of a great number of others: and so of a long time neither did the Saxons enter into the confines of the Britains, nor the Britains presumed to come into Kent. But whilest outward wars ceassed among the Britains, they exercised ciuill battell, falling togither by the eares among themselues, one striuing against another. Finallié, [Sidenote: Fortie Yéeres saith _H. Hunt._] Hengist departed this life by course of nature, in the 39 yéere after his first comming into Britaine, hauing procéeded in his businesse no [Sidenote: By this it is euident that he was not driuen out of the land after he had once set foot within it.] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] lesse with craft and guile than with force and strength, following therewith his natiue crueltie, so that he rather did all things with rigour than with gentlenesse. After him succéeded a sonne whom he left behind him, who being attentiue rather to defend than to inlarge his kingdome, neuer set foot out of his fathers bounds, during the space of 24 yéeres, in the which he reigned.

About thrée yéeres after the deceasse of Hengist, a new supplie of men of warre came out of Germanie vnto the aid of Ella king of Sussex, who [Sidenote: The citie of Andredescester.] hauing his power increased, besieged the citie of Andredescester, which was verie strong and well furnished with men and all things necessarie. The Britains also assembling togither in companies, greatlie annoied the Saxons as they lay there at siege, laieng ambushes to destroie such as went abroad, and ceassing not to giue alarums to the campe in the night season: and the Saxons could no sooner prepare them selues to giue the assalt, but the Britains were readie to assaile them on the backs, till at length the Saxons diuiding themselues into two companies, appointed the one to giue the assalt, and the other to incounter with the armie of the Britains without, and so finallie by that meanes preuailed, tooke the citie, and destroied man, woman and child. Neither so contented, they did also vtterlie race the said citie, so as it was neuer after that daie builded or reedified againe.

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_The east Angles kingdome beginneth, the arriuall of Cerdic and Kenric with fiue ships of warre in this land, he putteth the Britains to flight, the west Saxons kingdom begineth, Vter Pendragon made king of Britaine, the etymon of his name, he taketh Occa and Osca the two sonnes of Hengist prisoners, how Hector Boetius varieth from other chronographers in the relation of things concerning Pendragon, he falleth in loue with the duke of Cornewalls wife, killeth him, and marieth hir. Occa and Osca escape out of prison, they freshlie assault the Britains, they are both slaine in a foughten field, the Saxons send and looke for aid out of Germanie, Pendragon is poisoned._

THE TENTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: The kingdome of the east Angles began not till Aurelius Conanus reigned.] [Sidenote: 561.] Moreouer, in the daies of the afore-named Auralius Ambrosius, about the yeare of our Lord 561, the kingdome of the east Angles began vnder a Saxon named Uffa. This same kingdome conteined Northfolke and Suffolke, hauing on the east and north parts the sea, on the northwest Cambridgeshire, and on the west saint Edmunds ditch with a part of Hertfordshire, and on the southside lieth Essex. At the first it was called Vffines dominion, and the kings that reigned, or the people that inhabited there, were at the first named Vffines, but at length they were called east Angles.

[Sidenote: CERDIC.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: 495.] Fvrthermore, about the yeare of our Lord 495, and in the eight yeare after that Hengist was dead, one Cerdicus and his sonne Kenricus came out of Gerrmanie with fiue ships, and landed at a place called Cerdicshore, which as some thinke is called Yermouth in Northfolke. He [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: _Polychron._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] was at the first receiued with battell by the Britains, but being an old skilfull warriour, he easilie beate backe and repelled the inconstant multitude of his enimies, and caused them to flée: by which good successe he procured both vndoubted assurance to himselfe for the time to come, and to the inhabitants good and perfect quietnes. For they thinking good neuer after to prouoke him more by resistance, submitted themselues to his pleasure: but yet did not he then giue himselfe to slouthfull rest, but rather extending his often atchiued victories on ech side, in the 24 yeare after his comming into this land, he obteined the rule of the west parts thereof, and gouerned there as king, so that the kingdome of the west Saxons began vnder the said Cerdicus in the 519 of Christ, as after shall be shewed.

[Sidenote: 529.] ¶ Thus ye maie sée, that Aurelius Ambrosius did succéed Vortigerne, and reigned in the time supposed by the British histories, as before is alledged, the land euen in his daies was full of trouble, and the old inhabitants the Britains sore vexed by the Saxons that entred the same, so that the Britains were dailie hampered, and brought vnder subiection to the valiant Saxons, or else driuen to remooue further off, and to giue place to the victors. But now to procéed with the succession of the British kings, as in their histories we find them registred, which I deliuer such as I find, but not such as I doo wish, being written with no such colour of credit as we maie safelie put foorth the same for an vndoubted truth.

[Sidenote: _Matth. West._ noteth. 500.] After that Aurelius Ambrosius was dead, his brother Vter Pendragon (whome some call Aurelius Vterius Ambrosianus) was made king in the yeare of our Lord 500, in the seuenth yeare of the emperour Anastasius, and in the sixtéenth yeare of Clodoueus king of the Frenchmen. The cause why he was surnamed Pendragon, was, for that Merline the great prophet likened him to a dragons head, that at the time of his natiuitie maruelouslie appeared in the firmament at the corner of a blasing star, as is reported. But others supposed he was so called of his wisedome and serpentine subtiltie, or for that he gaue the dragons head in his banner. This Vter, hearing that the Saxons with their capteins Occa or Otta the sonne of Hengist, and his brother Osca had besieged the citie of Yorke, hasted thither, and giuing them battell, discomfited their power, and tooke the said Occa and Osca prisoners.

[Sidenote: _Hector Boet._] From this varieth Hector Boetius in his chronicle of Scotland, writing of these dooings in Britaine: for he affirmeth, that the counterfeit moonke, which poisoned Aurelius Ambrosius, was suborned and sent to woorke that feat by Occa, and not by his brother Pascentius: and further, that about the selfesame time of Aurelius his death, his brother Vter Pendragon lay in Wales, not as yet fullie recouered of a sore sicknesse, wherewith of late he had béene much vexed. Yet the lords of Britaine after the buriall of Aurelius Ambrosius, came vnto him and crowned him king: and though he was not able to go against the Saxons (which as then by reason of Aurelius Ambrosius his death were verie busie, and more earnest in pursuing the warre than before) yet an armie was prepared and sent foorth with all conuenient spéed vnder the leading of one Nathaliod, a man neither of anie great ancient house, nor yet of skill in warlike affaires.

The noble men were nothing pleased herewith, as misliking altogither the lacke of discretion in their new king, & doubted sore, least in time to come he would haue more delight to aduance the men of base degrée, than such as were descended of noble parentage. Yet because they would not put the state of the common wealth in danger through anie mutinie, they agréed to go foorth with him in that iournie. Occa had aduertisement giuen him by certeine letters sent to him from some close friends amongest the Britains of the whole matter: and therefore in hope of the better spéed, he hasted foorth to incounter the Britains, and so the whole armie comming within sight of the other, they prepared to the battell, and shortlie after buckling togither, the Britains were soone discomfited, by reason that one of their chiefest capteins called Gothlois disdaining to be at the appointment of Nathaliod, got him vp to the next hill with the next battell which he led, leauing the other Britains in all the danger: which they séeing began by & by to flée. There died no great number of the Britains, except those that were killed in the fight: for Occa mistrusting what Gothlois meant by his withdrawing aside, would not suffer the Saxons to follow the chase, but in the night following Gothlois got him awaie, and rested not till he was out of danger. Occa then perceiuing himselfe to haue the vpper hand, sent an herald vnto king Vter with a certeine message, threatning destruction to him and to his people, if he refused to doo that which he should appoint.

Vter perceiuing what disloialtie rested in the harts of his owne subiects, agréed that the matter might be committed to eight graue and wise councellors, foure Britains and foure Saxons, which might haue full power to make an end of all controuersies and variances depending betwixt the two nations. Occa was likewise contented therewith, wherevpon were named on either part foure persons, of such wisedome, knowledge and experience, as were thought meetest for the ordering of such a weightie matter. So that by the arbitrement, award and doome of those eight persons authorised thereto, a league was concluded vpon certeine articles of agreement, amongst the which the chiefest was, that the Saxons from thencefoorth should quietlie inioy all that part of Britaine which lieth fore against the Almaine seas, the same to be called euer after Engistlaund, and all the residue should remaine to the Britains as their owne rightfull and ancient inheritance. Thus far Hector Boetius.

But now to returne vnto Vter according to that we find in the British histories, and to procéed after our owne historians; we find, that when he had vanquished the Saxons and taken their two chiefeteins prisoners, in processe of time he fell in loue with a verie beautifull [Sidenote: Gorolus duke of Cornewall.] ladie called Igwarne or Igerna, wife to one Gorolus or Gorlois duke of Cornewall, the which duke he slue at length néere to his owne castell called Diuulioc in Cornewall, to the end that he might inioy the said ladie, whome he afterwards maried, and begot on hir that noble knight Arthur, and a daughter named Amie or Anna. Occa and Osca escaping also out of prison assembled eftsoones a power of Saxons, and made warre against the Britains, whereof Vter hauing aduertisement prepared to resist them, and finallie went himselfe in person against them, and at [Sidenote: _Harding._] saint Albans (as some write) gaue them battell, and slue them both in the field.

By that which Polydor Virgil writeth, it should séeme that Germane the bishop of Auxerre came into Britaine in the daies of this Vter, by whose presence the Britains had victorie against the Saxons (as before ye haue heard) after which victorie both rested from troubling either other for a time. The Saxons as it were astonied with that present miracle, & the Britains not following their good successe, shortlie after fell at discord amongst themselues, which finallie brought them to vtter decaie, as after shall appeare. But the Saxons desirous to spoile the Britains of the whole possession of that part of the Ile which they held, whereas they accounted the cities and townes of small strength to be defended, they got them to an high mounteine called [Sidenote: Badon hill.] Badon hill, which Polydor supposeth to be Blackamore that lieth néere to the water of Theise, which diuideth the bishoprike of Durham from Yorkeshire, hauing at the mouth thereof an hauen méet to receiue such ships as come out of Germanie, from whence the Saxons looked for aid, hauing alreadie sent thither for the same.

The Britains being thereof aduertised, made hast towards the place, and besieged it on euerie side. They also laie the sea coasts full of souldiers, to kéepe such of the enimies from landing as should come out of Germanie. The Saxons kept themselues for a certeine space aloft vpon the high ground, but in the end constreined through want of vittels, they came downe with their armie in order of battell to the next plaines, and offering to fight, the battell was anon begun, which continued from the morning till far in the day, with such slaughter, that the earth on euerie side flowed with bloud: but the Saxons susteined the greater losse, their capteins Occa and Osca being both slaine, so that the Britains might séeme quite deliuered of all danger of those enimies: but the fatall destinie could not be auoided, as hereafter may appeare. And thus was the slaughter made of the Saxons [Sidenote: _Gyldas._] at Badon hill, whereof Gyldas maketh mention, and chanced the same yeare that he was borne, which was in the 44 yeare after the first [Sidenote: 492.] comming of the Saxons into this land, the yeare of Grace 492, & 15 indiction.

[Sidenote: The decease of Vter Pendragon.] About the same time Vter departed out of this life (saith Polydor) so that this account agréeth nothing with the common account of those authors, whome Fabian and other haue followed. For either we must presuppose, that Vter reigned before the time appointed to him by the said authors, either else that the siege of Badon hill was before he began to reigne, as it should séeme in déed by that which Wil. Malmesburie writeth thereof, as hereafter shall be also shewed. Finallie (according to the agréement of the English writers) Vter Pendragon died by poison, when he had gouerned this land by the full terme of 16 years, & was after buried by his brother Aurelius at [Sidenote: Stoneheng.] [Sidenote: Chorea Gigantum.] Stoneheng, otherwise called _Chorea Gigantum_, leauing his sonne Arthur to succéed him. ¶ Here ye must note that the Scotish chronicles declare, that in all the warres for the more part wherein the Britains obteined victorie against the Saxons, the Scots aided them in the same warres, and so likewise did the Picts, but the same chronicles doo not onelie varie from the British writers in account of yeares, but also in the order of things doone, as in the same chronicles more plainelie may appeare, & namelie in the discourse of the accidents which chanced during the reigne of this Vter. For whereas the British histories, as ye haue heard, attribute great praise vnto the same Vter for his victories atchiued against the Saxons and their king Occa, whome he slue in battell, and obteined a great victorie, the Scotish writers make other report, affirming in deed that by the presence of bishop Germane he obteined victorie in one battell against them: but shortlie after the Britains fought againe with the Saxons, and were discomfited, although Occa in following the chase ouer rashlie chanced to be slaine: after whose deceasse the Saxons ordeined his sonne named also Occa to succéed in his place, who to make himselfe strong against all his enimies, sent into Germanie for one Colgerne, the which with a great power of Dutchmen came ouer into this our Britaine, and conquered by Occas appointment the countrie of Northumberland, situate betwéene Tine and Tweed, as in the Scotish chronicles may further appeare.

Also this is to be remembred, that the victorie which was got against the Saxons by the Britains, at what time Germane bishop of Auxerre was present: Hector Boetius affirmeth (by authoritie of Veremond that wrote the Scotish chronicles) to haue chanced the second time of his comming ouer into this land, where Beda auoucheth it to be at his first being heere. Againe the same Boetius writeth, that the same victorie chanced in the daies of Vter Pendragon. Which can not be, if it be true that Beda writeth, touching the time of the death of the said Germane: for where he departed this life before the yeare of our Lord 459, as aboue is said, Vter Pendragon began not his reigne till the yeare of our Lord 500 or as the same Hector Boetius saith 503, so that bishop Germane was dead long before that Vter began to reigne.

In déed some writers haue noted, that the third battell which Vortimer fought against the Saxons, was the same wherein S. Germane was present, and procured the victorie with the crie of _Alleluia_, as before ye haue heard. Which seemeth to be more agréeable to truth, and to stand also with that which holie Beda hath written, touching the time of the being héere of the said Germane, than the opinion of other, which affirme that it was in the time of the reigne of Vter. The like is to be found in the residue of Hector Boetius his booke, touching the time speciallie of the reignes of the British kings that gouerned Britaine about that season. For as he affirmeth, Aurelius Ambrosius began his reigne in the yeare of our Lord 498, and ruled but seuen yeares, and then succéeded Vter, which reigned 18 yeares, and departed this life in the yeare of our Lord 521.

¶ Notwithstanding the premisses, here is to be remembred, that whatsoeuer the British writers haue recorded touching the victories of this Vter had against the Saxons, and how that Osca the sonne of Hengist should be slaine in battell by him and his power: in those old [Sidenote: Osca.] [Sidenote: 34 saith _Henrie Hunt._ in corrupted copies.] writers which haue registred the acts of the English Saxon kings we find no such matter, but rather that after the deceasse of Hengist, his sonne Osca or Occa reigned in Kent 24 yeares, defending his kingdome onelie, and not séeking to inlarge it (as before is touched.) After whose death his sonne Oth, and Irmenrike sonne to the same Oth succéeded, more resembling their father than their grandfather or great grandfather. To their reignes are assigned fiftie and three yeares by the chronicles: but whether they reigned iointlie togither, or seuerallie & apart either after other, it is not certeinlie perceiued.

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_Porth the Saxon arriueth at Portesmouth, warre betweene Nazaleod king of the Britains and the Saxons, the Britains are ouerthrowen and slaine, the kingdome of the west Saxons beginneth, the compasse or continent thereof, the meanes whereby it was inlarged._

THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Porth entred this land about the yeare of our Lord 501 as _Matth. West._ noteth.] Now will we breefelie discourse vpon the incidents which first happened during the reigne of Vter Pendragon. We find that one Porth a Saxon with his two sons Megla and Beda came on land at Portesmouth in Sussex, about the beginning of the said Vters reigne, and slue a noble yoong man of the Britains, and manie other of the meaner sort with [Sidenote: _Harison_ supposeth the riuer to be called Ports, as for the word mouth, is the fall of anie fresh riuer into the sea.] him. Of this Porth the towne & hauen of Portesmouth tooke the name, as some haue thought. Moreouer, about 40 yeares after the comming of the Saxons into this land with their leader Hengist, one Nazaleod, a mightie king amongst the Britains, assembled all the power he could make to fight with Certicus king of the Westsaxons, who vnderstanding of the great power or his enimies, required aid of Osca king of Kent, also of Elle king of Sussex, and of Porth and his sonnes which were latelie before arriued as ye haue heard. Certicus being then furnished with a conuenient armie, diuided the same into two battels, reseruing the one to himselfe, and the other he appointed to his sonne Kenrike. King Nazaleod perceiuing that the wing which Certicus led, was of more strength than the other which Kenrike gouerned, he set first vpon Certicus, thinking that if he might distresse that part of the enimies armie, he should easilie ouercome the other. Herevpon he gaue such a fierce charge vpon that wing, that by verie force he opened the same, and so ouerthrew the Saxons on that side, making great slaughter of [Sidenote: The Britaines ouerthrowne.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] them as they were scattered. Which maner of dealing when Kenrike saw, he made forward with all spéed to succour his father, and rushing in amongst the Britains on their backs, he brake their armie in péeces, and slue their king Nazaleod, and withall put his people to flight. There died of the Britains that daie 5000 men, and the residue escaped by fléeing as well as they might. In the sixt yeare after this [Sidenote: Stuff and Wightgar.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ noteth the yeare of their arrivall to be 514.] battell, Stuff and Wightgar that were nephues to Certicus, came with thrée ships, and landed at Certicesford, and ouerthrew a number of Britains that came against them in order of battell, and so by the comming of those his nephues being valiant and hardie capteins, the part of Certicus became much stronger. Abut the same time Elle king of the Southsaxons departed this life, after whome succéeded his sonne Cissa, of whome we find little left in writing to be made account of.

[Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] [Sidenote: Britains ouerthrowne by the Saxons.] About the yeare of our Lord 519, and in the yeare after the comming of the Saxons 71, which was in the 26 yeare of the emperour Anastasius, the Britains fought with Certicus and his sonne Kenrike at Certicesford, where the capteins of the Britains stood to it manfullie: but in the end they were discomfited, and great slaughter was made there of them by the Saxons, and greater had béene, if the night comming on had not parted them, and so manie were saued.

[Sidenote: The kingdom of Westsaxons.] From that day forward Certicus was reputed & taken for king of Westsaxons, & so began the same kingdome at that time, which was (as W. Harison noteth) in the yéere of Christ 519, after the building of Rome 1270, of the world 4485, of the comming of the Saxons 70, of Iustinus Anicius emperour of the east, the first and third of the renowmed prince Patricius Arthurus then reigning ouer the Britains. The said kingdome also conteined the countries of Wiltshire, Summersetshire, Barkeshire, Dorsetshire, and Cornewall, hauing on the east Hamshire, on the north the riuer of Thames, and on the south and west the Ocean sea. Howbeit, at the first the kings of the Westsaxons had not so large dominions, but they dailie wan ground vpon the Britains, and so in the end by inlarging their confines, they came to inioy all the foresaid countries, and the whole at the last.

[Sidenote: Certicesford.] In the ninth yéere of the reigne of Certicus, he eftsoones fought with the Saxons at Certicesford aforesaid, where great slaughter was made on both parts. This Certicesford was in times past called Nazaleoy of the late remembred Nazaleod king of the Britains. About this season at sundrie times diuers great companies of the Saxons came ouer into Britaine out of Germanie, and got possession of the countries of Mercia and Eastangle: but as yet those of Mercia had no one king that gouerned them, but were vnder certeine noble men that got possession of diuers parts in that countrie, by means wherof great warres and manie incounters insued, with a common waste of land both arable and habitable, whiles each one being ambitiouslie minded, & heaping to themselues such powers as they were able to make, by swoord and bloudshed chose rather to haue their fortune decided, than by reason to suppresse the rage of their vnrulie affections. For such is the nature of men in gouernement, whether they be interessed to it by succession, or possessed of it by vsurpation, or placed in it by lawfull constitution, (vnlesse they be guided by some supernaturall influence of diuine conceit) if they be more than one, they cannot away with equalitie, for regiment admitteth no companion: but euerie one séeketh to aduance himselfe to a singularitie of honour, wherein he will not (to die for it) participate with another, which maie easilie be obserued in this our historicall discourse.

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_The beginning of the kingdome of the Eastsaxons, what it conteined, of Arthur king of Britaine, his twelue victories ouer the Saxons against whome he mainteined continuall warre, why the Scots and Picts enuied him his roialtie and empire, a league betwixt Arthur and Loth king of the Picts, Howell king of little Britaine aideth Arthur against Cheldrike king of Germanie, who taking the ouerthrow, is slaine by the duke of Cornewall, the Picts are discomfited, the Irishmen with their king put to flight, and the Scots subdued, Arthurs sundrie conquests against diuers people, the vanitie of the British writers noted._

THE TWELFE CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: ERCHENWIN.] [Sidenote: The kingdom of the Eastsaxons.] In those daies also the kingdome of the Eastsaxons began, the chéefe citie whereof was London. It contained in effect so much as at this present belongeth to the diocesse of London. One Erchenwin a Saxon was the first king thereof, the which was sonne to one Offa, the sixt in lineall descent from one Saxnot, from whom the kings of that countrie fetched their originall. Harison noteth the exact yéere of the erection of the kingdome of the Eastsaxons to begin with the end of the eight of Cerdicus king of the Westsaxons, that is, the 527 of Christ, and 78 after the comming of the Saxons. In the 13 yéere of the reigne of Cerdicus, he with his sonne Kenrike, and other of the Saxon capteins fought with the Britains in the Ile of Wight at Witgarsbridge, where they slue a great number of Britains, and so conquered the Ile, the which about four yéeres after was giuen by Cerdicus vnto his nephues Stuffe and Witgar.

[Sidenote: ARTHUR.] After the deceasse of Vter Pendragon (as we doo find in the British histories) his sonne Arthur, a yoong towardlie gentleman, of the age of 15 yéeres or thereabouts, began his reigne ouer the Britains in the [Sidenote: 516.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ hath noted 518.] yéere of our Lord 516, or as Matt. Westmin. saith 517, in the 28 yéere of the emperour Anastasius, and in the third yéere of the reignes of Childebert, Clothare, Clodamire, and Theodorike, brethren that were kings of the Frenchmen. Of this Arthur manie things are written beyond credit, for that there is no ancient author of authoritie that confirmeth the same: but surelie as may be thought he was some woorthie man, and by all likelihood a great enimie to the Saxons, by reason whereof the Welshmen which are the verie Britains in déed, haue him in famous remembrance. He fought (as the common report goeth of him) 12 notable battels against the Saxons, & in euerie of them went away with the victorie, but yet he could not driue them quite out of the land, but that they kept still the countries which they had in possession, as Kent, Sutherie, Norfolke, and others: howbeit some writers testifie, that they held these countries as tributaries to Arthur.

But truth it is (as diuers authors agrée) that he held continuall warre against them, and also against the Picts, the which were allied with the Saxons: for as in the Scotish histories is conteined, euen at the first beginning of his reigne, the two kings of the Scots and Picts séemed to enuie his aduancement to the crowne of Britaine, bicause they had maried the two sisters of the two brethren, Aurelius Ambrosius, and Vter Pendragon, that is to say, Loth king of Picts had married Anne their eldest sister, and Conran king of Scots had in mariage Alda their yoonger sister, so that bicause Arthur was begotten out of wedlocke, they thought it stood with more reason, that the kingdome of the Britains should haue descended vnto the sisters sonnes, rather than to a bastard, namelie Loth the Pictish king, which had issue by his wife Anna, sore repined at the matter.

Wherefore at the first, when he saw that by suit he could not preuaile, he ioined in league with the Saxons, and aiding them against Arthur, lost many of his men of warre being ouerthrowne in battell, which he had sent vnto the succours of Colgerne the Saxon prince that ruled as then in the north parts. But finallie a league was concluded betwixt Arthur and the foresaid Loth king of Picts, vpon certeine conditions, as in the Scotish historie is expressed, where ye may read the same, with many other things touching the acts of Arthur, somewhat in other order than our writers haue recorded.

¶ The British authors declare, that Arthur (immediatlie after he had receiued the crowne of Dubright bishop of Caerleon) went with his power of Britains against the Saxons of Northumberland, which had to their capteine (as before is said) one Colgrime or Colgerne, whome Arthur discomfited and chased into the citie of Yorke, within which [Sidenote: Yorke besieged.] place Arthur besieged him, till at length the same Colgrime escaped out of the citie, & leauing it in charge with his brother called [Sidenote: Cheldrike commeth in aid of Colgrime.] [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._ saith but 700.] Bladulfe, passed ouer into Germanie vnto Cheldrike king of that countrie, of whom he obteined succor, so that the said Cheldrike made prouision of men and ships, and came himselfe ouer into Scotland, hauing in his companie fiftéene hundred sailes one with an other.

When Arthur was aduertised thereof, he raised his siege, and withdrew to London, sending letters with all speed vnto Howell king of little Britaine in France, that was his sisters sonne, requiring of him in [Sidenote: Howell king of Britaine commeth ouer in aid of Arthur.] most earnest wise his aid. Howell incontinentlie assembled his people, to the number of fifteene thousand men, and taking the sea, landed with them at Southhampton, where Arthur was readie to receiue him with great ioy and gladnesse. From thence they drew northwards, where both the hosts of Arthur and Howell being assembled togither, marched forward to Lincolne, which citie Cheldrike did as then besiege. Here [Sidenote: Cheldrike ouerthrowne in battell.] Arthur and Howell assailed the Saxons with great force & no lesse manhood, and at length after great slaughter made of the enimies, they obteined the victorie, and chased Cheldrike (with the residue of the Saxons that were left aliue) vnto a wood, where they compassed them about within the same, in such wise, that in the ende they were constreined to yéeld themselues, with condition that they might be suffered to depart on foot to their ships, and so auoid the land, leauing their horsse, armour, and other furniture vnto the Britains.

Héerevpon the Britains taking good hostages for assurance, permitted the Saxons to go their waies, and so Cheldrike and his people got them to their ships, in purpose to returne into their countrie: but being on the sea, they were forced by wind to change their course, and comming on the coasts of the west parts of Britaine, they arriued at Totnesse, and contrarie to the couenanted articles of their last composition with Arthur, inuaded the countrie anew, and taking such armour as they could find, marched foorth in robbing and spoiling the people, till they came to Bath, which towne the Britains kept and defended against them, not suffering them by anie meanes to enter [Sidenote: Bath besieged.] there, wherevpon the Saxons inuironed it with a strong siege. Arthur informed heereof, with all spéed hasted thither, and giuing the enimies battell, slue the most part of Cheldrikes men.

[Sidenote: The Saxons ouerthrow Colgrime and Bladulfe.] There were slaine both Colgrime and Bladulfe, howbeit Cheldrike himselfe fled out of the field towards his ships, but being pursued by [Sidenote: Cheldrike slaine by Cador duke of Cornwall. K. Howell besieged by the Scots.] Cador earle of Cornwall (that had with him tèn thousand men) by Arthurs appointment, he was ouertaken and in flight slaine with all his people. Arthur himselfe returned from this battell foughten at Bath with all speed towards the marshes of Scotland, for that he had receiued aduertisement, how the Scots had besieged Howell K. of Britaine there, as he lay sicke. Also when Cador had accomplished his enterprise and slaine Cheldrike, he returned with as much spéed as was possible towards Arthur, & found him in Scotland, where he rescued Howell, and afterwards pursued the Scots which fled before him by heaps.

[Sidenote: Guillomer.] About the same time, one Guillomer king of Ireland arriued in Scotland with a mightie power of Irishmen (neere the place where Arthur lodged) to helpe the Scots against the Britains: wherevpon Arthur turning his forces towards the same Guillomer, vanquished him, and chased him into Ireland. This doone, he continued in pursute of the Scots, till he caused them to sue for pardon, and to submit them selues wholie to him, and so receiuing them to mercie, & taking homage of them, he [Sidenote: Guenhera.] returned to Yorke, and shortlie after tooke to wife one Guenhera a right beautifull ladie, that was néere kinswoman to Cador earle of Cornwall.

[Sidenote: _W. Harison._] [Sidenote: 525.] In the yéere following, which some note to be 525, he went into Ireland, and discomfiting king Guillomer in battell, he constreined him to yéeld, and to acknowledge by dooing his fealtie to hold the realme of Ireland of him. It is further remembred in those British [Sidenote: Gothland.] histories, that he subdued Gothland and Iseland, with all the Iles in and about those seas. Also that he ouercame the Romans in the countrie about Paris, with their capteine Lucius, and wasted the most part of all France, and slue in singular combats certeine giants that were of passing force and hugenesse of stature. And if he had not béene reuoked and called home to resist his coosen Mordred, that was sonne to Loth king of Pightland that rebelled in his countrie, he had passed to Rome, intending to make himselfe emperor, and afterward to vanquish the other emperor, who then ruled the empire. ¶ But for so much as there is not anie approoued author who dooth speake of anie such dooings, the Britains are thought to haue registered méere fables in sted of true matters, vpon a vaine desire to aduance more than reason would, this Arthur their noble champion, as the Frenchmen haue doone their Rouland, and diuerse others.

* * * * *

_Arthur is resisted by Mordred the usurper from arriuing in his owne land, they ioine battell, Gawaine is slaine and his death lamented by Arthur, Mordred taketh flight, he is slaine, and Arthur mortallie wounded, his death, the place of his buriall, his bodie digged vp, his bignesse coniecturable by his bones, a crosse found in his toome with an inscription therevpon, his wife Guenhera buried with him, a rare report of hir haire, Iohn Lelands epitaph in memorie of prince Arthur._

THE XIIJ. CHAPTER.

King Arthur at his returne into Britaine, found that Mordred had [Sidenote: Rather Cerdicke as _Leland_ thinketh.] caused himselfe to be made king, & hauing alied himselfe with Cheldrike a Saxon (not him whome Galfride, as ye haue heard, supposeth to haue béene wounded & slaine before) was readie to resist his landing, so that before he could come on land, he lost manie of his men: but yet at length he repelled the enimies, and so tooke land at Sandwich, where he first arriued, and ioining in battell with his enimies, he discomfited them, but not without great losse of his people: speciallie he sore lamented the death of Gawaine the brother of Mordred, which like a faithfull gentleman, regarding more his honour and loiall truth than néerenesse of bloud and coosenage, chose rather to fight in the quarrell of his liege king and louing maister, than to take part with his naturall brother in an vniust cause, and so there in the battell was slaine, togither also with Angusseli, to whom Arthur afore time had committed the gouernment of Scotland. Mordred fled from this battell, and getting ships sailed westward, and finallie landed in Cornwall.

[Sidenote: Gawaine buried at Douer.] King Arthur caused the corps of Gawaine to be buried at Douer (as some hold opinion:) but William Malmesburie supposeth, he was buried in Wales, as after shall be shewed. The dead bodie of Angussell was conueied into Scotland, and was there buried. When that Arthur had put his enimies to flight, and had knowledge into what parts Mordred was withdrawne, with all spéed he reinforced his armie with new supplies of souldiers called out of diuerse parties, and with his whole puissance hasted forward, not resting till he came néere to the place where Mordred was incamped, with such an armie as he could assemble togither out of all parties where he had anie friends. ¶ Héere (as it appéereth by Iohn Leland, in his booke intituled, "The assertion of Arthur") it may be douted in what place Mordred was incamped: but Geffrey of Monmouth sheweth, that after Arthur had discomfited Mordred in Kent at the first landing, it chanced so that Mordred escaped and fled to Winchester, whither Arthur followed him, and there giuing him battell the second time, did also put him to flight. And following him from thence, fought eftsoones with him at a place called Camblane, or Kemelene in Cornwall, or (as some authors haue) néere vnto Glastenburie.

[Sidenote: _Richard Turner._] This battell was fought to such proofe, that finallie Mordred was slaine, with the more part of his whole armie, and Arthur receiuing diuers mortall wounds died of the same shortlie after, when he had reigned ouer the Britains by the tearme of 26 yéeres. His corps was buried at Glastenburie aforesaid, in the churchyard, betwixt two pillers: where it was found in the daies of king Henrie the second, about the yeere of our Lord 1191, which was in the last yéere of the reigne of the same Henrie, more than six hundred yéeres after the buriall thereof. He was laid 16 foot déepe vnder ground, for doubt that his enimies the Saxons should haue found him. But those that digged the ground there to find his bodie, after they had entered about seuen foot déepe into the earth, they found a mightie broad stone with a leaden crosse fastened to that part which laie downewards toward the corps, conteining this inscription:

"Hîc iacet sepultus inclytus rex Arthurius in insula Aualoniæ."

This inscription was grauen on that side of the crosse which was next to the stone: so that till the crosse was taken from the stone, it was vnséene. His bodie was found, not inclosed within a toome of marble or other stone curiouslie wrought, but within a great trée made hollowe for the nonce like a trunke, the which being found and digged vp, was opened, and therein were found the kings bones, of such maruellous bignesse, that the shinbone of his leg being set on the ground, reached vp to the middle thigh of a verie tall man: as a moonke of that abbeie hath written, which did liue in those daies, and saw it. ¶ But Gyraldus Cambrensis (who also liued in those daies, and spake with the abbat of the place, by whom the bones of this Arthur were then found) affirmeth, that by report of the same abbat, he learned, that the shinbone of the said Arthur being set vp by the leg of a verie tall man (the which the abbat shewed to the same Gyraldus) came aboue the knée of the same man the length of three fingers breadth, which is a great deale more likelie than the other. Furthermore the skull of his head was of a woonderfull largenesse, so that the space of his forehead betwixt his two eies was a span broad. There appéered in his head the signes and prints of ten wounds or more: all the which were growne into one wem, except onelie that whereof it should séeme he died, which being greater than the residue, appéered verie plaine. Also in opening the toome of his wife quéene Gueneuer, that was buried with him, they found the tresses of hir haire whole and perfect, and finelie platted, of colour like to the burnished gold, which being touched, immediatlie fell to dust. The abbat, which then was gouernour [Sidenote: _Henricus Blecensis_ seu _Soliacensis._] [Sidenote: _Io. Leland._] of the house, was named Stephan, or Henrie de Blois, otherwise de Sullie, nephue to king Henrie the second (by whose commandement he had serched for the graue of Arthur) translated the bones as well of him as of quéene Gueneuer, being so found, into the great church, and there buried them in a faire double toome of marble, laieng the bodie of the king at the head of the toome, and the bodie of the quéene at [Sidenote: _Dauid Pow. pag._ 238, 239.] his féet towards the west part. ¶ The writer of the historie of Cambria now called Wales saith, that the bones of the said Arthur, and Gueneuer his wife were found in the Ile of Aualon (that is, the Ile of Alpes) without the abbeie of Glastenbury, fiftéene féet within the ground, & that his graue was found by the meanes of a Bardh, whome the king heard at Penbroke singing the acts of prince Arthur, and the place of his buriall.

_Iohn Leland in his booke intituled Assertio Arthuri, hath for the woorthie memorie of so noble a prince, honored him with a learned epitaph, as heere followeth._

Saxonicas toties qui fudit Marte cruento _Who vanquisht Saxon troops so oft, with battels bloudie broiles_, Turmas, & peperit spolijs sibi nomen opimis, _And purchast to himselfe a name with warlike wealthie spoiles_, Fulmineo toties Pictos qui contudit ense, _Who hath with shiuering shining swoord, the Picts so oft dismaid_, Imposuítque iugum Scoti ceruicibus ingens: _And eke vnweldie seruile yoke on necke of Scots hath laid:_ Qui tumidos Gallos, Germanos quíque feroces _Who Frenchmen puft with pride, and who the Germans fierce in fight_ Perculit, & Dacos bello confregit aperto: _Discomfited, and danted Danes with maine and martiall might:_ Denique Mordredum è medio qui sustulit illud _Who of that murdring Mordred did the vitall breath expell_, Monstrum, horrendum, ingens, dirum, sæuúmque tyrannum, _That monster grislie, lothsome, huge, that diresome tyrant fell_, Hoc iacet extinctus monumento Arthurius alto, _Heere liuelesse Arthur lies intoomd, within this statelie hearse_, Militiæ clarum decus, & virtutis alumnus: _Of chiualrie the bright renowme, and vertues nursling fearse:_ Gloria nunc cuius terram circumuolat omnem, _Whose glorie great now ouer all the world dooth compasse flie_, Aetherijque petit sublimia tecta Tonantis. _And of the airie thunder skales the loftie building hie_. Vos igitur gentis proles generosa Britannæ, _Therefore you noble progenie of Britaine line and race_, Induperatori ter magno assurgite vestro, _Arise vnto your emperour great, of thrice renowmed grace_, Et tumulo sacro roseas inferte corollas, _And cast vpon his sacred toome the roseall garlands gaie_, Officij testes redolentia munera vestri. _That fragrant smell may witnesse well, your duties you displaie_.

¶ These verses I haue the more willinglie inserted, for that I had the same deliuered to me turned into English by maister Nicholas Roscarocke, both right aptlie yeelding the sense, and also properlie answering the Latine, verse for verse.

* * * * *

_Vpon what occasion the graue of king Arthur was sought for, the follie of such discouered as beleeued that he should returne and reigne againe as king in Britaine, whether it be a fiction or a veritie that there was such an Arthur or no; discordance among writers about the place of Gawains buriall and Arthurs death; of queene Gueneuer the wife of king Arthur, hir beautie and dishonest life, great disagreement among writers touching Arthur and his wiues to the impeachment of the historie, of his life and death._

THE XIIIJ. CHAPTER.

The occasion that mooued king Henrie the second to cause his nephue the foresaid abbat to search for the graue of king Arthur, was, for that he vnderstood by a Welsh minstrell or Bardh (as they call him) that could sing manie histories in the Welsh language of the acts of the ancient Britains, that in the forsaid churchyard at Glastenburie, betwixt the said two pillers the bodie of Arthur was to be found sixtéene foot déepe vnder the ground. Gyraldus Cambrensis affirmeth, that the trée in the which Arthurs bodie was found so inclosed, was an oke, but other suppose that it was an alder trée, bicause that in the same place a great number of that kind of trées doo grow, and also for that it is not vnknowne, that an alder lieng vnder ground where moisture is, will long continue without rotting.

¶ By the finding thus of the bodie of Arthur buried (as before ye haue heard) such as hitherto beleeued that he was not dead, but conueied [Sidenote: As for example in a caue néere a water called pond perilous at Salisburie, where he and his knights should sléepe armed, till an other knight should be borne that should come and awake them.] [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes. lib._ 1. _de regibus Ang._] awaie by the fairies into some pleasant place, where he should remaine for a time, and then to returne againe, and reigne in as great authoritie as euer he did before, might well perceiue themselues deceiued in crediting so vaine a fable. But yet (where it might otherwise be doubted, whether anie such Arthur was at all, as the British histories mention, bicause neither Gyldas nor Beda in their woorks speake anie thing of him) it may appéere, the circumstances considered, that suerly such one there was of that name, hardie and valiant in armes, though not in diuerse points so famous as some writers paint him out. William Malmesburie a writer of good credit and authoritie amongst the learned, hath these woords in his first booke intituled "De regibus Anglorum," saieng: "But he being dead [meaning Vortimer] the force of the Britains waxed féeble, their decaied hope went backward apace: and euen then suerlie had they gon to destruction, if Ambrosius (who alone of the Romans remained yet aliue, and was king after Vortigerne) had not kept vnder and staied the loftie barbarous people, that is to say the Saxons, by the notable aid and assistance of the valiant Arthur."

This is the same Arthur, of whom the trifling tales of the Britains euen to this day fantasticallie doo descant and report woonders: but woorthie was he doubtlesse, of whom feined fables should not haue so dreamed, but rather that true histories might haue set foorth his woorthie praises, as he that did for a long season susteine and hold vp his countrie that was readie to go to vtter ruine and decaie, incouraging the bold harts of the Britains vnto the warre, and finallie in the siege of Badon hill, he set vpon nine hundred of the enimies, and with incredible slaughter did put them all to flight. On the contrarie part, the English Saxons, although they were tossed with sundrie haps of fortune, yet still they renewed their bands with new supplies of their countriemen that came out of Germanie, and so with bolder courage assailed their enimies, and by little and little causing them to giue place, spread themselues ouer the whole Ile. For although there were manie battels, in the which sometime the Saxons and sometime the Britains got the better, yet the greater number of Saxons that were slaine, the greater number of them still came ouer to the succour of their countriemen, being called in and sent for out of euerie quarter about them.

[Sidenote: Gawaine where he is buried.] Héere is also to be noted, that where the British historie declareth, that Gawaine or Gallowine being slaine in the battell fought betwixt Arthur and Mordred in Kent, was buried at Douer, so that his bones remained there to be shewed a long time after: yet by that which the [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm. lib._ 3. _de regib._] foresaid William Malmesburie writeth in the third booke of his volume intituled "De regibus Anglorum," the contrarie maie séeme true: his woords are these. "Then (saith he) in the prouince of Wales, which is called Rosse, the sepulture of Gallowine was found, who was nephue to Arthur by his sister, not going out of kind from so woorthie an vncle. He reigned in that part of Britaine which vnto this day is called Walwichia, a knight for his high prowesse most highlie renowmed, but expelled out of his kingdome by the brother and nephue of Hengist, of whome in the first booke we haue made mention, first requiting his banishment with great detriment and losse to those his enimies, wherein he was partaker by iust desert of his vncles woorthie praise, for that he staied (for a great manie yéeres) the destruction of his countrie, which was now running headlong into vtter ruine and decaie. But Arthurs graue no where appéereth: yet the others toome (as I haue said) was found in the daies of William the conqueror, king of England, vpon the sea side, and conteined in length fouretéene foot, where he was (as some say) wounded by his enimies, and cast vp by shipwracke. But other write, that he was slaine at a publike feast or banket by his owne countriemen." Thus saith William Malmesburie.

¶ But heere you must consider, that the said Malmesburie departed this life about the beginning of the reigne of king Henrie the second, certeine yéers before the bones of Arthur were found (as ye haue heard.) But omitting this point as néedles to be controuerssed, & letting all dissonant opinions of writers passe, as a matter of no such moment that we should néed to sticke therein as in a glewpot; we will procéed in the residue of such collections as we find necessarilie pertinent to the continuation of this historie; and now we will say somewhat of quéene Guenhera or Guenouer, the wife of the foresaid king Arthur.

Some iudge that she tooke hir name of hir excellent beautie, bicause Guinne or Guenne in the Welsh toong signifieth faire, so that she was named Guennere or rather Guenlhean, euen (as you would say) the faire or beautifull Elenor or Helen. She was brought vp in the house of one Cador earle of Cornewall before Arthur maried hir: and as it appeareth by writers, she was euill reported of, as noted of incontinencie & breach of faith to hir husband, in maner as for the more part women of excellent beautie hardlie escape the venemous blast of euill toongs, and the sharpe assaults of the followers of Venus. The British historie affirmeth, that she did not onelie abuse hir selfe by vnlawfull companie with Mordred, but that also in Arthurs absence she consented to take him to husband. It is likewise found recorded by an old writer, that Arthur besieged on a time the marishes néere to Glastenburie, for displeasure that he bare to a certeine lord called Melua, who had rauished Gueneuer, and led hir into those marishes, and there did kéepe hir. Hir corps notwithstanding (as before is recited) was interred togither with Arthurs, so that it is thought she liued not long after his deceasse.

Arthur had two wiues (as Gyraldus Cambrensis affirmeth) of which the latter (saith he) was buried with him, and hir bones found with his in one sepulchre, but yet so diuided, that two parts of the toome towards the head were appointed to receiue the bones of the man, and the third part towards the féet conteined the womans bones, apart by themselues. Here is to be remembred, that Hector Boetius writeth otherwise of the death of Arthur than before in this booke is mentioned, & also that Gueneuer being taking prisoner by the Picts, was conueied into Scotland, where finallie she died, and was there buried in Angus, as in the Scotish chronicles further appeareth. And this may be true, if he had thrée sundrie wiues, each of them bearing the name of Gueneuer, as sir Iohn Price dooth auouch that he had. Now bicause of contrarietie in writers touching the great acts atchiued by this Arthur, and also for that some difference there is amongst them, about the time in which he should reigne, manie haue doubted of the whole historie which of him is written (as before ye haue heard.) ¶ But others there be of a constant beléefe, who hold it for a grounded [Sidenote: _Dauid Pow. pag._ 238, 239.] truth, that such a prince there was; and among all other a late writer, who falling into necessarie mention of prince Arthur, frameth a spéech apologeticall in his and their behalfe that were princes of the British bloud, discharging a short but yet a sharpe inuectiue against William Paruus, Polydor Virgil, and their complices, whom he accuseth of lieng toongs, enuious detraction, malicious slander, reprochfull and venemous language, wilfull ignorance, dogged enuie, and cankerd minds; for that they speake vnreuerentlie and contrarie to the knowne truth concerning those thrisenoble princes. Which defensitiue he would not haue deposed, but that he takes the monuments of their memories for vndoubted verities.

The British histories and also the Scotish chronicles doo agrée, that he liued in the daies of the emperour Iustinian, about the fiftéenth [Sidenote: 542.] yéere of whose reigne he died, which was in the yéere of our Lord 542, as diuerse doo affirme. Howbeit some write farther from all likelihood, that he was about the time of the emperor Zeno, who began his reigne about the yéere of our Lord 474. The writer of the booke [Sidenote: _Aurea historia._] [Sidenote: _I. Leland._] intituled "Aurea historia" affirmeth, that in the tenth yéere of Cerdicus king of Westsaxons, Arthur the warriour rose against the Britains. Also Diouionensis writeth, that Cerdicus fighting oftentimes with Arthur, if he were ouercome in one moneth, he arose in an other moneth more fierce and strong to giue battell than before. At length Arthur wearied with irkesomnes, after the twelfth yéere of the comming of Cerdicus, gaue vnto him vpon his homage doone and fealtie receiued, the shires of Southampton and Somerset, the which countries Cerdicius named Westsaxon. This Cerdicius or Cerdicius came into Britaine about the yéere of our Lord 495. In the 24 yere after his comming hither, that is to say, about the yéere of your Lord 519, he began his reigne [Sidenote: Westsaxon.] ouer the Westsaxons, and gouerned them as king by the space of 15 yéeres, as before ye haue heard. But to follow the course of our chronicles accordinglie as we haue begun, we must allow of their accounts herein as in other places, and so procéed.

* * * * *

_The decaie of christian religion and receiuing of the Pelagian heresie in Britaine by what meanes they were procured and by whom redressed: Constantine succeedeth Arthur in the kingdome, ciuill warre about succession to the crowne, the chalengers are pursued and slaine, Constantine is vnkindlie killed of his kinsman, a bitter and reprochfull inuectiue of Gyldas against the British rulers of his time, and namelie against Constantine, Conan that slue Constantine reigneth in Britaine, his vertues and vices, his two yeeres regiment, the seuere reprehensions of Gyldas uttered against Conan, discouering the course of his life, and a secret prophesie of his death._

THE XV. CHAPTER.

In this meane while that the realme was disquieted with sore & continuall warres betwixt the Britains and Saxons (as before ye haue heard) the christian religion was not onelie abolished in places where the Saxons got habitations, but also among the Britains the right [Sidenote: The heresie of the Pelagians reuiued, _Hist. Mag._] faith was brought into danger, by the remnant of the Pelagian heresie, [Sidenote: Dubritius & Dauid lerned bishops.] which began againe to be broched by diuers naughtie persons. But Dubritius that was first bishop of Landaffe, and after archbishop of Caerleon Arwiske, and his successour Dauid, with other learned men earnestlie both by preaching and writing defended the contrarie cause, to the confuting of those errors, and restablishing of the truth.

[Sidenote: CONSTANTINE.] After the death of Arthur, his coosine Constantine the sonne of Cador, duke or earle of Cornewall began his reigne ouer the Britains, in the [Sidenote: 542.] yere of our Lord 542, which was about the 15 yéere of the emperour Iustinianus almost ended, the 29 of Childebert king of France, and the first yéere well néere complet of the reigne of Totilas king of the [Sidenote: _Galfrid._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] Goths in Italie. Arthur when he perceiued that he shuld die, ordeined this Constantine to succéed him, and so by the consent of the more part of the Britains he was crowned king: but the sonnes of Mordred sore repined thereat, as they that claimed the rule of the land by iust title and claime of inheritance to them from their father descended.

[Sidenote: Ciuill warre.] Herevpon followed ciuill warre, so that diuers battels were striken betwéene them and in the end the two brethren were constreined to withdraw for refuge, the one to London, and the other to Winchester: but Constantine pursuing them, first came to Winchester, and by force entered the citie, and slue the one brother that was fled thither within the church of saint Amphibalus: and after comming to London, entered that citie also, and finding the other brother within a church there, slue him in like maner as he had doone the other. And so hauing dispatched his aduersaries, he thought to haue purchased to himselfe [Sidenote: Aurelius Conanus.] [Sidenote: Constantine slaine.] safetie: but shortlie after, his owne kinsman, one Aurelius Conanus arrered warre against him, who ioining with him in battell slue him in the field, after he had reigned foure yéeres. His bodie was conueied to Stonheng, and there buried beside his ancestour Vter Pendragon.

[Sidenote: _Gyldas._] Of this Constantine that seemeth to be ment, which Gyldas writeth in his booke intituled "De excidio Britanniæ," where inueieng against the rulers of the Britains in his time, he writeth thus: "Britaine hath kings, but the same be tyrants; iudges it hath, but they be wicked, oftentimes péeling and harming the innocent people, reuenging and defending, but whom? such as be guiltie persons and robbers; hauing manie wiues, but yet breaking wedlocke; oftentimes swearing, and yet forswearing themselues; vowing, and for the more part lieng; warring, but mainteining ciuill & vniust warres; pursuing indéed théeues that are abroad in the countrie, and yet not onelie cherishing those that sit euen at table with them, but also highlie rewarding them: giuing almesse largelie, but on the other part heaping vp a mightie mount of sinnes; sitting in the seat of sentence, but seldome séeking the rule of righteous iudgement; despising the innocent and humble persons, and exalting so farre as in them lieth, euen vp to the heauens, most bloudie and proud murtherers, théeues and adulterers, yea the verie professed enimies of God; if he would so permit: kéeping manie in prison, whome they oppresse, in loding them with irons, through craft rather to serue their owne purpose, than for anie gilt of the persons so imprisoned: taking solemne oths before the altars, and shortlie after, despising the same altars as vile and filthie stones.

"Of this hainous and wicked offense Constantine the tyrannicall whelpe of the lionesse of Deuonshire is not ignorant, who this yeare, after the receiuing of his dreadfull oth, whereby he bound himselfe that in no wise he should hurt his subjects (God first, and then his oth, with the companie of saints, and his mother being there present) did notwithstanding in the reuerent laps of the two mothers, as the church, and their carnall mother, vnder the coule of the holie abbat, deuoure with sword and speare in stead of téeth, the tender sides, yea and the entrailes of two children of noble and kinglie race, and likewise of their two gouernours, yea and that (as I said) amongest the sacred altars: the armies of which persons so slaine, not stretched foorth to defend themselues with weapons (the which few in those daies handled more valiantlie than they) but stretched foorth (I saie) to God and to his altar in the day of iudgement, shall set vp the reuerent ensignes of their patience and faith at the gates of the citie of Christ, which so haue couered the seat of the celestiall sacrifice, as it were with the red mantle of their cluttered bloud.

"These things he did not after anie good déeds doone by him deseruing praise: for manie yeares before, ouercome with the often and changeable filths of adulterie, & forsaking his lawfull wife contrarie to the lawes of God, &c: he now brought foorth this crime of quelling his owne kinsmen, and violating the church, but neither being loosed from the snares of his former euills, he increaseth the new with the old." ¶ Thus in effect hath Gyldas written of this Constantine, with more: for turning his tale to him, he reproueth him of his faults, and counselleth him to repent.

[Sidenote: CONANUS.] After that Aurelius Conanus had slaine the foresad Constantine, as in the British histories is mentioned, the same Conan was made king of [Sidenote: 546.] Britaine in the yeare of our Lord 546, in the 20 yeare of Iustinianus, and in the 33 of the reigne of Childebert king of the Frenchmen. This Aurelius Conanus (as is recorded by some writers) was of a noble heart, frée and liberall, but giuen much to the maintenance of strife and discord amongst his people, light of credit, and namelie had an open eare to receiue and heare the reports of such as accused other. Moreouer he was noted of crueltie, as he that tooke his vncle, who of right should haue béene king, and kept him in prison, and not so satisfied slue in tyrannous maner the two sons of his said vncle: But [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ writeth that he reigned 30. yeares.] God would not suffer him long to inioy the rule of the land in such vniust dealing, for he died after he had reigned the space of two yeares, and left a sonne behind him called Vortiporus, which succéeded him in the kingdome, as authors doo record. Of this Aurelius Conanus Gyldas writeth, calling vnto him after he had made an end with his predecessor Constantine, saieng in this wise: "And thou lions whelpe, as saith the prophet, Aurelius Conanus what doost thou? Art thou not swallowed vp in the filthie mire of murthering thy kinsmen, of committing fornications and adulteries like to the other before mentioned, if not more deadlie, as it were with the waues and surges of the drenching seas ouerwhelming thée with hir vnmercifull rage? Dooest thou not in hating the peace of thy countrie as a deadlie serpent, and thirsting after ciuill wars and spoiles (oftentimes vniustlie gotten) shut vp against thy soule the gates of celestiall peace and refreshment? Thou being left alone as a withering trée in the middle of a field, call to remembrance (I praie thée) the vaine youthfull fantasie and ouertimelie death of thy fathers and thy brethren. Shalt thou being set apart, and chosen foorth of all thy linage for thy godlie deserts, be reserued to liue an hundred yeares, or remaine on earth till thou be as old as Methusalem? No no." And after these reprehensions, with further threatnings of Gods vengeance, he exhorted him to amendment of life, and so proceedeth to talke with Vortiporus, whome he nameth the king, or rather the tyrant of Southwales, as after shall be rehearsed.

* * * * *

_The beginning of the kingdome of Brenitia, of whome the king of Kent, Mertia, and west Saxons descended, Ida the Saxon commended, the originall of the kingdome of Deira, the circuit and bounds therof, of Ella the gouernour of the same, when the partition of the kingdome of Northumberland chanced; Vortiporus reigneth ouer the Britains, he vanquisheth the Saxons; Gyldas sharplie reprooueth Vortiporus for manie greeuous offenses, and exhorteth him to amendement._

THE XVJ. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: IDA.] [Sidenote: 547.] [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] [Sidenote: The kingdom of Brenitia began.] In the yeare of the Lord 547, which was about the first yeare of the reigne of Aurelius Conanus, the kingdome of Brenitia began vnder a Saxon ruler there callèd Ida, & descended of Woden. For where the said Woden had thrée sonnes, Weldecius, Withlegris, and Beldecius; of the first, the kings of Kent were lineallie extracted: of the second, the kings of Mertia: and of the third sonne came the kings of Westsaxon, and also of him was this Ida descended, being the ninth in lineall succession from the said Beldecius and the tenth from Woden. The same Ida was vndoubtedlie a right noble personage, and changed first that dukedome into a kingdome; where before that time the Saxons that ruled there, were subiects vnto the kings of Kent. Whether he tooke vpon him of his owne accord to vsurpe the kinglie title and roiall authoritie, or whether that the same was giuen to him by consent of other, the certeintie appeareth not. But sure it is, that he being a woorthie prince, did not degenerate from his noble ancestors inuincible in warre abroad and at home, qualifieng his kinglie seueritie with a naturall kind of courteous humanitie. The bounds of his kingdome called (as is said) Brenitia, began in the south at the riuer of Tine, and ended in the north at the Forth in Scotland, in the British toong called Werd.

[Sidenote: ELLA.] [Sidenote: 561.] [Sidenote: The beginning of the kingdom of Deria.] About the same time, or rather about 14 yeares after, one Ella a Saxon also reigned as king in Deira, which kingdome began at the said riuer of Tine in the north, & ended at the riuer of Humber toward the south. These two kingdomes were sometime gouerned by two seuerall kings, and afterwards at other times they were ioined in one, and gouerned by one onelie king, and named the kingdome of Northumberland, which in processe of time was much inlarged, so that it included the shires of Yorke, Notingham, Darbie, Lancaster, the bishoprike of Durham, Copland, and other countries betwixt the east and the west seas, euen [Sidenote: The riuer of Mersie.] vnto the riuer of Mersie. The foresaid Ella was sonne to Iffus, being descended from Woden, as the 12 in succession from him, though not by right line as William Malmesburie hath noted. Ida (as the same Malmesburie dooth testifie) reigned 14 yeares.

Now Ella who was successor to Ida (as he saith) reigned thirtie [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] yeares, and verie valiantlie inlarged his kingdome. But one author writeth how Ida reigned but 12 yeares, and that he builded the castell of Bamburge, first fensing it with pales, and after with a wall of [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] stone. The same Ida had by his wife six sonnes, begotten in lawfull bed, Ada, Ebric, Theodoric, Athelric, Osmer, and Theofred. Moreouer he [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] begat of certeine concubines (which he kept) six bastard sonnes, Oga, Aleric, Ettha, Osbale, Segor, and Segother. These came altogither into this land, and arriued at Flemesburke with fortie ships, as Matthæus Westmonasteriensis hath recorded. The partition of the kingdome of Northumberland chanced after the deceasse of Ida, as the same author signifieth: for Ada the sonne of the foresaid Ida succéeded his father in the kingdome of Brenitia, reigning therein seuen yeares: and Ella the sonne of Histria, a most valiant duke, began to gouerne Deira, as both the said Matth. Westm. and others doo affirme.

[Sidenote: VORTIPORUS.] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ noteth 578.] Vortiporus the sonne of Aurelius Conanus succéeded his father, and began to reigne ouer the Britains, in the yéere of our Lord 576, in the 11, yeare of the emperour Flauius Anicius Iustinus, in the fourth yeare of the reigne of Childeric king of France, and in the fourth yeare of Clephis the Gothish king in Italie. This Vortiporus vanquished the Saxons in battell, as the British histories make mention, and valiantlie defended his land and subiects the Britains, from the danger of them and other their allies. In the time of this kings reigne, the foresaid Ella began to rule in the south part of the kingdome of Northumberland called Deira, as before is mentioned, according to the account of some authors, who also take this Vortiporus to begin his reigne in the yeare 548. After that Vortiporus [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ noteth 3 yeares.] had ruled the Britans the space of 4 yeares, he departed this life, and left no issue behind him to succéed him in the kingdom.

Against this Vortiporus Gyldas also whetting his toong, beginneth with him thus: "And why standest thou as one starke amazed? Thou (I say) Vortiporus the tyrant of Southwales, like to the panther in maner and wickednesse diuerslie spotted as it were with manie colors, with thy hoarie head in thy throne, full of deceits, crafts and wiles, and defiled euen from the lowest part of thy bodie to the crowne of thy head, with diuers & sundrie murthers committed on thine owne kin, and filthie adulteries, thus proouing a naughtie sonne of a good king, as Manasses was to Ezechias. How chanceth it that the violent streames of sinnes which thou swallowest vp like pleasant wine, or rather art deuoured of them, (the end of thy life by little and little now drawing néere) can not yet satisfie the? What meanest thou that with fornication of all euills, as it were the full heape, thine owne wife being put away, thou by hir honest death dooest oppresse thy soule with a certeine burthen that can not be auoided, of thine vnshamefast daughter? Consume not (I pray thée) the residue of thy daies to the offense of God, &c." These and the like woords vttered he, exhorting him to repentance, with admonitions taken out of the scriptures both for his comfort and warning.

¶ If the circumstance of this that Gyldas writeth of Vortiporus be marked, it may be perceiued, that Geffrey of Monmouth, and also Matthew of Westminster, the author of the floures of histories, are deceiued, in that they take him to be the sonne of Aurelius Conanus: and rather it may be gathered, that not onlie the same Aurelius Conanus and Vortiporus, but also Constantinus, yea & Cuneglasus, and Maglocunus, of the which he also intreateth (as partlie shall be hereafter touched) liued and reigned all at one time in seuerall parts of this Ile, and not as monarchs of the whole British nation, but as rulers each of them in his quarter, after the maner as the state of Ireland hath béene in times past before the countrie came vnder the English subiection, if my coniecture herein doo not deceiue me.

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_Malgo reigneth ouer the Britains, the noble qualities wherewith he was beautified by his filthie sinnes are blemished, Gyldas reproueth Cuneglasus for making warre against God and man, and this Malgo for his manifold offenses, the vile iniquities wherevnto the British rulers were inclined, the valiantnesse of Kenrike king of the Westsaxons, his victories against diuers people his enimies, succession in the gouernment of the Westsaxons, Northumberland, and Kentish Saxons; the first battell that was fought betwixt the Saxons in this Iland, Cheuling with his Westsaxons encounter with the Britains and get the vpper hand, three kings of the Britains slaine, and their people spoiled of their lands, goods and liues._

THE XVIJ. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: MALGO.] [Sidenote: 580.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ hath noted 581.] After the deceasse of Vortiporus, Malgo the nephue of Aurelius Conanus (as some write) was made king of Britaine, & began his reigne ouer the Britaines, in the yéere of our Lord 580, in the fiftéenth yéere of the emperour Iustinian, and in the 37 yéere of the reigne of Childerike king of the Frenchmen. This Malgo is reported to haue béene the [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] comeliest gentleman in beautie and shape of personage that was to be found in those daies amongst all the Britains, and therewith of a bold and hardie courage. He manfullie defended the country which he had in gouernance from the malice of the Saxons, and subdued the out Iles, as Orkenie and others. But notwithstanding the noble qualities with the which his person was adorned, yet he spotted them all with the filthie sinne of Sodomie, so that he fell into the hatred of almightie God, and being pursued of the Saxons, receiued manie ouerthrowes at their hands, as by the report of the English writers is gathered more at large. Finallie, when he had reigned fiue yéeres and od moneths, he departed this life.

[Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._ counteth not past fiue yeres to his reigne through other affirme that he reigned 35 yéeres.] It séemeth that this Malgo is named by Gyldas, Maglocunus, the which Gyldas (before he speaketh of him) inueieth against one Cuneglasus, whome he reprooueth, for that he warred both against God and man: against God with grieuous sinnes, as namelie adulterie, in forsaking the companie of his lawfull wife, and kéeping to concubine a sister of hirs, that had professed chastitie: & against man with materiall armor and weapons, which he vsed to the destruction of his owne countrimen, with whom he kept warres, and not against the enimies of the common wealth.

From Cuneglasus he commeth to the foresaid Maglocunus, whome he nameth the dragon of the Iles, and the expeller of manie tyrants, not onelie out of their kingdoms, but also out of life, the last of whom he treateth (as he himselfe saith) but the first in all mischéefe & euill, greater than manie in power, and likewise in malice: verie liberall in giuing, but more plentifull in sinne, strong and valiant in arms, but stronger in destruction of his owne soule. And so procéeding, chargeth him with the sinne of the Sodomits, & sore blameth him, for that where it had pleased God to make him higher than all other dukes of Britaine in kingdome and degrée, he did not shew himselfe better, but contrarilie far woorse than they both in maners and conditions. He declareth also a little after, that this Maglocune in his yoong yéeres slue in battell his vncle being king, with the most valiant souldiers in maner that he had. Also that where the said Maglocune tooke vpon him the profession of a moonke, he after renounced the same, and became a woorsse liuer than euer he was before, abandoning his wife, and kéeping his brothers sonnes wife, while hir husband yet liued.

Thus by that which Gyldas writeth of the kings and rulers of the Britains, which liued in his daies, ye may perceiue that they were giuen to all manner of wickednesse, and namelie to ciuill dissention, rapine, adulterie, and fornication: so that it may be thought, that GOD stirred vp the Saxons to be a scourge to them, and to worke his iust vengeance vpon them for their wickednesses and abhominable offenses dailie c[=o]mitted against his diuine maiestie, so that we find recorded by writers, how that the Saxons in diuers conflicts against the Britains had the better, and also tooke from them diuers townes, as alreadie partly hath beene and also hereafter shall be shewed.

It is furthermore to be remembred, that about the 14 yeere of the Britaine king Conanus his reigne, which was about the end of the yere [Sidenote: 559.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] of Christ 559, Kenrike king of the Westsaxons, departed this life, after he had reigned xxv. yéeres complet. This Kenrike was a victorious prince, and fought diuers battels against the Britains. In the 18 yeere of his reigne which was the 551 of Christ, we find that he fought against them, being come at that time vnto Salisburie, and after great slaughter made on both parts, at length the victorie remained with the Saxons, and the Britains were chased. Againe in the two and twentith yéere of his reigne, and 555 yéere of Christ, the same Kenrike and his sonne Cheuling fought with a great power of Britains at Branburie.

The Britains were diuided into nine companies, three in the fore ward, thrée in the battell, and thrée in the rere ward, with their horssemen and archers, after the maner of the Romans. The Saxons being ranged in one entire battell, valiantlie assailed them, and notwithstanding the shot of the Britains, yet they brought the matter to the triall of handblowes, till at length by the comming on of the night, the victorie remained doubtfull: and no maruell is to be made therof (saith Henrie archdeacon of Huntington) sith the Saxons were men of huge stature, great force & valiant courage. The same yéere that Kenrike deceassed, Ida the king of Northumberland also died: he was (as ye haue heard) a right valiant prince, & inlarged the dominion of the Saxons greatlie, he ouercame Loth king of the Picts in battell, and Corran king of Scots.

[Sidenote: 560.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] Also about the yéere of Christ 560, Conanus (as yet gouerning the Britains) Irmenrike king of Kent departed this life, of whome ye haue heard before, & Ethelbert his sonne succéeded him 52 yéeres. Then after that the foresaid thrée princes were dead (as before ye haue heard) they had that succéeded them in their estates as here followeth. After Kenrike, his sonne Ceaulinus or Cheuling succéeded in gouernement of the Westsaxons: and after Ida, one Ella or Alla reigned in Northumberland: after Irmenrike followed his sonne Ethelbert in rule ouer the Kentish Saxons.

This Ethelbert, in processe of time grew to be a mightie prince, but yet in the begining of his reigne he had but sorie successe against [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] some of his enimies: for hauing to doo with the foresaid Cheuling king [Sidenote: Aliàs Wiphanduae.] of Westsaxons, he was of him ouercome in battell at Wilbasdowne, where he lost two of his dukes or cheefe capteins, beside other people. This was the first battell that was fought betwixt the Saxons, one against another within this land, after their first comming into the same. And this chanced in the yere of our Lord 567, being the second yéere of the emperour Iustinus.

[Sidenote: 570.] [Sidenote: CUTHA.] [Sidenote: Aileburie.] About the yéere 570, Cutha the brother of king Cheuling fought with the Britains at Bedford, vanquished them, & tooke from them 4 townes, Liganbrough, Eglesbrough or Ailesburie, Besington, and Euesham. Also [Sidenote: 581.] about the yéere of our Lord 581, the foresaid king Cheuling incountered with the Britains at a place called Diorth, and obteining the vpper hand, tooke from them the cities of Bath, Glocester, and Cirencester. At this battell fought at Diorth, were present thrée kings of the Britains, whose names were these: Coinmagill, Candidan, and Farimnagill, which were slaine there through the permission of almightie God as then refusing his people, the which through their heinous sinnes and great wickednesses, had most gréeuouslie offended his high and diuine maiestie, as by Gyldas it may euidentlie appeare. For they had declined from the lawes of the Lord, and were become abhominable in his sight, euen from the prince to the poore man, from the priest to the Leuit, so that not one estate among them walked vprightlie, but contrarie to dutie was gone astray, by reason whereof the righteous God had giuen them ouer as a prey to their enimies.

[Sidenote: His brother as _Matt. West._ saith.] Also in the latter end of Malgos daies or about the first beginning of the reigne of his successor Careticus, Cheuling and his sonne Cutwine fought with the Britains at a place called Fechanley or Fedanley, or [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] (as some bookes haue) Frithenlie, where Cutwine was slaine, & the Englishmen chased: but yet Cheuling repairing his armie, wan the victorie, and chasing the Britains, tooke from them manie countries, [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] and wan great riches by the spoile. But Matth. West. saith, that the victorie aboad with the Britains, and that the Saxons were chased quite out of the field. The Scotish writers record, that their king Aidan (who is noted to haue béene the 49 successiuelie possessing the regiment of that land, partlie with griefe of hart for the death of Columba a graue and wise gentleman, whome he tenderlie loued, and partlie with age [for he was growne horieheaded, and had reigned 34 yéeres] ended his life) was there in aid of the Britains, and Brudeus king of the Picts (betwixt whom and the said Aidan a sore battell was fought) in aid of the Saxons: but the same writers name the place Deglaston, where this battell was made, and the forces of both sides by a sharpe incounter tried.

* * * * *

_The begining of the kingdome of Mercia, the bounds of the same, the heptarchie or seuen regiments of the Saxons, how they grew to that perfection, and by whom they were reduced and drawne into a monarchie; Careticus is created king of Britaine, the Saxons take occasion by the ciuill dissentions of the Britains to make a full conquest of the land, they procure forren power to further them in their enterprise, Gurmundus king of the Africans arriueth in Britaine, the British king is driuen to his hard shifts, the politike practise of Gurmundus in taking Chichester & setting the towne on fire, he deliuereth the whole land in possession to the Saxons, the English and Saxon kings put Careticus to flight, the Britains haue onelie three prouinces left of all their countrie which before they inhabited, their religion, church, and commonwealth is in decaie, they are gouerned by three kings, Cheulings death is conspired of his owne subiects._

THE XVIIJ. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: CRIDA.] [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] [Sidenote: This kingdome began in the yéere 585, as _Matt. Westm._ saith.] [Sidenote: _Ran. Cest._] About the same time also, and 585 of Christ, the kingdome of Mercia began vnder one Crida, who was descended from Woden, and the tenth from him by lineall extraction. The bounds of this kingdome were of great distance, hauing on the east the sea vnto Humber, and so on the north the said riuer of Humber, and after the riuer of Mercia, which falleth into the west sea at the corner of Wirhall, and so comming about to the riuer of Dee that passeth by Chester, the same riuer bounded it on the west from Wales, and likewise Seuerne vp to Bristow: on the south it had the riuer of Thames, till it came almost to London. And in this sort it contained Lincolneshire, Notingamshire, Derbishire, Chesshire, Shropshire, Worcestershire, Glocestershire, Oxfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Hertefordshire, Bedfordshire, Huntingtonshire, Northamptonshire, Leicestershire, and Warwikeshire.

¶ Thus haue ye heard how the Saxons in processe of time remoouing the Britains out of their seats, dailie wan ground of them, till at length they got possession of the best part of this Ile, and erected within the same seuen kingdoms, which were gouerned by seuen seuerall kings, who continued vntill the kings of Westsaxon brought them all at length into one monarchie, as after shall appéere. Matth. Westmin. reckoneth eight kingdoms as thus; The kingdom of Kent, the kingdom of Sussex, the kingdom of Essex, the kingdom of Eastangle, the kingdom of Mercia, the kingdom of Westsex, and the kingdom of Northumberland, which was diuided into two kingdoms, that is to say, into Deira and into Bernicia: wherevnto W. Harison addeth the ninth in the first part of his chronologie, and calleth it Wales.

[Sidenote: CARETICUS.] After that Malgo or Maglocune was departed this life, one Careticus, or (as some write him) Caretius, was made king of the Britains, and [Sidenote: 586.] began his reigne in the yéere of our Lord 586, which was in the third yéere of the emperour Mauricius, and thirtéenth of Chilperike king of France. This Careticus was a nourisher of ciuill warre and dissention amongst his owne people the Britains, so that he was hated both of God and man, as writers testifie. The Saxons vnderstanding that the Britains were not of one mind, but diuided in partakings, so as one was readie to deuoure an other, thought it good time for them to aduance their conquests, and ceassed not to pursue the Britains by force and continuall warre, till they had constreined them for refuge [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] [Sidenote: See more of this Gurmundus in Ireland.] [Sidenote: _Ranulf. Cest._] to withdraw into Wales. And as some haue written, the Saxons meaning to make a full conquest of the land, sent ouer into Ireland, requiring one Gurmundus a king of the Affricans to come ouer into Britaine to helpe them against the Britains.

This Gurmundus appointing his brother Turgesius to pursue the conquest of Ireland, came and arriued heere in Britaine, making such cruell warre in aid of the Saxons against the Britains, that Careticus was constreined to kéepe him within the citie of Chicester or Cirencester, and was there besieged, and at length by continuall assalts and skirmishes, when he had lost manie of his men, he was glad to forsake that citie, and fled into Wales. This Gurmundus tooke Cirencester or Chichester, and destroied it in most cruell maner. Some write, that he tooke this citie by a policie of warre, in binding to the féet of sparrowes which his people had caught, certeine clewes of thred or matches, finelie wrought & tempered with matter readie to take fire, so that the sparrowes being suffered to go out of hand, flue into the towne to lodge themselues within their neasts which they had made in stacks of corne, and eues of houses, so that the towne was thereby set on fire, and then the Britains issuing foorth, fought with their enimies, and were ouercome and discomfited.

But whilest the battell continued, Careticus stale away, and got him into Wales. After this, the foresaid Gurmundus destroied this land throughout in pitifull wise, and then deliuered it in possession to the Saxons, the which thankfullie receiued it: and because they were descended of those that first came ouer with Hengist, they changed the name of the land, and called it Hengistland, accordinglie as the same Hengist had in times past ordeined: the which name after for shortnesse of spéech was somewhat altered, and so lastlie called England, and the people Englishmen. But rather it may be thought, that sith a great part of those people which came ouer into this land out of Germanie with the said Hengist, and other capteins, were of those Englishmen which inhabited Germanie, about the parts of Thoringhen, [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] they called this land England, after their name, when they had first got habitation within it: and so both the land and people tooke name of them, being called _Angli_, a long time before they entered into this Ile, (as before is shewed out of Cornelius Tacitus and others.) But now to returne where we left.

[Sidenote: It should séeme that this historie of Gurmundus is but some fained tale except it may be that he was some Dane, Norwegian or Germane.] Of this Gurmundus the old English writers make no mention, nor also anie ancient authors of forren parties: and yet saith the British booke, that after he had conquered this land, and giuen it to the Saxons, he passed ouer into France, and there destroied much of that land, as an enimie to the faith of Christ. For which consideration he was the more readie to come to the aid of the Saxons, who as yet had not receiued the christian faith, but warred against the Britains, as well to destroie the faith of Christ within this land, as to establish to themselues continuall habitations in the same. There be, that omitting to make mention of Gurmundus, write thus of the expelling of the Britains out of this land at that time, when with their king Careticus they got them into Wales.

[Sidenote: 586.] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] In the yéere of Grace 586, Careticus a louer of ciuill warre succéeded Malgo an enimie to God and to the Britains, whose inconstancie when the English and Saxon kings perceiued, with one consent they rose against him, and after manie battels chased him from citie to citie, till at length incountering with him in a pight field, they droue him beyond Seuerne into Wales. Héerevpon clerks and priests were driuen out of their places with bright swoords brandishing in all parts, and fire crackling in churches, wherewith the same were consumed. The remnant of the Britains therefore withdrew into the west parts of the land, that is to say, into Cornwall, and into Wales, out of which countries they oftentimes brake out, and made insurrections vpon the Saxons, the which in maner aforsaid got possession of the chiefest parts of the land, leauing to the Britains onlie three prouinces, that is to say, Cornwall, Southwales, and Northwales, which countries were not easie to be woone, by reason of the thicke woods inuironed with déepe mareshes and waters, and full of high craggie rocks and mounteins.

The English and Saxon kings hauing thus remooued the Britains, inlarged the bounds of their dominions. There reigned in that season within this land, beside the Britaine kings, eight kings of the English and Saxon nations, as Ethelbert in Kent, Cissa in Sussex, Ceauline in Westsex, Creda or Crida in Mercia, Erkenwine in Essex, Titila in Estangle, Elle in Deira, and Alfrid in Bernicia. In this sort the Britains lost the possession of the more part of their ancient seats, and the faith of Christ thereby was greatlie decaied: for the churches were destroied; and the archbishops of Caerleon Arwiske, London and Yorke withdrew togither with their cleargie into the mounteins and woods within Wales, taking with them the reliks of saints, doubting the same should be destroied by the enimies, and themselues put to death if they should abide in their old habitations. Manie also fled into Britaine Armorike with a great fléete of ships, so that the whole church or congregation (as ye may call it) of the two prouinces, Loegria and Northumberland, was left desolate in that season, to the great hinderance and decaie of the christian religion. Careticus was driuen into Wales (as before is rehearsed) about the second or third yéere of his reigne, and there continued with his Britains, the which ceassed not to indamage the Saxons from time to time as occasion still serued.

But here is to be noted, that the Britains being thus remoued into Wales and Cornwall, were gouerned afterwards by thrée kings, or rather tyrants, the which ceased not with ciuill warre to seeke others [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] destruction, till finallie (as saith the British booke) they became all subiect vnto Cadwallo, whome Beda nameth Cedwallo. In the meane time, Ceaulinus or Cheuling king of the Westsaxons, through his owne misgouernance and tyrannie, which towards his latter daies he practised, did procure not onelie the Britains, but also his owne subiects to conspire his death, so that ioining in battell with his aduersaries at Wodensdic, in the 33 yeare of his reigne, his armie was discomfited, and he himselfe constreined to depart into exile, and shortlie after ended his life before he could find meanes to be restored.

¶ So that we haue here a mirror or liuelie view of a tyrant and a king, wherein there is no lesse ods in the manner of their gouernement, than there is repugnance in their names, or difference in their states. For he seeth but little into the knowledge of toongs, that vnderstandeth not what the office of a king should be, by the composition of his name, the same sounding in Gréeke [Greek: _basileus_], which being resolued is in effect [Greek: _basis la[ou]_], that is, the foundation or stay of the people; from which qualitie when he resulteth, he maketh shipwracke of that goodlie title, and degenerateth into a tyrant, than the which violent and inforced gouernement as there is none more perillous, so is it of all other the least in continuance: this is prooued by historicall obseruation through the course of this historie.

* * * * *

_Ceolric reigneth ouer the Westsaxons, the Saxons and Britains incounter, Ethelbert king of Kent subdueth the Englishsaxons, he is maried to the French kings daughter vpon cautions of religion, the king imbraceth the gospell, Augustine the moonke and others were sent into this Ile to preach the christian faith, the occasion that moued Gregorie the great to send him, buieng and selling of boies, the Englishmen called Angli commended, Ethelbert causeth Augustine and his fellowes to come before him, they preach to the king and his traine, he granteth them a conuenient seat and competent reliefe in Canturburie, the maner of their going thither and their behauiour there, the king and his people receiue the christian faith, and are baptised._

THE XIX. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: CELRIC.] Now after Cheuling, his nephue Celricus or Ceolric that was sonne vnto Cutwine, the sonne of the foresaid Cheuling, reigned as king ouer the Westsaxons fiue yeares & fiue moneths. In like manner the same yeare died Ella or Alla king of Northumberland, after whome succéeded Ethelricus the sonne of Ida, and reigned but fiue yeares, being a man well growne in yeares before he came to be king. About thrée yeeres after this, the Saxons & Britains fought a battell at Wodenesbourne, where the Britains being ranged in good order, the Saxons set vpon them boldlie indéed, but disorderedlie, so that the victorie remained with the Britains. The Saxons the more valiant they had shewed themselues in battell, before that time, so much the more slow and vntowardlie did they shew themselues now in running awaie to saue themselues, so that an huge number of them were slaine. Also about the [Sidenote: 594.] same time died Crida king of Mercia 594, after whome his sonne Wibbas or Wipha succeeded. And after the deceasse of Ethelric, one Edelbert or Edelfride surnamed the wild, succéeded in gouernement of the Northumbers. But to returne to our purpose.

Ethelbert king of Kent, not discouraged with the euill chance which happened in the beginning, but rather occasioned thereby to learne [Sidenote: _Beda._] [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] more experience in feats of warre, prooued so perfect a maister therein, that in processe of time he subdued by force of armes all those English Saxons which lay betwixt the bounds of his countrie, and the riuer of Humber. Also to haue friendship in forraine parts, he procured a wife for himselfe of the French nation, named the ladie Bertha, being king Cheriberts daughter of France; but with condition, that he should permit hir to continue and vse the rites and lawes of christian faith and religion, and to haue a bishop whose name was Luidhard, appointed to come and remaine with hir here in this land for hir better instruction in the lawes of the Lord. So that they two with other of the French nation that came ouer with them remaining in the court, and vsing to serue God in praiers and otherwise, according to the custome of the christian religion, began vndoubtedlie to giue light to the kings mind as yet darkned with the clouds of paganisme, so as the bright beames of the celestiall cléerenes of vnderstanding remooued the thicke mists of his vnbeléefe in tract of time, and prepared his heart to the receiuing of the gospell, which after by heauenlie prouidence was preached to him, by occasion, and in maner as [Sidenote: _Beda._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 596.] [Sidenote: 47 saith the same author.] followeth. In the yeare of our Lord 596, which was about the 14 yeare of the reigne of the emperour Mauricius, and after the comming of the English Saxons into this land, about an 147 yeares almost complet, the bishop of Rome, Gregorie the first of that name, and surnamed Magnus, sent Augustinus a moonke, with certeine other learned men into this Ile to preach the christian faith vnto the English Saxons, which nation as yet had not receiued the gospell. And here we hold it necessarie to shew how it is recorded by diuer writers, that the first occasion whereby Gregorie was mooued thus to send Augustine into this land, rose by this meanes.

[Sidenote: _Beda._] [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] It chanced (whilest the same Gregorie was as yet but archdeacon of the see of Rome) certeine yoong boies were brought thither to bee sold out of Northumberland, according to the accustomable vse of that countrie, in somuch that as we haue in our time séene (saith W. Mal.) the people of that prouince haue not yet doubted to sell awaie their néere kinsfolke for a small price. When those children which at that time were brought from thence to Rome, had by reason of their excellent beauties and comelie shape of lims and bodie, turned the eies in maner [Sidenote: _Vita Gregorii._] [Sidenote: _magni._] of all the citizens to the beholding of them, it fortuned that Gregorie also came amongst other to behold them, and when he considered and well viewed their faire skins, their swéet visages, and beautifull bushes of their bright and yeallow heares, he demanded out of what region or land they came? Vnto whome answere was made, that they were brought out of Britaine, the inhabitants of which countrie were of the like beautifull aspect. Then he asked whether the men of that countrie were christians, or as yet intangled with blind heathenish errors? Wherevnto it was answered, that they were not christened, but followed the religion of the Gentiles. Whereat Gregorie fetching a déepe sigh, said: Ah, alas that the author of darkenesse dooth as yet possesse men of so brightsome countenances, and that with the grace of such faire shining visages, they beare about minds void of inward grace.

"Moreouer he demanded by what name the people were called, whereto answere was made, that they were called Angli, that is to say Englishmen. Right woorthilie (saith he) for they haue angels faces, and such as ought to be made fellow-heires with angels in heauen. Then asked he the name of the prouince from whence they were brought, and it was told him they were of Deira. It is well (said he) they are to be deliuered "De ira dei," that is to say, from the ire and wrath of God, and called to the mercie of Christ our Lord. What name (said he) hath the king of that prouince? Wherevnto answere was made that he was called Alla, wherevpon alluding to that name, he said, Alleluia ought to be soong in those parts to the praise and honor of God the creator."

[Sidenote: Pelagius the second.] [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] Herevpon comming to Benedict the first of that name (as then bishop of Rome) he required him that some learned men might be sent into England to preach the gospell vnto the Englishmen, offering himselfe to be one of the number. But though Benedict was contented to grant his request, [Sidenote: Pelagius.] yet the Romans had him in such estimation, that they would not consent that he should depart so farre from the citie, so that by them he was at that time staied of that his godlie purpose. Howbeit when he came to be bishop, he thought to performe it though not by himselfe, yet by other: and so Augustine and his fellowes were sent by him about it (as before is said.) By the way, as they were passing in their iournie, such a sudden feare entred into their hearts, that (as some write) [Sidenote: M. Fox.] they returned all. Others write, that Augustine was sent backe to Gregorie, to sue that they might be released of that voiage so dangerous and vncerteine amongst such a barbarous people, whose language they neither knew, nor whose rudenesse they were able to resist. Then Gregorie with pithie perswasions confirming and comforting him, sent him againe with letters vnto the bishop of Arles, willing him to helpe and aid the said Austine and his companie in all what so euer his néede required. Also other letters he directed by the foresaid Austine vnto his fellowes, exhorting them to go forward boldlie in the Lords woorke, as by the tenor of the said epistle here following may appeare.

"_Gregorie the seruant of Gods servants, to the seruants of our Lord._

"For as much as it is better not to take good things in hand, than after they be begun, to thinke to reuolt backe from the same againe, therefore now you may not nor cannot (dere children) but with all feruent studie and labour must needs go forward in that good businesse, which thorough the helpe of God you haue well begun. Neither let the wearisomnesse of your iournie, nor the slanderous toongs of men appall you, but that with all instance and feruencie ye proceed and accomplish the thing which the Lord hath ordeined you to take in hand, knowing that your great trauell shall be recompensed with reward of greater glorie hereafter to come. Therefore as we send here Austine to you againe, whome also we haue ordeined to be your gouernour, so doo you humblie obey him in all things, knowing that it shall be profitable for your soules what soeuer at his admonition ye shall doo. Almightie God with his grace defend you, and grant me to see in the eternall countrie the fruit of your labours, though heere I cannot labour in the same fellowship with you togither. The Lord God keepe you safe most deere and welbeloued children. Dated the tenth before the kalends of August, in the reigne of our souereigne lord Mauricius most vertuous emperor, the fourtenth of his empire."

Thus emboldned and comforted through the good woords and wholesome exhortation of Gregorie, they set forward againe, and spéeding foorth their iournie, first arriued at the Ile of Thanet in Kent in the moneth of Iulie, being in number about fortie persons, of the which diuerse were interpretors, whome they brought with them out of France. These they sent vnto king Ethelbert, signifieng the occasion of their comming, who hearing the messengers within a few daies after, went into that Ile, and there abroad out of anie house sat downe, and caused Augustine and his fellowes to come before him, for he would not come vnder anie roofe with them, sore doubting to be bewitched by them, being persuaded that they were practised in nigromancie. But they comming to him, not by the power of the diuell (as they said) but by the might and power of almightie God, bearing in stéed of a banner [Sidenote: The seuenfold letanies of S. Gregorie were not yet deuised.] a crosse of siluer, and an image of our Lord and Sauiour painted in a table, and thereto singing the letanies, made intercession vnto the Lord for the euerlasting preseruation of themselues, and of all them for whome and to whome they came.

Now when they being set downe by commandement of the king, had preached the woord of life to him, and to all those that came thither with him, he made them this answer, that their woords and promises were good: but for as much as the same were new & vncerteine to him that had béen brought vp in the contrarie doctrine, he could not rashlie assent to their admonitions, & leaue that beléefe which he and the English nation had so long a time obserued and kept: but (said he) because ye haue trauelled farre, to the intent to make vs partakers of those things which ye beléeue to be most true and perfect, we will thus much graunt vnto you, that ye shall be receiued into this countrie, and haue harbrough, with all things sufficient found vnto you for your maintenance and sustentation: neither will we hinder you, but that ye may by preaching associat and ioine as manie of our subiects as you can vnto your law and beléefe. They had therefore assigned vnto them a place to lodge in within the citie of Canturburie, which was the head citie of all his dominion. It is said that as they approched the citie according to their maner, they had a crosse borne before them, with an image of our Lord Iesus Christ, and they followed, singing this letanie, "Deprecamur te Domine in omni misericordia tua, vt auferatur furor tuus & ira tua à ciuitate ista & de domo sancta tua, quoniam peccauimus: Alleluia." _That is to say_, We beseech thee Ô Lord in all thy mercie that thy furie and wrath may be taken from this citie, and from thy holie house, for we haue [Sidenote: _Beda._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] sinned. Praise be to thee Ô Lord.--After they were receiued into Canturburie, they began to follow the trade of life which the apostles vsed in the primitiue church, that is to say, exercising themselues in continuall praier, watching, and preaching to as manie as they could, despising all worldlie things, as not belonging to them, receiuing onelie of them (whome they taught) things necessarie for the sustenance of their life, & liuing in all points according to the doctrine which they set forth, hauing their minds readie to suffer in patience all aduersities what so euer, yea and death it selfe, for the [Sidenote: The christian faith receiued of the Englishmen.] confirming of that which they now preached. Herevpon, manie of the English people beléeued and were baptised, hauing in great reuerence the simplicitie of those men, and the swéetenesse of their heauenlie doctrine. There was a church néere to the citie on the east part thereof dedicated to the honor of saint Martine, and builded of old time whilest the Romans as yet inhabited Britaine, in the which the quéene, being (as we haue said) a christian, vsed to make hir praiers. To this church Austine and his fellowes at their first comming accustomed to resort, and there to sing, to praie, to saie masse, to preach and to baptise, till at length the king being conuerted, granted them licence to preach in euerie place, and to build and restore churches where they thought good. After that the king being persuaded by their doctrine, good examples giuing, and diuers miracles shewed, was once baptised, the people in great numbers began to giue eare vnto the preaching of the gospell, and renouncing their [Sidenote: _Lib._ 7. _cap._ 26.] heathenish beléefe, became christians, in so much that as Gregorie remembreth, there were baptised ten thousand persons in one day, being the feast of the natiuitie of our Sauiour 597, and the first indiction.

[Sidenote: _Polychron._] ¶ Some write how this should chance toward the latter end of Augustines daies, after he was admitted to preach the gospell amongst them that inhabited about Yorke (as some write) which affirme, that the said number of ten thousand was baptised in the riuer of Suale, which (as W. Harison saith) cannot be verified, because of the indiction and death of Gregorie. But to procéed.

* * * * *

_Religion is not to be inforced but perswaded and preached, Augustine is made archbishop of England, Gregorie informeth Augustine of certeine ordinances to be made and obserued in the new English church, as the reuenewes of the church to be diuided into foure parts, of liturgie, of mariage, of ecclesiasticall discipline and ordeining of bishops: trifling questions objected by Augustine to Gregorie, fellow helpers are sent ouer to assist. Augustine in his ministerie, he receiueth his pall, reformation must be doone by little and little, not to glorie in miracles, the effect of Gregories letters to K. Ethelbert after his conuersion to christianitie._

THE XX. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 1. _cap._ 26. and 27.] King Ethelbert reioised at the conuersion of his people, howbeit he would not force anie man to be baptised, but onelie shewed by his behauiour, that he fauored those that beléeued more than other, as fellow citizens with him of the heauenlie kingdome: for he learned of them that had instructed him in the faith, that the obedience due to Christ ought not to be inforced, but to come of good will. Moreouer he prouided for Augustine and his fellowes a conuenient place for their habitation within the citie of Canturburie, and further gaue them [Sidenote: Augustine ordeined archbishop of the English nation.] necessarie reuenewes in possession for their maintenance. After that the faith of Christ was thus receiued of the English men, Augustine went into France, and there of the archbishop of Arles named Etherius was ordeined archbishop of the English nation, according to the order prescribed by Gregorie before the departure of the said Augustine from Rome.

[Sidenote: Laurence a priest.] After his returne into Britaine, he sent Laurence a priest, and Péeter a moonke vnto Rome, to giue knowledge vnto Gregorie the bishop, how the Englishmen had receiued the faith, and that he was ordeined archbishop of the land, according to that he had commanded, if the woorke prospered vnder his hand as it had doone. He also required to haue Gregories aduice touching certéine ordinances to be made and obserued in the new church of England. Wherevpon Gregorie, sending backe the messengers, wrote an answere vnto all his demands. And first touching the conuersation of archbishops with the clergie, and in what sort the church goods ought to be imploied, he declared that the ancient custome of the apostolike see was to giue commandement vnto [Sidenote: The reuenewes of the church to be diuided into 4. parts.] bishops ordeined, that the profits and reuenewes of their benefices ought to be diuided into foure parts, whereof the first should be appointed to the bishop and his familie for the maintenance of hospitalitie: the second should be assigned to the clergie: the third giuen to the poore: and the fourth imploied vpon repairing of temples.

[Sidenote: Liturgie.] And whereas in the church of Rome one custome in saieng masse or the [Sidenote: Church seruice.] liturgie was obserued, and another custome in France; concerning such church seruice, Gregorie aduised Austine that if he found anie thing either in the church of Rome, either in the church of France, or in anie other church which might most please the almightie God, he should diligentlie choose it out, and instruct the church of England (now being new) according to that forme which he should gather foorth of the said churches: for the things are not loued for the places sake, but the places for the things sake. Also for punishing of such as had [Sidenote: Such as did steale.] stolen things out of churches, so néere as might be, the offender should be chastised in charitie, so as he might know his fault, and (if it were possible) restore the thing taken away.

[Sidenote: Mariages.] And touching degrées in mariage, Englishmen might take to their wiues, women that touched them in the third and fourth degrée without reprehension, and if any vnlawfull mariages were found amongst the Englishmen, as if the sonne had maried the fathers wife, or the brother the brothers wife, they ought to be warned in anie wise to absteine, and vnderstand it to be a gréeuous sinne: yet should they not for that thing be depriued of the communion of the bodie and bloud of our Lord, least those things might séeme to be punished in them wherein they had offended (before their conuersion to the christian [Sidenote: Discipline of the church.] faith) by ignorance; for at this season the church (saith he) correcteth some things of a feruent earnestnesse, suffreth some things of a gentle mildnes, and dissembleth some things of a prudent consideration, and so beareth and winketh at the same, that oftentimes the euill which she abhorreth by such bearing and dissembling, is restrained and reformed.

[Sidenote: Ordeining of bishops.] Moreouer touching the ordeining of bishops, he would they should be so placed, that the distance of place might not be a let, but that when a bishop should be consecrated, there might be thrée or foure present. Also touching the bishops of France, he willed Augustine in no wise to intermeddle with them, otherwise than by exhortation and good admonition to be giuen, but not to presume anie thing by authoritie, sith the archbishop of Arles had receiued the pall in times past, whose authoritie he might not diminish, least he should séeme to put his sickle into another mans haruest. But as for the bishops of Britaine, he committed them vnto him, that the vnlearned might be taught, the weake with wholesome persuasions strengthened, and the [Sidenote: Women with child.] froward by authoritie reformed. Moreouer, that a woman with child might be baptised, and she that was deliuered after 33 daies of a manchild, and after 46 daies of a womanchild, should be purified, but yet might she enter the church before, if she would.

[Sidenote: Matters in question about trifles.]

The residue of Augustines demands consisted in these points, to wit:

1 Within what space a child should be christened after it was borne, for doubt to be preuented by death?

2 Within what time a man might companie with his wife after she was brought to bed?

3 Whether a woman, hauing hir floures, might enter the church, or receiue the communion?

4 Whether a man hauing had companie with his wife, might enter the church, or receiue the communion before he was washed with water?

5 Whether after pollusion by night in dreames, a man might receiue the communion: or if he were a priest, whether he might say masse?

To these questions Gregorie maketh answere at full in the booke and place before cited, which for bréefenesse we passe ouer. He sent also at that time with the messengers aforesaid, at their returne into England, diuers learned men to helpe Augustine in the haruest of [Sidenote: Assistance to Augustine.] [Sidenote: The pall.] the Lord. The names of the chiefest were these, Melitus, Iustus, Paulinus, and Ruffinianus. He sent allso the pall, which is the ornament of an archbishop, with vessels and apparell which should be vsed in churches by the archbishop and other ministers. He sent also with the pall other letters to Augustine, to let him vnderstand what number of bishops he would haue him to ordeine within this land. Also after that Melitus, and the other before mentioned persons were departed from Rome, he sent a letter vnto the same Melitus, being yet on his way toward Britaine, touching further matter concerning the [Sidenote: Bearing with them that had newlie receiued the faith, whereof superstition grew and increased.] churches of England, wherein he confesseth that manie things are permitted to be vsed of the people latelie brought from the errors of gentilitie, in keeping feasts on the dedication daies, which haue resemblance with the old superstitious rites of the Pagan religion. For to hard and obstinate minds (saith he) it is not possible to cut away all things at once, for he that coueteth to the highest place, goeth vp by steps and not by leaps.

[Sidenote: Miracles.] At the same time Gregorie did send letters vnto Augustine touching the miracles, which by report he vnderstood were shewed by the same Augustine, counselling him in no wise to glorie in the same, but rather in reioising to feare, and consider that God gaue him the gift to worke such signes for the wealth of them to whom he was sent to preach the gospell: he aduised him therefore to beware of vaine-glorie and presumption, for the disciples of the truth (saith he) haue no ioy, but onlie that which is common with all men, of which there is no end, for not euerie one that is elect worketh miracles, but euerie of the elect haue their names written in heauen. These letters, with the other which Gregorie sent at this time vnto Augustine, were dated the tenth day of the kalends of Iulie, in the yéere of our Lord 602, which was the 19 yeere of the emperour Mauricius. Moreouer he sent most [Sidenote: 602.] courteous letters by these messengers to king Ethelbert, in the which he greatlie commended him, in that he had receiued the christian faith, and exhorted him to continue in that most holie state of life, whereby he might worthilie looke for reward at the hands of almightie God.

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_What reparations and foundations Augustine finished for clergimen to the supportation of the church, the building of Paules in London and saint Peters in Westminster vncerteine, a prouinciall councell called by Augustine, he restoreth a blind man to his sight, the Britains are hardlie weaned from their old custome of beliefe, an heremits opinion of Augustine, he requireth three things to be obserued of the Britains, he ordeineth bishops at London and Rochester; Sabert reigneth ouer the Eastsaxons, Augustine dieth and is buried._

THE XXJ CHAPTER.

Thus farre we haue waded in the forme and maner of conuerting the English nation to christianitie, by the labours of Augustine and his coadiutors: now therefore (that we may orderlie procéed) it remaineth that we say somewhat of the acts and déeds of the said Augustine; of whom we read, that after he was established archbishop, and had his [Sidenote: _Beda._] sée appointed him at Canturburie, he restored another church in that citie which had béene erected there in times past by certeine of the Romans that were christians, and did dedicate the same now to the honour of Christ our Sauiour. He also began the foundation of a monasterie without that citie, standing toward the east, in the which by his exhortation, king Ethelbert built a church euen from the ground, which was dedicated vnto the holie apostles Peter and Paule, in the which the bodie of the said Augustine was buried, and likewise the bodies of all the archbishops of Canturburie and kings of Kent a [Sidenote: One Peter was the first Abbat.] long time after. This abbie was called saint Austins after his name, one Peter being the first abbat thereof. The church there was not consecrated by Augustine, but by his successor Laurence, after he was dead.

Moreouer, king Ethelbert at the motion of Augustine built a church in the citie of London (which he latelie had conquered) and dedicated it vnto saint Paule; but whether he builded or restored this church of saint Paule it may be doubted, for there be diuers opinions of the building thereof. Some haue written that it was first builded by king [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] Lud (as before is mentioned.) Other againe write, that it was builded afterward by Sigebert king of the Eastsaxons. Also king Ethelbert builded the church of saint Andrews in Rochester. It is likewise remembred by writers, that the same king Ethelbert procured a citizen [Sidenote: _Beda._] of London to build a church to S. Peter without the citie of London toward the west, in a place then called Thorney, that is to say, the [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: Westminster church builded.] Ile of thorns, and now called Westminster: though others haue written that it was built by Lucias king of Britaine, or rather by Sibert king of the Eastsaxons. This church was either newlie built, or greatlie inlarged by king Edward surnamed the Confessor, and after that, the third Henrie king of England did make there a beautifull monasterie, and verie richlie indowed the same with great possessions and sumptuous iewels. The place was ouergrowne with vnderwoods, as thornes and brambles, before that the church was begun to be builded there in this king Ethelberts daies. ¶ Thus the faith of Christ being once begun to be receiued of the English men, tooke woonderfull increase within a short time.

[Sidenote: _Ran. Cest._] [Sidenote: _Beda._] [Sidenote: Sigebertus.] [Sidenote: ann. 19 Mauricij imperatoris.] [Sidenote: A synod.] [Sidenote: Ausines oke.] [Sidenote: _Galfrid. lib._ 8. _cap._ 4.] In the meane season by the helpe of king Ethelbert, Augustine caused a councell to be called at a place in the confines of the Westsaxons, which place long after was called Austines oke, where he procured the bishops or doctors of the prouinces of the Britains to come before him. Among the Britains or the Welshmen, christianitie as yet remained in force, which from the apostles time had neuer failed in that nation. When Augustine came into this land, he found in their prouinces seuen bishops sées, and an archbishops sée, wherein sat verie godlie & right religious prelats, and manie abbats, in the which the Lords flocke kept their right order: but because they differed in [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 2. _ca._ 2.] obseruing the feast of Easter, and other rites from the vse of the Romane church, Augustine thought it necessarie to mooue them to agrée with him in vnitie of the same, but after long disputation and reasoning of those matters, they could not be induced to giue their assent in that behalfe. Augustine to prooue his opinion good, wrought a miracle in restoring sight to one of the Saxon nation that was blind.

The Britains that were present, mooued with this miracle, confessed that it was the right waie of iustice and righteousnesse which Augustine taught; but yet they said that they might not forsake their ancient customs without consent and licence of their nation. Wherevpon [Sidenote: Another synod.] they required another synod to be holden, whereat a greater number of them might be present. This being granted, there came (as it is reported) seuen bishops of the Britains, and a great number of learned [Sidenote: The monasterie of Bangor.] [Sidenote: Abbat Dionoth.] men, speciallie of the famous monasterie of Bangor, whereof in those daies one Dionoth was abbat, who as they went towards that councell, came first to a certeine wise man, which liued amongst them an heremits life, and asked his aduise, whether they ought to forsake their traditions at the preaching of Augustine or not: who made this answer; "If he be the man of God, follow him." Then said they; "How shall we prooue whether he be so or not?" Then said he: "The Lord [Sidenote: The answer of a godlie man touching Austine the Englishmens apostle.] saith, Take vp my yoke and learne of me, for I am méeke & humble in hart: if Augustine be humble and meeke in hart, it is to be beléeued that he also beareth the yoke of Christ, and offereth it to you to beare; but if he be not méeke but proud, it is certeine that he is not of GOD, nor his woord to be regarded." "And how shall we sée and perceiue that (said they?)" "Find meanes (said he) that he maie first come to the place of the synod with those of his side, and if he arise to receiue you at your comming, then know that he is the seruant of God, and obey him; but if he despise you, and arise not towards you, whereas you be more in number, let him be despised of you."

They did as he commanded, and it chanced, that when they came, they found Augustine sitting in his chaire: whome when they beheld, straightwaies they conceiued indignation, and noting him of pride, laboured to reprooue all his saiengs. He told them that they vsed [Sidenote: Thrée things required by Augustine of the Britains to be observed.] manie things contrarie to the custom of the vniuersall church, and yet if in thrée things they would obeie him, that is to say, in kéeping the feast of Easter in due time, in ministring baptisme according to the custome of the Romane church, & in preaching to the Englishmen the woord of life with him & his fellowes, then would he be contented to suffer all other things patientlie which they did, though the same were contrarie to the maners and customs of the Romane iurisdiction. But they flatlie denied to doo anie of those things, and gaue a plaine answer that they would not receiue him for their archbishop: for laieng their heads togither, thus they thought, If he refuse now to arise vnto vs, how much the more will he contemne vs if we should [Sidenote: Augustine threatneth.] become subiect to him? Vnto whom (as it is said) Augustine in threatening wise told them afore hand, that if they would not receiue peace with their brethren, they should receiue warre of the enimies; & if they would not preach to the Englishmen the waie of life, they should suffer punishment by death at the hands of them: which thing in [Sidenote: 604.] [Sidenote: Bishops ordeined at London and Rochester.] deed after came to passe, as in place conuenient shall be expressed. After this in the yéere of our Lord 604, the archbishop Augustine ordeined two bishops, that is to say, Melitus at London, that he might preach the woord of God to the Eastsaxons, which were diuided from them of Kent by the riuer of Thames, and Iustus in the citie of Rochester within the limits of Kent.

[Sidenote: SABERT.] At that time Sabert reigned ouer the Eastsaxons, but he was subiect vnto Ethelbert king of Kent, whose nephue he was also by his sister Ricula that was married vnto king Sledda that succéeded after Erchenwine the first king of the Eastsaxons, and begat on hir this Sabert that receiued the faith. After that Augustine had ordeined Melitus to be bishop of London, as before is said, king Ethelbert builded (as some write) the church of saint Paule within the same citie, where the same Melitus and his successors might keepe their sée. And also for the like purpose he builded the church of saint Andrew the apostle at Rochester, that Iustus and his successors might haue their sée in that place, according to Augustines institution: he bestowed great gifts vpon both those churches, endowing them with lands and possessions verie bountifullie, to the vse of them that should be attendant in the same with the bishops.

[Sidenote: _Ran. Cestren._] Finallie, Augustine after he had gouerned as archbishop the church of Canturburie by the space of 12 yéeres currant, departed this life the fiue and twentieth of Maie, and was buried first without the citie néere to the church of the apostles Peter and Paule (whereof mention is made before) bicause the same church as yet was not finished nor dedicated; but after it was dedicated, his bodie was brought into the church, and reuerentlie buried in the north Ile there. He ordeined in his life time Laurence to be his successor in the sée of Canturburie, of whome ye shall heare hereafter. ¶ Thus haue ye heard in what maner the Englishmen were first brought from the worshipping of false gods, and baptised in the name of the liuing God by the foresaid Augustine (as we find in Beda and other writers.) Now we will returne to other dooings chancing in the meane time amongst the people of this Ile.

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_Ceowlfe or Ceoloulph gouerneth the Westsaxons, Ceorlus king of Mercia, Edelfride king of the Northumbers, and Edan king of the Scots ioine in battell, Edan is discomfited, Edelfride subdueth the citizens of Chester, the deuout moonks of Bangor praie for safetie from the swoord of the enimie, twelue hundred of them are slaine, Edelfride entreth the citie of Chester, the Britains assembling their power vnder three capteins incounter with Edelfride, slaie manie of his souldiers, and put him to flight, warres betweene Edelfride and Redwald king of the Eastangles about Edwine the sonne of king Elle, Edelfride is slaine, Ceowlfe king of the Westsaxons dieth._

THE XXIJ CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 34.] After the deceasse of Chelricus king of the Westsaxons, we find that Ceowlfe or Ceoloulph succéeded in gouernment of that kingdome, and reigned twelue yéeres. He began his reigne (as should appéere by some [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 607.] writers) about the yeere of our Lord 597, and spent his time for the more part in warres, not giuing place to idlenesse, but séeking either to defend or inlarge the confines of his dominion. He was the sonne of Cutha, which was the sonne of Kenrike, which was the sonne of Certike. After Wibba or Wipha king of Mercia (who, nothing inferiour to his father, did not onelie defend his kingdome, but also inlarge it, by [Sidenote: Ceorlus king of Mercia.] subduing the Britains on ech side) one Ceorlus succéeded in that kingdome, being not his sonne but his kinsman. This Ceorlus began his [Sidenote: 594.] reigne about the yéere of our Lord 594, as Matth. West. recordeth.

[Sidenote: _Beda._] [Sidenote: Edelferd.] Ye haue heard that Edelferd, which otherwise is called also by writers Edelfride, surnamed the wild, gouerned still the Northumbers, which Edelferd did more damage to the Britains than anie one other king of the English nation. None of them destroied their countries more than he did: neither did anie prince make more of the Britains tributaries, or inhabited more of their countries with English people than he. Héerevpon Edan king of those Scots which inhabited Britaine, being therewith mooued to see Edelfride prosper thus in his conquests, came against him with a mightie armie: but ioining in battell with Edelfride and his power, at a place called Degsastane, or Degsastone, or Deglaston, he lost the most part of his people, and with the residue that were left aliue, he escaped by flight. This was a sore foughten battell, with much bloudshed on both parties. For notwithstanding that the victorie remained with the Northumbers, Theobaldus the brother of Edelferd was slaine, with all that part of [Sidenote: 603.] the English host which he gouerned: and it was fought in the yéere of our Lord 603, in the 19 yeere of the reigne of the foresaid Edelferd, and in the sixt yéere of Ceowlfe king of the Westsaxons, and in the [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 1. _cap._ 34.] first yéere of the emperor Phocas, or rather in the last yéere of his predecessor Mauricius. From that day, till the daies of Beda, not one [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: Sée in Scotland.] of the Scotish kings durst presume to enter into Britaine againe to giue battell against the English nation, as Beda himselfe writeth. But the Scotish writers make other report of this matter, as in the historie of Scotland ye maie find recorded.

The Britains that dwelt about Chester, through their stoutnesse prouoked the aforesaid Edelferd king of the Northumbers vnto warre: wherevpon to tame their loftie stomachs, he assembled an armie & came forward to besiege the citie of Chester, then called of the Britains [Sidenote: Chester as yet in possession of the Britains.] [Sidenote: _I. Leland._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] Carleon ardour deué. The citizens coueting rather to suffer all things than a siege, and hauing a trust in their great multitude of people, came foorth to giue batell abroad in the fields, whome he compassing about with ambushes, got within his danger, and easilie discomfited.

[Sidenote: _Beda._] It chanced that he had espied before the battell ioined (as Beda saith) where a great number of the British priests were got aside into a place somewhat out of danger, that they might there make their intercession to God for the good spéed of their people, being then readie to giue battell to the Northumbers. Manie of them were of that [Sidenote: The number of moonks in the monasterie of Bangor.] famous monasterie of Bangor, in the which it is said, that there was such a number of moonks, that where they were diuided into seuen seuerall parts, with their seuerall gouernors appointed to haue rule ouer them, euerie of those parts conteined at the least thrée hundred persons, the which liued altogither by the labour of their hands. Manie therefore of those moonks hauing kept a solemne fast for thrée daies togither, were come to the armie with other to make praier, [Sidenote: Brocmale.] hauing for their defender one Brocmale or Broemael, earle (or consull as some call him) of Chester, which should preserue them (being giuen to praier) from the edge of the enimies swoord.

King Edelferd hauing (as is said) espied these men, asked what they were, and what their intent was; and being informed of the whole circumstance and cause of their being there, he said; "Then if they call to their God for his assistance against vs, suerlie though they beare no armour, yet doo they fight against vs, being busied in praier for our destruction." Wherevpon he commanded the first onset to be [Sidenote: The Britains discomfited & slaine.] giuen them, and after slue downe the residue of the British armie, not without great losse of his owne people. Of those moonks and priests which came to praie (as before is mentioned) there died at that battell about the number of 12 hundred, so that fiftie of them onelie escaped by flight. Brocmale, or Broemael at the first approch of the enimies, turning his backe with his companie, left them (whom he should haue defended) to be murthered through the enimies swoord. Thus was the prophesie of Augustine fulfilled, though he was long before departed this life (as Beda saith.)

[Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] ¶ Héere is to be noted, if this battell was fought in the seuenth yéere of Ceowlfe king of Westsaxon (as some haue written) and that Augustine liued 12 yéeres after his entrance into the gouernment of the sée of Canturburie (as some write) it is euident that he liued foure yéeres after this slaughter made of the British priests and moonks by Edelferd (as before is recited.) For Ceowlfe began his reigne (as before is mentioned) about the yéere of our Lord 596, and in the seuenth yeere of his reigne the battell was fought at [Sidenote: _W. Harison._] hauing for their defender the Scots, which chanced in the yéere of our Lord 604, as Beda himselfe recordeth. A late chronographer running vpon this matter, and preciselie setting downe his collection, saith that Athelbright, or Edelfride, K. of the Northumbers, & Ethelbert K. of Kent, hauing Augustine in their companie, in the eight yéere after his arriuall, made warre vpon such Britains as refused to obserue the canons of the late councell mentioned 603, and killed 1200 moonks of the monasterie of Bangor, which laboured earnestlie, and in the sweat of their browes, thereby to get their liuings, &c. Verelie Galf. Mon. writeth, that Ethelbert king of Kent (after he saw the Britains to disdaine and denie their subiection vnto Augustine, by whome he was conuerted to the christian faith) stirred vp Edelferd king of the [Sidenote: _Acts and monuments, pag._ 160.] Northumbers to warre against the Britains. But heereof Maister Fox doubteth, and therefore saith, that of vncerteine things he hath nothing certeinlie to saie, much lesse to iudge. But now to the matter where we left.

After that king Edelferd had made slaughter of the Britains (as before is rehearsed) he entred the citie of Chester, and from thence marched towards Bangor. The Britains in the meane time had assembled their [Sidenote: Blederike duke of Cornwall, Margadud king of Southwales, Cadwane k. of Northwales.] power vnder thrée capteins, that is to say, Blederike duke of Cornewall, Margadud king of Southwales, and Cadwane king of Northwales. These ioining in battell with Edelferd, slue 10066 of his souldiers, and constreined him to flée out of the field for safegard of his life, after he had receiued manie wounds. On the part of the Britains the forsaid Blederike, which was chiefe capteine of the field [Sidenote: _Galf. Mon._] in that battell, chanced to be slaine. Thus saith Gal. Mon.

But the ancient writers of the English kings (as Beda, William Malmesburie, and Henrie Huntington), make no mention of this last battell and victorie obteined by the Britains in maner as aboue is expressed in Galfrids booke. But contrarilie we find, that Edelferd hauing such good successe in his businesse abroad as he could wish, [Sidenote: Edwine the sonne of king Alla banished.] vpon purpose to auoid danger at home, banished Edwine the sonne of Alla or Elle, a yoong gentleman of great towardnesse, latelie come to the kingdome of the Northumbers by the death of his father. But this Edwine in time of his exile, being long tossed from place to place, and finding no stedfast friendship now in time of his aduersitie, at length came to Redwald, that was king at that time of the Eastangles, the third from Vffa, and successor to Titullus, which Titullus did [Sidenote: 592.] succéed next after the said Vffa, the first king of Eastangles (as before is mentioned.) This Redwald did verie honourablie interteine [Sidenote: Edelferd.] Edwine, insomuch that Edelferd being informed thereof, was highlie displeased, and sent ambassadors vnto Redwald, to require him either to deliuer Edwine into his hands, or else if he refused so to doo, to declare and denounce vnto him open warres.

Redwald incouraged by his wife (that counselled him in no wise to betraie his friend, to whome he had giuen his faith, for the menaces of his enimie) assembled foorthwith an armie, and at the sudden comming vpon Edelferd, assaulted him yer he could haue time to [Sidenote: 542.] assemble his people togither. But yet the said Edelferd, though he [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] was beset and brought in danger at vnwares, died not vnreuenged: for putting himselfe in defense with such power as he could then get togither, he boldlie incountred the enimies, and giuing battell, slue [Sidenote: Ethelferd slaine.] Remerius the sonne of Redwald, and after was slaine himselfe, hauing reigned ouer the Northumbers about 22 yéeres. This battell was fought néere to the water of Idle.

The said Edelferd had issue by his wife Acca, the daughter of Alla, and sister to Edwine, two sonnes, Oswald being about two yéeres of age, and Oswin about foure yéeres, the which (their father being thus slaine) were by helpe of their gouernours conueied awaie into Scotland with all spéed that might be made. Ceowlfe king of the Westsaxons, [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ saith 34.] after he had reigned the space of 12 yeeres, departed this life, who in his time had mainteined great warre against manie of his neighbours, the which for briefenesse I passe ouer. One great battell [Sidenote: The Southsaxons susteine the greater losse.] he fought against them of Sussex, in which the armies on both sides sustained great damage, but the greater losse fell to the Southsaxons.

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_Cinegiscus and his sonne Richelinus reigne iointlie ouer the Westsaxons, they fight with the Britains; the indeuour of Laurence archbishop of Canturburie in setting religion at large, and seeking a vniformitie in catholike orders, he and his fellow-bishops write to the cleargie of Britaine and Scotland for a reformation, Melitus bishop of London goeth to Rome, the cause why, and what he brought at his returns from pope Boniface._

THE XXIIJ CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: CINEGISCUS.] After the foresaid Ceowlfe reigned Cinegiscus, or Kingils, which was the sonne of Ceola, which was the sonne of Cutha or Cutwin, which was the sonne of Kenricke, which was the sonne of king Certicke. In the fourth yéere of his reigne, he receiued into fellowship with him in [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._ saith that Onichelinus was the brother of Cinegiscus.] gouernance of the kingdome his sonne Richelinus, or Onichelinus, and so they reigned iointlie togither in great loue and concord (a thing [Sidenote: Beandune or Beanton.] seldome séene or heard of.) They fought with the Britains at Beandune, where at the first approch of the battels togither, the Britains fled, but too late, for there died of them that were ouertaken 2062.

[Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 2. _cap._ 4.] In this meane time, Laurence archbishop of Canturburie, who succéeded next after Augustine, admitted thereto by him in his life time (as before is said) did his indeuour to augment and bring to perfection the church of England, the foundation whereof was latelie laid by his predecessor the foresaid Augustine: who studied not onelie for the increase of this new church, which was gathered of the English people, but also he was busie to imploie his pastorlike cure vpon the people that were of the old inhabitants of Britaine, and likewise of the Scots that remained in Ireland. For when he had learned that the Scots there, in semblable wise as the Britains in their countrie, led not their liues in manie points according to the ecclesiasticall rules, as well in obseruing the feast of Easter contrarie to the vse of the Romane church, as in other things, he wrote vnto those Scots letters exhortatorie, requiring them most instantlie to an vnitie of catholike orders as might be agréeable with the church of Christ, spred and dispersed through the world. These letters were not written onelie in his owne name, but iointlie togither in the name of the bishops Melitius and Iustus, (as followeth.)

"_To our deare brethren the bishops and abbats through all Scotland, Laurence, Melitus and Iustus bishops, the seruants of the seruants of God wish health._

"WHEREAS the apostolike see (according to hir maner) had sent vs to preach vnto the heathen people in these west parts, as otherwise throgh the world, and that it chanced to vs to enter into this Ile which is called Britaine, before we knew & vnderstood the state of things, we had in great reuerence both the Scots & Britains, which beléeued, bicause (as we tooke the matter) they walked according to the custome of the vniuersall church: but after we had knowledge of the Britains, we iudged the Scots to be better. But we haue learned by bishop Daganus comming into this Ile, and by Columbanus the abbat comming into France, that the Scots nothing differ in their conuersation from the Britains: for bishop Daganus comming vnto vs, would neither eat with vs, no nor yet come within the house where we did eat."

The said Laurence also with his fellow-bishops, did write to the Britains other letters woorthie of his degrée, dooing what he could to confirme them in the vnitie of the Romane church: but it profited litle, as appeareth by that which Beda writeth. About the same time Melitus the bishop of London went to Rome, to common with pope Boniface, for necessarie causes touching the church of England, and was present at a synod holden by the same pope at that season, for ordinances to be made touching the state of religious men, and sate in the same synod, that with subscribing he might also by his authoritie confirme that which was there orderlie decréed. This synod was holden the third kalends of March, in the last yéere of the emperour Phocas, which was about the yeere after the birth of our Sauiour 610. Melitus at his returne brought with him from the pope, decrees commanded by the said pope to be obserued in the English church, with letters also directed to archbishop Laurence, and to king Ethelbert.

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_Cadwan is made king of the Britains in the citie of Chester, he leuieth a power against Ethelfred king of the Northumbers, couenants of peace passe betwixt them vpon condition, the death of Ethelbert king of Kent, where he and his wife were buried, of his lawes; Eadbald succeedeth Ethelbert in the Kentish kingdome, his lewd and vnholie life, he is an enimie to religion; he is plagued with madnesse; Hebert king of the Eastsaxons dieth, his thre sonnes refuse to be baptised, they fall to idolatrie and hate the professours of the truth, their irreligious talke and vndutifull behauiour to bishop Melitus, he and his fellow Iustus passe ouer into France, the three sonnes of Hebert are slaine of the Westsaxons in battell, the Estsaxons by their idolatrie prouoke archbishop Laurence to forsake the land, he is warned in a vision to tarie, whereof he certifieth king Eadbald, who furthering christianitie, sendeth for Melitus and Iustus, the one is restored to his see, the other reiected, Melitus dieth, Iustus is made archbishop of Canturburie, the christian faith increaseth._

THE XXIIIJ CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: CADWAN king of Britaine.] After that the Britains had c[=o]tinued about the space almost of 24 yéeres without anie one speciall gouernour, being led by sundrie rulers, euer sithens that Careticus was constreined to flée ouer Seuerne, and fought oftentimes not onelie against the Saxons, but also [Sidenote: 613.] one of them against another, at length in the yéere of our Lord 613, they assembled in the citie of Chester, and there elected Cadwan that before was ruler of Northwales, to haue the souereigne rule & gouernement ouer all their nation, and so the said Cadwan began to reigne as king of Britaine in the said yéere 613. But some authors say, that this was in the yéere 609, in which yéere Careticus the British king departed this life. And then after his deceasse the Britains or Welshmen (whether we shall call them) chose Cadwan to gouerne them in the foresaid yéere 609, which was in the 7 yéere of the emperour Phocas, and the 21 of the second Lotharius king of France, and in the 13 yéere of Kilwoolfe king of the Westsaxons.

This Cadwan being established king, shortlie after assembled a power of Britains, and went against the foresaid Ethelfred king of Northumberland, who being thereof aduertised, did associate to him the most part of the Saxon princes, and came foorth with his armie to méet Cadwan in the field. Herevpon as they were readie to haue tried the matter by battell, certeine of their friends trauelled so betwixt them for peace, that in the end they brought them to agréement, so that [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._] Ethelfred should kéepe in quiet possession those his countries beyond the riuer of Humber, and Cadwan should hold all that which of right belonged to the Britains on the southside of the same riuer. This couenant with other touching their agréement was confirmed with oths solemnelie taken, and pledges therewith deliuered, so that afterwards they continued in good and quiet peace, without vexing one an other.

What chanced afterward to Ethelfred, ye haue before heard rehersed, which for that it soundeth more like to a truth than that which followeth in the British booke, we omit to make further rehersall, passing forward to other dooings which fell in the meane season, whilest this Cadwan had gouernement of the Britains, reigning as king [Sidenote: _Iohn Hard._] ouer them the tearme of 22 or (as some say) but 13 yéeres, and finallie was slaine by the Northumbers, as before hath béene, and also after shall be shewed.

In the 8 yéere after that Cadwan began to reigne, Ethelbert king of Kent departed this life, in the 21 yéere after the comming of Augustine with his fellowes to preach the faith of Christ here in this realme: and after that Ethelbert had reigned ouer the prouince of Kent the tearme of 56 yéeres (as Beda saith, but there are that haue noted [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Beda li._ 2. _cap._ 5.] thrée yéers lesse) he departed this world, as aboue is signified, in the yeere of our Lord 617, on the 24 day of Februarie, and was buried in the Ile of saint Martine, within the church of the apostles Peter and Paule, without the citie of Canturburie, where his wife quéene Bartha was also buried, and the foresaid archbishop Augustine that first conuerted him to the faith.

Amongst other things, this king Ethelbert with the aduise of his councell ordeined diuers lawes and statutes, according to the which decrées of iudgements should passe: those decrées he caused to be written in the English toong, which remained and were in force vnto the daies of Beda, as he declareth. And first it was expressed in those lawes, what amends he should make that stole anie thing that belonged to the church, to the bishop, or to anie ecclesiasticall person, willing by all means to defend them whose doctrine he had receiued.

[Sidenote: EADBALD.] After the deceasse of Etthelbert, his sonne Eadbald succéeded in the gouernment of his kingdome of Kent, the which was a great hinderer of the increase of the new church amongst the Englishmen in those parties: for he did not onelie refuse to be baptised himselfe, but also vsed such kind of fornication, as hath not béene heard (as the apostle saith) amongst the Gentiles, for he tooke to wife his mother [Sidenote: The princes example occasion of euill.] in law, that had béene wife to his father. By which two euill examples, manie tooke occasion to returne to their heathenish religion, the which whilest his father reigned, either for the prince his pleasure, or for feare to offend him, did professe the christian faith. But Eadbald escaped not woorthie punishment to him sent from the liuing God for his euill deserts, insomuch that he was vexed with a certeine kind of madnesse, and taken with an vncleane spirit.

The foresaid storme or vnquiet troubling of the christian congregation, was afterwards greatlie increased also by the death of Sabert or Sebert king of the Eastsaxons, who was conuerted to the faith of Christ, and baptized by Melitus bishop of London (as before is mentioned) & departing this life to go to a better in the blissefull kingdome of heauen, he left behind him thrée sonnes as true successours in the estate of his earthlie kingdome, which sonnes [Sidenote: _Ran. Cest._] [Sidenote: _Beda li._ 2. _cap._ 5.] [Sidenote: Serred, Seward, and Sigebert, the sonnes of Sabert.] baptised. Their names were Serred, Seward, & Sigebert, men of an ill mind, & such as in whome no vertue remained, no feare of God, nor anie respect of religion, but speciallie hating the professours of the christian faith. For after their father was dead, they began to fall to their old idolatrie, which in his life time they séemed to haue giuen ouer, insomuch that now they openlie worshipped idols, and gaue libertie to their subiects to do the like.

And when the bishop Melitus, at the solemnizing of masse in the church, distributed the eucharisticall bread vnto the people, they asked him (as it is said) wherfore he did not deliuer of that bright white bread vnto them also, as well as he had béene accustomed to doo to their father Saba (for so they vsed to call him.) Vnto whome the bishop made this answer: "If you will be washed in that wholesome fountaine, wherein your father was washed, ye may be partakers of that holie bread whereof he was partaker, but if you despise the washpoole of life, ye may by no meanes tast the bread of saluation." But they offended herewith, replied in this wise: "We will not enter into that fountaine, for we know we haue no néed thereof: but yet neuerthelesse we will be refreshed with that bread."

After this, when they had beene earnestlie and manie times told, that vnlesse they would be baptised, they might not be partakers of the sacred oblation: at length in great displeasure they told him, that if he would not consent vnto them in so small a matter, there should be no place for him within the bounds of their dominion, and so he was constrained to depart. Wherevpon he being expelled, resorted into Kent, there to take aduise with his fellow-bishops, Laurence and Iustus, what was to be doone in this so weightie a matter. Who finallie resolued vpon this point, that it should be better for them to returne into their countrie, where with frée minds they might serue almightie God, rather than to remaine amongest people that rebelled against the faith, without hope to doo good amongest them. Wherefore Melitus and Iustus did depart first, and went ouer into France, minding there to abide till they might sée what the end would be. But shortlie after, those brethren the kings of Essex, which had expelled their bishop in maner aboue said, suffered woorthilie for their wicked dooings. For going forth to battell against the Westsaxons, they were [Sidenote: The sonne of king Sebert slaine.] ouerthrowen and slaine altogither with all their armie, by the two kings Kinigils and Quichelme. But neuerthelesse, albeit the authors of the mischiefe were thus taken awaie, yet the people of that countrie would not be reduced againe from their diuelish woorshipping of false gods, being eftsoones fallen thereto in that season by the incouragement and perilous example of their rulers. Wherefore the archbishop Laurence was in mind also to follow his fellowes Melitus and Iustus: but when he minded to set forward, he was warned in a dreame, and cruellie scourged (as hath béene reported by the apostle saint Peter, who reprooued him) for that he would so vncharitablie forsake his flocke, & leaue it in danger without a shepherd to kéepe the woolfe from the fold.

The archbishop imboldned by this vision, and also repenting him of his determination, came to king Eadbald, and shewed to him his stripes, and the maner of his dreame. The king being herewith put in great feare, renounced his heathenish worshipping of idols, and was baptised, and as much as in him laie, from thenceforth succoured the congregation of the christians, and aduanced the church to his power. He sent also into France, and called home the bishops Melitus and Iustus, so that Iustus was restored to his sée of Rochester.

But the Eastsaxons would not receiue Melitus to his sée at London, but continued in their wicked mawmetrie, in obeieng a bishop of their pagan law, whom they had erected for that purpose. Neither was king Eadbald of that authoritie and power in those parties, as his father was before, whereby he might constreine them to receiue their lawfull bishop. But suerlie the said king Eadbald with his people, after he was once conuerted againe, gaue himselfe wholie to obeie the lawes of GOD, and amongt other déeds of godlie zeale, he builded a church to [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 2.] our ladie at Canturburie, within the monasterie of saint Peter, afterwards called saint Agnes. This church was consecrated by Melitus, who after the death of Laurence succéeded in gouernance of the [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 2. _ca._ 8.] archbishops sée of Canturburie. After Melitus, who departed this life in the yeare of our Lord 624, Iustus that before was bishop of Rochester, was made archbishop of Canturburie, and ordeined one Romanus to the sée of Rochester. About that time, the people of the north parts beyond Humber receiued the faith, by occasion (as after shall appéere.)

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_Edwin reigneth ouer the Northumbers, his great power and reputation, a marriage betweene him and Ethelburga the sister of king Eadbald vpon religious couenants, the traitorous attempts of murtherous Eumerus against him, his wife Ethelburga is deliuered of a daughter, he assalteth the Westsaxons, and discomfiteth them, Boniface the fift writeth to him to desist from his idolatrie, and to his ladie to persist in true christianitie; the vision of Edwin when he was a banished man in the court of Redwald king of the Eastangles, whereby he was informed of his great exaltation and conuersion to christian religion._

THE XXV CHAPTER.

Ye haue heard how Edelfred the king of Northumberland was slaine in battell neere to the water of Idel by Redwald king of the Eastangles, in fauour of Edwin whom the said Edelfred had confined out of his dominion, 24 yéeres before. The foresaid Redwald therefore hauing obteined that victorie, found meanes to place Edwin in gouernement of that kingdome of the Northumbers, hauing a title thereto as sonne to [Sidenote: EDWIN.] [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 2. _ca._ 5.] Alla or Elle, sometime king of Northumberland. This Edwin prooued a right valiant prince, & grew to be of more power than anie other king in the daies of the English nation: not onelie ruling ouer a great part of the countries inhabited with English men, but also with Britains, who inhabited not onelie in Wales, but in part of Chesshire, Lancashire, Cumberland, and alongst by the west sea-coast in Galloway, and so foorth euen vnto Dunbritaine in Scotland: which I haue thought good to note, that it may appeare in what countries Cadwallo bare rule, of whome so often mention is made in this part of the historie. But as concerning Edwin, his reputation was such, as not onelie the English men, Britains and Scots, but also the Iles of Orknie, and [Sidenote: _W. Malm._ taketh Meuania to be Anglesey.] those of Man, and others the west Iles of ancient time called Meuaniæ, had him in reuerence, and feared his mightie power, so as they durst not attempt anie exploit to offend him.

It chanced that shortlie after, king Redwald had aduanced him to the kingdom of Northumberland, to wit, about 6 yeares, the same Redwald deceassed, which made greatlie for the more augmentation of Edwins power. For the people of the Eastangles, which (whilest Edwin remained amongst them as a banished man) had conceiued a good opinion of him for his approoued valiancie and noble courage, offered themselues to [Sidenote: Carpwaldus.] be wholie at his commandement. But Edwin suffering Carpwald or Erpwald the sonne of Redwald to inioie the bare title and name of the king of that countrie, ruled all things at his owne will and pleasure. Neither was there anie prouince within Britaine that did not obeie him, or was not readie to doo him seruice (the kingdome of Kent onelie excepted) for he suffered the Kentishmen to liue in quiet, because he began to haue a liking to the sister of king Eadbald, namelie the ladie Ethelburga, otherwise called Tate or Tace.

[Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 2. _cap._ 9.] He made request therefore by sending ambassadours to hir brother, to haue the said ladie in marriage, and at length obteined hir, with condition that she being a christian woman, might not onelie vse the christian religion, but also that all those, whether men or women, priests or ministers, which came with hir, might haue licence to doo the same, without trouble or impeachment of anie maner of person. [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 2. _cap._ 9.] [Sidenote: 625.] Herevpon she being sent vnto him, there was appointed to go with hir (besides manie other) one Pauline, which was consecrated bishop by the archbishop Iustus the 21 of Iulie, in the yeare of our Lord 625, who at his comming into Northumberland thus in companie with Ethelburga, trauelled earnestlie in his office, both to preserue hir and such christians in the faith of Christ, as were appointed to giue their attendance on hir, least they should chance to fall: and also sought to win some of the Pagans (if it were possible) vnto the same faith, though at the first he little profited in that matter.

In the yeare following, there came a murtherer vnto the court of king Edwin, as then soiourning in a palace which stood vpon the side of the riuer of Dorwent, being sent from Quichelme king of the Westsaxons, to the intent to murther Edwin, because he had of late sore damnified the countries of the Westsaxons. This murtherer was called Eumerus, & [Sidenote: Other say an axe, as _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: Emmerus.] caried vnder his coate a short double edged woodknife inuenomed of purpose, that if the king being but a little hurt therewith, should not die of the wound, yet he should not escape the danger of the poison. This Eumerus on Easter mondaie came to the king, and making foorth to him as it had béene to haue declared some message from his maister, when he had espied his time, drew his weapon, and offered to strike the king. But one of the kings seruants named Lilla, perceiuing this, stept betwixt the king and the blow. Howbeit the murtherer set the stripe forward with such force, that the knife running through the bodie of Lilla wounded also the king a little: and before this murtherer could be beaten downe, he slue another of the kings seruants, a knight that attended vpon him, called Fordher.

[Sidenote: Eaufled borne.] The same night Ethelburga was deliuered of a daughter named Eaufled, for the which when king Edwin gaue thanks vnto his gods, in the presence of bishop Pauline, the bishop did admonish him, rather to giue thanks vnto the true and onelie God, by whose goodnesse it came to passe that the queene was safelie and without danger deliuered. The king giuing good eare vnto the bishops wholesome admonition, promised at that present to become a Christian, if he might reuenge his injuries receiued at the hands of the Westsaxons. And to assure Pauline that his promise should take place, he gaue vnto him his new borne daughter to be made holie to the Lord, that is to say, baptised. The bishop receiuing hir, on Whitsundaie next following baptised hir, with twelue other of the kings houshold, she being the first of the English Northumbers that was so washed in the founteine of regeneration.

In the meane time K. Edwin being recouered of his hurt, assembled an armie, and went against the Westsaxons, with whome incountring in battell, he either slue or brought to his subiection all them that had conspired his death, and so returned as a conquerour into his countrie. But yet he delaied time in performance of his promise to become a Christian: howbeit he had left his dooing of sacrifice to idols, euer since he made promise to be baptised. He was a sage prince, and before he would alter his religion, he politikelie thought good to heare matters touching both his old religion, and the Christian religion throughlie examined.

Now whilest he thus hoong in doubt vnto whether part he should incline, there came letters to him from pope Boniface the fift of that [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 2. _cap._ 10.] name, exhorting him by sundrie kinds of gentle perswasions, to turne to the worshipping of the true and liuing God, and to renounce worshipping of mawmets and idols. The pope wrote also to quéene [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 2. _cap._ 11.] Ethelburga, praieng hir to continue in hir good purpose, and by all meanes possible to doo what might be doone for the conuerting of hir [Sidenote: A vision.] husband vnto the faith of Christ. But the thing that most mooued the king, was a vision which sometime he had while he remained as a banished man in the court of Redwald king of the Eastangles, as thus.

[Sidenote: _Beda. cap._ 12.] After that king Ethelfred was informed that the foresaid Redwald had receiued Edwin, he ceased not by his ambassadours to moue Redwald either to deliuer Edwin into his hands, or to make him awaie. At length by often sending, & promises made of large summes of monie, mixed with threatnings, he obteined a grant of his sute, so that it was determined that Edwin should either be murthered, or else deliuered into his enimies hands. One of Edwins friends hauing intelligence hereof, in the night season came to Edwins chamber, and leading him abroad, told him the whole practise, and what was purposed against him, offering to helpe him out of the countrie, if he would so [Sidenote: The honorable consideration of Edwin.] aduenture to escape. Edwin being woonderouslie amazed, thanked his friend, but refused to depart the countrie, sith he had no iust cause outwardlie giuen to play such a slipper part, choosing rather to ieopard his life with honour, than to giue men cause to thinke that he had first broken promise with such a prince as Redwald was, to whome he had giuen his faith.

Herevpon his friend departing from him, left him sitting without the doores: where after he had reuolued manie things in his mind, and thought long vpon this matter, at length he perceiued one to come towards him vnknowne, and in strange apparell, séeming to him in euerie point a stranger, at which sight (for that he could not imagine who it should be) Edwin was much afraid: but the man comming to him saluted him, and asked of him what he made there at that time of the night when other were at rest. Edwin on the other part asked what he had to doo therewith, and whether he vsed to lie abroad in the night, or within house? Who answering said; Thinke not Edwin that I am ignorant of thy heauinesse, of thy watchings, and this thy solitarie sitting here without doores. For I know who thou art, wherefore thou art thus pensiue, and what euils thou fearest to be towards thée at hand. But tell me, what wouldest thou giue him, that could deliuer thée out of this heauinesse, and perswade Redwald that he should neither doo thée hurt, nor deliuer thée to thine enimies? Here with when Edwin said that he would gladlie giue all that in him might lie to such a one in reward: The other said; What wouldst thou giue then, if he should promise in good sooth that (all thine enimies being destroied) thou shouldest be king, and that thou shouldest passe in power all the kings which haue reigned in the English nation before thy time? Edwin being better come to himselfe by such demandes, did not sticke to promise that he would requite his friendship with woorthie thanks.

Then replied he to his words and said; If he that shall prophesie to thée this good hap to come, shall also be able to informe thee in such counsell for thy health and life, as neuer anie of thy forefathers or kinsfolke yet haue heard, wouldest thou obey him, and also consent to receiue his wholesome aduertisement? Wherevnto without further deliberation Edwin promised, that he would in all points follow the instruction of him that should deliuer him out of so manie and great calamities, and bring him to the rule of a kingdome. Which answere being got, this person that thus talked with him, laid his hand vpon his head, saieng: When this therefore shall chance to thée, be not forgetfull of this time, nor of this communication, and those things that thou now dooest promise, sée thou performe. And therewith he vanished awaie. So that Edwin might well perceiue it was no man but a vision that thus had appeared vnto him.

[¶ This vnaccustomed course it pleased God to vse for the conuersion of the king (to whose example it was no doubt but the people and inferiour sort would generallie be conformed) who otherwise had continued in paganisme and blind ignorance both of Gods truth and true christianitie. And it maie be that there was in him, as in other kings his predecessors, a settled perswasion in gentilish error, so that neither by admonition nor preaching (though the same had procéeded from the mouth of one allotted to that ministerie) he was to be reuoked from the infidelitie and misbeléefe wherein he was nuzzeled and trained vp. For it is the nature of all men, to be addicted to the obseruation of such rites and customes as haue béene established and left in force by their progenitors, and sooner to stand vnto a desire and earnest purpose of adding somewhat to their elders corrupt constitutions, and irreligious course of conuersation, than to be inclinable to anie article or point tending to innouation: so inflexible is the posteritie to swarue from the traditions of antiquitie, stand the same vpon neuer so grosse and palpable absurdities.]

Edwin still reioising in the foresaid comfortable talke, but thoughtfull in mind what he should be, or from whence he came that had talked in this sort with him; behold his friend returned that first had brought him foorth of his chamber, and declared vnto him good newes, how the king by perswasion of the quéene had altered his determination, and minded to mainteine his quarell to the vttermost of his power: and so he did in déed. For with all diligence he raised an armie, and went against Ethelfrid, vanquished him in battell, and placed Edwin in the kingdome (as before ye haue heard.)

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_King Edwin is put in mind of his vision by Pauline who sawe the same in spirit, he is licenced to preach the gospell, bishop Coifi destroieth the idols, Edwin and his people receiue the Christian faith, his two sonnes Osfride and Eadfride become conuerts, Redwald king of the Eastangles is baptised, he serueth God and the diuell, Sibert receiueth the faith, Felix bishop of Burgongne commeth ouer to Honorius archbishop of Canturburie, he preacheth to the Eastangles, the Northumbers and Lincolnshiremen are conuerted manie are baptised in the riuer of Trent; king Edwins iustice how effectuall and commendable, his care for the common-wealth, his prouidence for the refection of trauellers, pope Honorius confirmeth Pauline archbishop of Yorke, the tenor of his letters touching the mutuall election of the archbishop of Canturburie and Yorke, if either of them happened to suruiue other, his letters to the Scots touching the keeping of Easter and avoiding the Pelagian heresie, Cadwallo king of Britaine rebelleth against Edwin, Penda king of Mercia enuieth his good estate, Cadwallo and Penda inuade Northumberland, Edwin and his sonne Osfride are slaine, Penda putteth his other sonne Eadfride cruellie to death._

THE XXVJ CHAPTER.

Notwithstanding the former vision, king Edwin deferred time yer he would receiue the Christian faith, in somuch that Pauline vpon a daie came vnto him as he sat musing what he were best to doo, and laid his hand vpon his head, asking him if he knew that signe. Whereat when the king would haue fallen downe at his féet, he lifted him vp, and as it were in familiar wise thus said vnto him: "Behold, by the assistance of Gods fauour thou hast escaped the hands of thine enimies, whome thou stoodst in feare of: behold through his bountious liberalitie, thou hast obteined the kingdome which thou diddest desire, remember then that thou delaie no time to performe the third thing that thou diddest promise, in receiuing his faith, and kéeping his commandements, which deliuering thée from worldlie aduersities, hath thus aduanced thée to the honor of a king: and if from henceforth thou wilt obey his will, which by my mouth hée setteth and preacheth to thée and others, he will deliuer thée from euerlasting torments, and make thée partaker with him in his celestiall kingdome." It is to be thought that the vision which the king had in times past receiued, was in spirit reuealed vnto Pauline, wherevpon without delaie of time, he put him in remembrance of it in maner as aboue is mentioned.

The king hauing heard his words, answered, that he would and ought to receiue the faith which he taught, but first he would conferre with his nobles, and if they would agrée to doo the like, then would they be baptised altogither at one time. Pauline satisfied herewith, Edwin [Sidenote: Edwin consulteth with his nobles.] did as he had promised, calling togither the wisest men of his realme, and of them asked the question what they thought of this diuinitie, which was preached vnto them by Pauline, vnto whome his chiefe bishop [Sidenote: The answere of an heathen bishop.] named Coifi, incontinentlie made this answer; that Suerlie the religion which they had hitherto followed was nothing worth. "For saith he, there is none of thy people that hath more reuerentlie woorshipped our gods than I haue doone, and yet be there manie that haue receiued far greater benefits at thy hands than I haue doone: and therefore if our gods were of anie power, then would they rather helpe me to high honor and dignitie than others. Therefore if it maie be found that this new religion is better & more auailable than our old, let vs with spéed imbrace the same."

Finallie, when other of the kings councell & men of high authoritie gaue their consents, that this doctrine which Pauline taught ought to be receiued, if therein appeered more certeintie of saluation than [Sidenote: Pauline licenced to preach the gospell.] could be found in the other: at length the king gaue licence to Pauline openlie to preach the gospell, and renouncing his worshipping of false gods, professed the Christian faith. And when he demanded of his bishop Coifi who should first deface the altars of their idols, and the tabernacles wherewith they were compassed about? He answered, that himselfe would doo it. "For what is more méet (saith he) than that I, which thorough foolishnesse haue worshipped them, should now for example sake destroie the same, thorough wisedome giuen me from the true and liuing God?" And streightwaies throwing awaie the superstition of vanitie, required armour and weapon of the king, with a stoned horsse, vpon the which he being mounted, rode foorth to destroie the idols.

This was a strange sight to the people: for it was not lawfull for the bishop of their law to put on armour, or to ride on anie beast, except it were a mare. He hauing therefore a swoord gird to him, tooke a speare in his hand, and riding on the kings horsse, went to the place where the idols stood. The common people that beheld him had thought he had béene starke mad, and out of his wits: but he without longer deliberation, incontinentlie vpon his comming to the temple, began to deface the same, and in contempt threw his speare against it, & reioising greatlie in the knowledge of the worshipping of the true God, commanded his companie to destroie & burne downe the same temple with all the altars. This place where the idols were sometime worshipped was not farre from Yorke, towards the east part of the riuer of Derwent, and is called Gotmundin Gaham, where the foresaid bishop by the inspiration of God defaced and destroied those altars, which he himselfe had hallowed.

[Sidenote: King Edwin with his people receive the christian faith.] [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 2. _cap._ 14.] [Sidenote: 627.] King Edwin therefore with all the nobilitie, and a great number of his people, receiued the faith and were baptised, in the yéere of our Lord 627, in the tenth yéere of his reigne, and about the 178 yéere after the first comming of the Englishmen into this land. He was baptised at Yorke on Easter daie (which fell that yéere the day before the Ides of Aprill) in the church of S. Peter the apostle, which he had caused to be erected and built vp of timber vpon the sudden for that purpose, and afterwards began the foundation of the same church in stone-woorke of a larger compasse, comprehending within it that oratorie which he had first caused to be built: but before he could finish the woorke, he was slaine (as after shall be shewed) leauing it to be performed of his successor Oswald.

Pauline continued from thencefoorth during the kings life, which was six yéeres after, in preaching the gospell in that prouince, conuerting an innumerable number of people to the faith of Christ, among whom were Osfride and Eadfride the two sonnes of Edwin, whom he begot in time of his banishment of his wife Quinburga, the daughter of Cearlus king of Mercia. Also afterwards he begot children on his [Sidenote: Ediltrudis.] second wife Ethelburga, that is to say, a sonne called Edilhimus, and a daughter named Ediltrudis, and another sonne called Bustfrea, of the which the two first died in their cradels, and were buried in the church at Yorke. To be briefe: by the kings assistance & fauour shewed vnto Pauline in the woorke of the Lord, great multitudes of people dailie receiued the faith, and were baptised of Pauline in manie places, but speciallie in the riuer of Gleuie within the prouince of Bernicia, and also in Swale in the prouince of Deira: for as yet in the beginning thus of the church in those countries, no temples or fonts could be builded or erected in so short a time.

Of such great zeale was Edwin (as it is reported) towards the setting [Sidenote: This chanced in the yéere 632, as _Matt. West._ saith.] foorth of Gods truth, that he persuaded Carpwald the sonne of Redwald king of the Eastangles to abandon the superstitious worshipping of idols, and to receiue the faith of Christ with all his whole prouince. [Sidenote: Redwald king of Eastangles baptised.] His father Redwald was baptised in Kent long before this time, but in vaine: for returning home, through counsell of his wife and other wicked persons, he was seduced, and being turned from the sincere puritie of faith, his last dooings were woorse than his first, so that according to the maner of the old Samaritans, he would séeme both to [Sidenote: Redwald would serve God and the diuell.] serue the true God and his false gods, (whom before time he had serued) and in one selfe church had at one time both the sacraments of Christ ministred at one altar, and sacrifice made vnto diuels at another.

But Carpwald within a while after he had receiued the faith, was slaine by one of his owne countrimen that was an ethnike, called Richbert, and then after his death, that prouince for the tearme of [Sidenote: Sibert or Sigibert.] thrée yeeres was wrapped eftsoones in errour, till Sibert or Sigibert, the brother of Carpwald, a most christian prince, and verie well learned, obteined the rule of that kingdome, who whilest he liued a banished man in France during his brothers life time, was baptised there, and became a christian: and when he came to be king, he caused all his prouince to be partaker of the same fountaine of life, wherein he had beene dipped himselfe.

Vnto this godlie purpose also, a bishop of the parties of Burgoigne named Felix was a great furtherer, who comming ouer vnto the archbishop of Canturburie Honorius that was successor vnto Iustus, and declaring vnto him his earnest desire, was sent by the same archbishop to preach the woord of life vnto the Eastangles, which he did with such good successe, that he conuerted the whole countrie to the faith [Sidenote: A bishop ordained at Dunwhich.] [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 1. _cap._ 16.] of Iesus Christ, and placed the sée of his bishoprike at Dunwich, ending the course of his life there in peace after he had continued in that his bishoplike office the space of 17 yéeres. Moreouer Pauline, after that he had conuerted the Northumbers, preached the woord of God vnto them of Lindsey, which is a part of Lincolnshire: and first he [Sidenote: This chanced in the yéere 628, as _Matth. West._ saith.] persuaded one Blecca the gouernour of the citie of Lincolne to turne vnto Christ, togither with all his familie. In that citie he also builded a church of stone woorke. Thus Pauline trauelled in the woorke of the Lord, the same being greatlie furthered by the helpe of Edwin, in whose presence he baptised a great number of people in the riuer of Trent, néere to a towne, which in the old English toong was called _Tio vulfingacester._ This Pauline had with him a deacon named Iames, the which shewed himselfe verie diligent in the ministerie, and profited greatlie therein.

But now to returne to king Edwin, who was a prince verelie of woorthie fame, and for the politike ordering of his countries and obseruing of iustice, deserued highlie to be commended: for in his time all robbers [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] by the high waie were so banished out of his dominions, that a woman with hir new borne child alone, without other companie, might haue trauelled from sea to sea, and not haue incountred with anie creature that durst once haue offered hir iniurie. He was also verie carefull [Sidenote: _Math. West._] [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 2. _cap._ 16.] for the aduancement of the commoditie & common wealth of his people, insomuch that where there were any swéet and cleare water-springs, he caused postes to be set vp, and iron dishes to be fastened thereto with chaines, that waifaring men might haue the same readie at hand to drinke with: and there was none so hardie as to touch the same but for that vse. He vsed wheresoeuer he went within the cities or elsewhere abroad, to haue a banner borne before him, in token of iustice to be ministred by his roiall authoritie.

In the meane season, pope Honorius the fift, hearing that the Northumbers had receiued the faith (as before is mentioned) at the preaching of Pauline, sent vnto the said Pauline the pall, confirming him archbishop in the sée of Yorke. He sent also letters of [Sidenote: _Beda lib_ 2. _cap._ 17.] exhortation vnto king Edwin, to kindle him the more with fatherlie aduise to continue and procéed in the waie of vnderstanding, into the which he was entered. At the same time also, bicause Iustus the archbishop of Canturburie was dead, and one Honorius elected to that sée, pope Honorius sent to the said elect archbishop of Canturburie [Sidenote: A decrée concerning the archbishops of Canturburie and Yorke.] his pall, with letters, wherein was conteined a decrée by him made, that when either the archbishop of Canturburie or Yorke chanced to depart this life, he that suruiued should haue authoritie to ordeine another in place of him that was deceassed, that they should not néed to wearie themselues with going to Rome, being so farre distant from them. The copie of which letter is registred in the ecclesiasticall historie of Beda, bearing date the third Ides of Iune, in the yéere of [Sidenote: 633.] 633. The same pope sent letters also to the Scotish people, exhorting [Sidenote: The feast of Easter.] our Lord them to celebrate the feast of Easter in such due time as other churches of the christian world obserued. And also bicause the [Sidenote: The heresie of the Pelagians.] heresie of the Pelagians began to renew againe amongst them (as he was informed) he admonished them to beware thereof, and by all meanes to auoid it. For he knew that to the office of a pastor it is necessarilie incident, not onelie to exhort, teach, and shew his sheepe the waies to a christian life, but also stronglie to withstand all such vniust meanes, as might hinder their procéeding in the truth of religion. For as poison is vnto the bodie, that is heresie vnto veritie. And as the bodie by poison is disabled from all naturall faculties, and vtterlie extinguished, vnlesse by present meanes the force thereof be vanquished: so truth and veritie by errors and heresies is manie times choked and recouereth, but neuer strangled.

But now that the kingdome of Northumberland flourished (as before is partlie touched) in happie state vnder the prosperous reigne of Edwin, at length, after he had gouerned it the space of 17 yeeres, [Sidenote: Cadwallin, or Cadwallo king of Britaine.] Cadwalline, or Cadwallo, king of Britaine, who succeeded Cadwane, as Gal. Mon. saith, rebelled against him. For so it commeth to passe, that nothing can be so sure confirmed by mans power, but the same by [Sidenote: Penda king of Mercia.] the like power may be againe destroied. Penda king of Mercia enuieng the prosperous procéedings of Edwin, procured Cadwallo to mooue this rebellion against Edwin: and ioining his power with Cadwallo, they inuaded the countrie of Northumberland iointlie togither. Edwin heereof aduertised, gathered his people, & came to incounter them, so that both armies met at a place called Hatfield, where was fought a [Sidenote: King Edwin slaine.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] verie sore and bloudie battell. But in the end Edwin was slaine with one of his sonnes named Osfride, and his armie beaten downe and dispersed. Also there was slaine on Edwins part, Eodbald king of Orkenie. Moreouer there was an other of Edwins sonnes named Eadfride constreined of necessitie to giue himselfe into the hands of Penda, and was after by him cruellie put to death, contrarie to his promised faith in king Oswalds daies that succéeded Edwin. Thus did king Edwin end his life in that battell, fought at Hatfield aforesaid, on the fourth ides of October, in the yere of our Lord 633, he being then about the age of 47 yéeres and vpwards.

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_The crueltie of Penda and Cadwallo after their victorie, the Britains make no account of religion, Archbishop Pauline with queen Ethelburga flie out of Northumberland into Kent, honorable personages accompanie him thither, Romanus bishop of Rochester drowned, Pauline vndertaketh the charge of that see; Osrilie is king of Deira, and Eaufride king of Bernicia, both kings become apostatas, and fall fr[=o] christianitie to paganisme, then are both slaine within lesse than a yeeres space; Oswald is created king of Northumberland, his chiefs practise in feats of armes, Cadwallo king of Britaine hath him in contempt, Oswalds superstitious deuotion and intercession to God against his enimies; both kings ioine battell; Cadwallo is slaine, Penda king of Mercia his notable vertues linked with foule vices, he maketh warre on whome he will without exception._

THE XXVIJ CHAPTER.

CADWALLO and Penda hauing obteined the victorie aforsaid, vsed it most cruellie. For one of the capteins was a pagan, and the other wanting all ciuilitie, shewed himselfe more cruell than anie pagan could haue doone. So that Penda being a worshipper of false gods with his people of Mercia, and Cadwallo hauing no respect to the Christian religion [Sidenote: The crueltie of Penda and Cadwallo.] which latelie was begun amongst the Northumbers, made hauocke in all places where they came, not sparing man, woman nor child: and so continued in their furious outrage a long time in passing through the countrie, to the great decay and calamitie of the Christian congregations in those parties. And still the christian Britains were lesse mercifull than Penda his heathenish souldiers. For euen vnto the daies of Beda (as he affirmeth) the Britains made no account of the faith or religion of the Englishmen, nor would communicate with them more than with the pagans, bicause they differed in rites from their accustomed traditions.

[Sidenote: The archbishop Pauline flieth into Kent.] When the countrie of the Northumbers was brought into this miserable case by the enimies inuasion, the archbishop Pauline taking with him the quéene Ethelburga, whom he had brought thither, returned now againe with hir by water into Kent, where he was receiued of the archbishop Honorius, and king Eadbald. He came thither in the conduct of one Bassus a valiant man of warre, hauing with him Eaufred the daughter, and Vulfrea the sonne of Edwin, & also Iffi the sonne of Osfride Edwins sonne, whom their mother after for feare of the kings Edbold and Oswold did send into France where they died. The church of Rochester at that time was destitute of a bishop, by the death of Romanus, who being sent to Rome vnto pope Honorius, was drowned by the way in the Italian seas. Wherevpon at the request of archbishop Honorius, and king Eadbald, Pauline tooke vpon him the charge of that sée, and held it till he died.

[Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 3. _ca._ 1.] [Sidenote: OSRIKE KING OF DEIRA.] After it was knowne that Edwin was slaine in battell (as before ye haue heard) Osrike the sonne of his vncle Elfrike tooke vpon him the rule of the kingdome of Deira, which had receiued the sacrament of baptisme by the preaching and vertuous instruction of Pauline. But the [Sidenote: Eaufrid king of Bernicia.] other kingdome of Northumberland called Bernicia, Eaufride the son of Edelferd or Edelfride, tooke vpon him to gouerne. This Eaufride during the time of Edwins reigne, had continued in Scotland, and there being conuerted to the Christian faith was baptised. But both these princes, after they had obteined possession of their earthlie kingdoms, did forget the care of the heauenlie kingdome, so that they returned to their old kind of idolatrie. But almightie God did not long suffer this their vnthankefulnesse without iust punishment: for first in the next summer, when Osrike had rashlie besieged Cadwallo king of the Britains, within a certeine towne, Cadwallo brake foorth vpon him, and finding him vnprouided to make resistance, slue him with all his [Sidenote: The two kings of Northumberland slaine.] armie. Now after this, whilest Cadwallo not like a conqueror gouerned the prouinces of the Northumbers, but like a tyrant wasted and destroied them, in sleaing the people in tragicall maner, he also slue Eaufride, the which with twelue men of warre came vndiscréetlie vnto him to sue for peace: and thus within lesse than twelue moneths space both these runagate kings were dispatched.

[Sidenote: OSWALD began his reigne in the yeare 635.] [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 3. _cap._ 3.] Then Oswald the sonne of Edelfred, and brother to the foresaid Eaufride was created king of the Northumbers, the sixt in number from Ida. This Oswald after that his father was slaine, liued as a banished person a long time within Scotland, where he was baptised, and professed the Christian religion, and passed the flower of his youth in good exercises, both of mind & bodie. Amongst other things he practised the vnderstanding of warlike knowledge, minding so to vse it as it might stand him in stead to defend himselfe from iniurie of the enimies that should prouoke him, and not otherwise. Herevp[=o] Cadwallo king of the Britains made in maner no account of him: for by reason that he had atchiued such great victories against the Englishmen, and hauing slaine their two kings (as before is expressed) he ceassed not to proceed in his tyrannicall dooings, reputing the English people for slouthfull, and not apt to the warre, boasting that he was borne to their destruction. Thus being set vp in pride of courage, he feared no perils, but boldlie (without considering at all the skilfull knowledge which Oswald had sufficientlie learned in feates of war) tooke vpon him to assaile the foresaid Oswald, that had brought an armie against him, and was encamped in a plaine field néere vnto the wall which the Romans had builded in times past against the inuasion of Scots and Picts.

Cadwallo streight prouoked Oswald to trie the matter by battell, but Oswald forbare the first day, and caused a crosse to be erected in the same place where he was incamped, in full hope that it should be an ensigne or trophie of his victorie, causing all souldiers to make their praiers to God, that in time of such necessitie it might please him to succour them that worship him. It is said, that the crosse being made, and the hole digged wherein it should be set, he tooke the crosse in his owne hands, and putting the foot thereof into that hole, so held it till his souldiers had filled the hole, and rammed it vp: and then caused all the souldiers to knéele downe vpon their knées, and to make intercession to the true and liuing God for his assistance against the proud enimie, with whom they should fight in a iust quarell for the preseruation of their people and countrie.

After this, on the next morning he boldlie gaue battell to his enimies, so that a sore and cruell fight insued betwixt them. At length Oswald perceiued that the Britains began somwhat to faint, and therfore caused his people to renew their force, and more lustilie to preasse forward, so that first he put that most cruell enimie to [Sidenote: _Beda._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] flight, and after pursuing the chase ouertooke him, and slue him with the most part of all his huge and mightie armie, at a place called Denisborne, but the place where he caused the crosse to be erected he named Heuenfield. Thus Cadwallo the most cruell enimie of the English name ended his life: he was terrible both in nature and countenance, for the which cause they say the Britains did afterwards set vp his image, that the same might be a terror to the enimies when they should behold it.

¶ But here is to be remembred by the British historie of Gal. Mon. it should appeare that Cadwallo was not slaine at all, but reigned victoriouslie for the space of 48 yéeres, and then departed this life, as in place afterwards it shall appéere. But for that the contrarietie in writers in such points may sooner be perceiued than reformed, to the satisfieng of mens fansies which are variable, we will leaue euerie man to his libertie to thinke as séemeth him good, noting now and then the diuersitie of such writers, as occasion serueth.

[Sidenote: PENDA.] [Sidenote: 636.] PENDA the sonne of Wilba succéeded in the gouernement of the kingdome of Mercia after Ciarlus, and began his reigne in the yéere of our Lord 636. He was fiftie yéeres of age before he came to be king, and reigned 30 yeres, he was a prince right hardie and aduenturous, not fearing to ieopard his person in place of danger, assured and readie of remembrance in time of greatest perill. His bodie could not be ouercome with anie trauell, nor his mind vanquished with greatnesse of businesse. But these his vertues were matched with notable vices, as first with such bitternesse of maners as had not béene heard of, crueltie of nature, lacke of courtesie, great vnstedfastnesse in performing of woord and promise, and of vnmeasurable hatred toward the christian religion.

Now vpon confidence in these his great vertues and vices from that time he was made king (as though the whole Ile had bene due to him) he thought not good to let anie occasion passe that was offered to make war, as wel against his friends & confederats, as also against his owne sworne enimies. Part of his dooings ye haue heard, and more shall appeare hereafter. ¶ Of the kings of the Eastsaxons & Eastangles ye haue heard before: of whom in places conuenient ye shall find further mention also, and so likewise of the kings of the Southsaxons: but bicause their kingdom continued not past fiue successions, litle remembrance of them is made by writers.

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_Cadwallo king of Britain, diuers deeds of his as the British writers haue recorded them, wherevpon discord arose betweene Cadwallo & Edwin, who for two yeres space were linked in friendship, Cadwallo vanquisht, his flight, of Pelitus the Spanish wizard, Cadwallo ouerthroweth Penda and his power besieging Excester, he arreareth battell against the Northumbers, and killeth Edwin their king, he seeketh to expell the Saxons out of the land, Penda slaieth Oswald, whose brother and successor Osunus by gifts and submission obteineth peace, whom Penda spitefullie attempting to kill is killed himselfe, Cadwallo dieth, a brasen image on horssebacke set vp in his memoriall, saint Martins at Ludgate builded._

THE XXVIIJ CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: CADWALLO, OR CADWALLINE.] CADWALLO or Cadwalline, (for we find him so named) began his reigne [Sidenote: 635.] ouer the Britains, in the yéere of our Lord 635, in the yéere of the reigne of the emperour Heracleus 35, and in the 13 yere of Dagobert K. of France. Of this man ye haue heard partlie before touching his dealings and warres against the Northumbers, and other of the English nation: but forsomuch as diuers other things are reported of him by the British writers, we haue thought good in this place to rehearse the same in part, as in Gal. Mon. we find writen, leauing the credit still with the author, sith the truth thereof may be the more suspected, bicause other authors of good authoritie, as Beda, Henrie Huntington, William Malmesburie, and others séeme greatlie to disagrée from him herein. But thus it is written.

[Sidenote: Edwin was not sonne to Ethelfred, but to Alla, or Elle, as in other places plainlie appeareth.] This Cadwallo and Edwin the sonne of Ethelfred, as Galfride saith, were brought vp in France, being sent thither vnto Salomon king of Britaine, by king Cadwane, when they were verie yoong. Now after their returne into this land, when they were made kings, Cadwallo of the Britains, & Edwin of the Northumbers, there continued for the space of two yéeres great friendship betwixt them, till at length Edwin required of Cadwallo that he might weare a crowne, and celebrate appointed solemnities within his dominion of Northumberland, as well as Cadwallo did in his countrie. Cadwallo taking aduice in this matter, at length by persuasion of his nephue Brian, denied to grant vnto Edwin his request, wherewith Edwin tooke such displeasure, that he sent woord vnto Cadwallo, that he would be crowned without his leaue or licence, sith he would not willinglie grant it. Wherto Cadwallo answered, that if he so did, he would cut off his head vnder his diademe, if he presumed to weare anie within the confines of Britaine. Hereof discord arising betwixt these two princes, they began to make fierce and cruell warre either of them against the other, and [Sidenote: Cadwallo vanquished by Edwin.] [Sidenote: Cadwallo flieth the land.] at length ioining in batell with their maine forces, Cadwallo lost the field, with many thousands of his men, and being chased fled into Scotland, and from thence got ouer into Ireland, and finally passed the seas into Britaine Armorike, where, of his coosin king Salomon he was courteouslie receiued, and at length obteined of him 10000 men to go with him backe into his countrie, to assist him in recouerie of his lands & dominions, the which in the meane time were cruellie spoiled, wasted and haried by king Edwin.

At the same time Brian the nephue of Cadwallo, whom he had sent into Britaine as little before to slea a certeine wizard or southsaier, whom king Edwin had gotten out of Spaine named Pelitus, that by disclosing the purpose of Cadwallo vnto Edwin, greatlie hindered Cadwallos enterprises, had fortified the citie of Excester, mening to defend it till the comming of Cadwallo, wherevpon Penda king of Mercia besieged that citie with a mightie army, purposing to take it, and Brian within it. Cadwallo then aduertised hereof, immediatlie after his arriuall hasted to Excester, and diuiding his people in 4 parts, set vpon his enimies, tooke Penda, and ouerthrew his whole armie. Penda hauing no other shift to escape, submitted himselfe wholie vnto Cadwallo, promising to become his liegeman, to fight against the Saxons in his quarrell. Penda being thus subdued, Cadwallo called his nobles togither which had bene dispersed abroad a long season, & with all spéed went against Edwin king of Northumberland, and slue him in battell at Hatfield (as before is mentioned) with his son Osfride, and Eodbold king of the Iles of Orknie, which was come thither to his aid.

¶ By this it should appeare, that Fabian hath gathered amisse in the account of the reignes of the British kings: for it appeareth by Beda [Sidenote: 634.] and others, that Edwin was slaine in the yéere of our Lord 634. And where Fabian (as before is said) attributeth that act & diuers other vnto Cadwan the father of this Cadwallo: yet both Gal. Mon. and Beda with the most part of all other writers signifie that it was done by Cadwallo. Harding assigneth but 13 yéeres to the reigne of Cadwan, and declareth that he died in the yéere of our Lord 616, in the which (as he saith) Cadwallo began his reigne, which opinion of his séemeth best to agrée with that which is written by other authors. But to returne to the other dooings of Cadwallo, as we find them recorded in the British storie. After he had got this victorie against the Northumbers, he cruellie pursued the Saxons, as though he ment so farre as in him lay, to destroie the whole race of them out of the coasts of all Britaine: and sending Penda against king Oswald that succéeded Edwin, though at the first Penda receiued the ouerthrow at Heauenfield, yet afterwards Cadwallo himselfe highly displeased with that chance, pursued Oswald, and fought with him at a place called [Sidenote: Oswald slaine.] Bourne, where Penda slue the said Oswald. Wherevpon his brother Osunus succéeding in gouernment of the Northumbers, sought the fauour of Cadwallo now ruling as king ouer all Britaine, and at length by great gifts of gold and siluer, and vpon his humble submission, obteined [Sidenote: Oswie.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: 654.] peace, till at length vpon spite, Penda king of Mercia obteined licence of Cadwallo to make warres against the said Osunus, in the which (as it hapned) Penda himselfe was slaine. Then Cadwallo after two yéeres granted that Vlfridus the sonne of Penda should succeed in Mercia.

Thus Cadwallo ruled things at his appointment within this land. And [Sidenote: 678.] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ saith 676.] finallie when he had reigned 48 yéeres, he departed this life the 22 of Nouember. His bodie being embalmed and dressed with swéet confections, was put into a brasen image by maruelous art melted and cast, which image being set on a brazen horsse of excellent beautie, the Britains set vp aloft vpon the west gate of London called Ludgate, in signe of his conquests, and for a terror to the Saxons. Moreouer the church of S. Martin vnderneath the same gate, was by the Britains then builded. Thus haue the Britains made mention of their valiant prince Cadwallo, but diuerse thinke that much of this historie is but fables, bicause of the manifest varieng both from Beda and other autentike writers (as before I haue said.)

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_The true storie of the forenamed king Oswald, his desire to restore christian religion, Cormans preaching taking small effect among the Northumbers, persuadeth him to depart into his owne countrie, he slandereth them before the Scotish clergie, Aidan a godlie man telleth the cause of the peoples not profiting by Cormans preaching, Aidan commeth into England to instruct the people in the faith, he varieth in the obseruation of Easter from the English churches custome, the Northumbers haue him & his doctrine in reuerence, Oswalds earnest zeale to further religion by Aidans preaching and ministerie, 15000 baptised within 7 daies; Oswald hath the Britains, Scots, Picts, & English at his commandement, his commendable deed of christian charitie, the Westsaxons conuerted to the faith by the preaching of Birinus, king Kinigils is baptised, he maketh Birinus bishop of Dorcester, Penda king of Mercia maketh war against the christian kings of the Westsaxons, both sides after a bloudie battell fall to agrement, Ercombert the first English king that destroied idols throughout the whole land, he ordeineth Lent; why English men became moonks, and English women nunnes in monasteries beyond the seas; why Penda king of Mercia enuieth vertuous king Oswald, he is assaulted, slaine in battell, and canonized a saint after his death._

THE XXIX CHAPTER.

Now will we (after all these differing discourses of the British chronologers) approch and draw as néere as we can to the truth of the historie touching Oswald king of the Northumbers, of whom we find, [Sidenote: Oswald meaneth to be thankefull to God for his benefits.] [Sidenote: _Beda li._ 3. _cap._ 3. 5. 6.] [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._] that after he had tasted of Gods high fauour extended to himwards, in vanquishing his enimies, as one minding to be thankefull therefore, he was desirous to restore the christian faith through his whole kingdome, sore lamenting the decay thereof within the same, and therefore euen in the beginning of his reigne, he sent vnto Donwald the Scotish king (with whome he had béene brought vp in the time of his banishment the space of 18 yéeres) requiring him to haue some learned Scotishman sent vnto him, skilfull in preaching the word of life, that with godly sermons and wholesome instructions, he might conuert the people of Northumberland vnto the true and liuing God, promising to interteine him with such prouision as apperteined.

[Sidenote: Corman.] At his instance, there was sent vnto him one Corman, a clerke singularlie well learned, and of great grauitie in behauiour: but for that he wanted such facilitie, and plaine vtterance by waie of gentle persuading, as is requisite in him that shall instruct the simple, onelie setting foorth in his sermons high mysteries, and matters of such profound knowledge, as the verie learned might scarselie perceiue the perfect sense and meaning of his talke, his trauell came to small effect, so that after a yéeres remaining there, he returned into his countrie, declaring amongst his brethren of the cleargie, that the people of Northumberland was a froward, stubborne and stiffe-harted generation, whose minds he could not frame by anie good meanes of persuasion to receiue the christian faith: so that he iudged it lost labour to spend more time amongst them, being so vnthankfull and intractable a people, as no good might be doone vnto them.

Amongst other learned and vertuous prelats of the Scots, there chanced [Sidenote: Aidan.] one to be there present at the same time called Aidan, a man of so perfect life, that (as Beda writeth) he taught no otherwise than he liued, hauing no regard to the cares of this world, but whatsoeuer was giuen him by kings or men of wealth and riches, that he fréelie bestowed vpon the poore, exhorting other to doo the like. This Aidan hearing Cormans woords, perceiued anon that the fault was not so much in the people as in the teacher, and therefore declared, that (as he thought) although it were so that the people of Northumberland gaue no such attentiue eare vnto the preaching of that reuerend prelate Corman, as his godlie expectation was they should haue doone, yet might it be that his vttering of ouer manie mysticall articles amongst them, farre aboue the capacitie of the vnderstanding of simple men, was the cause why they so lightlie regarded his diuine instructions, [Sidenote: S. Paules counsell.] whereas if he had (according to the counsell of Saint Paule) at the first ministred vnto their tender vnderstandings, onelie milke, without harder nourishments, he might happilie haue woone a farre greater number of them vnto the receiuing of the faith, and so haue framed them by little and little to haue digested stronger food. And therefore he thought it necessarie in discharge of their duties towards God, and to satisfie the earnest zeale of king Oswald, that some one amongst them might be appointed to go againe into Northumberland, to trie by procéeding in this maner afore alledged, what profit would thereof insue.

The bishops hearing the opinion of Aidan, and therewith knowing Cormans maner of preaching, iudged the matter to be as Aidan had declared, and therevpon not onelie allowed his woords, but also willed him to take the iournie vpon him, sith they knew none so able with [Sidenote: Aidan commeth into England to preach the gospell.] effect to accomplish their wished desires in that behalfe. Aidan, for that he would not seeme to refuse to take that in hand which he himselfe had motioned, was contented to satisfie their request, and so set forward towards Northumberland, and comming thither, was ioifullie receiued of king Oswald, who appointed him the Ile of Lindesfarne, wherein to place the see of his new bishoprike.

[Sidenote: _Beda li._ 3. _ca._ 3.] [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._] This Aidan in one point varied from the vse of the new begun church of England, that is to say, touching the time of obseruing the feast of Easter, in like maner as all the bishops of the Scots and Picts inhabiting within Britaine in those daies did, following therein (as they tooke it) the doctrine of the holie and praise-woorthie father Anatholius. But the Scots that inhabited the south parts of Ireland, alreadie were agréed to obserue that feast, according to the rules of the church of Rome. Howbeit Aidan being thus come into Northumberland, applied himselfe so earnestlie in praier and preaching, that the people had him within short while in woonderfull estimation, chiefelie for that he tempered his preachings with such swéet and pleasant matter, that all men had a great desire to heare him, insomuch that sometime he was glad to preach abroad in churchyards, bicause the audience was more than could haue roome in the church.

One thing was a great hinderance to him, that he had not the perfect knowledge of the Saxon toong. But Oswald himselfe was a great helpe to him in that matter, who being desirous of nothing so much, as to haue [Sidenote: _Beda._] [Sidenote: Oswald an interpretor to the preacher.] the faith of Christ rooted in the harts of his subiects, vsed as an interpreter to report vnto the people in their Saxon toong, such whole sermons as Aidan vttered in his mother toong. For Oswald hauing béene brought vp (as ye haue hard) in Scotland during the time of his banishment, was as readie in the Scotish, as he was in the Saxon toong. The people then seeing the kings earnest desire in furthering the doctrine set foorth by Aidan, were the more inclined to heare it: so that it was a maruellous matter to note, what numbers of people [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._] dailie offred themselues to be baptised, insomuch that within the space of seuen daies (as is left in writing) he christened 15 thousand persons, of the which no small part forsaking the world, betooke themselues to a solitarie kind of life.

Thus by his earnest trauell in continuall preaching and setting foorth the gospell in that countrie, it came to passe in the end, that the faith was generallie receiued of all the people, and such zeale to aduance the glorie of the christian religion dailie increased amongst [Sidenote: Oswalds zeale to aduance religion.] them, that no where could be found greater. Heerevpon were no small number of churches built in all places abroad in those parties by procurement of the king, all men liberallie consenting (according to the rate of their substance) to be contributorie towards the charges. By this meanes the kingdome of the Northumbers flourished, as well in fame of increase in religion, as also in ciuill policie and prudent [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 5. _ca._ 6.] [Sidenote: Oswald had in estimation with his neighbours.] ordinances: insomuch that (as Beda writeth) Oswald atteined to such power, that all the nations and prouinces within Britaine, which were diuided into foure toongs (that is to say) Britains, Picts, Scots, and Englishmen, were at his commandement. But yet he was not lifted vp in anie pride or presumption, but shewed himselfe maruellous courteous and gentle, and verie liberall to poore people and strangers.

It is said, that he being set at the table vpon an Ester day, & hauing bishop Aidan at diner then with him, his almoner came in as the bishop was about to say grace, and declared to the king that there was a great multitude of poore folks set before the gates to looke for the kings almes. The king héerewith tooke a siluer dish, which was set on the table before him with meate, & commanded the same meate streightwaies to be distributed amongst the poore, & the dish broken into small péeces, and diuided amongst them: for which act he was highlie commended of the bishop, as he well deserued. By the good policie and diligent trauell of this king, the prouinces of Deira and Bernicia, which hitherto had béene at variance, were brought to peace and made one.

[Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 3. _ca._ 7.] [Sidenote: Birinus conuerteth the Westsaxons to the christian faith.] About the same time, the Westsaxons were conuerted to the christian faith, by the preaching of one Birinus a bishop, who came into this land at the exhortation of pope Honorius, to set foorth the gospell vnto those people which as yet were not baptised. By whose diligent [Sidenote: Kinigils king of Westsaxon becommeth a christian.] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] trauell in the Lords haruest, Kingils or Kinigils, one of the kings of that countrie receiued the faith, and was baptised about the fiue & twentith yéere of his reigne. K. Oswald that should haue had his daughter in mariage, was present the same time, who first yer he became a sonne in law, was made a godfather vnto Kinigils (that should be his father in law) by receiuing him at the fontstone, in that his second birth of regeneration. To this Birinus, who was an Italian, king Kinigils (now that he was become a conuert or christian) [Sidenote: Dorcester ordeined a bishops sée.] appointed and assigned the citie of Dorcester, situat by the Thames, distant from Oxford about seuen miles, to be the sée of his bishoprike, where he procured churches to be built, and by his earnest trauell & setting foorth the woord of life, conuerted much people to the right beliefe. In the yéere following, Quichelmus the other king of the Westsaxons, and sonne to Kinigils was also christened, and died the same yéere, and so Cinigilsus or Kinigils reigned alone.

[Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] In this meane while Penda king of Mercia that succéeded next after Ciarlus, being a man giuen to séeke trouble in one place or other, [Sidenote: This chancéd in the yéere 620, as _Matth. West._ saith.] leauied warre against the kings of Westsaxon, Kinigils and Quichelmus, the which gathering their power, gaue him battell at Cirenchester, where both the parties fought it out to the vttermost, as though they had forsworne to giue place one to another, insomuch that they continued in fight and making of cruell slaughter till the night parted them in sunder. And in the morning, when they saw that if they shuld buckle togither againe, the one part should vtterlie destroie the other, they fell to agréement in moderating ech others demands.

[Sidenote: 640.] [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 3. _cap._ 7.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] After this, in the yéere of our Lord 640, Eadbald king of Kent departed this life, after he had reigned 24 yéeres, leauing his kingdome to his sonne Ercombert. This Ercombert was the first of the English kings, which tooke order for the vtter destroieng of all idols throughout his whole kingdome. He also by his roiall authoritie [Sidenote: Lent first ordeined to be kept in England.] commanded the fast of fortie daies in the Lent season to be kept and obserued, appointing woorthie and competent punishment against the [Sidenote: Segburga.] [Sidenote: Aimoinus.] transgressors of that commandement. He had by his wife Segburga, that was daughter vnto Anna king of the Eastangles, a daughter named Eartongatha, a professed nunne within the monasterie of Briege or Cala in France: for in those daies, bicause there were not manie monasteries builded within this land, a great number of Englishmen, that tooke vpon them the profession of a religious life, got them ouer vnto abbeies in France, and there professed themselues moonks: and manie there were which sent their daughters ouer to be professed nuns within the nunneries there, and speciallie at Briege, Cala, and Andelie: amongst other, there were Sedrike the lawfull daughter, and Edelburgh the bastard daughter of the said king Anna, both which in processe of time were made abbesses of the said monasterie of Briege.

Ye haue heard alreadie, how Oswald king of Northumberland bare himselfe in all points like a most woorthie prince, not ceasing to releeue the necessitie of the poore, aduancing the good, and reforming the euill, whereby he wan to himselfe excéeding praise and commendation of all good men, and still his fame increased for his vertuous dooings; namelie, for the ardent zeale he had to the aduancing of the christian faith. Herevpon Penda king of Mercia, enuieng the prosperous procéedings of Oswald, as he that could neuer abide the good report of other mens well-dooings, began to imagine how [Sidenote: Penda inuadeth the Northumbers.] [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 3. _cap._ 9.] to destroie him, and to conquere his kingdome, that he might ioine it to his owne. At length he inuaded his countrie by open warre, met with him in the field at a place called Maserfield, and there in sharpe and [Sidenote: King Oswald slaine.] [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._ saith 644.] cruell fight Oswald was slaine on the fift day of August, in the yeare of our Lord 642, and in the 38 yeare of his age, after he had reigned the tearme of eight or nine yeares after some, which account that yeare vnto his reigne, in the which his predecessors Osrike and Eaufride reigned, whome they number not amongest kings, because of their wicked apostasie and renouncing of the faith which before they had professed. Such was the end of that vertuous prince king Oswald, being cruellie slaine by that wicked tyrant Penda. Afterwards, for the opinion conceiued of his holinesse, the foresaid Oswald was canonized [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] a saint, and had in great worship of the people, being the first of the English nation that approoued his vertue by miracles shewed after his departure out of this life.

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_Oswie succeedeth Oswald in the kingdome of Northumberland, he is sore vexed by Penda, Oswie and Oswin are partners in gouernement, they fall at strife, Oswin is betræied into the hands of Oswie and slaine, a commendation of his personage and goodlie qualities, bishop Aidan dieth; Cenwalch king of the Westsaxons, Penda maketh warre against him for putting away his wife, his flight, he becommeth a christian and recouereth his kingdome, Bishop Agilbert commeth into Westsaxon, and afterwards departing (upon occasion) is made bishop of Paris, Wini buieth the bishoprike of London; Sigibert king of the Eastangles, the vniuersitie of Cambridge founded by him, he resigneth his kingdome and becometh a moonke, he and his kinsman Egric are slaine in a skirmish against Penda king of Mercia._

THE XXX CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: OSWIE King of Northumberland.] [Sidenote: _Beda li._ 3. _ca._ 14.] After that king Oswald was slaine, his brother Oswie (being about 30 yeares of age) tooke vpon him the rule of the kingdome of Northumberland, gouerning the same with great trouble for the space of 28 yeares, being sore vexed by the foresaid Penda king of Mercia and his people, which as yet were pagans. In the first yeare of his [Sidenote: 644.] reigne, which was in the yeare of our Lord 644. Pauline the bishop of Rochester which had beene also archbishop of Yorke departed this life, and then one Thamar an Englishman of the parties of Kent was ordeined bishop of Rochester by Honorius the archbishop of Canturburie. King Oswie had one Oswin partener with him in gouernment of the Northumbers in the first beginning of his reigne, which was sonne to Osrike, so [Sidenote: Bernicia.] that Oswie gouerned in Bernicia, and Oswin in Deira, continuing in perfect friendship for a season, till at length, through the counsell of wicked persons, that coueted nothing so much as to sowe discord and variance betwixt princes, they fell at debate, and so began to make warres one against an other, so that finallie when they were at point to haue tried their quarrell in open battell, Oswin perceiuing that he had not an armie of sufficient force to incounter with Oswie, brake vp his campe at Wilfaresdowne, ten mile by west the towne of Cataracton, and after withdrew himselfe onelie with one seruant named Condhere vnto the house of earle Hunwald, whome he tooke to haue béene his trustie friend: but contrarie to his expectation, the said Hunwald did betraie him vnto Oswie, who by his captaine Edelwine slue the said Oswin and his seruant the forsaid Condhere, in a place called Ingethling, the 13 kalends of September, in the ninth yeare of his [Sidenote: 651.] reigne, which was after the birth of our Sauiour 651.

This Oswin was a goodlie gentleman of person, tall, and beautifull, and verie gentle of spéech, ciuill in manners, and verie liberall both to high & low, so that he was beloued of all. Such a one he was, to be breefe, as bishop Aidan gessed that he should not long continue in life, for that the Northumbers were not woorthie of so good and vertuous a gouernour. Such humblenesse and obedience he perceiued to rest in him towards the law of the Lord, in taking that which was told him for his better instruction in good part, that he said, he neuer saw before that time an humble king. The same Aidan liued not past 12 daies after the death of the said Oswin, whome he so much loued, departing this world the last daie of August, in the seuenteenth yeare after he was ordeined bishop. His bodie was buried in the Ile of Lindesferne. After Aidan, one Finan was made bishop in his place, a Scotishman also, and of the Ile of Hui, from whence his predecessor the foresaid Aidan came, being first a man of religion professed in the monasterie there (as some writers doo report.)

[Sidenote: CENWALCH.] [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] [Sidenote: 643.] In the meane time, after that Kinigils or Cinigilsus king of the Westsaxons had reigned 31 yeares, he departed this life Anno 643, leauing his kingdome to his sonne Cenwalch or Chenwald, who held the [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] same kingdome the tearme of 30 yeares, or 31 (as some write) in manner as his father had doone before him. In the third, or (as others saie) in the fift yeare of his reigne, Penda king of Mercia made sharpe warre against him, because he had put awaie his wife the sister of the said Penda, and in this warre Chenwald was ouercome in battell, & driuen out of his countrie, so that he fled vnto Anna king of the Eastangles, with whome he remained the space of a yeare, or (as other say) thrée yeares, to his great good hap: for before he was growen to be an enimie to the christian religion, but now by the wholesome admonitions and sharpe rebukes of king Anna, he became a christian, and receiued his wife againe into his companie, according to the prescript of Gods law, and (to be bréefe) in all things shewed himselfe a new man, imbracing vertue, & auoiding vice, so that shortlie after (through the helpe of God) he recouered againe his kingdome.

[Sidenote: Agilbertus a bishop.] Now when he was established in the same, there came a bishop named Agilbertus out of Ireland, a Frenchman borne (but hauing remained in Ireland a long time) to reade the scriptures. This Agilbert comming into the prouince of the Westsaxons, was gladlie receiued of king Chenwald, at whose desire he tooke vpon him to exercise the roome of a bishop there: but afterwards, when the said king admitted another bishop named Wini, which had béene ordeined in France, and knew the toong better than Agilbert, as he that was borne in England: Agilbert offended, for that the king had admitted him without making him of anie counsell therein, returned into France, and there was made bishop of Paris: within a few yeares after, the foresaid Wini was expelled also by king Chenwald, who got him into Mercia vnto king Vulfhere, of whome he bought the bishoprike of London, which he held during his life, and so the countrie of Westsaxon remained long without a bishop, till at length the said Agilbert at the request of king Chenwald sent to him Elutherius that was his nephue.

[Sidenote: SIGIBERT.] Ye haue heard that after Carpwald, his brother Sigibert succéeded in rule of the Eastangles, a man of great vertue and woorthinesse, who whilest he remained in France as a banished man, being constrained to flée his countrie vpon displeasure that king Redwald bare him, was baptised there, and after returning into his countrie, and obteining [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 3. _cap._ 4.] at length the kingdome, those things which he had séene well ordered in France, he studied to follow the example of the same at home, and herevpon considering with himselfe that nothing could more aduance the state of the common-wealth of his countrie than learning & knowledge in the toongs, began the foundation of certeine schooles, and namelie [Sidenote: The vniuersitié of Cambridge founded by king Sigibert.] at Cambridge, where children might haue places where to be instructed and brought vp in learning vnder appointed teachers, that there might be greater numbers of learned men trained vp than before time had béene within this land, to the furtherance of true religion and vertue.

So that England hath good cause to haue in thankfull remembrance this noble prince king Sigibert, for all those hir learned men which haue bin brought vp & come foorth of that famous vniuersitie of Cambridge, the first foundation or rather renouation whereof was thus begun by [Sidenote: _Bale_ saith 636.] him about the yeare of our Lord 630. At length when this worthie king began to grow in age, he considered with himselfe how hard a matter, and how painefull an office it was to gouerne a realme as apperteined to the dutie of a good king, wherevpon he determined to leaue the charge thereof to other of more conuenient yéeres, and to liue from [Sidenote: Sigibert resigneth his kingdome to Egricus.] thencefoorth a priuat kind of life, and so resigning the administration vnto his kinsman Egricus, he became a moonke, and led the rest of his life in a certeine abbeie.

Shortlie after it so came to passe that Penda king of Mercia (that cruell ethnike tyrant) made sore warres vpon Egricus, whervpon the people of Eastangles compelled Sigibert to come foorth of his monasterie, & to go with them into the field against Penda. Sigibert being thus constreined against his will, would not put on armour or beare anie other kind of weapon, than onelie a wand in his hand in steed of a scepter, and so the armie of the Eastangles in hope of good spéed by the presence of Sigibert, ioined in battell with their enimies, but the Eastangles were finallie vanquished, and the more [Sidenote: Sigibert and Egricus slaine.] part of them slaine, togither with Sigibert and his coosen Egricus their king. This happened in the yere after the birth of our Sauiour [Sidenote: 652.] (as some haue noted) 652.

[Sidenote: _Baleus._] [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 3. _cap._ 19.] [Sidenote: Fuersus.] In the daies whilest Sigibert as yet ruled the Eastangles, there came out of Ireland a deuout person named Furseus, who comming into the countrie of the Eastangles, was gladlie receiued of king Sigibert, by whose helpe afterwards he builded the abbeie of Cumbreburge, in the which Sigibert (as some haue written) when he renounced his kingdome, was professed a moonke. Of this Furseus manie things are written, the which for briefenesse we ouerpasse. After that Felix the bishop of the Eastangles was dead, one Thomas was ordeined in his place, who after he had béene bishop fiue yéeres, died, and then one Beretgils was ordeined in his roome by Honorius the archbishop of Canturburie. The said Honorius himselfe when he had run the race of his naturall life, [Sidenote: 653.] deceassed also the last of September in the yéere of our Lord 653.

* * * * *

_Anna king of Eastangles is slaine by Penda king of Mercia, his brother succeeding him is slaine also by Oswie king of Northumberland, the Mercians or Middleangles receiue the faith vnder vertuous Peda their prince, he requesteth Alchfled the king of Northumberlands daughter in mariage, he is baptised by bishop Finnan, by whose meanes the Eastsaxons imbraced christian religion vnder Sigibert their king, he is murthered of two brethren that were his kinsmen vpon a conceiued hatred against him for his good and christian life, how dangerous it is to keepe companie with an excommunicate person, the authoritie of a bishop._

THE XXXJ CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Anna.] [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] After Egricus succeeded Anna the sonne of Enus in the kingdome of Eastangle, and is likewise slaine by Penda king of Mercia, with the most part of his armie, as he gaue battell vnto the said Penda that inuaded his countrie. He left behind him manie children, but his [Sidenote: Edelhere K. of Eastangle.] brother Edelhere succéeded him in gouernment of the kingdome, who was slaine by Oswie the king of Northumberland, togither with the foresaid Penda, and woorthilie, sith he would aid that tyrant which had slaine his kinsman and his brother that were predecessors with him in his kingdome. After this, when the sée of Canturburie had béene vacant by [Sidenote: Deus dedit.] the space of one whole yéere and six moneths, one Deus dedit of the countrie of the Westsaxons, was elected and consecrated by Ithamar the bishop of Rochester, on the 7 kalends of Aprill. He gouerned the church of Canturburie by the tearme of nine yéeres, foure moneths, and two daies. When he was departed this life, the foresaid Ithamar consecrated for him one Damianus of the countrie of Sussex.

[Sidenote: _Beda hist. eccle. lib._ 3. _cap._ 21.] [Sidenote: 653.] About this time, the people of Mercia commonlie called Middleangles, [Sidenote: Peda or Peada king of Middleangles.] receiued the christian faith vnder their king named Peda or Peada, the sonne of Penda king of Mercia, who being a towardlie yoong gentleman, and woorthie to haue the guiding of a kingdome, his father Penda aduanced him to the rule of that kingdome of the Middleangles during his owne life. [¶ Héere maie you note, that the kingdome of the Middleangles was one, and the kingdome of Mercia another, though most commonlie the same were gouerned by one king.] This yoong Peda came to Oswie king of Northumberland, requiring of him to haue his daughter Alchfled in mariage: but when he was informed that he might not haue hir except he would become a christian, then vpon hearing the gospell preached, with the promise of the celestiall ioies and immortalitie, by the resurrection of the flesh in the life to come, he said that whether he had king Oswies daughter to wife or not, he would suerlie be baptised, and chieflie he was persuaded therevnto by his kinsman Alchfrid, who had in mariage his sister the daughter of Penda name Cimburgh.

[Sidenote: Ad murum.] Wherefore he was baptised by bishop Finnan, with all those which came thither with him at a place called At the wall, and taking with him foure priests which were thought méete to teach and baptise his people, he returned with great ioy into his owne countrie. The names of those priests were as followeth, Cedda, Adda, Betti, and Diuna, of the which, the last was a Scot by nation, and the other were Englishmen. These priests comming into the prouince of the Middleangles, preached the woord, and were well heard, so that dailie a great number of the nobilitie & communaltie renouncing the filthie dregs of idolatrie, were christned. Neither did king Penda forbid the preaching of the gospell within his prouince of Mercia, but rather hated and despised those whome he knew to haue professed themselues [Sidenote: The saieng of king Penda.] christians, and yet shewed not the woorks of faith, saieng, that "Those were wretches and not to be regarded, which would not obeie their God in whome they beléeued." This alteration of things began, about two yéeres before the death of king Penda.

[Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 3. _cap._ 22.] About the same time, the Eastsaxons at the instance of Oswie king of Northumberland, receiued eftsoones the faith which they had renounced, when they banished their bishop Melitus. Ye haue heard that Serred, Siward, and Sigibert brethren, and the sonnes of king Sabert (which brethren occasioned the reuolting of that prouince from the faith of Christ) were slaine in battell by the kings of Westsaxon, after whome succéeded Sigibert surnamed the little sonne to the middlemost brother Siward, as some write. This Sigibert the litle left the kingdome to an other Sigibert that was sonne to one Sigebald the brother of king Sabert, which second Sigibert reigned as king in that prouince of the Eastsaxons, being a most especiall friend of king Oswie, so that oftentimes he repaired into Northumberland to visit him, whervpon king Oswie ceassed not most earnestlie at times conuenient to exhort him to receiue the faith of Iesus Christ, and in the end by such effectuall [Sidenote: King Sigibert receiued the faith.] persuasions as he vsed, Sigibert gaue credit to his woords, and so being conuerted, receiued the sacrament of baptisme by the hands of bishop Finnan, at the kings house called, At the wall, so named, bicause it was built néere to the wall which the Romans had made ouerthwart the Ile, as is often before remembred, being twelue miles distant from the east sea.

[Sidenote: This was about the yéere 649, as _Matth. West._ hath noted.] King Sigibert hauing now receiued the Christian faith, when he should returne into his countrie, required king Oswie to appoint him certeine instructors and teachers which might conuert his people to the faith of Christ. King Oswie desirous to satisfie his request, sent vnto the prouince of the Middleangles, calling from thence that vertuous man [Sidenote: Cedda.] Cedda, and assigning vnto him another priest to be his associat, sent them vnto the prouince of the Eastsaxons, there to preach the christian faith vnto the people. And when they had preached & taught through the whole countrie, to the great increase and inlarging of the church of Christ, it chanced on a time that Cedda returned home into Northumberland to conferre of certeine things with bishop Finnan which [Sidenote: Ced or Cedda bishop of the Eastsaxons.] kept his sée at Lindesferne, where vnderstanding by Cedda the great fruits which it had pleased God to prosper vnder his hands, in aduancing the faith among the Eastsaxons, he called to him two other bishops, and there ordeined the foresaid Cedda bishop of the Eastsaxons.

Héerevpon, the same Cedda returned vnto his cure, went forward with more authoritie to performe the woorke of the Lord, & building churches in diuerse places, ordeined priests and deacons which might helpe him in preaching, and in the ministerie of baptising, speciallie [Sidenote: Tilberie.] in the citie of Ithancester vpon the riuer of Pent, and likewise in Tileburge on the riuer of Thames. Whilest Ced was thus busie to the great comfort and ioy of the king and all his people, in the setting forward of the christian religion with great increase dailie procéeding, it chanced thorough the instigation of the deuill, the common enimie of mankind, that king Sigibert was murthered by two of his owne kinsmen who were brethren, the which when they were examined of the cause that should mooue them to that wicked fact, they had nothing to alledge, but that they did it bicause they had conceiued an hatred against the king, for that he was too fauourable towards his enimies, and would with great mildnesse of mind forgiue iniuries committed against him: such was the kings fault for the which he was murthered, bicause he obserued the commandements of the gospell with a deuout hart.

Notwithstanding, in this his innocent death, his offense was punished, wherein he had suerlie transgressed the lawes of the church. For whereas one of them which slue him kept a wife, whome he had vnlawfullie maried, and refused to put hir away at the bishops admonition, he was by the bishop excommunicated, and all other of the christian congregation commanded to absteine from his companie. This notwithstanding, the king being desired of him came to his house to a banket, and in his comming from thence met with the bishop, whome when the king beheld, he waxed afraid, and alighted from his horsse, and fell downe at his féet, beséeching him of pardon for his offense. The bishop, which also was on horssebacke likewise alighted, and touching the king with his rod which he had in his hand, as one something [Sidenote: The authoritie of a bishop.] displeased, and protesting as in the authoritie of a bishop, spake these words; "Bicause (saith he) thou wouldst not absteine from entring the house of that wicked person being accurssed, thou shalt die in the same house:" and so it came to passe.

* * * * *

_Suidhelme king of the Eastsaxons, he is baptised, the bishoplike exercises of Ced in his natiue countrie of Northumberland; Ediswald K. of Deira reuerenceth him, the kings deuout mind to further and inlarge religion; the maner of consecrating a place appointed for a holie vse; the old order of fasting in Lent, bishop Ced dieth; warre betweene Oswie and Penda, Oswie maketh a vow to dedicate his daughter a perpetuall virgine to God if he got the victorie, he obteineth his request and performeth his vow, she liueth, dieth, and is buried in a monasterie, the benefit insuing Oswies conquest ouer his enimies, the first second and third bishops of Mercia, the victorious proceeding of king Oswie; prince Peado his kinsman murthered of his wife._

THE XXXIJ CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: SUIDHELME. _Beda lib._ 3. _cap._ 22.] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] After Sigbert succeeded Suidhelme in the kingdome of the Eastsaxons, he was the son of Sexbald, and baptised of Ced in the prouince of the Eastangles, at a place of the kings there called Rendlessham. Ediswald king of the Eastangles (the brother of king Anna) was his godfather at the fontstone. Ced the bishop of the Eastsaxons vsed oftentimes to [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 3. _cap._ 23.] visit his countrie of Northumberland where he was borne, and by preaching exhorted the people to godlie life. Whervpon it chanced that king Ediswald the son of king Oswald which reigned in the parties of Deira, mooued with the fame of his vertuous trade of liuing, had him in great reuerence: and therefore vpon a good zeale and great deuotion, willed him to choose foorth some plot of ground where he might build a monasterie, in the which the king himselfe and others might praie, heare sermons the oftener, and haue place where to burie the dead. The bishop consenting to the kings mind, at length espied a place amongst high and desert mounteins, where he began the foundation of a monasterie, afterwards called Lestinghem.

Wherefore meaning first of all to purge the place with praier & fasting, he asked leaue of the king that he might remaine there all the Lent, which was at hand, and so continuing in that place for that [Sidenote: The maner of the old fast.] time, fasted euerie daie (sundaie excepted) from the morning vntill euening, according to the maner, nor receiued anie thing then but onlie a little bread, and a hens eg, with a little milke mixt with water: for he said that this was the custome of them of whome he had learned the forme of his regular order, that they should consecrate those places vnto the Lord with praier and fasting, which they latelie had receiued to make in the same either church or monasterie.

And when there remained ten daies of Lent yet to come, he was sent for to the king: wherefore he appointed a brother which he had, being also a priest named Cimbill, to supplie his roome, that his begun religious woorke should not be hindered for the kings businesse. Now when the time was accomplished, he ordeined a monasterie there, appointing the [Sidenote: Lindisferne holie Iland.] moonks of the same to liue after the rules of them of Lindesferne where he was brought vp. Finallie this bishop Ced comming vnto this monasterie afterwards by chance in time of a sicknesse, died there, and left that monasterie to the gouernance of another brother which he had named Ceadda, that was after a bishop, as afterwards shall be shewed. There were foure brethren of them, and all priests, Ced, Cimbill, Ceulin, and Ceadda, of the which Ced and Ceadda were bishops, as before is said.

[Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 3. _cap._ 24.] About the same time, Oswie king of Northumberland was sore oppressed by the warres of Penda king of Mercia, so that he made great offers of high gifts, and great rewards vnto the said Penda for peace, but Penda refused the same, as he that meant vtterlie to haue destroied the whole nation of Oswies people, so that Oswie turning himselfe to seeke [Sidenote: War betwéene king Oswie & king Penda.] helpe at the hands of the almightie, said: If the pagan refuse to receiue the gifts which we offer, let us make offer vnto him that knoweth how to accept them: and so binding himselfe by vow, promised that if he might obtein victorie, he would offer his daughter to be dedicate to the Lord in perpetuall virginitie: and further would giue twelue manors, lordships or farmes to the building of monasteries: and so with a small armie he put himselfe in hazard of battell.

It is said that Penda had thirtie companies of men of warre, furnished with thirtie noble capteins or coronels, against whome came Oswie with his sonne Alchfrid, hauing but a small armie, but confirmed yet with hope in Christ Iesus. His other son Ecgfrid remained in hostage at that time with quéene Cinnise. Edilwald the sonne of Oswald that gouerned Deira, & ought to haue aided Oswie, was on the part of Penda against his countrie, and against his vncle, but in time of the fight he withdrew himselfe aside, to behold what chance would follow. The [Sidenote: The victorie of the Northumbers.] battell being begun, the thirtie pagan capteins were ouerthrowne and put to flight, and those that came to aid Penda were almost all slaine, among whome was Edilhere king of the Eastangles, that reigned after his brother Anna, and was the procurer of this warre. This battell was fought néere to the water of Inwet, the which being risen as then by reason of great raine, drowned more of the enimies than died of the Northumbers swoords.

After that Oswie had obteined this victorie, he performed promise in bestowing his daughter to the profession of virginitie, and also gaue the twelue manors, whereof six were in Deira, and six in Bernicia, [Sidenote: Elfled.] containing euerie of them ten housholds a péece. Elfled also king [Sidenote: Herteshey saith _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: Hilda.] Oswies daughter was professed in the monasterie of Herthew, where one Hilda was abbesse, which Hilda purchasing a lordship of ten housholds in Streanshall, now called Whitbie, builded a monasterie there, in the which first the said Elfled was a nouice, and after a ruler, till at length being of the age of fortie yéeres she departed this life, and was buried there, and so likewise was hir mother Eufled, and hir grandfather Edwin, with manie other high estates within the church of saint Peter the apostle. The victorie aboue mentioned got by king [Sidenote: Loides.] Oswie in the countrie of Loides on the 17 kalends of December, & in the thirtenth yéere of his reigne, happened to the great commoditie and gaine of both the people, for by the same he deliuered his countrie of Northumberland from the cruell destruction made in the same by the pagan people of Mercia, and conuerted those pagans themselues, and the countries néere adioining to them wholie vnto the faith of Iesus Christ.

[Sidenote: The first bishop of Mercia.] The first bishop in the prouince of Mercia, and also of Lindesferne and the Middleangles was one Diuma, who died amongst the Middleangles. The second was Cellach, the which leauing his bishoprike returned into Scotland, for they were both of the nation of the Scots. The third was an Englishman named Trumhere, but instructed and ordeined of the Scots. He was abbat of the monasterie of Ingethlingum, being builded in that place where king Oswin was slaine (as before is mentioned.) For quéene Eufled that was his kinswoman got of hir husband king Oswie a place there for the foresaid Trumhere to build that abbeie vpon.

[Sidenote: The victorious procéeding of king Oswie.] King Oswie hauing slaine king Penda, gouerned the people of Mercia, and also other of the south prouinces, & subdued a great part of the Pictish nation to the English dominion. About the same time king Oswie gaue vnto Peada the son of king Penda (bicause he was his kinsman) the [Sidenote: Southmercia.] countrie of the Southmercies, conteining 5000 housholds, and separated [Sidenote: Northmercia.] [Sidenote: 659.] from the Northmercies by the riuer Trent. The countrie of the Northmercies conteined in those daies 7000 housholds. But Peada in the next spring was wickedlie murthered through the treason of his wicked wife (as was said) in the feast of Easter. [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]

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_The dukes of Mercia rebell against Oswie, recouer their owne bounds, and create Wulfhere their king; Cenwald king of the Westsaxons fighteth with the Britaines and preuaileth, he is vanquished by Wulfhere; Adelwold king of Sussex hath the Ile of Wight giuen him, and why; succession of Edelher, Edelwald, and Aldulfe in the kingdome of Eastangles; Colman a Scot first made bishop of Northumberland, controuersie about the obseruation of Easter, about bald crownes or shauing the haire, superstition punished by God, Ceadda bishop of Yorke, his course of life and diligence in his office commended; Egbert king of Kent, the see of Canturburie void, the preferment thereto refused, Theodore a moonke supplieth the roome at the popes appointment, all the English clergie obey him as their head, his visitation and reformation, singing vsed in churches, Theodore and Adrian woorthilie praised, English men happie, glasiers first brought into this Iland._

THE XXXIIJ CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 3. _cap._ 24.] After three yeeres were complet, next ensuing the death of king Penda, the dukes of the countrie of Mercia, Immin, Eaba, and Eadbert rebelled against king Oswie, aduancing one Wulfhere a yoong gentleman the sonne of Peda, and brother to Peada, whom they had kept in secret to be their king, and expelling the lieutenants of king Oswie, they recouered both their owne confines and libertie withall, and so liuing in fréedome with their owne naturall king the foresaid Vulfhere, they also continued with glad hearts in seruice of the celestiall king our God and Sauior.

[Sidenote: VULFHERE.] [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 3. _cap._ 24.] This Vulfhere gouerned the Mercies seuentéene yeares, the which Mercies (during the reigne of the said Vulfhere) had foure bishops successiuelie gouerning the church of that prouince one after another, as the aboue mentioned Trumhere, Iaroman, Ceadda, and Winfrid, as hereafter shall more at large appeare.

[Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] About the beginning of king Vulfheres reigne, that is to say, in the seuentéenth yeare of the reigne of Chenwald king of the Westsaxons, the same Chenwald fought with the Britains at Pennum, where the Britains being assembled in great number, proudlie incountred with the Englishmen, and at the first put them to the woorst, but when the Englishmen would in no wise giue ouer, but did sticke to their tackle, [Sidenote: The Britains put to flight by Chenwald.] at length the Britains were put to flight, so that the posteritie of Brute receiued that day an incurable wound. But within thrée yeares after, that is, in the ninetéenth yeare of the reigne of the said Chenwald, he had not the like lucke in battell against the foresaid Vulfhere king of Mercia, as he had before against the Britains, for [Sidenote: Chenwald vanquished by Vulfhere.] the said Vulfhere vanquishing him in the field, passed through this countrie with a great armie vnto the Ile of Wight, which he conquered, [Sidenote: Adelwold of Sussex.] and deliuered it vnto Adelwold king of Sussex, as a gift at that time, when he receiued him at the fontstone after he had conuerted him to the faith. He gaue vnto Adelwold that Ile, to the end he should cause the people there to receiue the faith and religion of Christ. Now after that Edelhere king of Eastangles was slaine, as before is mentioned, his brother Edelwald succéeded him in that kingdome, reigning as king thereof by the space of nine yeares. Then after Edelwald succéeded Aldulfe the son of Edelhere in gouernment of that kingdome, and reigned 25 yeares.

[Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 3. _cap._ 24.] After Finan bishop of the Northumbers that held his see at [Sidenote: Colman ordeined bishop.] Lindesferne, as Aidan did before him, one Colman was ordeined bishop, a Scot borne, and an earnest obseruer of the customes vsed amongest them of his nation, so that when the controuersie began to be reuiued [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 3. _cap._ 25.] for the holding of the feast of Easter, he would by no meanes yéeld to them that would haue perswaded him to haue followed the rite of the Romane church. There was a great disputation kept about this matter, and other things, as shauing or cutting of heares, and such like in the monasterie of Whitbie, at the which king Oswie and his sonne Alcfrid were present, where Colman for his part alledged the custome of Iohn the euangelist, and of Anatholius; and the contrarie side brought in proofe of their opinion, the custome of Peter and Paule. At length, when bishop Colman perceiued that his doctrine was not so much regarded, as he thought of reason it ought to haue béene, he returned into Scotland with those, which taking part with him, refused to obserue the feast of Easter according to the custome of the church of [Sidenote: Controuersie about shauing of crownes.] [Sidenote: _Cap._ 6.] [Sidenote: 664.] Rome, nor would haue their crownes shauen, about which point no small reasoning had béene kept. This disputation was holden in the yeare of our Lord 664, and in the yeare of the reigne of king Oswie 22, and 30 yeare after the Scotishmen began first to beare the office of bishops within Northumberland, which was (as W. Harison saith) 624. For Aidan gouerned 17 yeares, Finan 10 yeares, & Colman 3 yeares. After that [Sidenote: Tuda ordeined bishop.] Colman was returned into his countrie, one Tuda that had béene brought vp amongest the Southerne Scots, and ordeined bishop by them, succéeded in his roome, hauing his crowne shauen, and obseruing the feast of Easter according to the custome of the prouince and rite of [Sidenote: _Cap._ 27.] [Sidenote: An eclipse. Punishment of God for yelding to superstition.] the Romane church. ¶ The same yeare, there chanced a great eclipse of the sunne, the third of Maie about 10 of the clocke in the day. A great dearth and mortalitie insued, both in all the parties of this our Britaine, and likewise in Ireland. Amongest other, the foresaid bishop Tuda died, and was buried in the abbeie of Pegnalech. After this Tuda, succéeded in gouernement of the church of Lindesferne, [Sidenote: Wilfrid bishop.] otherwise called Holie Iland, one Wilfrid, which was sent by king Alcfrid into France, to be ordeined there.

About the same time king Oswie, the father of king Alcfrid, mooued [Sidenote: _Cap._ 28.] with the good example of his sonne, sent Ceadda, the brother of Ced sometime bishop of the Eastsaxons into Kent, to be ordeined bishop of Yorke, but at his comming into Kent he found that Deus dedit the archbishop of Canturburie was dead, and none other as yet ordeined in [Sidenote: Ceadda ordeined archbishop of Yorke.] his place, so that Ceadda repaired into the prouince of the Westsaxons, where he was ordeined by bishop Wini, who tooke two other bishops of the British nation vnto him to be his associats, which vsed to obserue the feast of Easter contrarie to the custome of the Romane church. But there was no other shift, sith none other bishop was then canonicallie ordeined in the prouince of the Westsaxons in those daies, this Wini onlie excepted, and therefore was he constreined to take such as he might get and prouide.

After that Ceadda was thus ordeined, he began forthwith to follow the true rules of the church, liued right chastlie, shewed himselfe humble and continent, applied his studie to reading, and trauelled abroad on foot and not on horssebacke through the countries, townes, and villages, to preach the word of God. He was the disciple of Aidan, and coueted by his example, and also by the example of Ced, to instruct his hearers with the like dooings & maners as he had knowen them to doo. Wilfrid also being consecrated bishop, and returned into England, indeuored to plant the orders of the Romane church in the churches of England, whereby it came to passe, that the Scots which inhabited amongst the Englishmen, were constreined either to follow the same, or else to returne into their owne countrie.

[Sidenote: EGBERT king of Kent.] In this meane time, king Ercombert being departed this life, after he had gouerned the Kentishmen by the space of twentie yeares, his sonne Egbert succéeded him in the kingdome, and reigned nine yeares. There is little remembrance of his dooings, which in that short time were not much notable, except ye will ascribe the comming into this land of the archbishop Theodorus, and the abbat Adrian vnto his glorie, which chanced in his time. For in the yeare of the great eclipse and sore mortalitie that insued, it chanced that both king Ercombert, & the archbishop Deus dedit departed this life, so that the see of Canturburie was void a certeine time, in so much that king Egbert, who [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 3. _cap._ 9.] succéeded his father Ercombert, togither with king Oswie, did send one [Sidenote: Wighart.] Wighart a priest of good reputation for his excellent knowledge in the scriptures, vnto Rome, with great gifts and rich vessels of gold and siluer, to be presented vnto the pope, requiring him that he would ordeine the foresaid Wighart archbishop of Canturburie, to haue rule of the English church. But this Wighart comming vnto Rome, and declaring his message vnto Vitalianus then gouerning the church of Rome, immediatlie after he died of the pestilence (that then reigned in that citie) with all those that came with him.

[Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 4 _cap._ 1.] [Sidenote: _Adrian._] The pope then taking aduice whome he might ordeine vnto the sée of Canturburie, being thus destitute of an archbishop, appointed a moonke named Adrian to take that office vpon him, but Adrian excused himselfe as not sufficient for such a roome, and required the pope to appoint one Andrew a moonke also, wherevnto the pope consented. But when Andrew was preuented by death, eftsoones Adrian should haue béene made archbishop, but that he named one Theodore an other moonke that abode as then in Rome, but was borne in the citie of Tharsus in Cilicia, verie well learned both in the Greeke and Latine, and being of reuerend yeares, as of 76. This Theodore by the presentment of Adrian, was appointed to be ordeined archbishop of Canturburie, with condition, that Adrian should neuerthelesse attend vpon him into England, both for that he had béene twise before this time in France, and so knew the coasts; and againe, for that he might assist him in all things, and looke well to the matter, that Theodore should not bring into the church of England anie rite or custome of the Gréekes, contrarie to the vse of the Romane church. Theodore being first ordeined subdeacon, tarried foure moneths till his heare was growen, that he might haue his crowne shauen after the maner of Peter. For he was rounded or shauen after the maner of the East church, which was as they persuaded themselues, according to the vse of saint Paule the [Sidenote: Theodore ordeined archbishop of Canturburie.] [Sidenote: 668.] apostle. And so at length was this Theodore ordeined archbishop of Canturburie by pope Vitalianus in the yeare of our Lord 668, the sixt kalends of June, and with Adrian sent into Britaine.

These with their retinue came to France, and being come thither, shortlie after king Egbert had knowledge thereof: wherevpon with all conuenient spéed he sent ouer one of his nobles named Redfrid to bring the archbishop into England, and so he did: but Adrian was staied for a time, because he was suspected to haue had some commission from the emperour to haue practised with the Englishmen, for the disquieting of the realme of France. Howbeit, after it was perceiued that this suspicion was grounded on no truth, he was also suffered to follow the archbishop, and so comming vnto Canturburie, he was made abbat of the monasterie of saint Augustines. The archbishop Theodore came thus vnto his church of Canturburie in the second yeare after his consecration, about the second kalends of June, being sundaie. He gouerned the same church also 21 yeares and 16 daies, and was the first archbishop to whome all the churches of England did acknowledge their obeisance.

Being accompanied with the foresaid Adrian, he visited all the parts of this land, ordeined bishops and ministers in churches where he thought conuenient, and reformed the same churches as séemed to him néedfull, as well in other things which he misliked, as also in [Sidenote: _Ran. Cest._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] causing them to obserue the feast of Easter, according to the right [Sidenote: _Beda._] and vsage of the church of Rome. Ceadda that was bishop of Yorke, because he was not lawfullie ordeined, as he himselfe confessed, was remoued from the sée of Yorke, and Wilfrid was therevnto restored, so that Ceadda (though he were not disgraded of his degrée of bishop) liued yet a priuat kind of life, till he was admitted bishop of Mercia, as after shall be shewed. Also whereas before time there was in maner no singing in the English churches, except it were in Kent, [Sidenote: Singing in churches brought in vse.] now they began in euerie church to vse singing of diuine seruice after the rite of the church of Rome. The archbishop Theodore finding the [Sidenote: Putta bishop of Rochester.] church of Rochester void by the death of the last bishop named Damian, ordeined one Putta a simple man in worldlie matters, but well instructed in ecclesiasticall discipline, and namelie well séene in song and musicke to be vsed in the church after the maner as he had learned of pope Gregories disciples.

[Sidenote: The worthie praise of Theodore and Adrian.] To be bréefe, the archbishop Theodore, and the abbat Adrian deserued great commendation in this, that whereas they were notablie well learned themselues in the Greeke and the Latine toongs, and also had good knowledge as well in the liberall arts, as in the scripture, they tooke great paines to traine vp scholers in knowledge of the same, so [Sidenote: Englishmen happy and why.] that the Englishmen had not seene more happie times than in those daies, hauing as then kings of great puissance, so as strangers stood in feare of them; and againe, those that coueted learning, had instructors at hand to teach them, by reason whereof diuers being [Sidenote: _Beda._] giuen to studie, prooued excellent both in knowledge of the Gréeke and Latine. There came in companie of the said archbishop from Rome, an [Sidenote: Benedict or Benet surnamed Biscop.] English man named Benedict Biscop, which had taken vpon him the habit of a moonke in Italie, and now returning into his countrie, builded two abbeis, the one named Wiremouth, because it was placed at the mouth of the riuer of Wire, and the other Girwie, distant from Wiremouth about fiue miles, and from the towne of Newcastle foure [Sidenote: 670.] miles, situated neere to the mouth of Tine. Wiremouth was built in the yeare 670, and Girwie in the yeare 673. There were a 600 moonks found [Sidenote: Glasiers first brought into England.] [Sidenote: _Ran. Cest._] in those two houses, and gouerned vnder one abbat. The said Benedict was the first that brought glasiers, painters, and other such curious craftsmen into England. He went fiue times to Rome, and came againe.

* * * * *

_Sighere and Sebbie associats reigne ouer the Eastsaxons, the one falleth from, the other cleaueth to the faith, Vulfhere king of Mercia sendeth bishop Iaroman to redresss that apostasie of the prince and the people, Cead bishop of Mercia, the king of that countrie hath him in hie reputation, Egfrid king of Northumberland, a synod of bishops holden at Herford, articles propounded out of the canons by Theodore archbishop of Canturburie, Bisi unable to discharge his episcopall office, a remedie therefore; Kenwalke of a very euill prince becometh a verie good ruler, his wife gouerneth the kingdome after his death, Escuius succeedeth hir in the roome, of Thunnir a murtherer king Egberts principall vicegerent, bishop Winfrid deposed for disobedience, Sebbie king of the Eastsaxons a professed moonke, his death._

THE XXXIIIJ CHAPTER.

About the same time, after that Suidhelme king of the Eastsaxons was dead, Sighere the son of Sigbert the little, and Sebbie the son of Suward succéeded him in gouernement of that kingdome, albeit they were [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 3. _cap._ 30.] subiect vnto Vulfhere the king of Mercia. Sighere in that time, when the great mortalitie reigned, renounced the faith of Christ, with that part of the people which he had in gouernement, for both the same Sighere and others of his chiefest lords, and also part of his commons louing this life, and not regarding the life to come, began to repaire their idolish churches, and fell to the worshipping of idols, as though thereby they should haue beene defended from that mortalitie. But his associat Sebbie with great deuotion continued stedfast in the faith which he had receiued.

King Vulfhere being informed of Seghers apostasie, and how the people in his part of the prouince of Eastsaxons were departed from the [Sidenote: Bishop Iaruman or Iaroman.] faith, sent thither bishop Iaruman or Iaroman, that was successour vnto Trumhere, which vsed such diligence and godlie meanes, that he reduced the said king and all his people vnto the right beliefe, so as the idolish synagogs were destroied, and the idols also with their altars quite beaten downe, the Christian churches againe set open, and the name of Christ eftsoones called vpon amongest the people, coueting now rather to die in him with hope of resurrection in the world to come, than to liue in the seruice of idols, spotted with the filth of errors and false beleefe. And thus when bishop Iaroman had accomplished the thing for the which he was sent, he returned into Mercia.

After this, when the said Iaroman was departed this life, king Vulfhere sent vnto the archbishop Theodorus, requiring him to prouide the prouince of the Mercies of a new bishop. Theodorus not minding to ordeine anie new bishop at that time, required Oswie king of Northumberland, that Bishop Cead might come into Mercia to exercise the office of bishop there. This Cead liued as it were a priuat life at that time in his monasterie of Lestingham, for Wilfrid held the bishoprike of Yorke, extending his authoritie ouer all Northumberland & amongest the Picts also, so farre as king Oswies dominion stretched. Therefore Cead hauing licence to go into Mercia, was gladlie receiued of king Vulfhere, and well enterteined, in so much that the said king gaue vnto him lands and possessions conteining 50 families or housholds to build a monasterie in a certeine place within the countrie of Lindsey called Etbearne. But the sée of his bishoprike was assigned to him at Lichfield in Staffordshire, where he made him a house néere to the church, in the which he with 7 or 8 other of his brethren in religion vsed in an oratorie there to praie and reade, so often as they had leasure from labour and businesse of the world. Finallie, after he had gouerned the church of Mercia by the space of two yeares and an halfe, he departed this life, hauing 7 daies warning giuen him (as it is reported) from aboue, before he should die, after a miraculous maner, which because in the iudgement of the most it may séeme méere fabulous, we will omit and passe ouer. His bodie was first buried in the church of our ladie, but after that the church of saint Peter the apostle were builded, his bones were translated into the same.

[Sidenote: 671.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] In the yeare of our Lord 671, which was the second yeare after that Theodorus the archbishop came into this land, Oswie king of Northumberland was attacked with a grieuous sicknesse, and died thereof the 15 kalends of March, in the 58 yeare of his age, after he had reigned 28 yeares complet.

[Sidenote: EGFRID.] [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 4. _cap._ 5.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: 673.] After Oswie, his sonne Egfrid succéeded in rule of the kingdome of Northumberland, in the third yeare of whose reigne, that is to say, in the yeare of our Lord 673, Theodorus the archbishop of Canturburie [Sidenote: A synod holden at Herford.] kept a synod at Herford, the first session whereof began the 24 of September, all the bishops of this land being present either in person or by their deputies, as Bisi bishop of Estangle, Wilfrid of Northumberland by his deputie Putta bishop of Rochester, Eleutherius bishop of Westsaxon, and Wilfrid bishop of Mercia. In the presence of [Sidenote: Articles proponed by Theodore.] these prelats, the archbishop shewed a booke, wherein he had noted ten chapters or articles taken out of the booke of the canons, requiring that the same might be receiued.

1 The first chapter was, that the feast of Easter should be kept on the sundaie following the fourtéenth day of the first moneth.

2 The second, that no bishop should intermedle in an others diocesse, but be contented with the cure of his flocke committed to him.

3 The third, that no bishop should disquiet in anie thing anie monasterie consecrated to God, nor take by violence anie goods that belonged vnto the same.

4 The fourth, that bishops being moonks should not go from monasterie to monasterie, except by sufferance and permission of their abbats, & should continue in the same obedience wherein they stood before.

5 The fift, that none of the cleargie should depart from his bishop to run into anie other diocesse, nor comming from anie other place should be admitted, except he brought letters of testimonie with him. But if anie such chanced to be receiued, if he refused to returne, being sent for home, both he and his receiuer should be excommunicated.

6 The sixt, that bishops and other of the cleargie being strangers shold hold them content with the benefit of hospitalitie, & should not take in hand anie priestlie office, without licence of the bishop, in whose diocesse he chanced so to be remaining.

7 The seuenth, that twice in the yeare a synod should be kept, but because of diuers impediments herein, it was thought good to them all, that in the kalends of August a synod should be kept once in the yeare, at a certeine place called Cloofeshough.

8 The eighth chapter was, that no one bishop should by ambition séeke to be preferred aboue another, but that euerie one should know the time and order of his consecration.

9 The ninth, that as the number of the christians increased, so should there be more bishops ordeined.

10 The tenth was touching mariages, that none should contract matrimonie with anie person, but with such as it should be lawfull for him by the orders of the church: none should match with their kinsfolke, no man should forsake his wife, except (as the gospell teacheth) for cause of fornication. But if anie man did put awaie his wife which he had lawfullie married, if he would be accounted a true Christian, he might not be coopled with an other, but so remaine, or else be reconciled to his owne wife.

These articles, being intreated of and concluded, were confirmed with the subscribing of all their hands, so as all those that did go against the same, should be disgraded of their priesthood, and separated from the companie of them all.

[Sidenote: Bisi bishop of the Eastangles.] The forsaid Bisi that was bishop of the Eastangles, and present at this synod, was sucessor unto Bonifacius, which Bonifacius held that sée 17 yéeres, and then departing this life, Bisi was made bishop of that prouince, and ordeined by the archbishop Theodore. This Bisi at length was so visited with sicknesse, that he was not able to exercise the ministration, so that two bishops were then & there elected and consecrated for him, the one named Aecci, and the other Baldwin.

[Sidenote: 672.] In this meane while, that is, about the yéere of our Lord 672, or in the beginning of 673, as Harison noteth, Kenwalch king of the Westsaxons departed this life, after he had reigned 30 yéeres. This [Sidenote: _Matth. West. de reg. lib._ 1.] Kenwalch was such a prince, as in the beginning he was to be compared with the woorst kind of rulers, but in the middest and later end of his reigne, to be matched with the best. His godlie zeale borne towards the aduancing of the christian religion well appéered in the building of the church at Winchester, where the bishops sée of all that prouince was then placed. His wife Segburga ruled the kingdome of Westsaxons after him, a woman of stoutnesse inough to haue atchiued acts of woorthie remembrance, but being preuented by death yer she had reigned one whole yéere, she could not shew anie full proofe of hir noble courage. I remember that Matth. West. maketh other report heereof, declaring that the nobilitie remooued hir from the gouernment. But I rather follow William Malmesburie in this matter.

[Sidenote: Escuinus.] [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] To procéed, after Segburga was departed this life, or deposed (if you will néeds haue it so) Escuinus or Elcuinus, whose grandfather called Cuthgislo, the brother of K. Kinigils, succéeding in gouernment of the Westsaxons, reigned about the space of two yéeres: and after his deceasse, one Centiuinus or Centwine tooke vpon him the rule, and continued therein the space of nine yeeres. But Beda saith that these two ruled at one time, and diuided the kingdom betwixt them. Elcuinus [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] fought against Vulfhere king of Mercia, a great number of men being slaine on both parties, though Vulfhere yet had after a maner the vpper hand, as some haue written.

[Sidenote: _Beda lib. & ca. supr. dict._] In the same yéere that the synod was holden at Herford, that is to say, in the yéere of our Lord 673, Egbert the king of Kent departed [Sidenote: Io. Lothaire.] this life in Iulie, and left the kingdome to his brother Lothaire, which held the same eleuen yéeres, & seuen moneths. Some haue written [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Beda. de reg. lib._ 1.] that king Egbert by the suggestion of one Thunnir, who had the chiefe [Sidenote: Thunnir.] [Sidenote: A vile murther.] rule of the kingdome vnder him, suffered the same Thunnir in lamentable maner to kill the two innocent sonnes of Ermenredus the brother of king Ercombert, that was father vnto King Egbert, for doubt least they being towardlie yoong gentlemen, might in time grow so into fauour with the people, that it should be easie for them to depriue both Egbert, and his issue of the kingdome. Also, that they were priuilie put to death, and secretlie buried at the first, but the place of their buriall immediatlie being shewed after a miraculous maner, their bodies long after in the daies of king Egilred the sonne of king Edgar, were taken vp, & conueied vnto Ramsey, and there buried. And although Egbert being giltie of the death of those his coosens, did sore repent him, for that he vnderstood they died giltlesse, yet his brother Lothaire was thought to be punished for that offense, as after shall be shewed.

[Sidenote: Bishop Winfrid deposed.] [Sidenote: Sexvulfe ordeined bishop of the Mercies.] [Sidenote: 685, as _Matth. Westm._ saith.] Winfrid bishop of the Mercies, for his disobedience in some point was depriued by archbishop Theodore, and one Sexvulfe that was the builder and also the abbat of the monasterie Meidhamsted, otherwise called Peterborough, was ordeined and consecrated in his place. About the [Sidenote: Bishop Erkenwald.] same time, Erkenwald was ordeined bishop of the Eastsaxons, and appointed to hold his sée in the citie of London. This Erkenwald was reputed to be a man of great holinesse and vertue. Before he was made bishop, he builded two abbeies, the one of moonks at Chertsey in Southerie, where he himselfe was abbat, and the other of nuns at [Sidenote: Ethelburga.] [Sidenote: _Iohn Capgraue._] Berking, within the prouince of the Eastsaxons, where he placed his sister Ethelburga, a woman also highlie estéemed for hir deuout kind of life. She was first brought vp and instructed in the rules of hir profession by one Hildelitha a nun of the parties beyond the seas, whome Erkenwald procured to come ouer for that purpose.

[Sidenote: Waldhere.] [Sidenote: Sebbie king of Eastsaxons.] [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 4. _cap._ 16.] After Erkenwald, one Waldhere was made bishop of London, in whose daies Sebbie king of the Eastsaxons, after he had reigned thirtie yéeres, being now vexed with a gréeuous sicknesse, professed himselfe a moonke: which thing he would haue doone long before, if his wife had not kept him backe. He died shortlie after within the citie of London, [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] and was buried in the church of saint Paule. King Sighere, which in the beginning reigned with him, and gouerned a part of the Eastsaxons, was departed this life before, so that in his latter time, the foresaid Sebbie had the gouernment of the whole prouince of the Eastsaxons, and left the same to his sonnes Sighard and Sewfred. About [Sidenote: 675.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malmes._] [Sidenote: But other affirme that he reigned 17 yéeres.] the yéere of our Lord 675, Vulfhere king of Mercia departed this life, [Sidenote: _Beda._] [Sidenote: Peada or rather Weada.] after he had reigned (as some say) 19 yéeres, but (as other affirme) he reigned but 17 yéeres. Howbeit they which reckon 19, include the time that passed after the slaughter of Penda, wherein Oswie and Peada held the aforesaid kingdome.

* * * * *

_Edilred king of Mercia inuadeth the kingdome of Kent, and maketh great waste without resistance of Lothaire the king thereof, Putta of a bishop becommeth a poore curat and teacheth musicke, Wilfred deposed from his bishoprike by king Egfrid vpon displeasure, he preacheth the gospell in Sussex by the licence of king Edilwalke, no raine in Sussex for the space of three yeeres, the woord and sacraments bring blessings with them; bishop Wilfrid the first teacher to catch fish with nets, the people haue him in great reuerence, a great and bloudie battell betweene Egfrid & king Edilred, they are reconciled by the meanes of archbishop Theodore; a synod holden at Hatfield, the clergie subscribe to certeine articles, of Hilda the famous abbesse of Whitbie._

THE XXXV CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: EDILRED.] After Vulfhere, his brother Edilred or Ethelred succéeded in gouernment of the kingdome of Mercia. This Edilred inuaded the [Sidenote: 677.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] kingdome of Kent with a mightie armie, in the yéere of our Lord 677, destroieng the countrie afore him, not sparing churches nor abbeies, but spoiling the same without respect, as well as other common places. King Lothaire durst not appéere in the field to giue him battell, so that Edilred went thorough the countrie, destroied the citie of Rochester, and with great riches gotten by the spoile he returned home. Putta the bishop of Rochester, after that his church was spoiled and defaced by the enimies, went to Sexvulfe bishop of Mercia, and there obteining of him a small cure, and a portion of ground, remained in that countrie, not once labouring to restore his church of Rochester to the former state, but went about in Mercia to teach song, and instruct such as would learne musicke, wheresoeuer he was required, or could get intertainment.

Heerevpon the archbishop Theodore consecrated one William bishop of Rochester in place of Putta, and after, when the said William constreined by pouertie, left that church, Theodore placed one [Sidenote: 678.] [Sidenote: A blasing star.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 4 _ca._ 12.] [Sidenote: Bishop Wifrid banished.] Gebmound in his stéed. In the yéere of our Lord 678, in the moneth of August, a blasing starre appéered, with a long bright beame like to a piller. It was séene euerie morning for the space of thrée moneths togither. The same Egfrid king of Northumberland, banished bishop Wilfrid vpon displeasure taken with him, out of his sée, and then were two bishops ordeined in his place, to gouerne the church of the Northumbers, the one named Bosa at Yorke, and the other called Eata at [Sidenote: Hagustald.] [Sidenote: Hexham.] [Sidenote: Eadhidus.] [Sidenote: Lindesferne.] [Sidenote: Holie Iland.] Hagustald or Lindesferne. Also one Eadhidus was ordeined about the same time bishop of Lindsey, the which prouince king Egfrid had of late conquered and taken from Vulfhere the late king of Mercia, whome he ouercame in battell, and droue him out of that countrie. The said thrée bishops were consecrated at Yorke by the archbishop of Canturburie Theodorus, the which within thrée yéeres after ordained two bishops more in that prouince of the Northumbers, that is to say, Tumbert at Hagustald, Eata that was appointed to remaine at Lindesferne, & Trumuine was ordeined to haue the cure of the prouince of those Picts which as then were vnder the English dominion. Also bicause Edilred king of Mercia recouered the countrie of Lindsey, and ioined it to his dominion, bishop Eadhedus comming from thence, was [Sidenote: The church of Rippon.] appointed to gouerne the church of Rippon.

After that bishop Wilfrid was expelled out of his diocesse and prouince of the Northumbers, he went to Rome, and returning from thence, came into the kingdome of the Southsaxons, the which conteining seuen thousand housholds or families, as yet was not [Sidenote: Wilfrid by licence of king Edilwalke preacheth the gospel to them of Sussex.] conuerted to the christian faith. Wherefore the said Wilfrid began there to preach the gospell with licence of king Edilwalke, who (as before is mentioned) was conuerted and baptised in Mercia by the procurement of king Wolfher, that then became his godfather, and gaue him at the same time the Ile of Wight, and the prouince of the people ancientlie called Meanuari, which he had woon from the Westsaxons. Bishop Wilfrid then by king Edilwalke his furtherance and helpe baptised the chiefest lords and gentlemen of that prouince. But certein priests baptised the residue of the people, either then or in the time following.

[Sidenote: Lacke of raine.] ¶ It chanced that for the space of thrée yéeres (as it is said) before the comming thither of bishop Wilfrid, there had fallen no raine from the aire within that prouince of the Southsaxons, so that the people were brought into great miserie by reson of famine, which through want of necessarie fruits of the earth sore afflicted the whole countrie, insomuch that no small numbers threw themselues hedlong into the sea, despairing of life in such lacke of necessarie vittels. But as God would, the same day that Wilfrid began to minister the sacrament of baptisme, there came downe swéet and plentifull showers of raine, so watering the earth, that thereby great store of all fruits plentifullie tooke root, and yéelded full increase in growth, to the great comfort and reliefe of all the people, which before were in maner starued and lost through want of food.

[Sidenote: Catching of fish with nets.] Bishop Wilfrid also taught them in that countrie the maner how to catch fish with nets, where before that time, they had no great skill in anie kind of fishing, except it were in catching éeles. Hereby the said bishop grew there in great estimation with the people, so that his words were the better credited amongst them, for that through him they receiued so great benefits, God by such meanes working in the peoples hearts a desire to come to the vnderstanding of his lawes. The king also gaue vnto Wilfrid a place called Sealesew, compassed about on each side (except on the west halfe) with the sea, conteining 87 housholds or families, where he built an abbeie, and baptised all his tenants there, amounting to the number of 250 bondmen and bondwomen, [Sidenote: Bondmen made trulie free.] whome he made frée both in bodie and soule: for he did not onelie baptise them, but also infranchised them of all bodilie seruitude and bondage.

In this meane while manie things happened in other parts of this land, and first in the yeere after the appéering of the blasing starre before mentioned, a mightie battell was fought betwixt the said Egfrid and Edilred king of Mercia, néere to the riuer of Trent, where Alswine the brother of king Egfrid was slaine, with manie other of the Northumbers, so that king Egfrid was constreined to returne home with losse. The archbishop of Canturburie Theodorus perceiuing that great warre and effusion of bloud was like to follow therevpon, trauelled so in the matter betwixt them, that they were made friends, and Egfrid had a péece of monie in recompense of his losses. The foresaid battell [Sidenote: 679.] was fought in the yéere of our Lord 679, and in the yeere following, [Sidenote: 680.] that is to say, in the yéere of our Lord 680, which was also in the tenth yéere of the reigne of Egfrid king of Northumberland, the sixt yéere of Edelred king of Mercia, the 17 of Aldvulfe king of Eastangles, and in the 7 of Lother king of Kent.

[Sidenote: A synod at Hatfield.] The archbishop of Canturburie Theodorus held another synod at Hatfield, about the 15 kalends of October, in the which all the [Sidenote: Articles subscribed.] clergie there present subscribed to certeine articles touching the beléefe of the trinitie of persons, in vnitie of the Godhead of the like substance, and also of the same vnitie in trinitie, according to the true faith of the church of God. Moreouer, they acknowledged by the like subscription, the fiue generall councels, of Nice, of Constantinople the first, of Ephesus, of Calcedon, and of Constantinople the second, with the synod also holden at Rome in the daies of Martin bishop of Rome about the yéere of the emperour Constantine. At this synod holden at Hatfield, was present one Iohn the archchanter of S. Peters church at Rome, sent into this land of purpose to bring from hence a certificat vnto pope Agatho of the agréement of the English church in matters of faith, with other churches of the christian world: but the foresaid archchanter died by the way in France, as he returned homewards, and was buried at Towers in Towraine.

[Sidenote: _Bale._] [Sidenote: The abbesse Hilda.] [Sidenote: _Beda._] The same yéere that famous woman Hilda abbesse of Whitbie departed this life, or (as other say) fiue yéeres after, hauing first beene deteined long with gréeuous sickenesse. She was the daughter of one Herrericus the nephue of king Edwin, and conuerted to the faith of Christ at the preaching of bishop Pauline, and afterwards instructed by bishop Aidan, she professed hirselfe a nun, applieng hir whole studie to the reading of the scriptures, to praier, & other godlie exercises. She builded the abbeie of Whitbie, wherein were placed both men and women, with such an equalitie in all things, that there was no [Sidenote: _Bale._] [Sidenote: _Ran. Cest._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Beda._] rich person amongst them, nor anie that wanted things necessarie. She departed this life on the 15 kalends of December, being 66 yéeres of age. As some haue written she argued stoutlie on bishop Colmans part, at the disputation holden in the monasterie of Whitbie, in the yéere [Sidenote: _Henrie Hunt._] of Grace 664, whereof ye haue heard before. About the yéere of our Lord 682, that is to say, in the seuenth yere of Centwine or [Sidenote: The Britains discomfited.] Centiuinus king of Westsaxons, the same Centwine fought with the Britains, and ouercame them in battell, pursuing them with fire and sword vnto the sea side.

¶ Thus (at this time as also at diuerse other times) they were discomfited and put to flight, being a people allotted and shared out as it were to suffer many an ouerthrow, and abide manie a sharpe and shamefull repulse at the hands of their enimies, who conuerted the distresse of that people to their profit, and tooke pleasure in the extreamitie of the miseries wherein they were plunged, as may be obserued by the pitifull alteration of their state vnder diuers gouernours, and speciallie vnder the Danish dominion, who kept them in [Sidenote: _Gorop. in Gota danica lib._ 7. _pag._ 759.] no lesse vile seruitude than Pharao did the Hebrues at the making of bricke & chopping of straw. So that some thinke this land to be corruptlie named Britania, but ought rather to be called Bridania, that is, _Libera Dania, siue regio in qua Dani liberè viuant_, for they liued as lords in the land, & did (for the time being) what they listed. But of this matter more shall be spoken hereafter in place conuenient.

* * * * *

_Cadwallader king of Britaine, the people are brought into great miserie, and he forced to flee the land, he dieth at Rome, the British writers noted of error, Ceadwalla king of the Westsaxons, the kingdome is diuided; the valorous mind of Ceadwalla, he is forced to forsake his countrie, he vanquisheth and killeth Edilwalke king of the Westsaxons, his returne into his kingdome with reuenge vpon Berthun duke of Sussex and other his heauie friends, his vow if he might conquer the Ile of Wight, his bountifull offer to bishop Wilfrid, the Ile of Wight receiueth the faith; Ceadwalla inuadeth Kent, of a barbarous warriour he becommeth a religious christian, his vertues, his death and buriall at Rome; Egfrid king of Northumberland inuadeth Ireland, he is slaine by Brudeus king of the Picts; the neglect of good counsell is dangerous; Etheldreda a wife and a widow (hauing vowed chastitie) liued a virgine 12 yeeres with hir husband Egfride, she was called saint Auderie of Elie._

THE XXXVJ CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: CADWALLADER.] But now to returne vnto that which is found in the British histories, by the tenor wherof it should appeare, that when their king Cadwallo was dead, his son Cadwallader succéeded him in gouernement of the [Sidenote: 676 saith _Matth. West._] Britains, in the yéere of our Lord 678, which was about the 10 yéere of the emperour Constantius Paganotus, and in the 13 yéere of the [Sidenote: _Galfrid._] reigne of Childericus king of France. This Cadwallader, being the sonne of Cadwallo, was begot by him of the halfe sister of Penda king of Mercia, for one father begot them both, but of two sundrie mothers, for she had to mother a ladie descended of the noble blood of the Westsaxons, and was maried vnto Cadwallo when the peace was made betwixt him and hir brother the said Penda. After that Cadwallader had reigned the space of 12 yéers (as Geffrey of Monmouth saith) or (as others write) but 3 yéeres, the Britains were brought into such miserie through ciuill discord, and also by such great and extreme [Sidenote: Cadwallader constreined to forsake the land.] famine as then reigned through all the land, that Cadwallader was constreined with the chéefest part of his people to forsake their natiue countrie, and by sea to get them ouer into Britaine Armorike, there to séeke reliefe by vittels for the sustentation of their languishing bodies.

¶ Long processe is made by the British writers of this departure of Cadwallader, & of the Britains out of this land, and how Cadwallader was about to haue returned againe, but that he was admonished by a dreame to the contrarie, the which bicause it séemeth but fabulous, we passe ouer. At length he went to Rome, and there was confirmed in the christian religion by pope Sergius, where shortlie after he fell [Sidenote: 689.] sicke, and died the 12 kalends of May, in the yeere of our Lord 689. But herein appeareth the error of the British writers in taking one for another, by reason of resemblance of names, for where Ceadwalla king of the Westsaxons about that time mooued of a religious deuotion, after he was conuerted to the faith, went vnto Rome, and was there baptised, or else confirmed of the foresaid pope Sergius, and shortlie after departed this life in that citie in the foresaid yéere of 689 or therabouts. The Welshmen count him to be their Cadwallader: which to be true is verie vnlike by that which may be gathered out of the learned writings of diuers good and approoued authors.

[Sidenote: CEADWALLA.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Beda._] This Ceadwalla king of the Westsaxons succeeded after Centwine or Centiuinus, which Centwine reigned nine yéeres, though it should appeare by that which is written by authors of good credit, that during two of those yéeres at the least, the kingdome of Westsaxons was diuided betwixt him and Elcuinus or Escuinus, so that he should not reigne past seuen yeeres alone.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Ranulf. Cest._] But now to Ceadwalla, whome some take to be all one with Cadwallader, we find that he was lineallie descended from Cutha or Cutwine, the brother of Ceauline or Keuling king of Westsaxons, as sonne to Kenbert or Kenbright that was sonne to Ceadda the sonne of the foresaid Cutha or Cutwin. Thus being extract of the noble house of the kings of Westsaxons, he prooued in his youth a personage of great towardnesse, and such a one as no small hope was of him conceiued: he would let no occasion passe wherein he might exercise his force, to shew proofe of his high valiancie, so that in the end with his woorthie attempts shewed therein, he purchased to himselfe the enuie of those that ruled [Sidenote: Ceadwalla driuen to depart out of his countrie.] in his countrie, by reason whereof he was banished in a conspiracie made against him. Wherevpon he tooke occasion as it were in reuenge of such vnthankfulnesse to withdraw out of his countrie, leading with him all the principall youth of the same, the which either pitieng his present estate, or mooued with pleasure taken in his valiant dooings, followed him at his going into exile.

The first brunt of his furious attempts after he was out of his countrie, Edilwalke the king of the Southsaxons tasted, who in defense of himselfe comming to trie battell with Ceadwalla, was slaine with the most part of all his armie. Ceadwalla then perceiuing the valiant courages of his souldiers, filled with good hope of this happie atchiued victorie, returned with good and prosperous spéed into his owne countrie, and that yer he was looked for, and earnestlie pursuing his aduersaries, droue them out of the kingdome, and taking vpon him to rule the same as king, reigned two yéeres, during the which he atchiued diuers notable enterprises.

[Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 4. _cap._ 15.] And first, whereas Berthun and Authun dukes of Sussex & subiects vnto the late king Edilwalke, had both expelled him out of that countrie, after he had slaine the said Edilwalke, and also taken vpon them the rule of that kingdome, hauing now atteined to the gouernement of the [Sidenote: Berthun a duke of Sussex slaine.] Westsaxons, he inuaded the countrie of Sussex againe, and slue Berthun in battell, bringing that countrie into more bondage than before. He also set vpon the Ile of Wight, and well-néere destroied all the inhabitants, meaning to inhabit it with his owne people. Hee bound [Sidenote: Caedwalla his vow. The Ile of Wight conquered.] himselfe also by vow, although as yet he was not baptised, that if he might conquer it, he would giue a fourth part thereof vnto the Lord. And in performance of that vow, he offered vnto bishop Wilfride (who then chanced to be present) when he had taken that Ile, so much therof as conteined 300 housholds or families, where the whole consisted in 1200 housholds. Wilfrid receiuing thankefullie the gift, deliuered the same vnto one of his clearks named Bernewine that was his sisters sonne, appointing to him also a priest named Hildila, the which should minister the word and the sacrament of baptisme vnto all those that [Sidenote: The Ile of Wight receiueth the faith.] would receiue the same. Thus was the Ile of Wight brought to the faith of Christ last of all other the parties of this our Britaine, after that the same faith had failed here by the comming of the Saxons.

Moreouer, king Ceadwalla inuaded the kingdome of Kent, where he lost his brother Mollo, as after shall appéere, but yet he reuenged his death with great slaughter made of the inhabitants in that countrie. Finallie, this worthie prince Ceadwalla, turning himselfe from the desire of warre and bloudshed, became right courteous, gentle and liberall towards all men, so that ye could not haue wished more vertuous manners to rest in one as yet not christened. And shortlie after, willing to be admitted into the fellowship of the christians (of whose religion he had taken good tast) he went to Rome, where of pope Sergius he was baptised, and named Peter, and shortlie after surprised with sickenesse, he died, and was buried there within the [Sidenote: 689.] church of saint Peter in the yeere of our Lord 689.

[Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 4. _cap._ 26.] [Sidenote: Ireland inuaded by the Northumbers.] In the meane while, that is to say, in the yeere of our Lord 684, Egfride king of Northumberland sent an armie vnder the guiding of a capteine named Bertus into Ireland, the which wasted that countrie, sparing neither church nor monasterie, sore indamaging the people of that countrie, which had euer beene friends vnto the English nation, and deserued nothing lesse than so to be inuaded and spoiled at their hands. The Irish men defended themselues to their power, beséeching God with manie a salt teare, that he would reuenge their cause in punishing of such extreme iniuries. And though cursers may not inherit the kingdome of heauen, yet they ceased not to curse, hoping the sooner that those which with good cause were thus accursed, should woorthilie be punished for their offenses by God, & so (peraduenture) [Sidenote: King Egfride slain by Brudeus king of the Picts.] it fell out. For in the yeere following, the said Egfride had lead an armie into Pictland against Brudeus king of the Picts, and being trained into straits within hils and craggie mounteins, he was slaine with the most part of all his armie, in the yeere of his age 40, and of his reigne 15, vpon the 13 kalends of June.

There were diuers of Egfrides friends, and namelie Cutberd (whome he had aduanced the same yéere vnto the bishops sée of Lindesferne) that aduised him in no wise, either to haue taken this warre in hand against the Picts, or the other against them of Ireland, but he would not be counselled, the punishment appointed for his sinnes being such, that he might not giue eare to his faithfull friends that aduised him [Sidenote: These Britains were those vndouttedlie y't dwelt in the northwest parts of this Ile, and is not ment onlie by them of Wales.] for the best. From that time foorth, the hope and power of the English people began to decaie. For not onelie the Picts recouered that part of their countrie which the Englishmen had held before in their possession, but also the Scots that inhabited within this Ile, and likewise some part of the Britains tooke vpon them libertie, which they kept and mainteined a long time after, as Beda confesseth.

Egfride died without issue, & left no children behind him. He had to wife one Ethelreda or Etheldrida, daughter vnto Anna king of the Eastangles, which liued with hir husband the forsaid Egfride twelue yéeres in perfect virginitie (as is supposed) contrarie to the purpose of hir husband, if he might haue persuaded hir to the contrarie, but finallie he was contented that she should kéepe hir first vow of [Sidenote: Ethelreda.] chastitie which she had made. She was both widow and virgine when he maried hir, being first coupled in wedlocke with one Eunbert a noble [Sidenote: Giruij.] man, and a ruler in the south parts of the countrie, where the people called Giruij inhabited, which is the same where the fennes lie in the confines of Lincolnshire, Norffolke, Huntingtonshire, & Cambridgeshire, howbeit he liued with hir but a small while. After she had obteined licence to depart from the court, she got hir first into Coldingham abbeie, and there was professed a nun. Then she went to Elie, and there restored the monasterie, and was made abbesse of the place, in the which after she had gouerned seuen yeeres, she departed this life, and was there buried. This same was she which commonlie is called saint Audrie of Elie, had in great reuerence for the opinion conceiued of hir great vertue and puritie of life.

* * * * *

_Alfride (the bastard) king of Northumberland, his life and death, Iohn archbishop of Canturburie resigneth his see, Lother king of Kent dieth of a wound, Edrike getteth the regiment thereof but not without bloudshed, Ceadwalla wasteth Kent being at strife in it selfe, his brother Mollo burned to death; Withred made king of Kent, he vanquisheth his enimies, Inas king of Westsaxons is made his friend, Suebhard and Nidred vsurpers of the Kentish kingdome, the age and death of Theodore archbishop of Canturburie, Brightwald the first archbishop of the English nation; the end of the British regiment, and how long the greatest part of this Iland was vnder their gouernement._

THE XXXVIJ CHAPTER.

After that king Egfride was slaine (as before is mentioned) his [Sidenote: ALFRIDE.] [Sidenote: 685.] brother Alfride was made king of Northumberland. This Alfride was the bastard sonne of king Oswie, and in his brothers daies (either willinglie, or by violent means constreined) he liued as a banished man in Ireland, where applieng himselfe to studie, he became an excellent philosopher. And therfore being iudged to be better able to haue the rule of a kingdome, he was receiued by the Northumbers, and made king, gouerning his subiects the space of 20 yeares and more, with great wisedome and policie, but not with such large bounds as his ancestors had doone: for the Picts (as before is mentioned) had cut off one péece of the north part of the ancient limits of that [Sidenote: 698.] kingdome. About the 13 yeare of his reigne, that is to say, in the yeare of our Lord 698, one of his capteins named earle Berthred, or Bertus, was slaine in battell by the Picts, whose confins he had as [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] then inuaded. The curse of the Irish men, whose countrie in the daies of king Egfrid he had cruellie wasted (as before is mentioned) was thought at this time to take place. Finallie king Alfride, after he [Sidenote: 705.] had reigned 20 yeares & od months, departed this life, in the yeare of our Lord 705.

[Sidenote: _Beda._] In the beginning of king Alfrids daies, Eata the bishop of Hexham being dead, one Iohn a man of great holinesse was admitted bishop, and after that, bishop Wilfrid was restored, when he had remained a long [Sidenote: Iohn archbishop of Yorke.] time in exile. The said Iohn was remoued to the church of Yorke, the same being then void by the death of the archbishop Bosa. At length [Sidenote: He resigneth his sée.] the foresaid Iohn wearied with the cares of publike affaires resigned his sée, and got him to Beuerley, where he liued a solitarie life for [Sidenote: 721.] the space of foure yeares, and then died, about the yeare of our Lord 721, king Osrike as then reigning in Northumberland. He continued bishop for the space of 24 yeares, and builded a church, and founded a colledge of priests at Beuerley aforsaid, in which church he lieth buried.

[Sidenote: 686 saith _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: Lother king of Kent dieth of a wound.] The same yeare, or in the yeare after that king Egfrid was slaine, Lother king of Kent departed this life, the 8 Ides of Februarie, of a wound by him receiued in a battell which he fought against the Southsaxons, the which came in aid of Edrike, that was sonne vnto his brother Egbert, and had mainteined warre against his vncle the said Lother, euen from the beginning of his reigne, till finallie he was now in the said battell striken thorough the bodie with a dart, and so died thereof, after he had reigned 11 yeares, and seuen moneths. It was thought that he was disquieted with continuall warres and troubles, and finallie brought to his end before the naturall course [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] of his time, for a punishment of his wicked consent giuen to the putting to death of his cousins Ethelbert & Ethelbrit, as appeared, in that when they were reported to be martyrs, because it was knowen they died innocentlie, he mocked them and made but a iest at it, although his brother in acknowledging his fault, repented him thereof, and gaue [Sidenote: _Capgraue_ saith, their sister.] in recompense to their mother a part of the Ile of Thanet to the building of a monasterie.

[Sidenote: EDRICKE.] The foresaid Edricke (after Lother was dead) got the dominion of Kent, and ruled as king thereof, but not without ciuill warre, insomuch that before he had reigned the full terme of two yeares, he was slaine in the same warre. Then Ceadwalla king of the Westsaxons being thereof aduertised, supposing the time now to be come that would serue his purpose, as one still coueting to worke the Kentishmen all the displeasure he could, entred with an armie into their countrie, and began to waste and spoile the same on ech side, till finallie the Kentishmen assembled themselues togither, gaue battell to their enimies, and put them to flight. Mollo brother to Ceadwalla was driuen from his companie, and constrained to take an house for his refuge: but his enimies that pursued him set fire thereon, and burned both the [Sidenote: Mollo brother to king Ceadwalla burnt to death.] house and Mollo within it to ashes. Yet did not Ceadwalla herewith depart out of the countrie, but to wreake his wrath, and to reuenge the griefe which he tooke for the death of his brother, he wasted and destroied a great part of Kent yer he returned home, and left (as it were) an occasion to his successor also to pursue the quarell with reuenging. Wherein we sée the cankerd nature of man, speciallie in a case of wrong or displeasure; which we are so far from tollerating & forgiuing, that if with tooth and naile we be not permitted to take vengeance, our hearts will breake with a full conceit of wrath. But the law of nature teacheth vs otherwise to be affected, namelie,

------ per te nulli vnquam iniuria fiat, Sed verbis alijsque modis fuge lædere quenquam, Quod tibi nolles, alijs fecisse caueto, Quódque tibi velles, alijs præstare studeto; Hæc est naturæ lex optima, quam nisi ad vnguem Seruabis, non ipse Deo (mihi crede) placebis, Póstque obitum infoelix non aurea sydera adibis.

Which lesson taught by nature, and commanded of God, if these men had followed (as they minded nothing lesse in the fier of their furie) they would haue béene content with a competent reuenge, and not in such outragious maner with fier and sword haue afflicted one another, nor (which is more than tigerlike crueltie) haue ministred occasion to posterities to reuenge wrongs giuen and taken of their ancestors. But we will let this passe without further discourse, meaning hereafter in due place to declare the processe.

The Kentishmen being destitute of a king, after that diuers had coueted the place, and sought to atteine thereto, as well by force as otherwise, to the great disquieting of that prouince for the space of 6 yeares togither, at length in the 7 yeare after Edricks death, Withred an other of the sonnes of king Egbert, hauing with diligent trauell ouercome enuie at home, & with monie redéemed peace abroad, [Sidenote: Withred is made king of Kent.] was with great hope conceiued of his worthinesse made king of Kent, the 11 of Nouember, & 205 after the death of Hengist, he reigned 33 yeares, not deceiuing his subiects of their good conceiued opinion of him: for ouercomming all his aduersaries which were readie to leuie ciuill warre against him, he also purchased peace of Inas king of the Westsaxons, which ment to haue made him warre, till with monie he was made his friend.

[Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 5.] [Sidenote: Suebhard and Nidred kings by vsurpation and not by succession, as _Henr. Hunt._ writeth.] A little before that Withred was confirmed in the kingdome of Kent, there reigned two kings in that countrie, Suebhard and Nidred, or rather the same Withred, if the printed copie of Bedas booke intituled "Ecclesiastica historia gentis Anglorum" haue not that name corrupted: for where he sheweth that the archbishop Theodorus being of the age of 88 yeares, departed this life in the yeare of our Lord 690, in the next chapter he declareth, that in the yeare 692, the first daie of Iulie one Brightwald was chosen to succéed in the archbishops sée of Canturburie, Withredus and Suebhardus as then reigning in Kent: but whether Withredus gouerned as then with Suebhardus, or that some other named Nidred, it forceth not: for certeine it is by the agréement of other writers, that till Withred obteined the whole rule, there was great strife and contention moued about the gouernement, and diuers [Sidenote: Brightwald the first archbishop of the English nation.] there were that sought and fought for it. But this ought to be noted, that the forenamed Brightwald was the eight archbishop in number, and first of the English nation that sat in the sée of Canturburie: for the other seuen that were predecessors to him, were strangers borne, and sent hither from Rome.

¶ Here endeth the line and gouernement of the Britains, now called Welshmen, which tooke that name of their duke or leader Wallo or Gallo; or else of a queene of Wales named Gales or Wales. But howsoeuer that name fell first vnto them, now they are called Welshmen, which sometime were called Britains or Brutons, and descended first of the Troians, and after of Brute, and lastlie of Mulmucius Dunwallo: albeit they were mingled with sundrie other nations, as Romans, Picts, &c. And now they be called English that in their beginning were named Saxons or Angles. To conclude therefore with this gouernement, so manie times intercepted by forren power, it appeareth by course of histories treating of these matters, that the last yeare of Cadwallader was the yeare of our Lord 686, which makes the yere of the world 4647. So that (as Fabian saith) the Britains had the greater part of this land in rule (reckoning from Brute till this time) 1822 yeares. Which terme being expired, the whole dominion of this realme was Saxonish.

_Thus farre the interrupted regiment of the Britains, ending at the fift booke._

* * * * *

THE SIXT BOOKE

OF THE

HISTORIE OF ENGLAND.

* * * * *

_Inas king of the Westsaxons, the whole monarchie of the realme falleth into their hands, Inas for a summe of monie granteth peace to the Kentishmen, whom he was purposed to haue destroied, he & his coosen Nun fight with Gerent king of the Britains, and Cheolred king of Mercia, and Ealdbright king of Southsaxons, the end of their kingdoms, Inas giueth ouer his roialtie, goeth in pilgrimage to Rome, and there dieth; his lawes written in the Saxon toong; of what buildings he was the founder, queene Ethelburgas deuise to persuade Inas to forsake the world, he was the first procurer of Peter pence to be paid to Rome; king Ethelred, king Kenred, and king Offa become moonks; the setting vp of images in this land authorised by a vision; king Ethelbalds exploits, he is slaine of his owne subiects by the suggestion of Bernred the vsurper, Boniface his letter of commendation to king Ethelbald, nuns kept for concubines, their pilgrimage._

THE FIRST CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: INAS.] [Sidenote: 689.] After that Ceadwalla, late K. of the Westsaxons was gone to Rome, where he departed this life (as afore is shewed) his coosen Inas or Ine was made king of the Westsaxons, begining his reigne in the yéere of our Lord 689, in the third yeere of the emperor Iustinianus the third, the 11 yéere of the reigne of Theodoricus K. of France, and about the second yéere of the reigne of Eugenius king of Scots. Now [Sidenote: The Britains ceasse to reigne in this land.] because the rule of the Britains commonlie called Welshmen, ceassed in this realme, as by confession of their owne writers it appéereth, and that in the end the whole monarchie of the same realme came to the hands of the kings of Westsaxons, we haue thought méet to refer things generall vnto the reignes of the same kings, as before we did in the Britaine kings, reseruing the particular dooings to the kings of the other prouinces or kingdoms, as the same haue fallen out, and shall come to hand.

[Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] This Inas, whome some (mistaking N for V) doo wrongfullie name Iue or Iewe, prooued a right excellent prince, he was descended of the ancient linage of the kings of the Westsaxons, as sonne to one Kenred, that was sonne to Ceolwald the son of Cutha or Cutwine, that was sonne to Kenricke the sonne of Certicus, the first king of Westsaxons. But he was admitted to the kingdome more for the valiant prowes knowne to rest in his woorthie person, than for the successiue ofspring of which he was descended. The first voiage that he made, was against the Kentishmen, on whome he purposed to reuenge the death of his coosen [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] Mollo, the griefe whereof as yet he kept in fresh memorie. But when the Kentishmen perceiued, that to resist him by force, they were nothing able, they attempted by monie to buy their peace, and so obteined their purpose, vpon paiment made to him of thirtie thousand marks of siluer.

[Sidenote: Anno 708 as is noted by _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] After this, about the 21 yéere of his reigne, king Inas and his coosen Nun fought with Gerent king of the Britains. In the beginning of the battell, one Higelbald a noble man of the Westsaxons part was slaine, but in the end Gerent with his Britains was chased. In the 26 yéere of [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ saith 718] his reigne; the same Inas fought a mightie battell against Cheolred king of Mercia, at Wodenessburie, with doubtfull victorie, for it could not well be iudged whether part susteined greater losse. In the 36 yéere of his reigne, king Inas inuaded the Southsaxons with a mightie armie, and slue in battell Ealdbright or Aldinius king of the [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 722.] [Sidenote: The end of the kingdome of the Southsaxons.] Southsaxons, and ioined that kingdome vnto the kingdome of the Westsaxons: so that from thencefoorth the kingdome of those Southsaxons ceassed, after they had reigned in that kingdome by the space of five kings successiuelie, that is to say, Ella, Cissa, Ethelwalke, Berutius, and this last Aldinius or Ealdbright.

Finallie, when Inas had reigned 37 yéeres, and 10 or 11 od moneths, he renounced the rule of his kingdome, togither with all worldlie pompe, [Sidenote: Inas went to Rome and there died.] and went vnto Rome as a poore pilgrime, and there ended his life: but before this, during the time of his reigne, he shewed himselfe verie deuout and zealous towards the aduancement of the christian religion. He made and ordeined also good & wholesome lawes for the amendment of maners in the people, which are yet extant and to be read, written in the Saxon toong, and translated into the Latine in times past, and now latelie againe by William Lambert gentleman, and printed by Iohn Day, in the yéere 1568, togither with the lawes and statutes of other kings before the conquest, as to the learned maie appéere.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._] Moreouer, king Ine builded the monasterie of Glastenburie, where Ioseph of Arimathea in times past builded an oratorie or chappell (as before is recited) when he with other christians came into this land in the daies of Aruiragus, & taught the gospell heere to the Britains, conuerting manie of them to the faith. Moreouer, king Ine or Inas builded the church of Welles, dedicating it vnto saint Andrew, where afterwards a bishops sée was placed, which at length was translated [Sidenote: _Ethelburga._] vnto Salisburie. He had to wife one Ethelburga, a woman of noble linage, who had béene earnest with him a long time to persuade him to forsake the world: but she could by no meanes bring hir purpose to passe, till vpon a time the king and she had lodged at a manor place [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] in the countrie, where all prouision had béene made for the receiuing of them and their traine in most sumptuous maner that might be, as well in rich furniture of houshold, as also in costlie viands, and all other things needfull, or that might serue for pleasure, and when they were departed, the quéene the foresaid Ethelburga caused the keeper of [Sidenote: The deuise of quéene Ethelburga to persuade hir husband to forsake the world.] that house to remooue all the bedding, hangings, and other such things as had béen brought thither and ordeined for the beautifull setting foorth of the house, and in place thereof to bring ordure, straw, & such like filth, as well into the chambers and hall, as into all the houses of office, and that doone, to laie a sow with pigs in the place where before the kings bed had stood. Héerevpon when she had knowledge that euerie thing was ordered according to hir appointment, she persuaded the king to returne thither againe, feining occasions great and necessarie.

Now when he was returned to that house, which before séemed to the eie a palace of most pleasure, and now finding it in such a filthie state as might loath the stomach of anie man to behold the same, she tooke occasion therevpon to persuade him to the consideration of the vaine pleasures of this world, which in a moment turne to naught, togither with the corruption of the flesh, being a filthie lumpe of claie, after it should once be disolued by death: and in fine, where before she had spent much labour to mooue him to renounce the world, though all in vaine, yet now the beholding of that change in his pleasant palace, wherein so late he had taken great delight, wrought such an alteration in his mind, that hir woords lastlie tooke effect: so that he resigned the kingdome to his coosen Ethelard, and went himselfe to Rome (as aboue is mentioned) and his wife became a nun in the abbeie of Barking, where she was made abbesse, and finallie there ended hir [Sidenote: Peter pence.] life. This Inas was the first that caused the monie called Peter pence, to be paid vnto the bishop of Rome, which was for euerie houshold within his dominion a penie.

[Sidenote: King Ethelred becommeth a moonk.] In this meane time Edilred or Ethelred, hauing gouerned the kingdome of Mercia by the tearme of 29 yéeres, became a moonke in the abbeie of Bardenie, and after was made abbat of that house. He had to wife one [Sidenote: Ostrida.] Ostrida the sister of Egfride king of Northumberland, by whome he had a sonne named Ceolred. But he appointed Kenred the sonne of his [Sidenote: _Beda in Epit._] brother Vulfher to succéed him in the kingdome. The said Ostrida was cruellie slaine by the treason of hir husbands subiects, about the [Sidenote: 697.] yéere of our Lord 697.

[Sidenote: King Kenred.] And as for Kenred, he was a prince of great vertue, deuout towards God, a furtherer of the commonwealth of his countrie, and passed his life in great sinceritie of maners. In the fift yéere of his reigne, he renounced the world, and went to Rome, togither with Offa king of the Eastsaxons, where he was made a moonke: and finallie died there, [Sidenote: 711.] in the yéere of our Lord 711. By the aid and furtherance of this [Sidenote: _Nauclerus._] [Sidenote: Egwin bishop of Worcester.] Kenred, a moonke of saint Benets order (called Egwin) builded the abbeie of Eueshame, who afterwards was made bishop of Worcester.

[Sidenote: A fabulous and trifling deuise.] ¶ We find recorded by writers, that this Egwin had warning giuen him by visions (as he constantlie affirmed before pope Constantine) to set vp an image of our ladie in his church. Wherevpon the pope approuing the testifications of this bishop by his buls, writ to Brightwald archbishop of Canturburie, to assemble a synod, and by authoritie thereof to establish the vse of images, charging the kings of this land to be present at the same synod, vpon paine of excommunication. [Sidenote: _Bale._] [Sidenote: 712.] This synod was holden about the yéere of our Lord 712, in the daies of Inas king of Westsaxons, and of Ceolred king of Mercia successor to the foresaid Kenred.

After Kenred succéeded Ceolred, the sonne of his vncle Edilred, & died in the 8 yeere of his reigne, and was buried at Lichfield. Then [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] succéeded Ethelbaldus that was descended of Eopa the brother of king Penda, as the fourth from him by lineall succession. This man gouerned a long time without anie notable trouble: some warres he had, and sped [Sidenote: _Ran. Cestren._] diuerslie. In the 18 yéere of his reigne, he besieged Sommerton and wan it. He also inuaded Northumberland, and got there great riches by spoile and pillage, which he brought from thence without anie battell offered to him.

[Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] He ouercame the Welshmen in battell, being then at quiet, and ioined as confederats with Cuthred K. of Westsaxons. But in the 37 yéere of [Sidenote: Bereford.] [Sidenote: 755.] his reigne, he was ouercome in battell at Bereford by the same Cuthred, with whome he was fallen at variance, and within foure yéeres after, that is to say, in the 41 yéere of his reigne he was slaine in [Sidenote: Thrée miles from Tamworth.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: 758.] battell at Secandon, or Sekenton, by his owne subiects, which arreared warres against him, by the procurement and leading of one Bernred, who after he had slaine his naturall prince, tooke vpon him the kingdome: but he prospered not long, being slaine by Offa that succéeded him in rule of the kingdome of Mercia, as after shall be shewed. The bodie of [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] Ethelbald was buried at Ripton.

[Sidenote: The historie of Magd.] Bonifacius the archbishop of Mentiz or Moguntz, hauing assembled a councell with other bishops and doctors, deuised a letter, and sent it vnto this Ethelbald, commending him for his good deuotion and charitie in almes-giuing to the reliefe of the poore, and also for his vpright dealing in administration of iustice, to the punishment of robbers and such like misdooers: but in that he absteined from mariage, and wallowed in filthie lecherie with diuerse women, and namelie with nuns, they sore blamed him, and withall declared in what infamie the whole English nation in those daies remained by common report in other countries for their licentious liuing in sinfull fornication, and namelie the most part of the noble men of Mercia by his euill example did forsake their wiues, and defloured other women which they kept in [Sidenote: Nuns kept for concubines.] adulterie, as nuns and others. Moreouer, he shewed how that such euill women, as well nuns as other, vsed to make awaie in secret wise their children which they bare out of wedlocke, and so filled the graues with dead bodies, and hell with damned soules. The same Bonifacius in an other epistle wich he wrote vnto Cutbert the archbishop of [Sidenote: Pilgrimage of nuns.] Canturburie, counselled him not to permit the English nuns to wander abroad so often on pilgrimage, bicause there were few cities either in France or Lombardie, wherein might not be found English women, that liued wantonlie in fornication and whordome.

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_Offa king of the Eastsaxons with other go to Rome, he is shauen and becommeth a moonke, succession in the kingdome of the Eastsaxons and Eastangles, Osred king of Northumberland hath carnall knowledge with nuns, he is slaine in battell, Osrike renouncing his kingdome becommeth a moonke, bishop Wilfrid twise restored to his see, Westsaxonie diuided in two diocesses, bishop Aldhelme a founder of religious houses; Ethelard succeedeth Inas in regiment, two blasing starres seene at once, and what insued, the king dieth: the successiue reigne of Wichtreds three sonnes ouer Kent, what prouinces were gouerned by bishops; of what puissance Ethelbald king of Mercia was, Egbert archbishop of Yorke aduanceth his see; a notable remembrance of that excellent man Beda, his death._

THE SECOND CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Kings of the Eastsaxons.] [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 5. _cap._ 20.] [Sidenote: Offa king of Eastsaxons.] In this meane time Sighard and Seufred, kings of the Eastsaxons, being departed this life, one Offa that was sonne to Sigerius succéeded in gouernment of that kingdome, a man of great towardnesse, and of right comelie countenance: but after he had ruled a certeine time, being mooued with a religious deuotion, he went to Rome in companie of Kenred king of Mercia, and of one Egwine bishop of Worcester, and being there shauen into the order of moonks, so continued till he [Sidenote: King Selred.] died. After him one Selred the sonne of Sigbert the good, ruled the Eastsaxons the tearme of 38 yéeres. After Aldulfe the king of [Sidenote: 688.] Eastangles departed this fraile life, which chanced about the yéere of our Lord 688, his brother Elcwold or Akwold succéeded him, and reigned about twelue yéeres. After whose decease one Beorne was made king of Eastangles, and reigned about 26 yéeres. In this meane while, that is [Sidenote: 705.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: Osred king of Northumberland.] to say, in the yeere of our Lord 705, Alfride king of Northumberland being dead, his sonne Osred, a child of 8 yéeres of age succeeded him in the kingdome, and reigned 11 yéeres, spending his time when he came to ripe yeeres in filthie abusing his bodie with nuns, and other religious women.

About the seuenth yéere of his reigne, that is to say, in the yéere of our Lord 711, one of his capteins named earle Berthfride fought with [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] [Sidenote: Picts ouerthrowne by the Northumbers.] the Picts, betwixt two places called Heue and Cere, and obteining the victorie, slue an huge number of the enimies. At length king Osred by the traitorous means of his coosens that arreared warre against him, [Sidenote: King Osred slaine in batell.] was slaine in battell, and so ended his reigne, leauing to those that procured his death the like fortune in time to come. For Kenred reigning two yéeres, and Osricke ten yeeres, were famous onelie in this, that being worthilie punished for shedding the bloud of their naturall prince and souereigne lord, they finished their liues with dishonourable deaths, as they had well deserued. Osricke before his [Sidenote: 729.] death, which chanced in the yéere of our Lord 729, appointed Ceolwolfe the brother of his predecessor Kenred, to succeed him in the kingdome, which he did, reigning as king of the Northumbers by the space of 8 yéeres currant, and then renouncing his kingdom, became a moonke in the Ile of Lindesferne.

[Sidenote: _Beda._] [Sidenote: Acca bishop of Hexham.] In this meane while, bishop Wilfride being dead, one Acca that was his chapline was made bishop of Hexham. The said Wilfride had béene bishop by the space of 45 yéeres: but he liued a long time in exile. For first being archbishop of Yorke, and exercising his iurisdiction ouer all the north parts, he was after banished by king Egbert, and againe restored to the sée of Hexham in the second yeere of king Alfride, and within fiue yéeres after eftsoones banished by the same Alfride, and the second time restored by his successor king Osred, in the fourth yeere of whose reigne, being the yéere after the incarnation of our Sauiour 709, he departed this life, and was buried at Rippon. Moreouer, after Iohn the archbishop of Yorke had resigned, one Wilfride surnamed the second was made archbishop of that sée: which Wilfride was chapline to the said Iohn, and gouerned that sée by the [Sidenote: 710.] space of fiftéene yéeres, and then died. About the yéere of our Lord 710, the abbat Adrian which came into this land with Theodore the archbishop of Canturburie (as before ye haue heard) departed this life, about 39 yéeres after his comming thither.

[Sidenote: Two bishops sées.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: Bishop Daniell.] Also Inas the king of Westsaxons, about the 20 yeere of his reigne, diuided the prouince of the Westsaxons into two bishops sées, whereas before they had but one. Daniell was ordeined to gouerne the one of those sees, being placed at Winchester, hauing vnder him Sussex, [Sidenote: Bishop Aldhelme.] Southerie and Hamshire. And Aldhelme was appointed to Shireburne, hauing vnder him, Barkeshire, Wiltshire, Sommersetshire, Dorsetshire, Deuonshire, and Cornwall. This Aldhelme was a learned man, and was [Sidenote: The abbeie of Malmesburie.] first made abbat of Malmesburie, in the yéere of our Lord 675 by Eleutherius then bishop of the Westsaxons, by whose diligence that abbeie was greatlie aduanced, being afore that time founded by one Medulfe a Scotish man, but of so small reuenues afore Aldhelms time, that the moonks were scarse able to liue thereon. Also the same Aldhelme was a great furtherer vnto king Inas in the building of Glastenburie.

[Sidenote: ETHELARD.] [Sidenote: 728.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 727.] ETHELARD, the coosen of king Inas, to whome the same Inas resigned his kingdome, began to gouerne the Westsaxons in the yéere of our Lord 728, or rather 27, which was in the 11 yéere of the emperor Leo Isaurus, in the second yeere of Theodorus king of France, and about the 8 or 9 yéere of Mordacke king of the Scots. In the first yéere of Ethelards reigne, he was disquieted with ciuill warre, which one Oswald a noble man, descended of the roiall bloud of the Westsaxon kings, procured against him: but in the end, when he perceiued that the kings power was too strong for him, he fled out of the countrie, leauing it thereby in rest.

[Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: 729.] [Sidenote: Blasing stars.] In the yéere 729, in the moneth of Ianuarie there appeered two comets or blasing starres, verie terrible to behold, the one rising in the morning before the rising of the sunne, and the other after the setting thereof: so that the one came before the breake of the day, and the other before the closing of the night, stretching foorth their fierie brands toward the north; and they appeered thus euerie morning and euening for the space of a fortnight togither, menacing as it were some great destruction or common mishap to follow. The Saracens shortlie after entred France, and were ouerthrowne. Finallie, when king Ethelard had reigned the terme of fouretéene yeeres currant, he departed this life.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] Now when Wichtred king of Kent had gouerned the Kentishmen by the space of 33 yéeres, with great commendation for the good orders which he caused to be obserued amongst them, as well concerning matters ecclesiasticall as temporal, he departed this life, leauing behind him thrée sonnes, who successiuelie reigned as heires to him one after another (that is to say) Edbert 23 yéeres, Ethelbert 11 yeeres currant, and Alrike 34 yeeres, the which three princes following the steps of their father in the obseruance of politike orders & commendable lawes, vsed for the more part their fathers good lucke and [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 5. _cap._ 24.] fortune, except that in Ethelberts time the citie of Canturburie was burned by casuall fire, and Alrike lost a battell against them of Mercia, whereby the glorie of their times was somewhat blemished: for so it came to passe, that whatsoseur chanced euill, was kept still in memorie, and the good haps that came forward, were soone forgotten and put out of remembrance.

[Sidenote: 731.] In the yéere of our Lord 731, Betrwald archbishop of Canturburie departed this life in the fift ides of Ianuarie, after he had gouerned that see by the space of 27 yéeres, 6 moneths, and 14 daies: in whose place the same yéere one Tacwine was ordeined archbishop, that before was a priest in the monasterie of Bruidon within the prouince of Mercia. He was consecrated in the citie of Canturburie, by the reuerend fathers Daniell bishop of Winchester, Ingwald bishop of London, Aldwin bishop of Lichfield, and Aldwulfe bishop of Rochester, the tenth day of Iune being sundaie.

[Sidenote: Bishops what parishes they governed.] ¶ As touching the state of the English church for ecclesiasticall gouernours, certeine it is, that the same was as hereafter followeth. The prouince of Canturburie was gouerned touching the ecclesiasticall state by archbishop Tacwine, and bishop Aldwulfe. The prouince of the Eastsaxons by bishop Ingwald. The prouince of Eastangles by bishop Eadbertus and Hadulacus, the one kéeping his sée at Elsham, and the other at Dunwich. The prouince of the Westsaxons was gouerned by the foresaid Daniell and by Forthere, who succéeded next after Aldhelme in [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] the sée of Shereburne. This Forthere in the yéere of our Lord 738, left his bishoprike, and went to Rome in companie of the quéene of the Westsaxons. Many as well kings as bishops, noble and vnnoble, priests and laiemen, togither with women, vsed to make such iournies thither in those daies. The prouince of Mercia was ruled by the foresaid Aldwine bishop of Lichfield, and one bishop Walstod holding his sée at Herford gouerned those people that inhabited beyond the riuer of Sauerne toward the west. The prouince of Wiccies, that is, Worcester, one Wilfride gouerned. The Southsaxons and the Ile of Wight were vnder the bishop of Winchester. In the prouince of the Northumbers were foure bishops, that is to say, Wilfride archbishop of Yorke, Edilwald bishop of Lindisferne, Acca bishop of Hexham, and Pecthelmus bishop of Whiterne, otherwise called Candida Casa, he was the first that gouerned that church after the same was made a bishops sée. And thus stood the state of the English church for ecclesiasticall gouernors in that season.

[Sidenote: Ethelbald K. of Mercia, of what puissance he was.] And as for temporall gouernement, king Ceolvulfe had the souereigne dominion ouer all the Northumbers: but all the prouinces on the southside of Humber, with their kings and rulers, were subiect vnto Edilbald or Ethelbald king of Mercia. The nation of the Picts were in league with the English men, and gladlie became partakers of the catholike faith and veritie of the vniuersall church. Those Scots which inhabited Britaine, contenting themselues with their owne bounds, went not about to practise anie deceitfull traines nor fraudulent deuises against the Englishmen. The Britains otherwise called Welshmen, though for the more part of a peculiar hatred they did impugne the English nation, & the obseruance of the feast of Ester appointed by the whole catholike church, yet (both diuine and humane force vtterlie resisting them) they were not able in neither behalfe to atteine to their wished intentions, as they which though they were partlie frée, yet in some point remained still as thrall and mancipate to the subiection of the Englishmen: who (saith Beda) now in the acceptable time of peace and quietnesse, manie amongst them of Northumberland, laieng armour and weapon aside, applied themselues to the reading of holie scriptures, more desirous to be professed in religious houses, than to exercise feates of warre: but what will come therof (saith he) the age that followeth shall sée and behold. With these words dooth Beda end his historie, continued till the yéere of our Lord 731, which was from the comming of the Englishmen into this land, about 285 yéeres, according to his account.

[Sidenote: 732.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] In the yéere following, that is to say 732, in place of Wilfrid the second, Egbert was ordeined bishop of Yorke. This Egbert was brother vnto an other Egbert, who as then was king of Northumberland, by whose helpe he greatlie aduanced the see of Yorke, and recouered the pall: so that where all the other bishops that held the same sée before him sith Paulins daies, wanted the pall, and so were counted simplie but particular bishops: now was he intituled by the name of archbishop. He also got togither a great number of good books, which he bestowed in a [Sidenote: 733.] librarie at Yorke. ¶ In the yéere 733, on the 18 kalends of September, the sunne suffered a great eclipse about three of the clocke in the after noone, in somuch that the earth seemed to be couered with a blacke and horrible penthouse.

[Sidenote: 735.] [Sidenote: _Beda_ departed this life.] In the yéere 735, that reuerend and profound learned man Beda departed this life, being 82 yéeres of age, vpon Ascension day, which was the 7 kalends of Iune, and 26 of Maie, as Matt. Westm. hath diligentlie obserued. W. Harison addeth hitherto, that it is to be read in an old epistle of Cutbert moonke of the same house vnto Cuthwine, that the said Beda lieng in his death-bed, translated the gospell of saint Iohn into English, and commanded his brethren to be diligent in reading and contemplation of good bookes, and not to exercise themselues with fables and friuolous matters. Finallie he was buried in the abbeie of Geruie, distant fiue miles from Wiremouth, an abbeie also in the north parts, not far from Newcastell (as is before remembred.) He was brought vp in those two abbeies, and was scholar to John of Beuerley. How throughlie he was séene in all kinds of good literature, the bookes which hée wrote doo manifestlie beare witnesse. His judgement also was so much estéemed ouer all, that Sergius the bishop of Rome wrote vnto Celfride the abbat of Wiremouth, requiring him to send Beda vnto the court of Rome for the deciding of certein questions mooued there, which without his opinion might séeme to rest doubtful. But whether he went thither or not we can not affirme: but as it is thought by men worthie of credit, he neuer went out of this land, but continued for the most part of his life in the abbeies of Geruie and Wiremouth, first vnder Benet the first abbat and founder of the same abbeies, and after vnder the said Celfride, in whose time he receiued orders of priesthood at the hands of bishop Iohn, surnamed of Beuerley: so that it may be maruelled that a man, borne in the vttermost corner of the world, should proue so excellent in all knowledge and learning, that his fame should so spread ouer the whole [Sidenote: _Crantzius._] earth, and went neuer out of his natiue countrie to séeke it. But who that marketh in reading old histories the state of abbeies and monasteries in those daies, shall well perceiue that they were ordered after the maner of our schooles or colleges, hauing in them diuerse learned men, that attended onelie to teach & bring vp youth in knowledge of good learning, or else to go abroad and preach the word of God in townes and villages adjoining.

[Sidenote: 735.] The same yéere died archbishop Tacuine, and in the yéere following, that is to say 735, Nothelmus was ordeined archbishop of Canturburie in his place, and Egbert the archbishop of Yorke the same yéere got his pall from Rome, and so was confirmed archbishop, and ordeined two bishops, Fruidberd, and Fruidwald. But some refer it to the yéere 744.

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_Cuthred king of the Westsaxons, he is greatlie troubled by Ethelbald king of Mercia, they are pacified; Kenric king Cuthreds sonne slaine, earle Adelme rebelleth against him whom the king pardoneth; Cuthred fighteth with Ethelbald at Hereford, he hath the victorie, he falleth sicke and dieth; Sigebert succedeth him in the kingdome, he is cruell to his people, he is expelled from his roiall estate, murther reuenged with murther, succession in the kingdome of Eastangles, kings change their crownes for moonks cowles; the Britaines subiect to the king of Northumberland and the king of Picts, the moone eclipsed._

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: CUTHRED.] After the decease of Ethelard king of Westsaxons, his coosine Cuthred was made king and gouernour of those people, reigning the tearme of [Sidenote: 740.] 16 yéeres. He began his reigne in the yeere of our Lord 740, in the twentie fourth yere of the emperour Leo Isaurus, in the 14 yéere of the reigne of the second Theodorus Cala K. of France, and about the 6 yéere of Ethfine king of Scots. This Cuthred had much to doo against [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] Edilbald king of Mercia, who one while with stirring his owne subiects the Westsaxons to rebellion, an other while with open warre, and sometime by secret craft and subtill practises sought to disquiet him. Howbeit, in the fourth yeere of his reigne, a peace was concluded betwixt them, and then ioining their powers togither, they went against the Welshmen, & gaue them a great ouerthrow, as before is [Sidenote: Kenric the kings sonne slaine.] partlie touched. In the 9 yeere of this Cuthreds reigne, his sonne Kenric was slaine in a seditious tumult amongst his men of warre, a gentleman yoong in yeeres, but of a stout courage, and verie forward, [Sidenote: 749.] wherby (as was thought) he came the sooner to his wofull end.

[Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: 751.] In the 11 yeere of his reigne, Cuthred had wars against one of his earls called Adelme, who raising a commotion against him, aduentured to giue battell though he had the smaller number of men, and yet was at point to haue gone away with victorie, if by a wound at that instant receiued, his periurie had not béene punished, and the kings iust cause aduanced to triumph ouer his aduersarie, whom yet by way of [Sidenote: 752.] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] reconciliation he pardoned. In the 13 yeere of his reigne, king Cuthred being not well able to susteine the proud exactions and hard dooings of Edilbald king of Mercia, raised his power, and encountered with the same Edilbald at Hereford, hauing before him the said earle Adelme, in whose valiant prowesse he put great hope to atteine victorie: neither was he deceiued, for by the stout conduct and noble courage of the said Adelme, the loftie pride of king Edelbald was [Sidenote: K. Edilbald put to flight.] abated, so that he was there put to flight, and all his armie discomfited, after sore and terrible fight continued and mainteined euen to the vttermost point. In the 24 yeere of his reigne, this Cuthred fought eftsoones with the Welshmen, and obteined the vpper hand, without anie great losse of his people: for the enimies were easilie put to flight and chased, to their owne destruction. In the yeere after, king Cuthred fell sicke, and in the 16 yéere of his reigne he departed this life, after so manie great victories got against his enimies.

[Sidenote: SIGIBERT.] [Sidenote: 755.] After him succéeded one Sigibert, a cruell and vnmercifull prince at home, but yet a coward abroad. This Sigbert or Sigibert began his reigne in the yeare of our Lord 755, verie néere ended. He intreated his subjects verie euill, setting law and reason at naught. He could not abide to heare his faults told him, and therefore he cruellie put to death an earle named Cumbra, which was of his councell, and faithfullie admonished him to reforme his euill dooings: wherevpon the rest of his nobles assembled themselues togither with a great multitude of people, and expelled him out of his estate in the beginning of the second, or (as some say) the first yeare of his reigne. Then Sigibert, as he was fearefull of nature; fearing to be apprehended, got him into the wood called as then Andredeswald, and there hid himselfe, but by chance a swineheard that belonged to the late earle Cumbra at Priuets-floud found him out, and perceiuing what he was, slue him in reuenge of his maisters death.

¶ Lo here you may sée how the righteous iustice of God rewardeth wicked dooings in this world with worthie recompense, as well as in the world to come, appointing euill princes sometimes to reigne for the punishment of the people, according as they deserue, permitting some of them to haue gouernement a long time, that both the froward nations may suffer long for their sins, and that such wicked princes may in an other world tast the more bitter torments. Againe, other he taketh out of the waie, that the people may be deliuered from oppression, and also that the naughtie ruler for his misdemeanour may spéedilie receiue due punishment.

[Sidenote: Ethelred.] [Sidenote: 738.] After Beorne king of Eastangles one Ethelred succéeded in gouernment of that kingdome a man noted to be of good and vertuous qualities, in that he brought vp his sonne Ethelred (which succéeded him) so in the feare of the Lord, that he prooued a right godlie prince. This Ethelbert reigned (as writers say) the terme of 52 yeares.

[Sidenote: Egbert king of Northumberland.] [Sidenote: 758.] After that Ceolvulfe king of Northumberland was become a moonke in the abbie of Lindesferne, his vncles sonne Egbert (by order taken by the said Ceolvulfe) succeeded him in the kingdome, and gouerned the same right woorthilie for the terme of 24 yeares, and then became a moonke, by the example both of his predecessor the forsaid Ceolvulfe, and also [Sidenote: Changing of crownes for moonkes cowles.] [Sidenote: 756.] of diuers other kings in those daies, so that he was the eight king who in this land had changed a kings crowne for a moonks cowle (as Simon Dunel. writeth.)

This Egbert (in the 18 yeare of his reigne) and Vngust king of Picts came to the citie of Alcluid with their armies, and there receiued the Britains into their subiection, the first-day of August: but the tenth day of the same month, the armie which he led from Ouan vnto Newbourgh, was for the more part lost and destroied. ¶ The same yeare on the 8 kalends of December, the moone being as then in hir full, appeared to be of a bloudie colour, but at length she came to hir accustomed shew, after a maruellous meanes, for a starre which followed hir, passed by hir, & went before hir, the like dist[=a]ce as it kept in following hir before she lost hir vsuall light.

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_Offa king of Mercia, his manhood and victories against the Kentishmen and Westsaxons, he killeth Egilbert king of Eastangles by a policie or subtill deuise of profered curtesie, he inuadeth his kingdome, and possesseth it, the archbishops see of Canturburie remoued to Lichfield; archbishop Lambert laboring to defend his prerogatiue is depriued by king Offa, he seizeth vpon churches and religious houses; mistrusting his estate, he alieth himselfe with other princes; he maketh amends for the wrongs that he had doone to churches and religious houses, he goeth to Rome, maketh his realme tributarie to the said see, Peter pence paid, he falleth sicke and dieth, places to this day bearing his name in memorie of him, the short reigne of his sonne._

THE FOURTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: OFFA.] [Sidenote: 758.] After that Offa had slaine Bernred the vsurper of the kingdome of Mercia (as before is mentioned) the same Offa tooke vppon him the gouernment of that kingdome 758, a man of such stoutnesse of stomach, [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] that he thought he should be able to bring to passe all things whatsoeuer he conceiued in his mind. He reigned 39 yeares. His dooings were great and maruellous, and such as some times his vertues surpassed his vices, and sometime againe his vices seemed to ouermatch [Sidenote: The victories of king Offa.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: 779.] his vertues. He ouercame the Kentishmen in a great battell at Otteford, and the Northumbers also were by him vanquished, and in battell put to flight. With Kenvulfe king of Westsaxons he fought in open battell, and obteined a noble victorie, with small losse of his people, although the same Kenwulfe was a right valiant prince, and a good capteine.

[Sidenote: Falsehood in fellowship.] Againe, perceiuing that to procéed with craft, should sooner aduance his purpose, than to vse open force against Egilbert king of Eastangles, vnder faire promises to giue vnto him his daughter in mariage, he allured him to come into Mercia, and receiuing him into his palace, caused his head to be striken off, and after by wrongfull meanes inuaded his kingdome, and got it into his possession: yet he caused the bones of the first martyr of this land saint Albane (by a miraculous meanes brought to light) to be taken vp, and put in a rich shrine adorned with gold and stone, building a goodlie church of excellent woorkmanship, and founding a monasterie in that place in honor of the same saint, which he indowed with great possessions. He

[Sidenote: The archbishops sée remoued from Canturburie to Lichfield.] [Sidenote: 785.] remoued the archbishops see from Canturburie vnto Lichfield, thereby to aduance his kingdome of Mercia, as well in dignitie & preheminence of spirituall power as temporall. He made great suit to bring his [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] purpose to passe in the court of Rome, and at length by great gifts and rewards obteined it at the hands of pope Adrian the first, then gouerning the Romane sée. And so Eadulfus then bishop of Lichfield was adorned with the pall, and taken for archbishop, hauing all those bishops within the limits of king Offa his dominion suffragans vnto him; namelie, Denebertus bishop of Worcester, Werebertus bishop of Chester, Eadulfus bishop of Dorcester, Wilnardus bishop of Hereford, Halard bishop of Elsham, and Cedferth bishop of Donwich. There remained onelie to the archbishop of Canturburie, the bishops of London, Winchester, Rochester, and Shireburne.

[Sidenote: The archbishop Lambert defended his cause.] This separation continued all the life time of the archbishop Lambert, although he trauelled earnestlie to mainteine his prerogatiue. Now, for that he still defended his cause, and would not reuolt from his will, Offa depriued him of all his possessions & reuenues that he held or inioied within anie part of his dominions. Neither was Offa satisfied herewith, but he also tooke into his hands the possessions of manie other churches, and fléeced the house of Malmesburie of a part of hir reuenues. Because of these & other his hard dooings, [Sidenote: Offa alieth himselfe with other princes.] doubting the malice of his enimies, he procured the friendship of [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._] forren princes. Vnto Brightricke king of the Westsaxons he gaue his daughter Ethelburga in mariage. And sending diuers ambassadours ouer vnto Charles the great, that was both emperor & king of France, he purchased his friendship at length, although before there had depended [Sidenote: The intercourse of merchants staied.] a péece of displeasure betwixt them, insomuch that the intercourse for trade of merchandize was staied for a time. One of the ambassadours that was sent vnto the said Charles (as is reported) was that famous [Sidenote: Alcwine an Englishman.] clearke Albine or Alcwine, by whose persuasion the same Charles erected two vniuersities, as in place due and conuenient may more largelie appeare.

Finallie king Offa (as it were for a meane to appease Gods wrath, which he doubted to be iustlie conceiued towards him for his sinnes and wickednesse) granted the tenth part of all his goods vnto [Sidenote: _Polydor._] churchmen, and to poore people. He also indowed the church of Hereford with great reuenues, and (as some write) he builded the abbeie of Bath, placing moonkes in the same, of the order of saint Benet, as before he had doone at saint Albons. Moreouer he went vnto Rome, about [Sidenote: 775.] the yeare of our Lord 775, and there following the example of Inas king of the Westsaxons, made his realme subiect by way of tribute vnto [Sidenote: Peter pence, or Rome Scot.] [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] [Sidenote: 797.] the church of Rome, appointing that euerie house within the limits of his dominions, should yearelie pay vnto the apostolike see one pennie, which paiment was after named, Rome Scot, and Peter pence. After his returne from Rome, perceiuing himselfe to draw into yeares, he caused [Sidenote: Offa departed this life.] his sonne Egfrid to be ordeined king in his life time: and shortlie after departing out of this world, left the kingdome vnto him, after he had gouerned it by the space of 39 yeares.

Amongst other the dooings of this Offa, which suerlie were great and maruellous, this may not passe with silence, that he caused a mightie great ditch to be cast betwixt the marshes of his countrie, and the Welsh confines, to diuide thereby the bounds of their dominions. This [Sidenote: Offditch.] ditch was called Offditch euer after, and stretched from the south side by Bristow, vnder the mountaines of Wales, running northward ouer the riuers of Seuerne and Dée, vnto the verie mouth of Dee, where that riuer falleth into the sea. He likewise builded a church in Warwikeshire, whereof the towne there taketh name, and is called [Sidenote: Egfrid king of Mercia.] Offchurch euen to this day. Egfrid taking vpon him the rule, began to follow the approoued good dooings of his father, and first restored vnto the churches their ancient priuileges, which his father sometimes had taken from them. Great hope was conceiued of his further good procéeding, but death cut off the same, taking him out of this life, after he had reigned the space of foure moneths, not for his owne offenses (as was thought) but rather for that his father had caused so much bloud to be spilt for the confirming of him in the kingdome, which so small a time he now inioied.

* * * * *

_Osulph king of Northumberland traitorouslie murthered, Edilwald succeedeth him, the reward of rebellion, a great mortalitie of foules fishes and fruits, moonkes licenced to drinke wine, great wast by fire, Edelred king of Northumberland is driuen out of his countrie by two dukes of the same, Ethelbert king of the Eastangles commended for his vertues, Alfred the daughter of king Mercia is affianced to him, tokens of missehaps towards him, his destruction intended by queene Quendred, hir platforme of the practise to kill him, Offa inuadeth Ethelberts kingdome, Alfred his betrothed wife taketh his death greuouslie, and becommeth a nun, the decaie of the kingdome of Eastangles, succession in the regiment of the Westsaxons, the end of the gouernement of the Eastsaxons, prince Algar is smitten blind for seeking to rauish virgine Friswide, and at hir praiers restored to his sight._

THE FIFT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: EADBERT king of Northumberland.] When Eadbert or Egbert K. of Northumberland was become a moonke, his sonne Osulphus succéeded him: but after he had reigned onelie one yeare, he was traitorouslie murthered by his owne seruants at [Sidenote: 758.] Mikilwongton, on the 9 kalends of August. Then succéeded one Moll, [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: Edilwold king of Northumberland.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] otherwise called Edilwold or Edilwald, but not immediatlie, for he began not his reigne till the nones of August in the yeare following, which was after the birth of our sauiour 759.

This man prooued right valiant in gouernement of his subiects. He slue in battell an earle of his countrie named Oswin, who arrearing warre against him, fought with him in a pitcht field at Eadwines Cliue, and receiued the worthie reward of rebellion.

[Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: 764.] This chanced in the third yeare of his reigne, and shortlie after, that is to say, in the yeare of our Lord 764, there fell such a maruellous great snow, and therwith so extreame a frost, as the like had not béene heard of, continuing from the beginning of the winter, almost till the middest of the spring, with the rigour whereof, trees and fruits withered awaie, and lost their liuelie shape and growth: and not onelie feathered foules, but also beasts on the land, & fishes in the sea died in great numbers. The same yeare died Ceolwulf then king of Northumberland, vnto whome Beda did dedicate his booke of histories of the English nation. After that he was become a moonke in [Sidenote: Moonks licenced to drinke wine.] the monasterie of Lindesferne, the moonks of that house had licence to drinke wine, or ale, whereas before they might not drinke anie other thing than milke, or water, by the ancient rule prescribed them of the bishop Aidan first founder of the place. The same yeare sundrie cities, townes, and monasteries were defaced and sore wasted with fier chancing on the sudden, as Stretehu, Giwento, Anwicke, London, Yorke, Doncaster, &c.

After that Moll had reigned 6 yeares, he resigned his kingdome. But other write that he reigned 11 yeares, and was in the end slaine by [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: Altred began his reigne in the yeare 765 as _Sim. Dun._ saith.] treason of his successor Altred. This Altred reigned ten years ouer the Northumbers, and was then expelled out of his kingdome by his owne [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: Ethelbert.] subiects. Then was Ethelbert, named also Edelred, the sonne of the foresaid Moll, made king of Northumberland, and in the fift yeare of his reigne, he was driuen out of his kingdome by two dukes of his countrie named Edelbald and Herebert, who mouing warre against him, had slaine first Aldulfe the sonne of Bosa the generall of his armie at Kingescliffe; and after Kinewulfe and Egga, other two of his dukes, at Helatherne in a sore foughten field: so that Ethelbert despairing of all recouerie, was constrained to get him out of the countrie. And thus was the kingdome of Northumberland brought into a miserable state, by the ambitious working of the princes and nobles of the same.

[Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Iohn Capgraue._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: and others.] [Sidenote: Ethelbert king of Eastangles.] After that Ethelbert king of Eastangles was dead, his sonne Ethelbert succéeded him, a prince of great towardnesse, and so vertuouslie brought vp by his fathers circumspect care and diligence, that he vtterlie abhorred vice, and delighted onelie in vertue and commendable exercises, for the better atteining to knowledge and vnderstanding of good sciences. There remaine manie sundrie saiengs & dooings of him, manifestlie bearing witnesse that there could not be a man more honorable, thankefull, courteous or gentle. Amongest other he had this [Sidenote: The saieng of king Ethelbert.] saieng oftentimes in his mouth, that the greater that men were, the more humble they ought to beare themselues: for the Lord putteth proud and mightie men from their seates, and exalteth the humble and méeke.

Moreouer he did not onelie shew himselfe wise in words, but desired also to excell in staiednesse of maners, and continencie of life. Whereby he wan to him the hearts of his people, who perceiuing that he was nothing delighted in the companie of women, and therefore minded not mariage, they of a singular loue and fauour towards him, required that he should in anie wise yet take a wife, that he might haue issue to succéed him. At length the matter being referred to his councell, he was persuaded to follow their aduises. And so Alfreda the daughter of Offa king of Mercia was affianced to him: so that he himselfe appointed (as meanes to procure more fauour at his father in lawes hands) to go fetch the bride from hir fathers house.

Manie strange things that happened to him in taking vpon him this iournie, put him in great doubt of that which should follow. He was no [Sidenote: Tokens of mishap to follow.] sooner mounted on his horsse, but that (as séemed to him) the earth shooke vnder him: againe, as he was in his iournie, about the mid-time of the day, such a darke mist compassed him on ech side, that he could not sée nor discerne for a certeine time anie thing about him at all: lastlie, as he laie one night asléepe, he thought he saw in a dreame the roofe of his owne palace fall downe to the ground. But though with these things he was brought into great feare, yet he kept on his [Sidenote: The innocent mistrustfull of no euill.] iournie, as he that mistrusted no deceit, measuring other mens maners by his owne. King Offa right honourablie receiued him: but his wife named Quendred, a wise woman, but therewith wicked, conceiued a malicious deuise in hir hart, & streightwaies went about to persuade hir husband to put it in execution, which was to murther king Ethelbert, and after to take into his hands his kingdome.

Offa at the first was offended with his wife for this motion, but in the end, through the importunate request of the woman, he consented to [Sidenote: _Iohn Capgr._] [Sidenote: Winnebert.] hir mind. The order of the murther was committed vnto one Winnebert, that had serued both the said Ethelbert & his father before time, the [Sidenote: _Sim. Dun._ saith 771.] which feining as though he had béene sent from Offa to will Ethelbert [Sidenote: Offa conquereth Eastangles.] to come vnto him in the night season, slue him that once mistrusted not anie such treason. Offa hauing thus dispatched Ethelbert, inuaded his kingdome, and conquered it.

But when the bride Alfreda vnderstood the death of hir liked make and bridegrome, abhorring the fact, she curssed father and mother, and as it were inspired with the spirit of prophesie, pronounced that woorthie punishment would shortlie fall on hir wicked mother for hir heinous crime committed in persuading so detestable a déed: and according to hir woords it came to passe, for hir mother died [Sidenote: Alfreda a nun.] [Sidenote: _Beda._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] miserablie within three moneths after. The maid Alfreda refusing the world, professed hirselfe a nun at Crowland, the which place began to wax famous about the yéere of our Lord 695, by the meanes of one Gutlake, a man esteemed of great vertue and holinesse, which chose to himselfe an habitation there, and departing this life about the yéere of our Lord 714, was buried in that place, where afterwards an abbeie of moonks was builded of saint Benets order. The bodie of K. Ethelbert at length was buried at Hereford, though first it was committed to buriall in a vile place, néere to the banke of a riuer called Lug.

The kingdome of Eastangles from thencefoorth was brought so into decaie, that it remained subiect one while vnto them of Mercia, an other while vnto the Westsaxons, and somewhile vnto them of Kent, till that Edmund surnamed the martyr got the gouernment thereof (as after shall appéere.) After that Selred king of the Eastsaxons had gouerned [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] the tearme of 38 yéeres, he was slaine, but in what maner, writers haue not expressed. After him succéeded one Swithed or Swithred, the 11 and last in number that particularlie gouerned those people. He was finallie expelled by Egbert K. of Westsaxons, the same yéere that the said Egbert ouercame the Kentishmen (as after shall be shewed) and so the kings of that kingdome of the Eastsaxons ceassed and tooke end.

[Sidenote: Friswide a virgine.] ¶ About this time, there was a maid in Oxford named Friswide, daughter to a certeine duke or noble man called Didanus, with whome one Algar a prince in those parties fell in loue, and would haue rauished hir, but God the reuenger of sinnes was at hand (as the storie saith.) For when Algar followed the maid that fled before him, she getting into the towne, the gate was shut against him, and his sight also was suddenlie taken from him. But the maid by hir praiers pacified Gods wrath towards him, so that his sight was againe restored to him. But whether this be a fable or a true tale, héereof grew the report, that the kings of this realme long times after were afraid to enter into the citie of Oxford. So easilie is the mind of man turned to superstition (as saith Polydor.)

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_Kinewulfe king of Westsaxons, his conquest ouer the Britains, his securitie and negligence, he is slaine by conspirators, inquisition for Kineard the principall procurer of that mischiefe, he is slaine in fight; legats from the pope to the kings and archbishops of this land about reformation in the church, a councell holden at Mercia; iudge Bearne burnt to death for crueltie, Alfwold reigneth ouer Northumberland, his owne subiects murther him; a booke of articles sent by Charles king of France into Britaine quite contrarie to the christian faith, Albinus writeth against it; great waste by tempests of wind and rage of fire._

THE SIXT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: KINEWULF.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: 756.] After that the Westsaxons had depriued their vnprofitable king Sigibert, they aduanced Kinewulfe, or Cinevulfus, the which began his reigne about the yéere of our Lord 756, which was in the 16 yéere of the emperor Constantinus, surnamed Copronimos, in the 6 yéere of the [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._ saith 755.] reigne of Pipin king of France, and about the 22 yéere of Ethfine king of Scots. This Kinewulfe prooued a right woorthie and valiant prince, [Sidenote: The Britains vanquished.] and was descended of the right line of Cerdicus. He obteined great victories against the Britains or Welshmen, but at Bensington or Benton he lost a battell against Offa king of Mercia, in the 24 yéere of his reigne: and from that time forward tasting manie displeasures, at length through his owne follie came vnto a shamefull end. For whereas he had reigned a long time neither slouthfullie nor presumptuouslie, yet now as it were aduanced with the glorie of things passed, he either thought that nothing could go against him, or else doubted the suertie of their state whom he should leaue behind him, and therefore he confined one Kineard the brother of Sigibert, whose fame he perceiued to increase more than he would haue wished.

This Kineard dissembling the matter, as he that could giue place to time, got him out of the countrie, and after by a secret conspiracie assembled togither a knot of vngratious companie, and returning priuilie into the countrie againe, watched his time, till he espied that the king with a small number of his seruants was come vnto the house of a noble woman, whome he kept a paramour at Merton, wherevpon the said Kineard vpon the sudden beset the house round about. The king perceiuing himselfe thus besieged of his enimies, at the first caused the doores to be shut, supposing either by curteous woords to appease his enimies, or with his princelie authoritie to put them in feare.

But when he saw that by neither meane he could doo good, in a great chafe he brake foorth of the house vpon Kineard, and went verie néere to haue killed him: but being compassed about with multitude of enimies, whilest he stood at defense, thinking it a dishonour for him [Sidenote: Kinewulfe slaine by conspirators.] to flée, he was beaten downe and slaine, togither with those few of his seruants which he had there with him, who chose rather to die in séeking reuenge of their maisters death than by cowardise to yéeld themselues into the murtherers hands. There escaped none except one Welshman or Britaine, an hostage, who was neuerthelesse sore wounded and hurt.

The brute of such an heinous act was streightwaies blowne ouer all, and brought with speed to the eares of the noble men and peeres of the realme, which were not farre off the place where this slaughter had béene committed. Amongst other, one Osrike, for his age and wisedome accounted of most authoritie, exhorted the residue that in no wise they should suffer the death of their souereigne lord to passe vnpunished vnto their perpetuall shame and reproofe. Wherevpon in all hast they ran to the place where they knew to find Kineard, who at the first began to please his cause, to make large promises, to pretend coosenage, and so foorth: but when he perceiued all that he could say or doo might not preuaile, he incouraged his companie to shew themselues valiant, and to resist their enimies to the vttermost of their powers. Heerevpon followed a doubtfull fight, the one part striuing to saue their liues, and the other to atteine honour, and punish the slaughter of their souereigne lord. At length the victorie rested on the side where the right was, so that the wicked murtherer after he had fought a while, at length was slaine, togither with [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] fourescore and eight of his mates. The kings bodie was buried at Winchester, & the murtherers at Repingdon. Such was the end of king Kinewulfe, after he had reigned the tearme of 31 yéeres.

[Sidenote: _Eccle. hist._] [Sidenote: _Magd._] [Sidenote: 786.] In the yeere of our Lord 786, pope Adrian sent two legats into England, Gregorie, or (as some copies haue) George bishop of Ostia, and Theophylactus bishop of Tuderto, with letters commendatorie vnto Offa king of Mercia, Alfwold king of Northumberland, Ieanbright or Lambert archbishop of Canturburie, and Eaubald archbishop of Yorke. [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] [Sidenote: Legats from the pope.] These legats were gladlie receiued, not onlie by the foresaid kings and archbishops, but also of all other the high estates, aswell spirituall as temporall of the land, & namelie of Kinewulfe king of the Westsaxons, which repaired vnto king Offa to take counsell with him for reformation of such articles as were conteined in the popes letters.

[Sidenote: Twentie articles which the legats had to propone.] There were twentie seuerall articles which they had to propone on the popes behalfe, as touching the receiuing of the faith or articles established by the Nicene councell, and obeieng of the other generall councels, with instructions concerning baptisme and kéeping of synods yéerelie, for the examination of priests and ministers, and reforming of naughtie liuers. Moreouer touching discretion to be vsed in admitting of gouernors in monasteries, and curats or priests to the ministerie in churches: and further for the behauior of priests in wearing their apparell, namelie that they should not presume to come to the altar bare legged, lest their dishonestie might be discouered. And that in no wise the chalice or paten were made of the horne of an oxe, bicause the same is bloudie of nature: nor the host of a crust, but of pure bread. Also whereas bishops vsed to sit in councels to iudge in secular causes, they were now forbidden so to doo.

Manie other things were as meanes of reformation articled, both for spirituall causes, and also concerning ciuill ordinances, as disabling children to be heirs to the parents, which by them were not begot in [Sidenote: Nuns concubines.] lawfull matrimonie but on concubines, whether they were nunnes or secular women. Also of paiment of tithes, performing of vowes, auoiding of vndecent apparell, and abolishing of all maner of heathenish vsages and customes that sounded contrarie to the order of christanitie, as

[Sidenote: Curtailing of horsses.] curtailing of horsses, and eating of horsses flesh. These things with manie other expressed in 20 principall articles (as we haue said) were first concluded to be receiued by the church of the Northumbers in a councell holden there, and subscribed by Alfwold king of the Northumbers, by Delberike bishop of Hexham, by Eubald archbishop of Yorke, Higwald bishop of Lindisferne, Edelbert bishop of Whiterne, Aldulfe bishop of Mieth, Ethelwine also another bishop by his deputies, with a number of other of the clergie; and lords also of the temporaltie, as duke Alrike, duke Segwulfe, abbat Alebericke, and abbat Erhard. After this confirmation had of the Northumbers, there was also a councell holden in Mercia at Cealtide, in the which these persons subscribed, Iambert or Lambert archbishop of Canturburie, Offa king of Mercia, Hughbright bishop of Lichfield, Edeulfe bishop of Faron, with Vnwone bishop of Ligor, and nine other bishops, besides abbats; and thrée dukes, as Brorda, Farwald, and Bercoald, with earle Othbald.

But now to returne backe to speake of other dooings, as in other parts [Sidenote: 764.] of this land they fell out. About the yéere of our Lord 764, the sée of Canturburie being void, one Iambert or Lambert was elected [Sidenote: _Sim. Dun._ saith 780.] archbishop there, and in the yéere 766, the archbishop of Yorke Egbert departed this life, in whose place one Adelbert succéeded. About the 25 yéere of Kenwulf king of Westsaxons, the Northumbers hauing to [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] their capteine two noble men, Osbald and Ethelherard, burned one of their iudges named Bearne, bicause he was more cruell in iudgement (as they tooke the matter) than reason required. In which vengeance executed vpon the cruell iudge (if he were so seuere as this attempt of the two noble men dooth offer the readers to suspect) all such of his liuerie & calling are taught lenitie & mildnes, wherwith they should leuen the rigor of the lawe. For

[Sidenote: _Ouid. lib._ 2. _de art. am._]

-------- capit indulgentia mentes, Asperitas odium sæuáque bella mouet. Odimus accipitrem, quia viuit semper in armis, Er pauidum solitos in pecus ire lupos. At caret insidijs hominum, quia mitis hirundo est, Quásque colat turres Chaonîs ales habet.

At the same time, one Aswald or Alfewald reigned ouer the Northumbers, being admitted K. after that Ethelbert was expelled, and when the same [Sidenote: He began his reigne _ann._ 779, as saith _Simon Dun._ and reigned but ten yéeres.] Alfwald had reigned 10, or (as some say) 11 yéeres, he was traitorouslie and without all guilt made away; the chéefe conspirator was named Siga. The same Alfwald was a iust prince, and woorthilie gouerned the Northumbers to his high praise and commendation. He was murthered by his owne people (as before ye haue heard) the 23 of September, in the yéere of our Lord 788, and was buried at Hexham.

[Sidenote: 788.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: 792.] In the yéere 792, Charles king of France sent a booke into Britaine, which was sent vnto him from Constantinople, conteining certeine articles agreed vpon in a synod (wherein were present aboue the number of thrée hundred bishops) quite contrarie and disagréeing from the true faith, namelie in this, that images ought to be worshipped, which the church of God vtterlie abhorreth. Against this booke Albinus that famous clearke wrote a treatise confirmed with places taken out of holie scripture, which treatise, with the booke in name of all the bishops and princes of Britaine, he presented vnto the king of France. [Sidenote: _Sim. Dunel._] [Sidenote: 800.] ¶ In the yéere 800, on Christmasse éeuen chanced a maruellous tempest of wind, which ouerthrew whole cities and townes in diuerse places, and trees in great number, beside other harmes which it did, as by death of cattell, &c. In the yeere following a great part of London was consumed by fire.

* * * * *

_Britricus K. of the Westsaxons, his inclination, Egbert being of the bloud roiall is banished the land, & why; crosses of bloudie colour and drops of bloud fell from heauen, what they did prognosticate; the first Danes that arriued on the English coasts, and the cause of their comming; firie dragons flieng in the aire foretokens of famine and warre; Britricus is poisoned of his wife Ethelburga, hir ill qualities; why the kings of the Westsaxons decreed that their wiues should not be called queenes, the miserable end of Ethelburga; Kenulfe king of Mercia, his vertues, he restoreth the archbishops see to Canturburie which was translated to Lichfield, he inuadeth Kent, taketh the king prisoner in the field, and bountifullie setteth him at libertie, the great ioy of the people therevpon; his rare liberalitie to churchmen, his death and buriall._

THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: BRITRICUS.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ saith 787.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._ saith 786.] After Kenwulfe, one Britricus or Brightrike was ordeined king of Westsaxons, and began his reigne in the yéere of our Lord 787, which was about the 8 yéere of the gouernment of the empresse Eirene with hir son Constantinus, and about the second yeere of the reigne of Achaius K. of Scots. This Brightrike was descended of the line of Cerdicus the first king of Westsaxons, the 16 in number from him. He was a man of nature quiet & temperate, more desirous of peace than of warre, and therefore he stood in doubt of the noble valiancie of one Egbert, which after succéeded him in the kingdome. The linage of Cerdicus was in that season so confounded and mingled, that euerie one as he grew in greatest power, stroue to be king and supreame gouernour. But speciallie Egbertus was knowne to be one that coueted that place, as he that was of the bloud roiall, and a man of great [Sidenote: Egbert banished.] courage. King Brightrike therefore to liue in more safetie, banished him the land, and appointed him to go into France. Egbert vnderstanding certeinlie that this his departure into a forreine countrie should aduance him in time, obeied the kings pleasure.

[Sidenote: A strange woonder.] About the third yéere of Brightrikes reigne, there fell vpon mens garments, as they walked abroad, crosses of bloudie colour, and bloud fell from heauen as drops of raine. Some tooke this woonder for a [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: Danes.] signification of the persecution that followed by the Danes: for shortlie after, in the yeere insuing, there arriued thrée Danish ships vpon the English coasts, against whome the lieutenant of the parties adjoining made foorth, to apprehend those that were come on land, howbeit aduenturing himselfe ouer rashlie amongst them, he was slaine: but afterwards when the Danes perceiued that the people of the countries about began to assemble, and were comming against them, they fled to their ships, and left their prey and spoile behind them for that time. These were the first Danes that arriued here in this land, being onelie sent (as was perceiued after) to view the countrie and coasts of the same, to vnderstand how with a greater power they might be able to inuade it, as shortlie after they did, and warred so with the Englishmen, that they got a great part of the land, and held it in their owne possession. In the tenth yéere of king Brightrikes reigne, there were séene in the aire firie dragons flieng, which betokened (as [Sidenote: Famin & war signified.] was thought) two grieuous plagues that followed. First a great dearth and famine: and secondlie a cruell war of the Danes, which shortlie followed, as ye shall heare.

Finallie, after that Brightrike had reigned the space of 16 yéeres, he [Sidenote: _Ran. Cest. lib._ 5. _cap._ 25.] [Sidenote: Brightrike departed this life.] departed this life, and was buried at Warham. Some write that he was poisoned by his wife Ethelburga daughter vnto Offa king of Mercia (as before ye haue heard) and he maried hir in the fourth yere of his reigne. She is noted by writers to haue bin a verie euill woman, proud, and high-minded as Lucifer, and therewith disdainful. She bare [Sidenote: Ethelburga hir conditions and wicked nature.] hir the more statelie, by reason of hir fathers great fame and magnificence: whome she hated she would accuse to hir husband, and so put them in danger of their liues. And if she might not so wreake hir rancour, she would not sticke to poison them.

It happened one day, as she meant to haue poisoned a yoong gentleman, against whome she had a quarell, the king chanced to tast of that cup, and died thereof (as before ye haue heard.) Hir purpose indeed was not to haue poisoned the king, but onelie the yoong gentleman, the which drinking after the king, died also, the poison was so strong and [Sidenote: A decrée of the kings of the Westsaxons against their wiues.] vehement. For hir heinous crime it is said that the kings of the Westsaxons would not suffer their wiues to be called quéenes, nor permit them to sit with them in open places (where their maiesties should bée shewed) manie yéeres after. Ethelburga fearing punishment, fled into France with great riches and treasure, & was well cherished in the court of king Charles at the first, but after she was thrust [Sidenote: The end of Ethelburga.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] into an abbeie, and demeaned hirselfe so lewdlie there, in keeping companie with one of hir owne countriemen, that she was banished the house, and after died in great miserie.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: Kenulfe.] Egbert king of Mercia departing this life, after he had reigned foure moneths, ordeined his coosine Kenulfe to succeed in his place, which Kenulfe was come of the line of Penda king of Mercia, as rightlie descended from his brother Kenwalke. This Kenulfe for his noble courage, wisdome, and vpright dealing, was woorthie to be compared with the best princes that haue reigned. His vertues passed his fame: nothing he did that enuie could with iust cause reprooue. At home he shewed himselfe godlie and religious, in warre he became victorious, [Sidenote: The archbishops sée restored to Canturburie.] he restored the archbishops sée againe to Canturburie, wherein his humblenes was to be praised, that made no account of worldlie honour in his prouince, so that the order of the ancient canons might be obserued. He had wars left him as it were by succession from his predecessour Offa against them of Kent, and thervpon entring that countrie with a mightie armie, wasted and spoiled the same, and encountering in battell with king Edbert or Ethelbert, otherwise [Sidenote: The king of Kent taken prisoner.] called Prenne, ouerthrew his armie, and tooke him prisoner in the field, but afterwards he released him to his great praise and commendation. For whereas he builded a church at Winchcombe, vpon the day of the dedication thereof, he led the Kentish king as then his prisoner, vp to the high altar, and there set him at libertie, declaring thereby a great proofe of his good nature.

There were present at that sight, Cuthred whom he had made king of Kent in place of Ethelbert, or Edbert, with 13 bishops, and 10 dukes. The noise that was made of the people in reioising at the kings bountious liberalitie was maruellous. For not onelie he thus restored [Sidenote: Kenulfs liberalitie towards churchmen which was not forgotten by them in their histories.] the Kentish king to libertie, but also bestowed great rewards vpon all the prelates and noble men that were come to the feast, euerie priest had a peece of gold, and euerie moonke a shilling. Also he dealt and gaue away great gifts amongst the people, and founded in that place an abbeie, indowing the same with great possessions. Finallie, after he had reigned 24 yéeres, he departed this life, and appointed his buriall to be in the same abbeie of Winchcombe, leauing behind him a sonne named Kenelme, who succeeded his father in the kingdome, but was soone murthered by his vnnaturall sister Quendred, the 17 of Iulie, as hereafter shall be shewed.

* * * * *

_Osrike king of Northumberland leaueth the kingdome to Edelbert reuoked out of exile, king Alfwalds sons miserablie slaine, Osred is put to death, Ethelbert putteth away his wife and marieth another, his people rise against him therefore and kill him, Oswald succeeding him is driuen out of the land; Ardulfe king of Northumberland, duke Wade raiseth warre against him and is discomfited; duke Aldred is slaine; a sore battell fought in Northumberland, the English men aflict one another with ciuill warres; king Ardulfe deposed from his estate; the regiment of the Northumbers refused as dangerous and deadlie by destinie, what befell them in lieu of their disloialtie; the Danes inuade their land and are vanquished; the roiall race of the Kentish kings decaieth, the state of that kingdome; the primasie restored to the see of Canturburie, Egbert (after the death of Britricus) is sent for to vndertake the gouernement of the Westsaxons, his linage._

THE EIGHT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: OSRED.] [Sidenote: 788.] When Aswald king of Northumberland was made away, his brother Osred the sonne of Alred tooke vpon him the rule of that kingdom anno 788, and within one yeere was expelled, and left the kingdome to Ethelbert [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] or Edelred as then reuoked out of exile, in which he had remained for the space of 12 yéeres, and now being restored, he continued in gouernement of the Northumbers 4 yéeres, or (as some say) 7 yéeres; in [Sidenote: Duke Ardulf taken and wounded.] the second yéere whereof duke Eardulfe was taken and led to Ripon, and there without the gate of the monasterie wounded (as was thought) to death by the said king, but the moonks taking his bodie, and laieng it in a tent without the church, after midnight he was found aliue in the church.

Moreouer, about the same time the sonnes of king Alfwald were by force drawne out of the citie of Yorke, but first by a wile they were trained out of the head church where they had taken sanctuarie, and so at length miserablie slaine by king Ethelbert in Wonwaldremere, one of [Sidenote: 792.] them was named Alfus, & the other Alfwin. In the yéere of our Lord 792, Osred vpon trust of the others and promises of diuerse noble men, secretly returned into Northumberland, but his owne souldiers forsooke him, and so was he taken, and by king Ethelberts commandment put to death at Cunbridge on the 14 day of September.

The same yéere king Ethelbert maried the ladie Alfled the daughter of Offa king of Mercia, forsaking his former wife which he had, & hauing no iust cause of diuorce giuen on hir part, wherby his people tooke such displeasure against him, that finallie after he had reigned now this second time 4 yéeres, or (as other say) seuen yéeres, he could not auoid the destinie of his predecessors, but was miserablie killed by his owne subiects at Cobre, the 18 of Aprill. After whome, one Oswald a noble man was ordeined king, and within 27 or 28 daies after [Sidenote: Holie Iland.] was expelled, and constreined to flie first into the Ile of Lindesferne, and from thence vnto the king of the Picts.

[Sidenote: Ardulfe.] Then Ardulfe that was a duke and sonne to one Arnulfe was reuoked out of exile, made king, & consecrated also at Yorke by the archbishop [Sidenote: 796.] Cumhald, and thrée other bishops, the 25 of June, in the yéere 796. About two yeeres after, to wit, in the yéere 798 one duke Wade, and other conspirators which had beene also partakers in the murthering of king Ethelbert, raised warre against king Ardulfe, and fought a [Sidenote: Walalege.] battell with him at Walleg, but king Ardulfe got the vpper hand, and chased Wade and other his enimies out of the field. In the yéere [Sidenote: 799.] 799, duke Aldred that had murthered Ethelbert or Athelred king of Northumberland, was slaine by another duke called Chorthmond in reuenge of the death of his maister the said Ethelbert. Shortlie after, about the same time that Brightrike king of Westsaxons departed this life, there was a sore battell foughten in Northumberland at Wellehare, in the which Alricke the sonne of Herbert, and manie other with him were slaine: but to rehearse all the battels with their successes and issues, it should be too tedious and irkesome to the readers, for the English people being naturallie hard and high-minded, continuallie scourged each other with

[Sidenote: The English men afflicted each other with ciuill warre.] intestine warres. About six or seuen yéeres after this battell, king Ardulfe was expelled out of the state.

¶ Thus ye may consider in what plight things stood in Northumberland, by the often seditions, tumults and changings of gouernors, so that there be which haue written, how after the death of king Ethelbert, otherwise called Edelred, diuers bishops and other of the chiefest nobles of the countrie disdaining such traitorous prince-killings, ciuill seditions, and iniurious dealings, as it were put in dailie practise amongst the Northumbers, departed out of their natiue borders into voluntarie exile, and that from thencefoorth there was not anie of the nobilitie that durst take vpon him the kinglie gouernement amongst them, fearing the fatall prerogatiue thereof, as if it had béene Scians horsse, whose rider came euer to some euill end. But yet by that which is héeretofore shewed out of Simon Dunelm, it is euident, that there reigned kings ouer the Northumbers, but in what authoritie and power to command, it may be doubted.

Howbeit this is certeine, that the sundrie murtherings and banishments of their kings and dukes giue vs greatlie to gesse, that there was but sorie obedience vsed in the countrie, whereby for no small space of time that kingdome remained without an head gouernor, being set open to the prey and iniurie of them that were borderers vnto it, and likewise vnto strangers. For the Danes, which in those daies were [Sidenote: This chanced in the yéere of our Lord 700, as _Simon Dun._ saith.] great rouers, had landed before in the north parts, & spoiled the abbeie of Lindesferne otherwise called holie Iland, and perceiuing the fruitfulnesse of the countrie, and easinesse for their people to inuade it (bicause that through their priuate quarelling there was little publike resistance to be looked for) at their comming home, entised their countriemen to make voiages into England, and so landing [Sidenote: The Danes inuade Northumberland.] in Northumberland did much hurt, and obtained a great part of the countrie in manner without resistance, bicause there was no ruler there able to raise anie power of men by publike authoritie to incounter with the common enimies, whereby the countrie was brought into great miserie, partlie with war of the Danes, and ciuill dissention amongest the nobles and people themselues, no man being of authoritie (I say) able to reforme such misorders. Yet we find that the nobles and capteines of the countrie assembling togither at one [Sidenote: The Danes vanquished.] [Sidenote: This was in anno 794 as _Simon Dun._ saith.] time against the Danes that were landed about Tinmouth, constreined them by sharpe fight to flée backe to their ships, and tooke certeine of them in the field, whose heads they stroke off there vpon the shore. The other that got to their ships, suffered great losse of men, and likewise of their vessels by tempest.

¶ Here then we are taught that the safest way to mainteine a monarchie, is when all degrées liue in loialtie. And that it is necessarie there should be one supereminent, vnto whome all the residue should stoope: this fraile bodie of ours may giue vs sufficient instruction. For reason ruleth in the mind as souereigne, and hath subiect vnto it all the affections and inward motions, yea the naturall actions are directed by hir gouernement: whereto if the will be obedient there cannot créepe in anie outrage or disorder. Such should be the sole regiment of a king in his kingdome; otherwise he may be called "Rex á regendo, as Mons a mouendo." For there is not a greater enimie to that estate, than to admit participants in roialtie, which as it is a readie way to cause a subuersion of a monarchie; so it is the shortest cut ouer to a disordered anarchie. But to procéed in the historie.

After that Alrike (the last of king Witchreds sonnes, which reigned in Kent successiuelie after their father) was dead, the noble ofspring of the kings there so decaied, and began to vade awaie, that euerie one which either by flattering had got rithes togither, or by seditious partaking was had in estimation, sought to haue the gouernement, and to vsurp the title of king, abusing by vnworthie means the honor and [Sidenote: Edelbert.] dignitie of so high an office. Amongest others, one Edbert or Edelbert, surnamed also Prenne, gouerned the Kentishmen for the space of two yeares, and was in the end vanquished by them of Mercia, and taken prisoner, as before is said: so that for a time he liued in captiuitie; and although afterwards he was set at libertie, yet was he not receiued againe to the kingdome, so that it is vncerteine what end he made. Cuthred that was appointed by Kinevulfe the king of Mercia, to reigne in place of the same Edbert or Edelbert, continued in the gouernement eight yéeres as king, rather by name than by act, inheriting his predecessors euill hap and calamitie, through factions and ciuill discord.

[Sidenote: Lambert.] After that Iambrith or Lambert the archbishop of Canturburie was departed this life, one Edelred was ordeined in his place, vnto whome the primasie was restored, which in his predecessors time was taken awaie by Offa king of Mercia, as before is recited. Also after the death of Eubald archbishop of Yorke, another of the same name called Eubald the second was admitted to succeed in that sée. After that Brightrike the king of Westsaxons was departed this life, messengers were sent with all spéed into France, to giue knowledge thereof vnto Egbert, which as before is shewed, was constreined by the said Brightrike to depart the countrie. At the first, he withdrew vnto Offa king of Mercia, with whome he remained for a time, till at length (through suit made by Brightrike) he perceiued he might not longer continue there without danger to be deliuered into his enimies hands; and so, Offa winking at the matter, he departed out of his countrie, and got him ouer into France. But being now aduertised of Brightriks death, and required by earnest letters sent from his friends to come and receiue the gouernement of the kingdome, he returned with all conuenient spéed into his countrie, and was receiued immediatlie for [Sidenote: Egbert receiued a king of Westsaxons His linage.] king, by the generall consent of the Westsaxons, as well in respect of the good hope which they had conceiued of his woorthie qualities and aptnesse to haue gouernement, as of his roiall linage, being lineallie descended from Inigils the brother of king Inas, as sonne to Alkemound, that was the sonne of one Eaffa, which Eaffa was sonne to Ope the sonne of the foresaid Inigils.

* * * * *

_Egbert reigneth ouer the Westsaxons, his practise or exercise in the time of his exile, his martiall exploits against the Cornishmen and Welshmen, Bernulfe king of Mercia taketh indignation at Egbert for the inlarging of his roiall authoritie, they fight a sore battell, Egbert ouercommeth, great ods betweene their souldiers, bishop Alstan a warriour; Kent, Essex, Southerie, Sussex, and Eastangles subiect to Egbert; he killeth Bernulfe K. of Mercia, and conquereth the whole kingdome, Whitlafe the king thereof becommeth his tributarie, the Northumbers submit themselues to Egbert, he conquereth Northwales and the citie of Chester, he is crowned supreme gouernour of the whole land, when this Ile was called England, the Danes inuade the land, they discomfit Egberts host, the Welshmen ioine with the Danes against Egbert, they are both vanquished, Egbert dieth._

THE NINTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: EGBERT.] [Sidenote: 802 as _Simon Dunel._] [Sidenote: and _M.W._ hath noted but 801.] This Egbert began his reigne in the yeare of our Lord 800, which was the 4 yeare almost ended, after that the emperour Eirine began the second time to rule the empire, and in the 24 yeare of the reigne of Charles the great king of France, which also was in the same yeare after he was made emperour of the west, and about the second yeare of Conwall king of Scots. Whilest this Egbert remained in exile, he turned his aduersaries into an occasion of his valiancie, as it had béene a grindstone to grind awaie and remoue the rust of sluggish slouthfulnes, in so much that hawnting the wars in France, in seruice of Charles the great, he atteined to great knowledge and experience, both in matters appertaining to the wars, and likewise to the well ordering of the common wealth in time of peace. The first wars that he tooke in hand, after he had atteined to the kingdome, was against the Cornishmen, a remnant of the old Britains, whome he shortlie ouercame and subdued. Then he thought good to tame the vnquiet Welshmen, the [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] which still were readie to moue rebellion against the Englishmen, as they that being vanquished, would not yet seeme to be subdued, wherefore about the 14 yeare of his reigne, he inuaded the countrie of Wales, and went through the same from east to west, not finding anie person that durst resist him.

King Egbert hauing ouercome his enimies of Wales and Cornewall, began to grow in authoritie aboue all the other rulers within this land, in somuch that euerie of them began to feare their owne estate, but [Sidenote: Bernulf king of Mercia.] namelie Bernulfe king of Mercia sore stomached the matter, as he that was wise, and of a loftie courage, and yet doubted to haue to doo with Egbert, who was knowen also to be a man both skilfull and valiant. At length yet considering with himselfe, that if his chance should be to speed well, so much the more should his praise be increased, he determined to attempt the fortune of warre, and therevpon intimated the same vnto Egbert, who supposing it should be a dishonor vnto him to giue place, boldlie prepared to méete Bernulfe in the field. [Sidenote: A battell fought at Ellendon.] Herevpon they incountred togither at Ellendon, & fought a sore battell, in the which a huge number of men were slaine, what on the one part, and on the other but in the end the victorie remained with [Sidenote: Egbert won the victorie.] Egbert, although he had not the like host for number vnto Bernulfe, but he was a politike prince, and of great experience, hauing chosen his souldiers of nimble, leane, and hartie men; where Bernulfs [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: 826.] souldiers (through long ease) were cowardlie persons, and ouercharged with flesh. The battell was fought in the yeare of our Lord 826.

King Egbert hauing got this victorie, was aduanced into such hope, that he persuaded himselfe to be able without great adoo to ouercome the residue of his neighbours, whose estates he saw plainlie sore weakened and fallen into great decaie. Herevpon before all other, he determined to assaile Edelvulfe king of Kent, whome he knew to be a man in no estimation amongest his subiects. A competent armie [Sidenote: Alstan bishop of Shireborn a warrior.] therefore being leuied, he appointed his sonne Ethelwulfe & Alstan bishop of Shireborne, with earle Walhard to haue the conduct therof, and sent them with the same into Kent, where they wrought such maisteries, that they chased both the king and all other that would not submit themselues, out of the countrie, constreining them to passe [Sidenote: The conquests of the Westsaxons.] ouer the Thames. And herewith the Westsaxons following the victorie, brought vnder subiection of king Egbert the countries of Kent, Essex, [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] Southerie, and Sussex. The Eastangles also about the same time receiued king Egbert for their souereigne Lord, and comforted by his setting on against Bernulfe king of Mercia, inuaded the confines of his kingdome, in reuenge of displeasures which he had doone to them latelie before, by inuading their countrie, and as it came to passe, [Sidenote: Bernulf king of Mercia slaine.] incountring with the said Bernulfe which came against them to defend his countrie, they slue him in the field.

Thus their minds on both parts being kindled into further wrath, the Eastangles eftsoones in the yeare following fought with them of Mercia, and ouercame them againe, and slue their king Ludicenus, who succéeded Bernulfe in that kingdome, with 5 of his earles. The state of the kingdome of Mercia being weakened, Egbert conceiued an assured hope of good successe, & in the 27 yeare of his reigne, made an open inuasion into the countrie, and chasing Whitlafe king of Mercia (that succéeded Ludicenus) out of his estate, conquered the whole kingdome of the Mercies. But yet in the yéere next following, or in the third yeare after, he restored it againe to Whitlafe, with condition, that [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] he should inioy the same as tributarie to him, and acknowledge him for his supreme gouernour. The same yeare that Bernulfe king of Mercia was slaine by the Eastangles, there was a sore battell foughten at [Sidenote: These were the Cornish men as is to be supposed.] Gauelford, betwixt them of Deuonshire, and the Britains, in the which manie thousands died on both parts.

King Egbert hauing conquered all the English people inhabiting on the south side of Humber, led foorth his armie against them of Northumberland: but the Northumbers being not onelie vexed with ciuill sedition, but also with the often inuasion of Danes, perceiued not [Sidenote: King Egbert inuadeth Northumberland.] [Sidenote: The Northumbers submit themselues to king Egbert.] how they should be able to resist the power of king Egbert: and therefore vpon good aduisement taken in the matter, they resolued to submit themselues, and therevpon sent ambassadors to him to offer their submission, committing themselues wholie vnto his protection. King Egbert gladlie receiued them, and promised to defend them from all forren enimies. Thus the kingdome of Northumberland was brought vnder subiection to the kings of the Westsaxons, after the state had béen sore weakened with contention and ciuill discord that had continued amongst the nobles of the countrie, for the space of manie yeeres, beside the inuasion made by outward enimies, to the gréeuous damage of the people.

After that king Egbert had finished his businesse in Northumberland, [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: Northwales and the citie of Chester conquered by Egbert.] he turned his power towards the countrie of Northwales, and subdued the same, with the citie of Chester, which till those daies, the Britains or Welshmen had kept in their possession. When king Egbert had obteined these victories, and made such conquests as before is mentioned, of the people héere in this land, he caused a councell to be assembled at Winchester, and there by aduise of the high estates, he was crowned king, as souereigne gouernour and supreame lord of the whole land. It is also recorded, that he caused a commission to be directed foorth into all parts of the realme, to giue commandement, that from thence forward all the people inhabiting within this land, should be called English men, and not Saxons, and likewise the land [Sidenote: The name of this ile when it was changed.] should be called England by one generall name, though it should appéere (as before is mentioned) that it was so called shortlie after the first time that the Angles and Saxons got possession thereof.

Now was king Egbert setled in good quiet, and his dominions reduced [Sidenote: The Danes.] out of the troubles of warre, when suddenlie newes came, that the Danes with a nauie of 35 ships, were arriued on the English coasts, and began to make sore warre in the land. K. Egbert being thereof aduertised, with all conuenient spéed got togither an armie, and went foorth to giue battell to the enimies. Heerevpon incountring with them, there was a sore foughten field betwixt them, which continued with great slaughter on both sides, till the night came on, and then by chance of warre the Englishmen, which before were at point to haue [Sidenote: The Englishmen discomfited by Danes.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: 834.] gone awaie with victorie, were vanquished and put to flight, yet king Egbert by couert of the night escaped his enimies hands: but two of his chiefe capteins Dudda and Osmond, with two bishops, to wit, Herferd of Winchester, and Vigferd of Shireborne, were slaine in that battell, which was foughten at Carrum, about the 834 of Christ, and 34 yéere of king Egberts reigne.

In the yeere following, the Danes with their nauie came into Westwales, and there the Welshmen ioining with them, rose against king [Sidenote: Danes and Welshmen vanquished.] [Sidenote: 836.] Egbert, but he with prosperous fortune vanquished and slue both the Danes and Welshmen, and that in great number, at a place called Hengistenton. The next yéere after also, which was 836, he ouerthrew another armie of Danes which came against him, as one autor writeth. [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: Egbert departeth this life.] [Sidenote: 837.] Finallie, when king Egbert had reigned the tearme of 36 yéeres and seuen moneths with great glorie for the inlarging of his kingdome with wide bounds, which when he receiued was but of small compasse, he departed this life, leauing to his issue matter of woorthie praise to mainteine that with order which he with painefull diligence had ioined togither. His bodie was buried at Winchester, and he left behind him [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] two sonnes Ethelwulfe, otherwise named Athaulfe and Adelstan. The first he appointed to succéed him in the kingdome of Westsaxons, and Adelstan he ordeined to haue the gouernment of Kent, Sussex, and Essex.

¶ Héere we sée the paterne of a fortunate prince in all his affaires, as well forren as domesticall, wherein is first to be obserued the order of his education in his tender yéeres, which agreeing well with a princes nature, could not but in the progresse of his age bring great matters to passe, his manifold victories are an argument that as he lacked no policie, so he had prowesse inough to incounter with his enimies, to whome he gaue manie a fowle discomfiture. But among all other notes of his skill and hope of happie successe in his martiall affaires, was the good choise that he made of seruiceable souldiers, being such as knew how to get the victorie, and hauing gotten it, were not vntaught to vse it to their benefit, by their warinesse and héedtaking; for

Sæpiùs incautæ nocuit victoria turbæ.

* * * * *

_The kingdome of Kent annexed to the kingdome of the Westsaxons, the end of the kingdome of Kent and Essex; Kenelme king of Mercia murthered by the meanes of his owne sister Quendred, the order of hir wicked practise; his death prophesied or foreshewed by a signe, the kings of Mercia put by their roialtie one after another, the kingdome of Britaine beginneth to be a monarchie; Ethelwulfe king of the Westsaxons, he marrieth his butlers daughter, his disposition; the fourth destruction of this land by forren enimies, the Danes sought the ruine of this Ile, how long they afflicted and troubled the same; two notable bishops and verie seruiceable to king Ethelwulfe in warre, the Danes discomfited, the Englishmen chased, Ethelwulfs great victorie ouer the Danes, a great slaughter of them at Tenet, king Ethelwulfs deuotion and liberalitie to churches, Peter pence paid to Rome, he marieth the ladie Iudith, his two sonnes conspire (vpon occasion of breaking a law) to depose him, king Ethelwulfe dieth, his foure sonnes by his first wife Osburga, how he bequeathed his kingdoms._

THE TENTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] When Cuthred K. of Kent had reigned 8 yeeres, as before is mentioned, he was constreined to giue place vnto one Baldred, that tooke vpon him the gouernment, & reigned the space of 18 yéeres, without anie great authoritie, for his subiects regarded him but sorilie, so that in the end, when his countrie was inuaded by the Westsaxons, he was easilie constreined to depart into exile. And thus was the kingdome of Kent annexed to the kingdome of the Westsaxons, after the same kingdome had continued in gouernment of kings created of the same nation for the space of 382 yéers, that is to say, from the yéere of our Lord 464, [Sidenote: The end of the kingdome of Kent.] [Sidenote: 827.] vnto the yéere 827. Suithred or Suthred king of Essex was vanquished and expelled out of his kingdome by Egbert king of Westsaxons (as before ye maie read) in the same yéere that the Kentishmen were subdued by the said Egbert, or else verie shortlie after. This [Sidenote: The end of the kingdome of Essex.] kingdome continued 281 yeeres, from the yéere 614, vnto the yeere 795, as by the table of the Heptarchie set foorth by Alexander Neuill appéereth. After the deceasse of Kenwulfe king of Mercia, his sonne Kenelme a child of the age of seuen yéeres was admitted king, about [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: 821.] the yeere of our Lord 821. He had two sisters, Quendred and Burgenild, [Sidenote: The wickedness of Quendred.] of the which the one (that is to say) Quendred, of a malicious mind, mooued through ambition, enuied hir brothers aduancement, and sought to make him awaie, so that in the end she corrupted the gouernour of his person one Ashbert, with great rewards and high promises persuading him to dispatch hir innocent brother out of life, that she might reigne in his place. Ashbert one day vnder a colour to haue the yoong king foorth on hunting, led him into a thicke wood, and there cut off the head from his bodie, an impe by reason of his tender [Sidenote: King Kenelm murthered.] yéeres and innocent age, vnto the world void of gilt, and yet thus traitorouslie murthered without cause or crime: he was afterwards reputed for a martyr.

[Sidenote: _Sée legenda aurea. fol._ 165. in the life of S. Kenelme.] There hath gone a tale that his death should be signified at Rome, and the place where the murther was committed, by a strange manner: for (as they say) a white doue came and lighted vpon the altar of saint Peter, bearing a scroll in hir bill, which she let fall on the same altar, in which scroll among other things this was conteined, "In clenc kou bath, Kenelme kinbarne lieth vnder thorne, heaued bereaued:" that is, at Clenc in a cow pasture, Kenelme the kings child lieth beheaded vnder a thorne. This tale I rehearse, not for anie credit I thinke it woorthie of, but onelie for that it séemeth to note the place where the yoong prince innocentlie lost his life.

[Sidenote: Ceolwulfe K. of Mercia 823.] After that Kenelme was thus made awaie, his vncle Ceolwulfe the brother of king Kenulfe was created king of Mercia, and in the second yéere of his reigne was expelled by Bernwulfe. Bernwulfe in the third yéere of his reigne, was vanquished and put to flight in battell by Egbert king of Westsaxons, and shortlie after slaine of the Eastangles, as before ye haue heard. Then one Ludicenus or Ludicanus was created king of Mercia, and within two yeeres after came to the like end that happened to his predecessor before him, as he went about to reuenge his death, so that the kingdome of Britaine began now to réele from their owne estate, and leane to an alteration, which grew in the end to the erection of a perfect monarchie, and finall subuersion of their particular estates and regiments. After Ludicenus, [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._] [Sidenote: 728.] succeeded Wightlafe, who first being vanquisht by Egbert king of Westsaxons, was afterwards restored to the kingdome by the same Egbert, and reigned 13 yeeres, whereof twelue at the least were vnder tribute which he paied to the said Egbert and to his sonne, as to his souereignes and supreame gouernours. The kingdome of Northumberland was brought in subjection to the kings of Westsaxons, as before is [Sidenote: 828.] mentioned, in the yéere of our Lord 828, and in the yéere of the reigne of king Egbert 28, but yet héere it tooke not end, as after shall appéere.

[Sidenote: ETHELWULFUS] ETHELWULFUS, otherwise called by some writers Athaulfus, began his reigne ouer the Westsaxons in the yéere 837, which was in the 24 yéere of the emperor Ludouicus Pius that was also K. of France, in the tenth yéere of Theophilus the emperor of the East, & about the third yéere of Kenneth, the second of that name king of Scots. This Ethelwulfe minding in his youth to haue béene a priest, entered into the orders as subdeacon, and as some write, he was bishop of Winchester: but [Sidenote: _Henrie Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] howsoeuer the matter stood, or whether he was or not, sure it is, that shortlie after he was absolued of his vowes by authoritie of pope Leo, and then maried a proper gentlewoman named Osburga, which was his butlers daughter. He was of nature courteous, and rather desirous to liue in quiet rest, than to be troubled with the gouernment of manie [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] countries, so that contenting himselfe with the kingdome of Westsaxons, he permitted his brother Adelstan to inioy the residue of the countries which his father had subdued, as Kent and Essex, with other. He aided Burthred the king of Mercia against the Welshmen, and greatlie aduanced his estimation, by giuing vnto him his daughter in mariage.

[Sidenote: Foure especiall destructions of this land.] But now the fourth destruction which chanced to this land by forren enimies, was at hand: for the people of Denmarke, Norway, and other of those northeast regions, which in that season were great rouers by sea, had tasted the wealth of this land by such spoiles and preies as they had taken in the same, so that perceiuing they could not purchase more profit anie where else, they set their minds to inuade the same on ech side, as they had partlie begun in the daies of the late kings Brightrike and Egbert. The persecution vsed by these Danes séemed more

[Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] gréeuous, than anie of the other persecutions, either before or sithens that time: for the Romans hauing quicklie subdued the land, gouerned it noblie without seeking the subuersion thereof. The Scots and Picts onelie inuaded the north parts. And the Saxons seeking the conquest of the land, when they had once got it, they kept it, and did what they could, to better and aduance it to a flourishing estate.

The Normans likewise hauing made a conquest, granted both life, libertie, and ancient lawes to the former inhabitants: but the Danes long time and often assailing the land on euerie side, now inuading it in this place, and now in that, did not at the first so much couet to [Sidenote: The Danes sought the destruction of this land.] conquer it, as to spoile it, nor to beare rule in it, as to waste and destroie it: who if they were at anie time, ouercome, the victors were nothing the more in quiet: for a new nauie, and a greater armie was readie to make some new inuasion, neither did they enter all at one place, nor at once, but one companie on the east side, and an other in the west, or in the north and south coasts, in such sort, that the Englishmen knew not whether they should first go to make resistance against them.

[Sidenote: How long the persecution of the Danes lasted.] [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] This mischiefe began chieflie in the daies of this king Ethelwulfe, but it continued about the space of two hundred yeeres, as by the sequele of this booke it shall appéere. King Ethelwulfe was not so much giuen to ease, but that vpon occasion for defense of his countrie and subiects, he was readie to take order for the beating backe of the enimies, as occasion serued, and speciallie chose such to be of his counsell, as were men of great experience and wisedome. Amongst other, [Sidenote: Two notable bishops in Ethelwulfs daies.] there were two notable prelats, Suithune bishop of Winchester, and Adelstan bishop of Shireborne, who were readie euer to giue him good aduise. Suithune was not so much expert in worldlie matters as Adelstan was, & therefore chieflie counselled the king in things apperteining to his soules health: but Adelstan tooke in hand to order matters apperteining to the state of the commonwealth, as prouiding of monie, and furnishing foorth of men to withstand the Danes, so that by him manie things were both boldlie begun, and happilie atchiued, as by writers hath béene recorded. He gouerned the sée of Shireborne the space of 50 yéeres, by the good counsell and faithfull aduise of those two prelats.

King Ethelwulfe gouerned his subiects verie politikelie, and by himselfe and his capteins oftentimes put the Danes to flight, though as chance of warre falleth out, he also receiued at their hands great losses, and sundrie sore detriments. In the first yéere of his reigne, [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] the Danes arriued at Hampton, with 33 ships, against whome he sent earle Wulhard with part of his armie, the which giuing battell to the [Sidenote: Danes discomfited.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] enimies, made great slaughter of them, and obteined a noble victorie. He sent also earle Adelhelme with the Dorsetshire men against an other number of the Danes, which were landed at Portesmouth, but after long fight, the said Adelhelme was slaine, and the Danes obteined the victorie. In the yéere following, earle Herbert fought against the [Sidenote: Englishmen put to flight.] [Sidenote: They are eftsoones vanquished.] Danes at Merseware, and was there slaine, and his men chased. The same yeere, a great armie of Danes passing by the east parts of the land, as through Lindsey, Eastangle, and Kent, slue and murthered an huge number of people. The next yéere after this, they entered further into the land, and about Canturburie, Rochester, and London, did much mischiefe.

King Ethelwulfe in the fift yéere of his reigne, with a part of his [Sidenote: Carrum.] armie incountred with the Danes at Carrum, the which were arriued in those parties with 30 ships, hauing their full fraught of men, so that for so small a number of vessels, there was a great power of men of warre, in so much that they obteined the victorie at that time, and [Sidenote: The Danes wan the victorie in battell.] [Sidenote: Danes are vanquished.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: 851.] put the king to the woorse. About the tenth yéere of king Ethelwulfs reigne, one of his capteins called Ernwulfe, and bishop Adelstan, with the Summersetshire men, and an other capteine called Osred, with the Dorsetshire men, fought against the Danes, at a place called Pedredesmuth, and vanquished them with great triumph. In the sixtéenth yeere of his reigne, king Ethelwulfe and his sonne Edelbald hauing [Sidenote: Ocley.] assembled all their powers togither, gaue battell at Ocley, to an huge [Sidenote: Two hundred and fiftie ships saith _Hen. Hunt._] host of Danes, the which with foure hundred and fiftie ships had arriued at Thames mouth, and destroied the famous cities of London and Canturburie, and also had chased Brightwulfe king of Mercia in battell, and being now entered into Southerie, were incountered by king Ethelwulfe at Ocley aforesaid, & after sore fight and incredible slaughter made on both sides, in the end, the victorie by the power of God was giuen to those that beléeued on him, and the losse rested with great confusion to the miscreants.

[Sidenote: The Danes eftsoones vanquished. Danes ouercome by sea.] Thus king Ethelwulfe obteined a glorious victorie in so mightie a battell, as a greater had not beene lightlie heard of to chance within the English dominions. The same yeere also Athelstan king of Kent and duke Ealhere fought by sea with the Danes, and tooke 9 of their ships, and chased the residue. Moreouer, one earle Ceorle hauing with him the [Sidenote: The Deuonshire men vanquish the Danes.] power of Deuonshire, fought with the Danes at Winleshore, and got the victorie. This yéere was verie luckie to the English nation, but yet the armie of the Danes lodged all the winter season in the Ile of Tenet. And this was the first time that they remained héere all the winter, vsing afore time but to come and make an inuasion in one place or other, and immediatlie to returne home with the prey.

[Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: 852.] In the 18 yeere of king Ethelwulfes reigne, he aided Burthred king of Mercia against the Welshmen (as before is mentioned) and gaue to him his daughter in marriage, the solemnization whereof was kept at Chipnham. The same yéere king Ethelwulfe sent his sonne Alured as then but fiue yeeres of age to Rome, where he was consecrated K. by pope Leo the fourth, and was receiued of him as if he had beene his owne sonne. Duke Ealhere or Eachere with the Kentishmen, and one Huda or rather Wada, with the men of Southerie, fought against the armie of [Sidenote: Great slaughter of Danes at Tenet.] Danes at Tenet, where great slaughter was made on both sides, the Englishmen preuailing in the beginning, but in the end, both their foresaid dukes or leaders died in that battell, beside manie other that were slaine and drowned.

In the 19 yéere of his reigne, king Ethelwulfe ordeined that the tenths or tithes of all lands due to be paid to the church, should be frée from all tribute, duties, or seruices regall. And afterwards, with great deuotion he went to Rome, where he was receiued with great honour, and taried there one whole yéere: he tooke with him his sonne Alured, who had béene there before as ye haue heard. He repaired the [Sidenote: The Saxons schoole.] Saxons schoole, which Offa king of Mercia had sometime founded in that citie, and latelie had béene sore decaied by fire. He confirmed the grant of Peter pence, to the intent that no Englishmen from [Sidenote: King Ethelwulfs liberalitie to churches.] [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: Mancusæ.] thence-foorth should doo penance in bounds as he saw some there to doo before his face. It is also written, that he should acquit all the churches of his realme of paieng tribute to his coffers (as before ye haue heard) & moreouer couenanted to send vnto Rome euerie yéere three hundred marks, that is to say, one hundred marks to saint Peters church, an other hundred marks to saint Paules light, and the third hundred marks to the Pope.

[Sidenote: The ladie Iudith.] In his returne thorough France, he married the ladie Iudith, daughter to Charles the bald, then K. of France, and bringing hir with him into his countrie, placed hir by him in a chaire of estate, with which déed he offended so the minds of his subiects, bicause it was against the order taken before him, for the offense of Ethelburga, that his sonne Ethelbald and Adelstan bishop of Shireborne, with Enwulfe earle of [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] Summerset, conspired to depose him from his kinglie authoritie; but by mediation of friends, the matter was taken vp, and so ordered, that the kingdome was diuided betwixt the father and the sonne, with such parcialitie, that the sonne had the better part lieng westward, and the father was constreined to content himselfe with the east part being the woorst.

[Sidenote: 857.] Of this trouble of Ethelwulfe some write otherwise, after this manner word for word. ¶ Ethelwulfe king of the Westsaxons being returned from Rome & the parties beyond the seas, was prohibited the entrance into his realme by Adelstane bishop of Shireborne, and Ethelbald his eldest sonne; pretending outwardlie the coronation of Alfride, the mariage of Iudith the French kings daughter, and open eating with hir at the table, to be the onelie cause of this their manifest rebellion. Whereby he séemeth to inferre, that this reuolting of Adelstane and his son, should procéed of the ambitious desire of Ethelbald to reigne, and likelie inough, or else this vnequall partition should neuer haue béene made.

But howsoeuer the matter stood, king Ethelwulfe liued not long after his returne from Rome, but departed this life, after he had ruled the kingdome of the Westsaxons the space of 20 yéeres and od moneths. His bodie was buried at Winchester. He left behind him foure sonnes, Ethelbald, Ethelbert or Ethelbright, Ethelred, and Alsred or Alured, which was begotten of his first wife Osburga. A little before his [Sidenote: Onelie Westsex saith _Matt. Westm._ and _Sim. Dunel._ saith that Ethelbright had Sussex also, and so dooth _H. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Matth. Paris._] death he made his testament and last will, appointing his sonne Ethelbald to succéed him in the whole regiment of his kingdoms of Westsex and Sussex, which he held by inheritance: but the kingdoms of Kent and Essex he assigned to his son Ethelbright. About the same time also the Danes soiourned all the winter season in the Ile of Shepie.

¶ The old Saxons doo bring the genealogie of this Ethelwulfe to Adam, after this maner following.

Ethelwulfe the sonne of Egbert, the son of Alcmund, the son of Eaffa, the son of Eoppa, the son of Ingils, the son of Kenred, the son of Coelwald, the son of Cudwine, the son of Ceawlin, the son of Kenric, the son of Cerdic, the son of Eslie, the son of Gewise, the son of Wingie, the son of Freawin, the son of Fridagare, the son of Brendie, the son of Beldegie, the son of Woden, the son of Frethelwold, the son of Freolaffe, the son of Frethewolfe, the son of Finnie, the son of Godulfe, the son of *Geta, the son of Teathwie, the son of Beame, the son of Sceldie, the son of Seafe, the son of Heremod, the son of Itermod, the son of Hordie, the son of Wale, the son of Bedwie, the son of Sem, the son of Noah, and so foorth to Adam, as you [Sidenote: _*De quo Sedulius in car. pasch._] shall find it by retrogradation from the 32 verse vnto the first of the fift chapter of Genesis. Which genealogicall recapitulation in their nationall families and tribes, other people also haue obserued; as the Spaniards, who reckon their descent from Hesperus, before the Gothes and Moors ouerran their land; the Italians from Aeneas, before they were mingled with the Vandals and Lumbards; the Saxons from Woden, before they were mixed with the Danes and Normans; the Frenchmen at this day from the Thracians; the Germans from the children of Gwiston;

[Sidenote: _Iohn Castor._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _Matt. Parker._] [Sidenote: A kings son and heire a bishop.] and other people from their farre fetcht ancestrie. To conclude, of this Ethelwulfe it is written, that he was so well learned & deuout, that the clerks of the church of Winchester did chuse him in his youth to be bishop, which function he vndertooke, and was bishop of the said see by the space of seuen yéeres before he was king.

* * * * *

_Bertwolfe king of Mercia tributarie to the Westsaxons, the fame of Modwen an Irish virgine, she was a great builder of monasteries, she had the gift of healing diseases, Ethelbald and Ethelbright diuide their fathers kingdome betwixt them, Ethelbald marieth his mother, he dieth, Winchester destroied by the Danes, they plaied the trucebreakers and did much mischiefe in Kent, Ethelbright dieth; Ethelred king of the Westsaxons, his commendable qualities, his regiment was full of trouble, he fought against the Danes nine times in one yere with happie successe, the kings of Mercia fall from their fealtie and allegiance to Ethelred; Hungar & Vbba two Danish capteines with their power lie in Eastangle, Osbright and Ella kings of Northumberland slaine of the Danes in battell, they set Yorke on fire, a commendation of bishop Adelstan, his departure out of this life._

THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Bertwolfe. of Mercia.] After Wightlafe king of Mercia, one Bertwolfe reigned as tributarie vnto the Westsaxons, the space of 13 yeeres, about the end of which tearme he was chased out of his countrie by the Danes, and then one Burthred was made king of that kingdome, which maried Ethelswida the [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ saith the daughter.] [Sidenote: _Ranulf. Cest._] [Sidenote: _Iohn Capgraue._] sister of Ethelwolfe king of Westsaxons. In this season, one Modwen a virgine in Ireland was greatlie renowmed in the world, vnto whome the forenamed king Ethelwolfe sent his sonne Alfred to be cured of a disease, that was thought incurable: but by hir meanes he recouered health, and therefore when hir monasterie was destroied in Ireland, Modwen came ouer into England, vnto whom king Ethelwolfe gaue land to build two abbeies, and also deliuered vnto hir his sister Edith to be professed a nun. Modwen herevpon built two monasteries, one at Pouleswoorth, ioining to the bounds of Arderne, wherein she placed the foresaid Edith, with Osith and Athea: the other, whether it was a monasterie or cell, she founded in Strenshall or Trentsall, where she hir selfe remained solitarie a certeine time in praier, and other vertuous exercises. And (as it is reported) she went thrice to Rome, and finallie died, being 130 yéeres of age. Hir bodie was first buried in an Iland compassed about with the riuer of Trent called Andresey, taking that name of a church or chappell of saint Andrew, which she had built in the same Iland, and dwelled therein for the space of seuen yéeres. Manie monasteries she builded, both in England (as partlie aboue is mentioned) and also in Scotland, as at Striueling, Edenbrough; and in Ireland, at Celestline, and elsewhere.

[Sidenote: ETHELBALD AND ETHELBRIGHT.] [Sidenote: 857.] ETHELBALD and ETHELBRIGHT diuiding their fathers kingdom betwixt them, began to reigne, Ethelbald ouer the Westsaxons and the Southsaxons, and Ethelbright ouer them of Kent and Essex, in the yéere of our Lord 857, which was in the second yéere of the emperor Lewes the second, & the 17 of Charles surnamed Caluus or the bald king of France, and about the first yéere of Donald the fift of that name king of Scots. [Sidenote: The vnlawful mariage of Ethelbald.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] The said Ethelbald greatlie to his reproch tooke to wife his mother in law quéene Iudith, or rather (as some write) his owne mother, whom his father had kept as concubine. He liued not past fiue yéeres in gouernement of the kingdome, but was taken out of this life to the great sorrow of his subiects whome he ruled right worthilie, and so as they had him in great loue and estimation. Then his brother Ethelbright tooke on him the rule of the whole gouernment, as well ouer the Westsaxons & them of Sussex, as ouer the Kentishmen and them of Essex.

[Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: Winchester destroied by Danes.] In his daies the Danes came on land, and destroid the citie of Winchester: but duke Osrike with them of Hamshire, and duke Adelwolfe [Sidenote: Danes vanquished.] with the Barkeshire men gaue the enimies battell, & vanquishing them, slue of them a great number. In the fift yeere of Ethelbrights reigne, a nauie of Danes arriued in the Ile of Tenet, vnto whome when the Kentishmen had promised a summe of monie to haue a truce granted for a time, the Danes one night, before the tearme of that truce was expired, brake foorth and wasted all the east part of Kent: wherevpon the Kentishmen assembled togither, made towardes those trucebreakers, and caused them to depart out of the countrie. The same yéere, after that Ethelbright had ruled well and peaceably the Westsaxons fiue yeeres, and the Kentishmen ten yéeres, he ended his life, and was buried at Shireborne, as his brother Ethelbald was before him.

[Sidenote: ETHELRED.] [Sidenote: 867.] After Ethelbright succéeded his brother ETHELRED, and began his reigne ouer the Westsaxons and the more part of the English people, in the yéere of our Lord 867, and in the 12 yéere of the emperour Lewes, in the 27 yéere of the reigne of Charles Caluus king of France, and about the 6 yéere of Constantine the second king of Scots. Touching this Ethelred, he was in time of peace a most courteous prince, and one that by all kind of meanes sought to win the hearts of the people: but abroad in the warres he was sharpe and sterne, as he that vnderstood what apperteined to good order, so that he would suffer no offense to escape vnpunished. By which meanes he was famous both in peace and warre: but he neither liued any long time in the gouernement, nor yet was suffered to passe the short space that he reigned in rest and quietnesse.

[Sidenote: Foure yéeres six moneths saith _Harison._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: Ethelred fought with the Danes nine times in one yéere.] For whereas he reigned not past six yeeres, he was continuallie during that tearme vexed with the inuasion of the Danes, and speciallie towards the latter end, insomuch that (as hath béene reported of writers) he fought with them nine times in one yéere: and although with diuers and variable fortune, yet for the more part he went away with the victorie. Beside that, he oftentimes lay in wait for their forragers, and such as straied abroad to rob and spoile the countrie, whom he met withall and ouerthrew. There were slaine in his time nine earles of those Danes, and one king, beside other of the meaner sort without number.

But here is to be vnderstood, that in this meane time, whilest Ethelred was busied in warre to resist the inuasions of the Danes in the south and west parts of this land, the kings and rulers of Mercia and Northumberland taking occasion therof, began to withdraw their [Sidenote: The kings of Mercia and Northumberland neglect their duties.] couenanted subiection from the Westsaxons, and tooke vpon them as it were the absolute gouernment and rule of their countries, without respect to aid one another, but rather were contented to susteine the enimies within their dominions, than to preuent the iniurie with dutifull assistance to those, whom by allegiance they were bound to serue and obeie.

[Sidenote: The Danes grow in puisance.] By reason hereof, the Danes without resistance grew into greater power amongst them, whilest the inhabitants were still put in feare each day more than other, and euerie late gotten victorie by the enimies by the increase of prisoners, ministred occasion of some other conquest to follow. Euen about the beginning of Ethelreds reigne, there arriued vpon the English coasts an huge armie of the Danes, vnder the conduct [Sidenote: Hungar and Vbba.] of two renowmed capteins Hungar and Vbba, men of maruellous strength and valiancie, but both of them passing cruell of nature. They lay all the winter season in Estangle, compounding with them of the countrie for truce vpon certeine conditions, sparing for a time to shew their force for quietnesse sake.

In the second yéere of king Ethelred, the said capteins came with their armies into Yorkshire, finding the country vnprouided of necessarie defense bicause of the ciuill discord that reigned among [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: King Osbright deposed and Ella placed.] the Northumbers, the which had latelie expelled king Osbright, that had the gouernement of those parts, and placed one Ella in his roome: howbeit now they were constreined to reuoke him home againe, and sought to accord him and Ella. But it was long yer that might be brought to passe, notwithstanding yet at length they were made friends, by reason of this inuasion attempted by forren enimies, and then raising their powers they came to Yorke, where the Danes, hauing wasted the countrie euen to the riuer of Tine, were lodged.

The English host entring the citie, began to fight with the Danes, by reason whereof a sore battell insued betwixt them: but in the end the [Sidenote: Osbright and Ella kings of Northumberland slaine.] two kings Osbright and Ella were slaine, and a great number of the Northumbers, what within the citie, and what without lost their liues at that time, the residue were constreined to take truce with the [Sidenote: It must be vpon the 10 kalends of Aprill, or else it will not concurre with Palmsunday.] [Sidenote: Sée _Mat. West._] Danes. This battell was fought the 21 day of March being in Lent, on the Friday before Palmsunday, in the yere 657.

¶ Some haue written otherwise of this battell, reporting that the Northumbers calling home king Osbright (whome before they had banished) incountred with the Danes in the field, without the walles of Yorke, but they were easilie beaten backe, and chased into the [Sidenote: Yorke burnt by Danes.] citie, the which by the Danes pursuing the victorie, was set on fier and burnt, togither with the king and people that were fled into it for succour. How soeuer it came about, certeine it is, that the Danes got the victorie, and now hauing subdued the Northumbers, appointed one Egbert to reigne ouer them as king, vnder their protection, which Egbert reigned in that sort six yeares ouer those which inhabited beyond the riuer of Tine. In the same yeare, Adelstane bishop of Shireborne departed this life, hauing gouerned that sée the terme of [Sidenote: The commendation of Adelstan bishop of Shirborne.] 50 yeares. This Adelstane was a man of high wisedome, and one that had borne no small rule in the kingdome of the Westsaxons, as hereby it may be coniectured, that when king Ethelwulfe returned from Rome, he would not suffer him to be admitted king, because he had doone in certeine points contrarie to the ordinances and lawes of the same kingdome, wherevpon by this bishops means Ethelbald the sonne of the same king Ethelwulfe was established king, and so continued till by agréement the kingdome was diuided betwixt them, as before is mentioned. Finallie, he greatlie inriched the sée of Shireborne, and [Sidenote: Bishop Adelstan couetous.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] yet though he was feruentlie set on couetousnesse, he was neuerthelesse verie free and liberall in gifts: which contrarie extremities so ill matched, though in him (the time wherein he liued being considered) they might seeme somewhat tollerable; yet simplie & in truth they were vtterlie repugnant to the law of the spirit, which biddeth that none should doo euill that good may come thereof. Against which precept because Adelstane could not but offend in the heat of his couetousnes, which is termed the root of all mischiefe, though he was excéeding bountifull and large in distributing the wealth he had gréedilie gotten togither, he must néeds incur reprehension. But this is so much the lesse to be imputed vnto him as a fault, by how much he was ignorant what (by the rule of equitie and conscience) was requirable in a christian man, or one of his vocation.

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_Burthred king of Mercia with aid beseegeth the Danes in Notingham, Basreeg and Halden two Danish kings with their powers inuade the Westsaxons, they are incountred by Ethelwulfe earle of Barkeshire; King Ethelred giueth them and their cheefe guides a sore discomfiture; what Polydor Virgil recordeth touching one Iuarus king of the Danes, and the warres that Ethelred had with them, his death; Edmund king of Eastangles giueth battell to the Danes, he yeeldeth himselfe, and for christian religion sake is by them most cruellie murthered, the kingdome of the Eastangles endeth, Guthrun a Dane gouerneth the whole countrie, K. Osbright rauisheth the wife of one Bearne a noble man, a bloodie battell insueth therevpon, wherein Osbright and Ella are slaine._

THE TWELFT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: BURTHRED king of Mercia.] In the yeare following, that is to say, in the third yéere of Ethelreds reigne, he with his brother Alured went to aid Burthred king of Mercia, against the two foresaid Danish capteines Hungar and Vbba, the which were entred into Mercia, and had woon the towne for the winter season. Wherevpon the foresaid Ethelred and Burthred with their [Sidenote: Danes besieged in Notingham.] powers came to Notingham, and besieged the Danes within it. The Danes perceiuing themselues in danger, made suite for a truce & abstinence from war, which they obteined, and then departed backe to Yorke, where they soiourned the most part of all that yeare.

In the sixt yeare of king Ethelreds reigne, a new armie of great force and power came into the countrie of the Westsaxons vnder two leaders [Sidenote: Basreeg and Halden.] or kings of the Danes, Basréeg and Halden. They lodged at Reding with their maine armie, and within thrée daies after the earle of [Sidenote: Edelwulfe, erle of Barkshire fought at Englefield with the Danes.] Berrockshire Edelwulfe fought at Englefield with two earles of those Danes, vanquished them, and slue the one of those earles, whose name was Sidroc. After this king Ethelred and his brother Alured came with a great host vnto Reding, and there gaue battell vnto the armie of Danes, so that an huge number of people died on both parts, but the Danes had the victorie.

[Sidenote: The Danes wan the victory at Reading.] After this also king Ethelred and his brother Alured fought againe with those Danes at Aschdon, where the armies on both sides were diuided into two parts, so that the two Danish kings lead the one part of their armie, & certeine of their earles lead the other part. Likewise on the English side king Ethelred was placed with one part of the host against the Danish kings, and Alured with the other part was appointed to incounter with the earles. Herevpon they being on both parts readie to giue battell, the euening comming on caused them to deferre it till the morow. And so earlie in the morning when the armies should ioine, king Ethelred staied in his tent to heare diuine seruice, whilest his brother vpon a forward courage hasted to incounter his enimies, the which receiued him so sharplie, and with so cruell fight, that at length, the Englishmen were at point to haue turned their backs. But herewith came king Ethelred and manfullie ended the battell, staied his people from running away, and so encouraged them, and discouraged the enimies, that by the power of God [Sidenote: The Danes discomfited.] (whom as was thought in the morning he had serued) the Danes finallie were chased and put to flight, losing one of their kings (that is to say) Basreeg or Osreeg, and 5 earles, Sidroc the elder, and Sidroc the yoonger, Osberne, Freine, and Harold. This battell was sore foughten, and continued till night, with the slaughter of manie thousands of Danes. About 14 daies after, king Ethelred and his brother Alured fought eftsoones with the Danish armie at Basing, where the Danes had [Sidenote: A battell at Merton.] the victorie. Also two moneths after this they likewise fought with the Danes at Merton. And there the Danes, after they had béene put to the woorse, & pursued in chase a long time, yet at length they also [Sidenote: He was bishop of Shireborne as _Matt. West._ saith.] got the victorie, in which battell Edmund bishop of Shireborne was slaine, and manie other that were men of woorthie fame and good account.

In the summer following, a mightie host of the Danes came to Reading, [Sidenote: _Polyd. Virg._] [Sidenote: Iuarus.] and there soiourned for a time. ¶ These things agrée not with that which Polydor Virgil hath written of these warres which king Ethelred had with the Danes: for he maketh mention of one Iuarus a king of the Danes, who landed (as he writeth) at the mouth of Humber, and like a stout enimie inuaded the countrie adioining. Against whome Ethelred with his brother Alured came with an armie, and incountring the Danes, fought with them by the space of a whole day togither, and was in danger to haue béene put to the woorse, but that the night seuered them asunder. In the morning they ioined againe: but the death of Iuarus, who chanced to be slaine in the beginning of the battell, [Sidenote: Danes put to flight.] discouraged the Danes, so that they were easilie put to flight, of whome (before they could get out of danger) a great number were slaine. But after that they had recouered themselues togither, and found but a conuenient place where to pitch their campe, they chose to [Sidenote: Agnerus and Hubba.] their capteines Agnerus, and Hubba, two brethren, which indeuored themselues by all meanes possible to repaire their armie: so that within 15 daies after, the Danes eftsoones fought with the Englishmen, and gaue them such an ouerthrow, that little wanted of making an end of all incounters to be attempted after by the Englishmen.

But yet within a few daies after this, as the Danes attended their market to spoile the countrie and range somewhat licentiouslie abroad, they fell within the danger of such ambushes as were laid for them by king Ethelred, that no small slaughter was made of them, but yet not without some losse of the Englishmen. Amongest others, Ethelred himselfe receiued a wound, whereof he shortlie after died. Thus saith Polydor touching the warres which king Ethelred had with the Danes, who yet confesseth (as the trueth is) that such authors as he herein followed, varie much from that which the Danish writers doo record of these matters, and namelie touching the dooings of Iuarus, as in the Danish historie you may sée more at large.

But now to our purpose touching the death of king Ethelred, whether by reason of hurt receiued in fight against the Danes (as Polydor saith) or otherwise, certeine it is, that Ethelred anon after Easter departed [Sidenote: Winborne abbeie.] this life, in the sixt yeare of his reigne, and was buried at Winborne [Sidenote: Agnerus.] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: 870.] [Sidenote: Edmund K. of the Eastangles.] abbey. In the daies of this Ethelred, the foresaid Danish capteins, Hungar, otherwise called Agnerus, and Hubba returning from the north parts into the countrie of the Eastangles, came vnto Thetford, whereof Edmund, who reigned as king in that season ouer the Eastangles, being aduertised, raised an armie of men, and went foorth to giue battell vnto this armie of the Danes. But he with his people was chased out of [Sidenote: Framingham castell.] the field, and fled to the castell of Framingham, where being enuironed with a siege by his enimies, he yéelded himselfe vnto them. And because he would not renounce the christian faith, they bound him [Sidenote: King Edmund shot to death.] to a trée, and shot arrowes at him till he died: and afterwards cut off his head from his bodie, and threw the same into a thicke groue of bushes. But afterwards his friends tooke the bodie with the head, and [Sidenote: Eglesdon.] buried the same at Eglesdon: where afterward also a faire monasterie was builded by one bishop Aswin, and changing the name of the place, it was after called saint Edmundsburie. Thus was king Edmund put to death by the cruell Danes for his constant confessing the name of Christ, in the 16 yeare of his reigne, and so ceased the kingdome of Eastangles. For after that the Danes had thus slaine that blessed man, they conquered all the countrie, & wasted it, so that through their [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: Eastangles without a gouernour.] tyrannie it remained without anie gouernor by the space of nine [Sidenote: Guthrun a Dane king of Eastangles.] yeares, and then they appointed a king to rule ouer it, whose name was Guthrun, one of their owne nation, who gouerned both the Eastangles and the Eastsaxons.

Ye haue heard how the Danes slue Osrike and Ella kings of Northumberland. After which victorie by them obteined, they did much [Sidenote: _Polychron._] hurt in the north parts of this land, and amongest other cruell deeds, they destroied the citie of Acluid, which was a famous citie in the time of the old Saxons, as by Beda and other writers dooth manifestlie [Sidenote: _Caxton._] appeare. Here is to be remembred, that some writers rehearse the cause to be this. Osbright or Osrike king of Northumberland rauished the wife of one Berne that was a noble man of the countrie about Yorke, who tooke such great despight thereat, that he fled out of the land, and went into Denmarke, and there complained vnto the king of Denmarke his coosin of the iniurie doone to him by king Osbright. Wherevpon the king of Denmarke, glad to haue so iust a quarell against them of Northumberland, furnished foorth an armie, and sent the same by sea (vnder the leading of his two brethren Hungar and Hubba) into Northumberland, where they slue first the said king Osbright, and after king Ella, at a place besides Yorke, which vnto this day is called Ellas croft, taking that name of the said Ella, being there slaine in defense of his countrie against the Danes. Which Ella (as we find registred by writers) was elected king by such of the Northumbers, as in fauour of Berne had refused to be subiect vnto Osbright.

* * * * *

_Alfred ruleth ouer the Westsaxons and the greatest part of England, the Danes afflict him with sore warre, and cruellie make wast of his kingdome, they lie at London a whole winter, they inuade Mercia, the king whereof (Burthred by name) forsaketh his countrie and goeth to Rome, his death and buriall; Halden king of the Danes diuideth Northumberland among his people; Alfred incountreth with the Danes vpon the sea, they sweare to him that they will depart out of his kingdome, they breake the truce which was made betwixt him and them, he giueth them battell, and (besides a great discomfiture) killeth manie of their capteines, the Danes and English fight neere Abington, the victorie vncerteine, seuen foughten fieldes betwixt them in one yeare, the Danes soiourne at London._

THE XIIJ. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: ALURED OR ALFRED.] [Sidenote: 871. as _Mat. West._ & _Sim. Dunelmen._ doo note it.] [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] After the decease of king Ethelred, his brother Alured or Alfred succéeded him, and began his reigne ouer the Westsaxons, and other the more part of the people of England, in the yeare of our Lord 872, which was in the 19 yeare of the emperour Lewes the second, and 32 yeare of the reigne of Charles the bald, king of France, and about the eleuenth yeare of Constantine the second king of Scotland. Although this Alured was consecrated king in his fathers life time by pope Leo (as before ye haue heard) yet was he not admitted king at home, till after the decease of his thrée elder brethren: for he being the yoongest, was kept backe from the gouernement, though he were for his wisdome and policie most highlie estéemed and had in all honour.

[Sidenote: Alured persecuted by Danes.] [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._] In the beginning of his reigne he was wrapped in manie great troubles and miseries, speciallie by the persecution of the Danes, which made sore and greeuous wars in sundrie parts of this land, destroieng the same in most cruell wise. About a moneth after he was made king, he [Sidenote: The Danes obteine the victorie.] gaue battell to the Danes of Wilton, hauing with him no great number of people, so that although in the beginning the Danes that day were put to the woorse, yet in the end they obteined the victorie. Shortlie after, a truce was taken betwixt the Danes and the Westsaxons. And the Danes that had lien at Reading, remoued from thence vnto London, where [Sidenote: The Danes wintered at London.] [Sidenote: 874.] they lay all the winter season. In the second yeare of Alured his reigne, the Danish king Halden led the same armie from London into Lindseie, and there lodged all that winter at Torkseie. In the yeare [Sidenote: Repton.] following, the same Halden inuaded Mercia, and wintered at Ripindon. There were come to him thrée other leaders of Danes which our writers name to be kings, Godrun, Esketell, & Ammond, so that their power was [Sidenote: Burthred king of Mercia.] greatlie increased. Burthred king of Mercia which had gouerned that countrie by the space of 22 yéeres, was not able to withstand the puissance of those enimies: wherevpon he was constreined to auoid the countrie, and went to Rome, where he departed this life, and was buried in the church of our ladie, néere to the English schoole.

[Sidenote: 875.] In the fourth yeare of king Alured the armie of the Danes diuided it selfe into two parts, so that king Halden with one part thereof went [Sidenote: The Danes went into Northumberland.] into Northumberland, and lay in the winter, season néere to the riuer of Tine, where hee diuided the countrie amongest his men, and remained there for the space of two yeares, and oftentimes fetched thither booties and preis out of the countrie of the Picts. The other part of [Sidenote: The Danes at Cambridge.] [Sidenote: 876.] the Danish armie with the thrée foresaid kings or leaders came vnto Cambridge, and remained there a whole yeare. In the same yeare king Alured fought by sea with 7 ships of Danes, tooke one of them, & chased the residue. In the yeare next insuing, the Danes came into the countrie of the Westsaxons, and king Alured tooke truce with them [Sidenote: The Danes tooke an oth.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] againe, and they sware to him (which they had not vsed to doo to anie afore that time) that they would depart the countrie. Their armie by sea sailing from Warham toward Excester, susteined great losse by tempest, for there perished 120 ships at Swanewicke.

[Sidenote: The Danes went to Excester.] Moreouer the armie of the Danes by land went to Excester in breach of the truce, and king Alured followed them, but could not ouertake them till they came to Excester, and there he approched them in such wise, [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] that they were glad to deliuer pledges for performance of such couenants as were accorded betwixt him and them. And so then they departed out of the countrie, and drew into Mercia. But shortlie after, when they had the whole gouernment of the land, from Thames northward, they thought it not good to suffer king Alured to continue in rest with the residue of the countries beyond Thames. And therefore the thrée foresaid rulers of Danes, Godrun, Esketell, and Ammond, [Sidenote: 877.] inuading the countrie of Westsaxons came to Chipnam, distant 17 miles from Bristow, & there pitched their tents.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._] King Alured aduertised hereof, hasted thither, and lodging with his armie néere to the enimies, prouoked them to battell. The Danes perceiuing that either they must fight for their liues, or die with shame, boldlie came foorth, and gaue battell. The Englishmen rashlie incountered with them, and though they were ouermatched in number, yet with such violence they gaue the onset, that the enimies at the first were abashed at their hardie assaults. But when as it was perceiued that their slender ranks were not able to resist the thicke leghers of the enimies, they began to shrinke & looke backe one vpon an other, and so of force were constrained to retire: and therewithal did cast themselues into a ring, which though it séemed to be the best way that could be deuised for their safetie, yet by the great force and number of their enimies on each side assailing them, they were so thronged togither on heaps, that they had no roome to stir their weapons. Which disaduantage notwithstanding, they slue a great number of the Danes, [Sidenote: Hubba slaine.] and amongest other, Hubba the brother of Agner, with manie other of the Danish capteins. At length the Englishmen hauing valiantlie foughten a long time with the enimies, which had compassed them about, at last brake out and got them to their campe. To be briefe, this [Sidenote: The victorie doubtful.] battell was foughten with so equall fortune, that no man knew to whether part the victorie ought to be ascribed. But after they were once seuered, they tooke care to cure their hurt men, and to burie the dead bodies, namelie the Danes interred the bodie of their capteine Hubba with great funerall pompe and solemnitie: which doone, they held [Sidenote: Abington.] out their iournie till they came to Abington, whither the English armie shortlie after came also, and incamped fast by the enimies.

In this meane while, the rumor was spread abroad that king Alured had béene discomfited by the Danes, bicause that in the last battell he withdrew to his campe. This turned greatlie to his aduantage: for thereby a great number of Englishmen hasted to come to his succour. [Sidenote: The Danes and Englishmen fight néer to Abington.] On the morrow after his comming to Abington, he brought his armie readie to fight into the field: neither were the enimies slacke, on their parts to receiue the battell, and so the two armies ioined and fought verie sore on both sides: so that it séemed the Englishmen men had not to doo with those Danes, which had béene diuerse times before discomfited and put to flight, but rather with some new people fresh and lustie. But neither the one part nor the other was minded to giue ouer: in so much that the horssemen alighting on foot, and putting their horsses from them, entered the battell amongst the footmen, and thus they continued with equall aduantage till night came on, which parted the affraie, being one of the sorest foughten fields that had [Sidenote: Vncerteine victorie.] [Sidenote: Thus farre _Polydor._] beene heard of in those daies. To whether partie a man might iustlie attribute the victorie, it was vtterlie vncerteine, with so like losse & gaine the matter was tried & ended betwixt them. With the semblable [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] chance of danger and glorie seuen times that yéere did the English and Danes incounter in battell, as writers haue recorded. At length, when [Sidenote: A peace agreed vpon.] their powers on both parts were sore diminished, they agréed vpon a peace, with these conditions, that the Danes should not attempt anie further warre against the Englishmen, nor bring into this land anie new supplie of souldiers out of Denmarke. But this peace by those peacemakers was violated and broken, in so much as they ment nothing lesse than to fall from the conceiued hope which they had of bearing rule in this land, and of inriching themselues with the goods, possessions, rents and reuenues of the inhabitants. The same yéere the [Sidenote: The Danes sojourned at London.] Danes soiorned in the winter season at London, according as they had doone often times before.

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_Rollo a noble man of Denmarke with a fresh power entreth England, and beginneth to waste it, king Alured giueth him batell, Rollo saileth ouer into France; who first inhabited Normandie, and whereof it tooke that name; the Danes breake the peace which was made betwixt them and Alured, he is driuen to his shifts by their inuasions into his kingdome, a vision appeereth to him and his mother; king Alured disguising himselfe like a minstrell entereth the Danish campe, marketh their behauiour unsuspected, assalteth them on the sudden with a fresh power, and killeth manie of them at aduantage; the Deuonshire men giue the Danes battell vnder the conduct of Haldens brother, and are discomfited; Alured fighteth with them at Edanton, they giue him hostages, Gurthrun their king is baptised and named Adelstan, a league concluded betwixt both the kings, the bounds of Alureds kingdome._

THE XIIIJ. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Ann. 876. saith _Simon Dun._] About the same time, or shortlie after, there came into England one Rollo, a noble man of Denmarke or Norway, with a great armie, and (notwithstanding the peace concluded betweene the Englishmen and the Danes) began to waste and destroy the countrie. King Alured hearing these newes, with all spéed thought best in the beginning to stop such a common mischiefe, and immediatlie assembling his people, went against the enimies, and gaue them battell, in the which there died a great number of men on both sides, but the greater losse fell to Rollo his armie. Yet Matthew Westmin. saith that the Englishmen were put to flight. After this, it chanced that Rollo being warned in a dreame, left England, & sailed ouer into France, where he found fortune so [Sidenote: 30 yéeres after this he was baptised.] fauourable to him, that he obteined in that region for him and his people a countrie, the which was afterwards named Normandie, of those northerne people which then began to inhabit the same, as in the histories of France you maie sée more at large.

The Danes which had concluded peace with king Alured (as before you haue heard) shortlie after vpon the first occasion, brake the same, and by often inuasions which they made into the countrie of Westsaxons, brought the matter to that passe, that there remained to [Sidenote: King Alured driuen to his shifts.] king Alured but onlie the three countries of Hamshire, Wiltshire, & Summersetshire, in so much that he was constreined for a time to kéepe himselfe close within the fennes and maresh grounds of Summersetshire, with such small companies as he had about him, constreined to get their liuing with fishing, hunting, and other such shifts. He remained [Sidenote: Edlingsey.] for the most part within an Ile called Edlingsey, that is to say, the Iland of noble men, enuironed about with fennes and mareshes.

[Sidenote: A vision if it be true.] Whiles he was thus shut vp within this Iland, he was by dreame aduertised of better hap shortlie to follow: for as it hath béene said, saint Cuthbert appéered to him as he laie in sléepe, and comforted him, declaring to him, that within a while fortune should so turne, that he should recouer againe his kingdome to the confusion of his enimies. And to assure him that this should prooue true, he told him that his men which were gone abroad to catch fish, should bring home great plentie, although the season was against them, by reason that the waters were frosen, and that a cold rime fell that morning, to the hinderance of their purpose. His mother also at that time being in sleepe, saw the like vision. And as they had dreamed, so it came to passe: for being awakened out of their sleepe, in came his men with so great foison of fish, that the same might haue sufficed a great armie of men, for the vittelling of them at that season.

[Sidenote: King Alured disguiseth himselfe.] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] Shortlie after, king Alured tooke vpon him the habit of a minstrell, and going foorth of his closure, repaired to the campe of the Danish king, onelie accompanied with one trustie seruant, and tarrieng there certeine daies togither, was suffered to go into euerie part, and plaie on his instrument, as well afore the king as others, so that there was no secret, but that he vnderstood it. Now when he had séene and learned the demeanour of his enimies, he returned againe to his people at Edlingsey, and there declared to his nobles what he had séene and heard, what negligence was amongst the enimies, and how easie a matter it should be for him to indamage them. Wherevpon they conceiuing a maruellous good hope, and imboldened with his words, a power was assembled togither, and spies sent foorth to learne and bring woord where the Danes lodged: which being doone, and certificat [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] [Sidenote: 877.] made accordinglie, king Alured comming vpon them on the sudden, slue of them a great number, hauing them at great aduantage.

[Sidenote: 878.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] About the same time the brother of king Halden came with thirtie and three ships out of Wales into the countrie of Westsaxons, on the coast of Deuonshire, where the Deuonshire men gaue him battell, and slue him with 840 persons of his retinue. Other write, that Halden himselfe was present at this conflict, with Inguare, otherwise called Hungar, and [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] that they were both slaine there, with twelue hundred of their companie (before a certeine castell called Kinwith) receiuing as they had deserued for their cruell dealing latelie by them practised in the parties of Southwales, where they had wasted all afore them with fire and swoord, not sparing abbeies more than other common buildings.

King Alured being with that good lucke the more comforted, builded a [Sidenote: Athelney.] fortresse in the Ile of Edlingsey, afterwards called Athelney, and breaking out oftentimes vpon the enimies, distressed them at sundrie times with the aid of the Summersetshire men, which were at hand. About the seuenth wéeke after Easter, in the seuenth yéere of his reigne, king Alured went to Eglerighston, on the east part of Selwood, where there came to him the people of Summersetshire, Wiltshire, & [Sidenote: Edantdune.] [Sidenote: This battell should séeme the same that _Polydor_ speaketh fought at Abingdon.] [Sidenote: _Polychron._] [Sidenote: _Iohn Pike._] of Hamshire, reioising greatlie to sée him abroad. From thence he went to Edanton, & there fought against the armie of the Danes, and chased them vnto their strength, where he remained afore them the space of fouretéene daies. Then the armie of the Danes deliuered him hostages and couenants to depart out of his dominions, and that their king [Sidenote: Gurthrun or Gurmund baptised, and named Adelstan is made king of Eastangle.] should be baptised, which was accomplished: for Gurthrun, whome some name Gurmond, a prince or king amongst these Danes, came to Alured and was baptised, king Alured receiuing him at the fontstone, named him Adelstan, and gaue to him the countrie of Eastangle, which he gouerned (or rather spoiled) by the space of twelue yéeres.

Diuerse other of the Danish nobilitie to the number of thirtie (as Simon Dunelmensis saith) came at the same time in companie of their king Gurthrun, and were likewise baptised, on whòme king Alured bestowed manie rich gifts. At the same time (as is to be thought) was the league concluded betwixt king Alured and the said Gurthrun or Gurmond, in which the bounds of king Alureds kingdome are set foorth thus: "First therefore let the bounds or marshes of our dominion stretch vnto the riuer of Thames, and from thence to the water of Lée, euen vnto the head of the same water, and so foorth streight vnto Bedford: and finallie going alongst by the riuer of Ouse, let them end at Watlingstréet."

This league being made with the aduise of the same sage personages as well English as those that inhabited within east England, is set foorth in maister Lamberts booke of the old English lawes, in the end of those lawes or ordinances which were established by the same king Alured, as in the same booke ye may sée more at large.

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_Th' English called diuers people Danes whom the French named Normans, whervpon that generall name was giuen them; Gurmo Anglicus K. of Denmark, whose father Frotto was baptised in England; the Danes besiege Rochester, Alfred putteth them to flight, recouereth London out of their hands, and committeth it to the custodie of duke Eldred his sonne in law; he assaulteth Hasting a capteine of the Danes, causeth him to take an oth, his two sonnes are baptised; he goeth foorth to spoile Alfreds countrie, his wife, children, and goods, &c: are taken, and fauourablie giuen him againe; the Danes besiege Excester, they flie to their ships, gaine with great losse, they are vanquished by the Londoners, the death of Alfred, his issue male and female._

THE XV. CHAPTER.

Here is to be noted, that writers name diuerse of the Danish capteins, kings (of which no mention is made in the Danish chronicles) to reigne in those parties. But true it is, that in those daies, not onelie the Danish people, but also other of those northeast countries or regions, as Swedeners, Norwegians, the Wondens, and such other (which the English people called by one generall name Danes, and the Frenchmen Normans) vsed to roaue on the seas, and to inuade forren regions, as England, France, Flanders, and others, as in conuenient places ye may find, as well in our histories, as also in the writers of the French histories, and likewise in the chronicles of those north regions. The [Sidenote: Gurmo.] writers verelie of the Danish chronicles make mention of one Gurmo, whome they name Anglicus, bicause he was borne here in England, which succeeded his father Frotto in gouernement of the kingdome of Denmarke, which Frotto receiued baptisme in England, as their stories tell.

[Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: 878.] In the eight yéere of king Alfred his reigne, the armie of the Danes wintered at Cirencester, and the same yéere an other armie of strangers called Wincigi laie at Fulham, and in the yéere following departed foorth of England, and went into France, and the armie of [Sidenote: 879.] king Godrun or Gurmo departed from Cirencester, and came into Eastangle, and there diuiding the countrie amongst them, began to [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] inhabit the same. In the 14 yéere of king Alfred his reigne, part of [Sidenote: Rochester beseiged.] [Sidenote: 885.] the Danish armie which was gone ouer into France, returned into England and besieged Rochester. But when Alfred approched to the reskue, the enimies fled to their ships, and passed ouer the sea againe. King Alfred sent a nauie of his ships well furnished with men of warre into Eastangle, the which at the mouth of the riuer called Sture, incountering with 16 ships of the Danes, set vpon them, and ouercame them in fight: but as they returned with their prises, they incountered with another mightie armie of the enimies, and fighting with them were ouercome and vanquished.

[Sidenote: 889.] [Sidenote: London recouered out of the hands of the Danes.] In the yeere following, king Alfred besieged the citie of London, the Danes that were within fled from thence, and the Englishmen that were inhabitants thereof gladlie receiued him, reioising that there was such a prince bred of their nation, that was of power able to reduce them into libertie. This citie being at that season the chiefe of all Mercia, he deliuered into the kéeping of duke Eldred, which had maried [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: Ethelfleda.] [Sidenote: Colwolphas.] his daughter Ethelfleda, & held a great portion of Mercia, which Colwolphus before time possesed by the grant of the Danes, after they had subdued K. Burthred (as before is said.) About the 21 yere of K. Alfred, an armie of those Danes & Normans, which had béene in France, [Sidenote: Limer, now Rother.] [Sidenote: Andredeslegia.] [Sidenote: A castell built at Appledore.] [Sidenote: 893.] returned into England, and arriued in the hauen or riuer of Limene in the east part of Kent, néere to the great wood called Andredesley, which did conteine in times past 120 miles in length, and thirtie in breadth. These Danes landing with their people builded a castle at [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: At Milton.] [Sidenote: Hasting the capteine of the Danes besieged.] [Sidenote: He receiueth an oth.] Appledore. In the meane time came Hasting with 80 ships into the Thames, and builded a castle at Middleton, but he was constreined by siege which king Alfred planted about him, to receiue an oth that he should not in any wise annoie the dominion of king Alfred, who vpon his promise to depart, gaue great gifts as well to him as to his wife and children. One of his sonnes also king Alfred held at the fontstone, and to the other duke Aldred was god father. For (as it were to win credit, and to auoid present danger) Hasting sent vnto Alfred these his two sonnes, signifieng that if it stood with his pleasure, he could be content that they should be baptised. But [Sidenote: Beanfield saith _M. West._] neuerthelesse this Hasting was euer most vntrue of word and déed, he builded a castle at Beamfield. And as he was going foorth to spoile and wast the kings countries, Alfred tooke that castle, with his wife, [Sidenote: This enterprise was atchiued by Etheldred duke of Mercia in the absence of the king, as _Matth. West._ hath noted.] children, ships and goods, which he got togither of such spoiles as he had abroad: but he restored vnto Hasting his wife and children, bicause he was their godfather.

Shortlie after, newes came that a great number of other ships of Danes [Sidenote: Excester besieged.] were come out of Northumberland, and had besieged Excester. Whilest king Alfred went then against them, the other armie which lay at Appledore inuaded Essex, and built a castell in that countrie, and after went into the borders of Wales, and builded another castell [Sidenote: Seuerne.] neere vnto the riuer of Seuerne: but being driuen out of that countrie, they returned againe into Essex. Those that had besieged Excester, vpon knowledge had of king Alfreds comming, fled to their ships, and so remaining on the sea, roaued abroad, séeking preies. Besides this, other armies there were sent foorth, which comming out [Sidenote: Chester taken by Danes.] of Northumberland tooke the citie of Chester, but there they were so [Sidenote: Great famine.] beset about with their enimies, that they were constreined to eate their horsses. At length, in the 24 yéere of king Alfred, they left [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] that citie, and fetcht a compas about Northwales, and so meaning to saile round about the coast to come into Northumberland, they arriued in Essex, and in the winter following drew their ships by the Thames [Sidenote: The water of Luie, now Lée.] into the water of Luie. That armie of Danes which had besieged Excester, tooke preies about Chichester, and was met with, so that they lost manie of their men, and also diuerse of their ships.

In the yéere following, the other armie which had brought the ships [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] into the riuer Luie, began to build a castell néere to the same riuer, twentie miles distant from London: but the Londoners came thither, and [Sidenote: The Londoners victors against the Danes.] giuing battell to the Danes, slue foure of the chiefe capteins. But by Simon Dunel. and Matt. Westm. it should seeme, that the Londoners were at this time put to flight, and that foure of the kings barons were slaine in fight. Howbeit Henrie Hunt. hath written as before I haue recited; and further saith, that when the Danes fled for their refuge to the castell, king Alfred caused the water of Luie to be diuided into thrée chanels, so that the Danes should not bring backe their ships out of the place where they laie at anchor. When the Danes perceiued this, they left their ships behind them, and went into the [Sidenote: Quathbridge or Wakebridge.] borders of Wales, where at Cartbridge vpon Seuerne they built another castell, and lay there all the winter following, hauing left their wiues and children in the countrie of Eastangles. King Alfred pursued them, but the Londoners tooke the enimies ships, and brought some of them to the citie, and the rest they burnt.

Thus for the space of thrée yéeres after the arriuing of the maine armie of the Danes in the hauen of Luie, they sore indamaged the English people, although the Danes themselues susteined more losse at the Englishmens hands than they did to them with all pilfering and [Sidenote: The Danish armie diuided into parts.] spoiling. In the fourth yéere after their comming, the armie was diuided, so that one part of them went into Northumberland, part of them remained in the countrie of Eastangles, & another part went into France. Also certeine of their ships came vpon the coast of the Westsaxons, oftentimes setting their men on land to rob and spoile the countrie. But king Alfred tooke order in the best wise he might for defense of his countrie and people, and caused certeine mightie vessels to be builded, which he appointed foorth to incounter with the enimies ships.

[Sidenote: The death of king Alfred.] Thus like a worthie prince and politike gouernor, he preuented each way to resist the force of his enimies, and to safegard his subiects. Finallie after he had reigned 29 yéeres and an halfe, he departed this life the 28 day of October. His bodie was buried at Winchester: he [Sidenote: His issue.] left behind him issue by his wife Ethelwitha the daughter vnto earle Ethelred of Mercia, two sonnes, Edward surnamed the elder, which [Sidenote: Elfleda.] succéeded him, and Adelwold: also thrée daughters, Elfleda or Ethelfleda, Ethelgeda or Edgiua, and Ethelwitha.

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_How Elfleda king Alfreds daughter (being maried) contemned fleshlie pleasure; the praise of Alfred for his good qualities, his lawes for the redresse of théeues, his diuiding of countries into hundreds and tithings, of what monasteries he was founder, he began the foundation of the vniuersitie of Oxford, which is not so ancient as Cambridge by 265 yéeres; king Alfred was learned, his zeale to traine his people to lead an honest life, what learned men were about him, the pitifull murthering of Iohn Scot by his owne scholers, how Alfred diuided the 24 houres of the day and the night for his necessarie purposes, his last will and bequests; the end of the kingdome of Mercia, the Danes haue it in their hands, and dispose it as they list, Eastangle and Northumberland are subiect vnto them, the Northumbers expell Egbert their king, his death; the Danes make Guthred king of Northumberland, priuileges granted to S. Cuthberts shrine; the death of Guthred, and who succéeded him in the seat roiall._

THE XVJ. CHAPTER.

In the end of the former chapter we shewed what children Alfred had, their number & names, among whome we made report of Elfleda, who (as you haue heard) was maried vnto duke Edelred. This gentlewoman left a notable example behind hir of despising fleshlie plesure, for bearing hir husband one child, and sore handled before she could be deliuered, [Sidenote: The notable saieng of Elfleda.] she euer after forbare to companie with hir husband, saieng that it was great foolishnesse to vse such pleasure which therwith should bring so great griefe.

To speake sufficientlie of the woorthie praise due to so noble a prince as Alfred was, might require eloquence, learning, and a large volume. He was of person comelie and beautifull, and better beloued of his father and mother than his other brethren. And although he was (as [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] before is touched) greatly disquieted with the inuasion of forren enimies, yet did he both manfullie from time to time indeuour himselfe to repell them, and also attempted to sée his subiects gouerned in [Sidenote: King Alfred his lawes.] good and vpright iustice. And albeit that good lawes amongst the clinking noise of armor are oftentimes put to silence, yet he perceiuing how his people were gréeued with theeues and robbers, which in time of warre grew and increased, deuised good statutes and wholsome ordinances for punishing of such offenders.

Amongst other things he ordeined that the countries should be diuided into hundreds and tithings, that is to say, quarters conteining a certeine number of towneships adioining togither, so that euerie Englishman liuing vnder prescript of lawes, should haue both his hundred and tithing; that if anie man were accused of anie offense, he should find suertie for his good demeanor: and if he could not find such as would answer for him, then should he tast extremitie of the lawes. And if anie man that was giltie fled before he found suertie, or after: all the inhabitants of the hundred or tithing where he dwelt, shuld be put to their fine. By this deuise he brought his countrie into good tranquillitie, so that he caused bracelets of gold to be hanged vp aloft on hils where anie common waies lay, to sée if anie durst be so hardie to take them away by stealth. He was a liberall prince namely in relieuing of the poore. To churches he confirmed such priuileges as his father had granted before him, and he also sent rewards by way of deuotion vnto Rome, and to the bodie of saint Thomas in India. Sighelmus the bishop of Shireborne bare the same, and brought from thence rich stones, and swéet oiles of inestimable valure. From Rome also he brought a péece of the holy crosse which pope Martinus did send for a present vnto king Alfred.

[Sidenote: Foundation of monastaries.] Moreouer king Alfred founded three goodlie monasteries, one at Edlingsey, where he liued sometime when the Danes had bereaued him almost of all his kingdome, which was after called Athelney, distant from Taunton in Sumersetshire about fiue miles: the second he builded at Winchester, called the new minster: and the third at Shaftesburie, which was an house of nuns, where he made his daughter Ethelgeda or Edgiua abbesse. But the foundation of the vniuersitie of Oxford passed all the residue of his buildings, which he began by the good exhortation and aduise of Neotus an abbat, in those daies highlie estéemed for his vertue and lerning with Alfred. This worke he tooke in hand about the 23 yéere of his reigne, which was in the yéere of [Sidenote: 895.] our Lord 895. So that the vniuersitie of Cambridge was founded before [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: The vniuersitie of Oxford erected.] this other of Oxford about 265 yéeres, as Polydor gathereth. For Sigebert king of the Eastangles began to erect that vniuersitie at Cambridge about the yéere of our Lord 630.

King Alfred was learned himselfe, and giuen much to studie, insomuch that beside diuerse good lawes which he translated into the English toong, gathered togither and published, he also translated diuerse other bookes out of Latine into English, as _Orosius, Pastorale Gregorij, Beda de gestis Anglorum, Boetius de consolatione philosophiæ_, and the booke of Psalmes; but this he finished not, being preuented by death. So this worthie prince minded well toward the common wealth of his people, in that season when learning was little estéemed amongst the west nations, did studie by all meanes [Sidenote: The vertuous zeale of Alured to bring his people to an honest trade of life.] possible to instruct his subiects in the trade of leading an honest life, and to incourage them generallie to imbrace learning. He would not suffer anie to beare office in the court, except he were lerned: and yet he himselfe was twelue yéeres of age before he could read a [Sidenote: He is persuaded by his mother, to applie himselfe to learning.] word on the booke, and was then trained by his mothers persuasion to studie, promising him a goodlie booke which she had in hir hands, if he would learne to read it.

Herevpon going to his booke in sport, he so earnestlie set his mind thereto, that within a small time he profited maruellouslie, and became such a fauorer of learned men, that he delighted most in their companie, to haue conference with them, and allured diuerse to come [Sidenote: Asserius Meuenensis.] [Sidenote: Werefridus.] [Sidenote: Iohn Scot.] vnto him out of other countries, as Asserius Meneuensis bishop of Shirborne, & Werefridus the bishop of Worcester, who by his commandement translated the bookes of Gregories dialogs into English. Also I. Scot, who whiles he was in France translated the book of Dionysius Ariopagita, intituled _Hierarchia_, out of Gréeke into Latine, and after was schoolemaister in the abbeie of Malmesburie, and there murthered by his scholars with penkniues. He had diuerse other about him, both Englishmen & strangers, as Pleimond afterward [Sidenote: Grimbald.] archbishop of Canturburie, Grimbald gouernor of the new monasterie at Winchester, with others.

[Sidenote: Alured diuides the time for his necessarie vses.] But to conclude with this noble prince king Alured, he was so carefull in his office, that he diuided the 24 houres which conteine the day and night, in thrée parts, so that eight houres he spent in writing, reading, and making his praiers, other eight he emploied in relieuing his bodie with meat, drinke and sléepe, and the other eight he bestowed in dispatching of businesse concerning the gouernement of the realme. He had in his chapell a candle of 24 parts, whereof euerie one lasted an houre: so that the sexton, to whome that charge was committed, by burning of this candle warned the king euar how the time [Sidenote: His last will and testament.] passed away. A little before his death, he ordeined his last will and testament, bequeathing halfe the portion of all his goods iustlie gotten, vnto such monasteries as he had founded. All his rents and reuenues he diuided into two equall parts, and the first part he diuided into thrée, bestowing the first vpon his seruants in houshold, the second to such labourers and workemen as he kept in his works of sundrie new buildings, the third part he gaue to strangers. The second whole part of his reuenues was so diuided, that the first portion thereof was dispersed amongst the poore people of his countrie, the second to monasteries, the third to the finding of poore scholers, and the fourth part to churches beyond the sea. He was diligent in inquirie how the iudges of his land behaued themselues in their iudgements, and was a sharpe corrector of them which transgressed in that behalfe. To be briefe, he liued so as he was had in great fauour of his neighbours, & highlie honored among strangers. He maried his daughter Ethelswida or rather Elstride vnto Baldwine earle of Flanders, of whome he had two sonnes Arnulfe and Adulfe, the first succéeding in the erledome of Flanders, and the yoonger was made earle of Bullogne.

The bodie of king Alured was first buried in the bishops church: but afterwards, because the Canons raised a fond tale that the same should walke a nights, his sonne king Edward remoued it into the new monasterie which he in his life time had founded. Finallie, in memorie of him a certeine learned clarke made an epitath in Latine, which for the woorthinesse thereof is likewise (verse for verse, and in a maner word for word) translated by Abraham Fleming into English, whose no litle labor hath béene diligentlie imploied in supplieng sundrie insufficiences found in this huge volume.

NOBILITAS innata tibi probitatis honorem _Nobilitie by birth to the (ó Alfred strong in armes)_ (Armipotens Alfrede) dedit, probitásque laborem, _Of goodnes hath the honor giuen, and honor toilesome harmes,_ Perpetuúmque labor nomen, cui mixta dolori _And toilesome harmes an endlesse name, whose ioies were alwaies mext_ Gaudia semper erant, spes semper mixta timori. _With sorow, and whose hope with feare was euermore perplext._ Si modò victor eras, ad crastina bella pauebas, _If this day thou wert conqueror, the next daies warre thou dredst,_ Si modò victus eras, in crastina bella parabas, _If this day thou wert conquered, to next daies war thou spedst,_ Cui vestes sudore iugi, cui sica cruore, _Whose clothing wet with dailie swet, whose blade with bloudie stainte,_ Tincta iugi, quantum sit onus regnare probârunt, _Do proue how great a burthen tis in roialtie to raine,_ Non fuit immensi quisquam per climata mundi, _There hath not beene in anie part of all the world so wide,_ Cui tot in aduersis vel respirare liceret, _One that was able breath to take, and troubles such abide,_ Nec tamen aut ferro contritus ponere ferrum, _And yet with weapons wearie would not weapons lay aside,_ Aut gladio potuit vitæ finisse labores: _Or with the sword the toilesomnesse of life by death diuide._ Iam post transactos regni vitæque labores, _Now after labours past of realme and life (which he did spend)_ Christus ei fit vera quies sceptrúmque perenne. _Christ is to him true quietnesse and scepter void of end._

In the daies of the foresaid king Alured, the kingdome of Mercia tooke end. For after that the Danes had expelled king Burthred, when he had reigned 22 yeares, he went to Rome, and there died, his wife also Ethelswida, the daughter of king Athulfe that was sonne to king Egbert followed him, and died in Pauia in Lumbardie. The Danes hauing got the [Sidenote: Cewulfe.] countrie into their possession, made one Cewulfe K. thereof, whome they bound with an oth and deliuerie of pledges, that he should not longer kéepe the state with their pleasure, and further should be readie at all times to aid them with such power as he should be able to make. This Cewulfe was the seruant of king Burthred. Within foure yeares after the Danes returned, and tooke one part of that kingdome into their owne hands, and left the residue vnto Cewulfe. But within a few yeares after, king Alured obteined that part of Mercia which Cewulfe ruled, as he did all the rest of this land, except those parcels which the Danes held, as Northumberland, the countries of the Eastangles, some part of Mercia, and other.

The yeare, in the which king Alured thus obteined all the dominion of that part of Mercia, which Cewulfe had in gouernance, was after the [Sidenote: 886.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] birth of our Sauiour 886, so that the foresaid kingdome continued the space of 302 yeares vnder 22 kings, from Crida to this last Cewulfe. But there be that account the continuance of this kingdome, onelie from the beginning of Penda, vnto the last yeare of Burthred, by which reckoning it stood not past 270 yeares vnder 18, or rather 17 kings, counting the last Cewulfe for none, who began his reigne vnder the subiection of the Danes, about the yeare of our Lord 874, where Penda began his reigne 604.

The Eastangles and the Northumbers in these dales were vnder subiection of the Danes, as partlie may be perceiued by that which before is rehearsed. After Guthrun that gouerned the Eastangles by the [Sidenote: Guthrun K. of the eastangles died 890.] terme of 12 yeares, one Edhirike or Edrike had the rule in those parts, a Dane also, and reigned 14 yeares, and was at length bereued [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] of his gouernement by king Edward the sonne of king Alured, as after shall appeare. But now, although that the Northumbers were brought greatlie vnder foot by the Danes, yet could they not forget their old [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] accustomed maner to stirre tumults and rebellion against their [Sidenote: 872.] [Sidenote: Egbert king of Northumberland expelled from his kingdome.] gouernours, insomuch that in the yeare 872, they expelled not onelie Egbert, whome the Danes had appointed king ouer one part of the countrie (as before you haue heard) but also their archbishop [Sidenote: Egbert departed this life.] [Sidenote: Riesig.] Wilfehere. In the yeare following, the same Egbert departed this life, after whome one Rigsig or Ricsige succéeded as king, and the archbishop Wolfehere was restored home.

[Sidenote: The Danes winter in Lindsie.] [Sidenote: 975.] In the same yeare the armie of Danes which had wintered at London, came from thence into Northumberland, and wintered in Lindseie, at a place called Torkseie, and went the next yeare into Mercia. And in the yeare 975, a part of them returned into Northumberland, as before ye [Sidenote: Riesig departed this life.] haue heard. In the yeare following, Riesig the king of Northumberland departed this life: after whome an other Egbert succéeded. And in the [Sidenote: 983.] yeare 983, the armie of the Danes meaning to inhabit in Northumberland, and to settle themselues there, chose Guthrid the sonne of one Hardicnute to their king, whome they had sometime sold to a certeine widow at Witingham. But now by the aduise of an abbat called Aldred, they redéemed his libertie, and ordeined him king to rule both Danes and Englishmen in that countrie. It was said, that the same Aldred being abbat of holie Iland, was warned in a vision by S. Cuthberd, to giue counsell both to the Danes and Englishmen, to make [Sidenote: Guthred ordeined king of Northumberland.] the same Guthrid king. This chanced about the 13 yeare of the reigne of Alured king of Westsaxons.

[Sidenote: The bishops see remoued fr[=o] holie iland to Chester in the stréet.] When Guthrid was established king, he caused the bishops sée to be remoued from holie Iland vnto Chester in the stréet, and for an augmentation of the reuenues and iurisdiction belonging thereto, he assigned and gaue vnto saint Cuthbert all that countrie which lieth betwixt the riuers of Teise and Tine. ¶ Which christian act of the king, liuing in a time of palpable blindnesse and mistie superstition, may notwithstanding be a light to the great men and péeres of this age (who pretend religion with zeale, and professe (in shew) the truth with feruencie) not to impouerish the patrimonie of the church to inrich themselues and their posteritie, not to pull from bishoprikes their ancient reuenues to make their owne greater, not to alienate ecclesiasticall liuings into temporall commodities, not to seeke the conuersion of college lands into their priuat possessions; not to intend the subuersion of cathedrall churches to fill their owne cofers, not to ferret out concealed lands for the supporte of their owne priuat lordlines; not to destroy whole towneships for the erection of one statelie manour; not to take and pale in the commons to inlarge their seueralles; but like good and gratious common-wealth-men, in all things to preferre the peoples publike profit before their owne gaine and glorie, before their owne pompe and pleasure, before the satisfieng of their owne inordinate desires.

[Sidenote: Priuiledges granted to S. Cuthberts shrine.] Moreouer, this priuiledge was granted vnto saint Cuthberts shrine: that whosoeuer fled vnto the same for succour and safegard, should not be touched or troubled in anie wise for the space of thirtie, & seuen daies. And this freedome was confirmed not onelie by king Guthrid, but also by king Alured. Finallie king Guthrid departed this life in the

[Sidenote: 894.] yeare of our Lord 894, after he had ruled the Northumbers with much crueltie (as some say) by the terme of 11 yeares, or somewhat more. He [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] is named by some writers Gurmond, and also Gurmo, & thought to be the same whome king Alured caused to be baptised. Whereas other affirme, that Guthrid, who ruled the Eastangles, was he that Alured receiued at [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: Sithrike.] the fontstone: William Malmesburie taketh them to be but one man, which is not like to be true. After this Guthrid or Gurmo his sonne Sithrike succeeded, and after him other of that line, till king Adelstane depriued them of the dominion, and tooke it into his owne hands.

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_Edward succeedeth his father Alured in regiment, he is disquieted by his brother Adelwold a man of a defiled life, he flieth to the Danes and is of them receiued, king Edwards prouision against the irruptions and forraies of the Danes, Adelwold with a nauie of Danes entreth Eastangles, the Essex men submit themselues, he inuadeth Mercia, and maketh great wast, the Kentishmens disobedience preiudiciall to themselues, they and the Danes haue a great conflict, king Edward concludeth a truce with them, he maketh a great slaughter of them by his Westsaxons and Mercians, what lands came to king Edward by the death of Edred duke of Mercia, he recouereth diuers places out of the Danes hands, and giueth them manie a foile, what castels he builded, he inuadeth Eastangles, putteth Ericke a Danish king therof to flight, his owne subiects murther him for his crueltie, his kingdome returneth to the right of king Edward with other lands by him thereto annexed, his sister Elfleda gouerned the countrie of Mercia during hir life._

THE XVIJ. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: EDWARD THE ELDER.] [Sidenote: 901.] After the deceasse of Alured, his sonne Edward surnamed the elder began his reigne ouer the more part of England, in the yeare of our Lord 901, which was in the second yeare of the emperor Lewes, in the eight yeare of the reigne of Charles surnamed Simplex king of France, and about the eight yeare or Donald king of Scotland. He was consecrated after the maner of other kings his ancestors by Athelred the archbishop of Canturburie. This Edward was not so learned as his father, but in princelie power more high and honorable, for he ioined the kingdome of Eastangles and Mercia with other vnto his dominion, as after shall be shewed, and vanquished the Danes, Scots, and Welshmen, to his great glorie and high commendation.

In the beginning of his reigne he was disquieted by his brother [Sidenote: Winborne.] Adelwold, which tooke the towne of Winborne besides Bath, and maried a nun there, whome he had defloured, & attempted manie things against his brother. Wherevpon the king came to Bath, and though Adelwold shewed a countenance as if he would haue abidden the chance of warre within

[Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: Adelwold fleeth to the Danes.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] Winborne, yet he stole awaie in the night, and fled into Northumberland, where he was ioifullie receiued of the Danes. The king tooke his wife being left behind, and restored hir to the house from whence she was taken. ¶ Some haue written, that this Adelwold or Ethelwold was not brother vnto king Edward, but his vncles sonne.

After this, king Edward prouiding for the suertie of his subiects against the forraies, which the Danes vsed to make, fortified diuers cities and townes, and stuffed them with great garrisons of souldiers, to defend the inhabitants, and to expell the enimies. And suerlie the [Sidenote: The English nation practised in wars go commonlie awaie with the victorie.] Englishmen were so invred with warres in those daies, that the people being aduertised of the inuasion of the enimies in anie part of their countrie, would assemble oftentimes without knowledge of king or capteine, and setting vpon the enimies, went commonlie awaie with victorie, by reason that they ouermatched them both in number and [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] practise. So were the enimies despised of the English souldiers, and laughed to scorne of the king for their foolish attempts. Yet in the third yeare of king Edwards reigne, Adelwold his brother came with a nauie of Danes into the parties of the Eastangles, and euen at the [Sidenote: Essex yéelded to Adelwold.] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] first the Essex men yeelded themselues vnto him. In the yéere following he inuaded the countrie of Mercia with a great armie, wasting and spoiling the same vnto Crikelade, and there passing ouer the Thames, rode foorth till he came to Basingstoke, or (as some [Sidenote: Brittenden.] bookes haue) Brittenden, harieng the countrie on each side, and so returned backe vnto Eastangles with great ioy and triumph.

[Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] King Edward awakened héerewith assembled his people, and followed the enimies, wasting all the countries betwixt the riuer of Ouse and saint Edmunds ditch. And when he should returne, he gaue commandement that no man should staie behind him, but come backe togither for doubt to [Sidenote: The Kentishmen disobeing the kings commandement, are surprised by the enimies.] [Sidenote: Adelwold king Edwards brother.] be forelaid by the enimies. The Kentishmen notwithstanding this ordinance and commandement, remained behind, although the king sent seuen messengers for them. The Danes awaiting their aduantage, came togither, and fiercelie fought with the Kentishmen, which a long time valiantlie defended themselues. But in the end the Danes obtained the victorie, although they lost more people there than the Kentishmen did: and amongst other, there were slaine the foresaid Adelwold, and diuerse of the chiefe capteins amongst the Danes. Likewise of the English side, there died two dukes, Siwolfe & Singlem or Sigbelme, with sundrie other men of name, both temporall and also spirituall lords and abbats. In the fift yéere of his reigne, king Edward concluded a truce with the Danes of Eastangle and Northumberland at Itingford. But in the yéere following, he sent an armie against them of Northumberland, which slue manie of the Danes, and tooke great [Sidenote: Fortie daies saith _Simon Dun._] booties both of people and cattell, remaining in the countrie the space of fiue weekes.

The yéere next insuing, the Danes with a great armie entered into Mercia, to rob & spoile the countrie, against whome king Edward sent a mightie host, assembled togither of the Westsaxons & them of Mercia, which set vpon the Danes, as they were returning homeward, and slue of them an huge multitude, togither with their chiefe capteins and leaders, as king Halden, and king Eolwils, earle Vter, earle Scurfa, [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] and diuerse other. In the yéere 912, or (as Simon Dunel. saith) 908, the duke of Mercia Edred or Etheldred departed this life, and then king Edward seized into his hands the cities of London and Oxford, and all that part of Mercia which he held. But afterwards he suffered his sister Elfleda to inioy the most part thereof, except the said cities of London and Oxford, which he still reteined in his owne hand. This Elfleda was wife to the said duke Edred or Etheldred, as before you haue heard: of whose woorthie acts more shall be said heereafter.

In the ninth yéere of his reigne, king Edward built a castell at [Sidenote: Wightham.] Hertford, and likewise he builded a towne in Essex at Wightham, and lay himselfe in the meane time at Maldon, otherwise Meauldun, bringing a great part of the countrie vnder his subiection, which before was subiect to the Danes. In the yéere following, the armie of the Danes [Sidenote: Chester, or rather Leicester, as I thinke.] departed from Northampton and Chester in breach of the former truce, and slue a great number of men at Hochnerton in Oxfordshire. And shortlie after their returne home, an other companie of them went [Sidenote: Digetune.] foorth, and came to Leighton, where the people of the countrie being assembled togither, fought with them & put them to flight, taking from them all the spoile which they had got, and also their horsses.

In the 11 yéere of king Edward, a fleet of Danes compassed about the west parts, & came to the mouth of Seuerne, and so tooke preies in Wales: they also tooke prisoner a Welsh bishop named Camelgaret, at [Sidenote: Irchenfield.] Irchenfield, whome they led to their ships: but king Edward redéemed him out of their hands, paieng them fortie pounds for his ransome. After that the armie of Danes went foorth to spoile the countrie about Irchenfield, but the people of Chester, Hereford, and other townes and countries thereabout assembled togither, and giuing battell to the enimies, put them to flight, and slue one of their noble men called earle Rehald, and Geolcil the brother of earle Vter, with a great part [Sidenote: Danes discomfited.] of their armie, & draue the residue into a castell, which they besieged till the Danes within it gaue hostages, and couenanted to depart out of the kings land. The king caused the coasts about Seuerne to be watched, that they should not breake into his countrie: but yet they stale twise into the borders: neuerthelesse they were chased and slaine as manie as could not swim, and so get to their ships. Then [Sidenote: The Ile of Stepen.] [Sidenote: Deomedun.] they remained in the Ile of Stepen, in great miserie for lacke of vittels, bicause they could not go abroad to get anie. At length they [Sidenote: Danes saile into Ireland.] departed into Northwales, and from thence sailed into Ireland.

The same yéere king Edward came to Buckingham with an armie, and there taried a whole moneth, building two castels, the one vpon the one side of the water of Ouse, and the other vpon the other side of the same [Sidenote: Turketillus an earle.] riuer. He also subdued Turketillus an earle of the Danes that dwelt in that countrie, with all the residue of the noble men and barons of the shires of Bedford and Northampton. In the 12 yéere of king Edwards reigne, the Kentishmen and Danes fought togither at Holme: but whether [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] partie had the victorie, writers haue not declared. Simon Dunelm. speaketh of a battell which the citizens of Canturburie fought against a number of Danish rouers at Holme, where the Danes were put to flight, but that should be (as he noteth) 8 yéeres before this supposed time, as in the yéere 904, which was about the third yéere of king Edwards reigne.

[Sidenote: _Anno_ 911.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] After this, other of the Danes assembled themselues togither, and in Staffordshire at a place called Tottenhall fought with the Englishmen, and after great slaughter made on both parties, the Danes were ouercome: and so likewise were they shortlie after at Woodfield or Wodenfield. And thus king Edward put the Danes to the woorse in each place commonlie where he came, and hearing that those in Northumberland ment to breake the peace: he inuaded the countrie, and so afflicted the same, that the Danes which were inhabitants there, [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: Ericke king of Eastangles.] gladlie continued in rest and peace. But in this meane time, Ericke the king of those Danes which held the countrie of Eastangle, was about to procure new warre, and to allure other of the Danes to ioine with him against the Englishmen, that with common agréement they might set vpon the English nation, and vtterlie subdue them.

[Sidenote: King Edward inuadeth the countrie of the Eastangles.] King Edward hauing intelligence héereof, purposed to preuent him, and therevpon entering with an armie into his countrie, cruellie wasted and spoiled the same. King Ericke hauing alreadie his people in armor through displeasure conceiued heereof, and desire to be reuenged, hasted foorth to incounter his enimies: and so they met in the field, and fiercelie assailed ech other. But as the battell was rashlie begun [Sidenote: Ericke put to flight.] on king Ericks side, so was the end verie harmefull to him: for with small adoo, after great losse on both sides, he was vanquished and put to flight.

After his comming home, bicause of his great ouerthrow and fowle discomfiture, he began to gouerne his people with more rigor & sharper dealing than before time he had vsed. Whereby he prouoked the malice of the Eastangles so highlie against him, that they fell vpon him and murthered him: yet did they not gaine so much hereby as they looked to haue doone: for shortlie after, they being brought low, and not able to defend their countrie, were compelled to submit themselues vnto [Sidenote: The kingdom of the Eastangles subdued by K. Edward.] king Edward. And so was that kingdome ioined vnto the other dominions of the same king Edward, who shortlie after annexed the kingdome of Mercia vnto other of his dominions, immediatlie vpon the death of his sister Elfleda, whom he permitted to rule that land all hir life.

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_Elfleda the sister of king Edward highlie commended for government, what a necessarie staie she was vnto him in hir life time, what townes she builded and repared, hir warlike exploits against the Danes, hir death and buriall; the greatest part of Britaine in K. Edwards dominion, he is a great builder and reparer of townes, his death, the dreame of his wife Egina, and the issue of the same, what children king Edward had by his wiues, and how they were emploied, the decay of the church by the meanes of troubles procured by the Danes, England first curssed and why; a prouinciall councell summoned for the reliefe of the churches ruine, Pleimond archbishop of Canturburie sent to Rome, bishops ordeined in sundrie prouinces; dissention among writers what pope should denounce the foresaid cursse; a succession of archbishops in the see of Canturburie, one brother killeth another._

THE XVIIJ. CHAPTER.

Not without good reason did king Edward permit vnto his sister Elfleda the gouernment of Mercia, during hir life time: for by hir wise and politike order vsed in all hir dooings, he was greatlie furthered & assisted; but speciallie in reparing and building of townes & castels, [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] wherein she shewed hir noble magnificence, in so much that during hir government, which continued about eight yéeres, it is recorded by writers, that she did build and repare these towns, whose names here [Sidenote: Tamwoorth was by hir repared, anno 914.] [Sidenote: Eadsburie and Warwike.] [Sidenote: 915.] insue: Tamwoorth beside Lichfield, Stafford, Warwike, Shrewsburie, Watersburie or Weddesburie, Elilsburie or rather Eadsburie, in the forrest of De la mere besides Chester, Brimsburie bridge vpon Seuerne, Rouncorne at the mouth of the riuer Mercia with other. Moreouer, by [Sidenote: Chester repared, 905.] [Sidenote: _Sim. Dun._] hir helpe the citie of Chester, which by Danes had beene greatlie defaced, was newlie repared, fortified with walls and turrets, and greatlie inlarged. So that the castell which stood without the walls before that time, was now brought within compasse of the new wall.

Moreouer she boldlie assalted hir enimies which went about to trouble the state of the countrie, as the Welshmen and Danes. She sent an [Sidenote: Quéene of the Welshmen taken.] [Sidenote: Brecenamere.] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: 918.] [Sidenote: Darbie won from the Danes.] armie into Wales, and tooke the towne of Brecknocke with the queene of the Welshmen at Bricenamere. Also she wan from the Danes the towne of Darbie, and the countrie adioining. In this enterprise she put hir owne person in great aduenture: for a great multitude of Danes that were withdrawen into Darbie, valiantlie defended the gates and entries, in so much that they slue foure of hir chiefe men of warre, which were named wardens of hir person, euen fast by hir at the verie entrie of the gates. But this notwithstanding, with valiant fight hir people entered, and so the towne was woon: she got diuerse other places out of their hands, & constreined them of Yorkeshire to agree with hir, so that some of them promised to become hir subiects: some vowed to aid hir, and some sware to be at hir commandement.

[Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Anno Christie_ 919.] Finallie, this martiall ladie and manlie Elfleda, the supporter of hir countriemen, and terrour of the enimies, departed this life at Tamwoorth about the 12 of Iune, in the 18 or rather 19 yéere of hir [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] brother king Edwards reigne, as by Matth. West. it should appeere. But Simon Dunelm. writeth, that she deceassed in the yeere of Christ 915, which should be about the 14 yéere of king Edwards reigne. Hir bodie was conueied to Glocester, and there buried within the monasterie of S. Peter, which hir husband and she in their life time had builded, and translated thither the bones of saint Oswill from Bardona. The [Sidenote: _Ranul._] same monasterie was after destroied by Danes. But Aldredus the archbishop of Yorke, who was also bishop of Worcester, repared an other in the same citie, that was after the chiefe abbeie there. Finallie, in memorie of the said Elfleds magnanimitie and valorous mind, this epitaph was fixed on hir toome.

_O Elfleda potens, ô terror virgo virorum, O Elfleda potens, nomine digna viri. Te quóque splendidior fecit natura puellam, Te probitas fecit nomen habere viri. Te mutare decet sed solum nomina sexus,_ _Tu regina potens rexque trophea parans. Iam nec Cæsareos tantum mirere triumphos, Cæsare splendidior virgo virago, vale._

[Sidenote: Translated by _Abraham Fleming._]

O puissant Elfled, ô thou maid of men the dread and feare, O puissant Elfled woorthie maid the name of man to beare. A noble nature hath thee made a maiden mild to bee, Thy vertue also hath procurde a manlie name to thee. It dooth but onelie thee become, of sex to change the name, A puissant queene, a king art thou preparing trophes of fame. Now maruell not so much at Cæsars triumphs [trim to vieu;] O manlike maiden more renowmd than Cæsar was, adieu.

[Sidenote: This Alfwen was sister to Edelfled, as _H. Hunt._ saith.] After the deceasse of Elfleda, king Edward tooke the dominion of Mercia (as before we haue said) into his owne hands, and so disherited his néece Alfwen or Elswen, the daughter of Elfleda, taking hir awaie with him into the countrie of Westsaxons. By this meanes he so amplified the bounds of his kingdome, that he had the most part of all [Sidenote: Stratcluid or Stretcled, a kingdome in Wales.] this Iland of Britaine at his commandement: for the kings of the Welshmen; namelie the king of Stretcled, and of the Scots, acknowledging him to be their chiefe souereigne lord, and the Danes in Northumberland were kept so short, that they durst attempt nothing [Sidenote: K. Edward a great builder and reparer of townes.] [Sidenote: Notingham bridge built.] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] against him in his latter daies: so that he had time to applie the building and reparing of cities, townes, and castels, wherein he so much delighted. He builded a new towne at Notingham on the southside of Trent, and made a bridge ouer that riuer betwixt the old towne and [Sidenote: Manchester repared.] [Sidenote: Anno 816.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] the new. He also repared Manchester beyond the riuer of Mercia in Lancashire, accounted as then in the south end of Northumberland, and he built a towne of ancient writers called Thilwall, neere to the same riuer of Mercia, and placed therein a garrison of souldiers: diuerse [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] other townes and castels he built, as two at Buckingham on either side of the water of Ouse (as before is shewed) and also one at the mouth of the riuer of Auon. He likewise built or new repared the townes of Tocetor and Wigmore, with diuerse other, as one at Glademuth, about the last yéere of his reigne. Some also he destroied which séemed to serue the enimies turne for harborough, as a castell at Temnesford, which the Danes builded and fortified.

At length, after that this noble prince king Edward had reigned somewhat aboue the tearme of 23 yéeres, he was taken out of this life at Faringdon: his bodie was conueied from thence vnto Winchester, and there buried in the new abbeie. He had thrée wiues, or (as some haue [Sidenote: _Polydor._] written) but two, affirming that Edgiua was not his wife, but his concubine, of whome he begat his eldest sonne Adelstan, who succéeded [Sidenote: A dreame.] him in the kingdome. This Edgiua (as hath béene reported) dreamed on a time that there rose a moone out of hir bellie, which with the bright shine thereof gaue light ouer all England: and telling hir dreame to an ancient gentlewoman, who coniecturing by the dreame that which followed, tooke care of hir, and caused hir to be brought vp in good manners and like a gentlewoman, though she were borne but of base parentage.

Heerevpon when she came to ripe yéeres, king Edward by chance comming to the place where she was remaining, vpon the first sight was streight rauished with hir beautie (which in déed excelled) that she could not rest till he had his pleasure of hir, and so begot of hir the foresaid Adelstan: by hir he had also a daughter that was maried vnto Sithrike a Dane and K. of Northumberland. The Scotish writers [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] name hir Beatrice, but our writers name hir Editha. His second or rather his first wife (if he were not maried to Eguina mother to Adelstan) was called Elfleda or Elfrida, daughter to one earle [Sidenote: The issue of K. Edward.] Ethelme, by whom he had issue; to wit, two sonnes Ethelward and Edwin, which immediatlie departed this life after their father; and six daughters, Elfleda, Edgiua, Ethelhilda, Ethilda, Edgitha, and Elfgiua. Elfleda became a nun, and Ethelhilda also liued in perpetuall virginitie, but yet in a laie habit.

[Sidenote: Alias Edgiua.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] Edgitha was maried to Charles king of France, surnamed Simplex. And Ethilda by helpe of hir brother Adelstan was bestowed vpon Hugh sonne to Robert earle of Paris, for hir singular beautie most highlie estéemed: sith nature in hir had shewed as it were hir whole cunning, in perfecting hir with all gifts and properties of a comelie personage. Edgiua and Elgiua were sent by their brother Adelstan into Germanie, vnto the emperor Henrie, who bestowed one of them vpon his sonne Otho, that was after emperor, the first of that name; and the other vpon a duke inhabiting about the Alpes: by his last wife named Edgiua, he had also two sonnes, Edmund & Eldred, the which both reigned after their brother Adestan successiuelie. Also he had by hir two daughters, Edburge that was made a nun, and Edgiue a ladie of excellent beautie, whom hir brother Adelstan gaue in mariage vnto Lewes king of Aquitaine.

[Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] Whilest this land was in continuall trouble of warres against the Danes, as before is touched, small regard was had to the state of the church, in somuch that the whole countrie of the Westsaxons by the space of seuen yéeres togither (in the daies of this king Edward) remained without anie bishop, to take order in matters apperteining to [Sidenote: England first accurssed.] the church. Wherevpon the pope had accurssed the English people, bicause they suffred the bishops sees to be vacant so long a time. [Sidenote: Anno 903.] King Edward to auoid the cursse, assembled a prouinciall councell, 905, in the which the archbishop of Canturburie Pleimond was president. Wherein it was ordeined, that whereas the prouince of Westsaxons in times past had but two bishops, now it should be diuided into fiue diocesses, euerie of them to haue a peculiar bishop.

When all things were ordered and concluded in this synod (as was thought requisite) the archbishop was sent to Rome with rich presents, to appease the popes displeasure. When the pope had heard what order the king had taken, he was contented therewith. And so the archbishop returned into his countrie, and in one day at Canturburie ordeined seuen bishops, as fiue to the prouince of Westsaxons, that is to say, [Sidenote: Winchester.] [Sidenote: Cornewall.] [Sidenote: Shireborne.] [Sidenote: Welles.] [Sidenote: Kirton.] [Sidenote: Mercia.] Fridestane to the sée of Winchester, Adelstan to S. German in Cornwall, Werstan to Shireborne, Adelme to Welles, and Edulfe to Kirton. Also to the prouince of Sussex he ordeined one Bernegus, and to Dorchester for the prouince of Mercia one Cenulfus.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._ saith that pope Formosus pronounced this cursse.] [Sidenote: 904.] ¶ Heere ye must note, that where William Malme. Polychro. and other doo affirme, that pope Formosus did accursse king Edward and the English nation, for suffering the bishops sees to be vacant, it can not stand with the agreement or the time, vnlesse that the cursse pronounced by Formosus for this matter long afore was not regarded, vntill Edward had respect thereto. For the same Formosus began to gouerne the Romane see about the yéere of our Lord 892, and liued in [Sidenote: _Polydor._] the papasie not past six yéeres, so that he was dead before king Edward came to the crowne. But how so euer this matter maie fall out, this ye haue to consider: although that Pleimond was sent vnto Rome to aduertise the pope what the king had decréed & doone, in the ordeining of bishops to their seuerall sées, as before ye haue heard, yet (as maister Fox hath noted) the gouernance and direction of the church depended chieflie vpon the kings of this land in those daies, as it manifestlie appeereth, as well by the decrees of king Alfred, as of this king Edward, whose authoritie in the election of bishops (as before ye haue heard) seemed then alone to be sufficient.

Moreouer, I thinke it good to aduertise you in this place, that this Pleimond archbishop of Canturburie (of whome ye haue heard before) was the 19 in number from Augustine the first archbishop there: for after Brightwold that was the 8 in number, and first of the English nation that gouerned the sée, succeeded Taduin, that sat three yeeres, Notelin fiue yéeres, Cuthbert 18 yéeres, Brethwin thrée yéeres, Lambert 27 yéeres, Adelard 13 yéeres, Wilfred 28 yéeres, Theologildus or Pleogildus 3 yéeres, Celuotus or Chelutus 10 yéeres. Then succéeded Aldred, of whome king Edward receiued the crowne, and he was [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] predecessor to Pleimond. A litle before the death of king Edward, Sithrike the king of Northumberland killed his brother Nigellus, and then king Reinold conquered the citie of Yorke.

* * * * *

_Adelstane succeedeth his father Edward in the kingdome, Alfred practising by treason to keepe him from the gouernement, sanke downe suddenlie as he was taking his oth for his purgation; the cause why Alfred opposed himselfe against Adelstane, whose praise is notable, what he did to satisfie the expectation of his people, ladie Beatrice king Edwards daughter maried to Sithrike a Danish gouernor of the Northumbers, by whose meanes Edwin king Edwards brother was drowned, practises of treason, the ladie Beatrice strangelie put to death by hir stepsons for being of counsell to poison hir husband Sithrike, hir death reuenged vpon the tormentors by hir father king Edward, and how chronographers varie in the report of this historie._

THE XIX. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: ADELSTAN.] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] [Sidenote: 924.] ADELSTANE the eldest sonne of king Edward began his reigne ouer the more part of all England, the yeere of our Lord 924, which was in the 6 yere of the emperour Henrie the first, in the 31 yéere of the reigne of Charles surnamed Simplex king of France, three moneths after the burning of Pauie, & about the 22 or 23 yéere of Constantine the third, king of Scotland. This Adelstane was crowned and consecrated king at Kingstone vpon Thames, of Aldelme the archbishop of Canturburie, who succéeded Pleimond. He was the 24 king in number from Cerdicus or Cerdike the first king of the Westsaxons. There were in the beginning [Sidenote: Alfred striueth in vaine to kéepe Adelstane from the gouernment.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: See more hereof in the acts and monuments set foorth by _M. Fox_, vol. 1. leafe 195.] some that set themselues against him, as one Alfred a noble man, which practised by treason to haue kept him from the gouernement: but he was apprehended yer he could bring his purpose to passe, and sent to Rome there to trie himselfe giltie or not giltie. And as he tooke his oth for his purgation before the altar of saint Peter, he suddenlie fell downe to the earth, so that his seruants tooke him vp, and bare him into the English schoole or hospitall, where the third night after he died.

Pope Iohn the tenth sent vnto king Adelstane, to know if he would that his bodie should be laid in Christian buriall or not. The king at the contemplation of Alfreds friends and kinsfolks, signified to the pope that he was contented that his bodie should be interred amongst other christians. His lands being forfeited were giuen by the king vnto God and saint Peter. The cause that mooued Alfred and other his complices against the king, was (as some haue alledged) his bastardie. But whether that allegation were true or but a slander, this is certeine, that except that steine of his honor, there was nothing in this Adelstane worthie of blame: so that he darkened all the glorious fame of his predecessors, both in vertuous conditions and victorious triumphs. Such difference is there to haue that in thy selfe wherein to excell, rather than to stand vpon the woorthinesse of thine ancestors, sith that can not rightlie be called a mans owne.

After that king Adelstane was established in the estate, he indeuored himselfe to answer the expectation of his people; which hoped for [Sidenote: _Anno_ 925.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] great wealth to insue by his noble and prudent gouernance. First therfore meaning to prouide for the suertie of his countrie, he concluded a peace with Sithrike king of the Northumbers, vnto whome (as ye haue heard) he gaue one of his sisters named Editha in mariage. Sithrike liued not past one yéere after he had so maried hir. And then Adelstane brought the prouince of the Northumbers vnto his subiection, expelling one Aldulph out of the same that rebelled against him. There be that write, that Godfrie and Aulafe the sonnes of Sithrike succéeding their father in the gouernement of Northumberland, by practising to mooue warre against king Adelstane, occasioned him to inuade their countrie, and to chase them out of the same, so that Aulafe fled into Ireland, & Godfrie into Scotland: but other write, [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] that Godfrie was the father of Reignold which wan Yorke, after that Sithrike had slaine his brother Nigellus, as before is mentioned.

[Sidenote: _Hect. Boetius._] [Sidenote: The Scotish writers varie from our English authors.] [Sidenote: Beatrice daughter to K. Edward as the Scotish writers say.] [Sidenote: Edwin was not brother to K. Edward but son to him.] ¶ The Scotish chronicles varie in report of these matters from the English writers: whose chronicles affirme, that in the life time of king Edward, his daughter Beatrice was giuen in mariage to Sithrike, the gouernor of the Danes in Northumberland, with condition that if anie male were procreated in that mariage, the same should inherit the dominions of king Edward after his decease. King Edward had a brother (as they say) named Edwin, a iolie gentleman, and of great estimation amongst the Englishmen. He by Sithrikes procurement was sent into Flanders in a ship that leaked, and so was drowned, to the great reioising of all the Danes, least if he had suruiued his brother, he would haue made some businesse for the crowne.

[Sidenote: Adelstane flieth the realme.] About the same time Adelstane a base sonne of K. Edward fled the realme, for doubt to be made away by some like traitorous practise of the Danes. Shortlie after, king Edward vnderstanding that Sithrike went about some mischiefe toward him, persuaded his daughter to poison hir husband the said Sithrike. Then Aulafe or Aualassus, and Godfrie the sonnes of Sithrike, finding out by diligent examination, that Beatrice was of counsell in poisoning hir husband, they caused hir to [Sidenote: Beatrice put to death by hir stepsons.] be apprehended and put to death on this wise. She was set naked vpon a smithes cold anuill or stithie, and therewith hard rosted egs being taken out of the hot imbers were put vnder hir armepits, and hir armes fast bound to hir bodie with a cord, and so in that state she remained till hir life passed from hir. King Edward in reuenge of his daughters death mooued warre against the two brethren, Aulafe and Godfrie, and in battell finallie vanquished them, but was slaine in the same battell himselfe.

Thus haue the Scotish chronicles recorded of these matters, as an induction to the warres which followed betwixt the Scots and Danes as confederates against king Adelstane: but the truth thereof we leaue to the readers owne iudgement. For in our English writers we find no such matter, but that a daughter of king Edward named Edgitha or Editha, after hir fathers deceasse was by hir brother king Adelstane, about the first yéere of his reigne, giuen in mariage (as before ye haue heard) vnto the foresaid Sithrike king of Northumberland, that was descended of the Danish bloud, who for the loue of the yoong ladie, renounced his heathenish religion and became a christian; but shortlie after, forsaking both his wife and the christian faith, he set vp againe the worshipping of idols, and within a while after, as an [Sidenote: Editha a virgine.] apostata miserablie ended his life. Whervpon the yoong ladie, hir virginitie being preserued, and hir bodie vndefiled (as they write) passed the residue of hir daies at Polleswoorth in Warwikeshire, spending hir time (as the same writers affirme) in fasting, watching, praieng, and dooing of almesdéedes, and so at length departed out of this world. Thus our writers differ from the Scotish historie, both in name and maner of end as concerning the daughter of king Edward that was coupled in mariage with Sithrike.

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_Adelstane subdueth Constantine king of Scots, Howell king of Wales, and Wulferth king of Northwales, the Scots possesse a great part of the north countries, Adelstane conquereth the Scots for aiding Godfrie his enimie; a miracle declaring that the Scots ought to obey the king of England; king Adelstane banisheth his brother Edwin, he is for a conspiracie drowned in the sea, Adelstane repenteth him of his rigour (in respect of that misfortune) against his brother; Aulafe sometimes king of Northumberland inuadeth England, he disguiseth himselfe like a minstrell and surueieth the English campe unsuspected, he is discouered after his departure, be assaileth the English campe, Adelstane being comforted with a miracle discomfiteth his enimies, he maketh them of Northwales his tributaries, be subdueth the Cornishmen, his death; the description of his person, his vertues, of what abbeis & monasteries he was founder, his estimation in forren realmes, what pretious presents were sent him from other princes, and how he bestowed them; a remembrance of Guy the erle of Warwike._

THE XX. CHAPTER.

After that king Adelstane had subdued them of Northumberland, he was aduertised, that not onelie Constantine king of Scots, but also [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] Huduale or Howell K. of Wales went about a priuie conspiracie against him. Herevpon with all conuenient spéed assembling his power, he went against them, and with like good fortune subdued them both, and also Vimer or Wulferth K. of Northwales, so that they were constreined to submit themselues vnto him, who shortlie after moued with pitie in considering their sudden fall, restored them all three to their former estates, but so as they should acknowledge themselues to gouerne vnder [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: The noble saieng of king Adelstane.] [Sidenote: 926.] him, pronouncing withall this notable saieng, that More honorable it was to make a king, than to be a king.

Ye must vnderstand, that (as it appeareth in the Scotish chronicles) the Scotishmen in time of wars that the Danes gaue the English nation, got a part of Cumberland and other the north countries into their possession, and so by reason of their néere adioining vnto the confines of the English kings, there chanced occasions of warre betwixt them, as well in the daies of king Edward, as of this Adelstane his sonne, although in déed the Danes held the more part of the north countries, till that this Adelstane conquered the same out of their hands, and ioined it vnto other of his dominions, [Sidenote: _Polydor._] constreining as well the Danes (of whome the more part of the inhabitants then consisted) as also the Englishmen, to obey him as their king and gouernour. Godfrie (as is said) being fled to the Scots, did so much preuaile there by earnest sute made to king Constantine, that he got a power of men, and entring with the same into Northumberland, besiged the citie of Duresme, soliciting the citizens to receiue him, which they would gladlie haue doone, if they had not perceiued how he was not of power able to resist the puissance of king Adelstane: and therefore doubting to be punished for their offenses if they reuolted, they kept the enimies out. King Adelstane [Sidenote: 934.] being sore moued against the king of Scots, that thus aided his enimies, raised an armie, and went northward, purposing to reuenge that iniurie.

[Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] At his comming into Yorkshire, he turned out of the way, to visit the place where saint Iohn of Beuerlie was buried, and there offered his knife, promising that if he returned with victorie, he would redéeme the same with a woorthie price: and so proceeded and went forwards on [Sidenote: _Sim. Dun._] his iournie, and entring Scotland, wasted the countrie by land vnto Dunfoader and Wertermore, and his nauie by sea destroied the coasts alongst the shore, euen to Catnesse, and so he brought the king of [Sidenote: The Scots subdued.] Scots and other his enimies to subiection at his pleasure, constreining the same K. of Scots to deliuer him his son in hostage.

[Sidenote: A token shewed miraculouslie that the Scots ought to be subiect to the kings of England.] It is said, that being in his iournie néere vnto the towne of Dunbar, he praied vnto God, that at the instance of saint Iohn of Beuerlie, it would please him to grant, that he might shew some open token, whereby it should appeare to all them that then liued, and should hereafter succeéd, that the Scots ought to be subiect vnto the kings of England. Herewith, the king with his sword smote vpon a great stone standing néere to the castle of Dunbar, and with the stroke, there appeared a clift in the same stone to the length of an elme, which remained to be shewed as a witnesse of that thing manie yeares after. At his comming backe to Beuerlie, he redéemed his knife with a large price, as before he had promised.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._] [Sidenote: 934.] After this was Edwin the kings brother accused of some conspiracie by him begun against the king, wherevpon he was banished the land, and sent out in an old rotten vessell without rower or mariner, onelie accompanied with one esquier, so that being lanched foorth from the shore, through despaire Edwin leapt into the sea, and drowned himselfe, but the esquier that was with him recouered his bodie, and brought it to land at Withsand besides Canturburie. But Iames Maier in the annales of Flanders saieth, that he was drowned by fortune of the seas in a small vessell, and being cast vp into a créeke on the coast of Picardie, was found by Adolfe earle of Bullongne that was his coosin germane, and honorablie buried by the same Adolfe in the church of Bertine. In consideration of which déed of pietie and dutie of mindfull consanguinitie, the king of England both hartilie thanked [Sidenote: Repentance too late.] earle Adolfe, and bestowed great gifts vpon the church where his brother was thus buried. For verelie king Adelstane after his displeasure was asswaged, and hearing of this miserable end of his brother, sore repented himselfe of his rigour so extended towards him, in so much that he could neuer abide the man that had giuen the information against him, which was his cupbearer, so that on a time as the said cupbearer serued him at the table, and came towards him with a cup of wine, one of his féet chanced to slide, but he recouered himselfe with the helpe of the other foot, saieng, "One brother yet hath holpen & succored the other:" which words cost him his life. For the king remembring that by his accusation he had lost his brother that might haue béene an aid to him, caused this said cupbearer to be straight put to death.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] In this meane while, Aulafe the sonne of Sitherike, late king of Northumberland (who is also named by writers to be king of the Irishmen, and of manie Ilands) assembled a great power of Danes, Irishmen, Scots, and other people of the out Iles, and imbarked them in 615 ships and craiers, with the which he arriued in the mouth of Humber, and there comming on land, began to inuade the countrie. This [Sidenote: 937.] Aulafe had maried the daughter of Constantine king of Scots, by whose procurement, notwithstanding his late submission, Aulafe tooke in [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] hand this iournie. King Adelstane aduertised of his enimies arriuall, gathered his people, and with all conuenient spéed hasted towards them, and approching néerer vnto them, pitcht downe his field at a [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] place called by some Brimesburie, by others Brimesford, and also Brunaubright, and by the Scotish writers Browmingfield.

[Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: Aulafe disguised, cometh to view the English camp.] When knowledge hereof was had in the enimies campe, Aulafe enterprised a maruelous exploit, for taking with him an harpe, he came into the English campe, offring himselfe disguised as a minstrell, to shew some part of his cunning in musicke vpon his instrument: and so being suffered to passe from tent to tent, and admitted also to plaie afore the king, surueied the whole state and order of the armie. This doone, he returned, meaning by a cammisado to set vpon the kings tent. But one that had serued as a souldier sometime vnder Aulafe, chanced by marking his demeanour to know him, and after he was gone, vttered to the king what he knew. The king séemed to be displeased, in that he had not told him so much before Aulafs departure: but in excusing himselfe, the souldier said: "Ye must remember (if it like your grace) that the same faith which I haue giuen vnto you, I sometime owght vnto Aulafe, therfore if I should haue betraied him now, you might well stand in doubt least I should hereafter doo the like to you: but if you will follow mine aduise, remoue your tent, least happilie he assaile you vnwares." The king did so, and as it chanced in the night [Sidenote: Aulafe assaileth the English camp.] following, Aulafe came to assaile the English campe, and by fortune comming to the place where the kings tent stood before, he found a bishop lodged, which with his companie was come the same day to the armie, and had pitcht vp his tent in that place from whence the king was remoued: and so was the same bishop, and most part of his men there slaine, which slaughter executed, Aulafe passed forward, and came to the kings tent, who in this meane time, by reason of the alarum raised, was got vp, and taking to him his sword in that sudden [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] fright, by chance it fell out of the scabbard, so that he could not find it, but calling to God and S. Aldelme (as saith Polychron.) his sword was restored to the scabbard againe. The king comforted with that miracle, boldlie preased foorth vpon his enimies, and so valiantlie resisted them, that in the end he put them to flight, and chased them all that morning and day following, so that he slue of [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: The enimies discomfited.] them an huge number. Some haue written, that Constantine king of Scots was slaine at this ouerthrow, and fiue other small kings or rulers, with 12 dukes, and welnéere all the armie of those strange nations which Aulafe had gathered togither. But the Scotish chronicles affirme, that Constantine was not there himselfe, but sent his sonne Malcolme, which yet escaped sore hurt and wounded from the battell, as in the same chronicles ye may sée more at large.

[Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] When K. Adelstane had thus vanquished his enimies in the north parties of England, he went against them of Northwales, whose rulers and princes he caused to come before him at Hereford, and there handled them in such sort, that they couenanted to pay him yeerlie in lieu of [Sidenote: Tribute.] [Sidenote: The Cornish men subdued.] a tribute 20 pounds of gold, 300 pounds of siluer, and 25 head of neate, with hawks and hownds a certeine number. After this, he subdued the Cornishmen: and whereas till those daies they inhabited the citie of Excester, mingled amongest the Englishmen, so that the one nation was as strong within that citie as the other, he rid them quite out of [Sidenote: Excester repaired.] [Sidenote: 940.] the same, and repared the walles, and fortified them with ditches and turrets as the maner then was, and so remoued the Cornish men further into the west parts of the countrie, that he made Tamer water to be the confines betwéene the Englishmen and them. Finallie the noble [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: The decease of king Adelstane.] prince king Adelstane departed out of this world, the 26 day of October, after he had reigned the tearme of 16 yeares. His bodie was buried at Malmesburie.

[Sidenote: The description of king Adelstane.] He was of such a stature, as exceeded not the common sort of men, stooping somewhat, and yellowe haired, for his valiancie ioined with courtesie beloued of all men, yet sharpe against rebels, and of inuincible constancie: his great deuotion toward the church appeared in the building, adorning & indowing of monasteries and abbeis. He built one at Wilton within the diocesse of Salisburie, and an other at Michelnie in Summersetshire. But besides these foundations, there were few famous monasteries within this land, but that he adorned the same either with some new péece of building, iewels, bookes, or portion of [Sidenote: Wolstan archbishop of Yorke.] [Sidenote: His estimation in forain realmes.] lands. He had in excéeding fauour Wolstan archbishop of Yorke that liued in his daies, for whose sake he greatlie inriched that bishoprike. His fame spread ouer all the parties of Europe, so that sundrie princes thought themselues happie if they might haue his friendship, either by affinitie or otherwise: by meanes whereof, he bestowed his sisters so highlie in mariage as before ye haue heard. He receiued manie noble and rich presents from diuers princes, as from Hugh king of France, horsses and sundrie rich iewels, with certeine relikes: as Constantines sword, in the hilt whereof was set one of the nailes wherewith Christ was fastened to the crosse, the speare of Charles the great, which was thought to be the same wherewith the side of our sauiour was pearced, the banner of saint Maurice, with a part of the holie crosse, and likewise a part of the thorned crowne: yet Mandeuile saw the one halfe of this crowne in France, and the other at Constantinople, almost 400 yeares after this time, as he writeth. Of these iewels king Adelstane gaue part to the abbie of saint Swithon at Winchester, and part to the abbie of Malmesburie. Moreouer, the king of Norwaie sent vnto him a goodlie ship of fine woorkmanship, with gilt sterne and purple sailes, furnished round about the decke within [Sidenote: _Harding._] with a rowe of gilt pauises. ¶ In the daies of this Adelstane reigned that right worthie Guy earle of Warwike, who (as some writers haue recorded) fought with a mightie giant of the Danes in a singular combat, and vanquished him.

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_Edmund succeedeth Adelstane in the kingdome, the Danes of Northumberland rebell against him, a peace concluded betwene Aulafe their king and king Edmund vpon conditions, Aulafe dieth, another of that name succeedeth him; king Edmund subdueth the Danes, and compelleth them to receiue the christian faith, Reinold and Aulafe are baptised, they violate their fealtie vowed to king Edmund, they are put to perpetuall exile; why king Edmund wasted all Northumberland, caused the eies of king Dunmails sonnes to be put out, and assigned the said countrie to Malcolme king of Scots; the Scotish chroniclers error in peruerting the time & order of the English kings, king Edmunds lawes, by what misfortune he came to his end, how his death was foreshewed to Dunstane in a vision, a tale of the vertue of the crosse, Dunstane reproueth duke Elstane, his dreame, and how the interpretation thereof came to passe._

THE XXJ. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: EDMUND.] After that Adelstane was departed this life, without leauing issue behind to succéed him in the kingdome, his brother Edmund, sonne of Edward the elder, borne of his last wife Edgiue, tooke vpon him the gouernement of this land, and began his reigne in the yeare of our Lord 940, which was in the fift yeare of the emperor Otho the 1, in [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: 940.] the 13 of Lewes surnamed Transmarinus king of France, and about the 38 yeare of Constantine the third king of Scotland. The Danes of [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] Northumberland rebelled against this Edmund, and ordeined Aulafe to be their king, whom they had called out of Ireland. Some write that this Aulafe, which now in the beginning of Edmunds reigne came into Northumberland, was king of Norwaie, & hauing a great power of men with him, marched foorth towards the south parts of this land, in purpose to subdue the whole: but king Edmund raised a mightie armie, and incountred with his enimies at Leicester. Howbeit, yer the matter came to the vttermost triall of battell, through the earnest sute of [Sidenote: A peace concluded.] [Sidenote: 941.] the archbishop of Canturburie and Yorke Odo and Wolstan, a peace was concluded; so as Edmund should inioy all that part of the land which lieth from Watlingstréet southward, & Aulafe should inioy the other part as it lieth from the same street northward. Then Aulafe tooke to [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: Aulafe deceaseth.] [Sidenote: Another Aulafe taketh upon him to rule.] wife the ladie Alditha, daughter to earle Ormus, by whose counsell and assistance he had thus obtained the vpper hand. But this Aulafe in the yeare following, after he had destroied the church of saint Balter, and burned Tinningham, departed this life. Then the other Aulafe that was sonne to king Sithrike, tooke vpon him to gouerne the Northumbers. [Sidenote: 942.] After this, in the yeare 942, king Edmund assembling an armie, first subdued those Danes which had got into their possession the cities and towns of Lincolne, Leicester, Darbie, Stafford, and Notingham, constreining them to receiue the christian faith, and reduced all the countries euen vnto Humber vnder his subiection. This doone, Aulafe and Reinold the sonne of Gurmo, who (as you haue heard) subdued Yorke, [Sidenote: Gurmo or Godfrey.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] as a meane the sooner to obteine peace, offered to become christians, & to submit themselues vnto him: wherevpon he receiued them to his peace. There be that write, that this Aulafe is not that Aulafe which was sonne to king Sithrike, but rather that the other was he with whom king Edmund made partition of the realme: but they agree, that this second Aulafe was a Dane also, & being conuerted to the faith as well through constraint of the kings puissance, as through the preaching of the gospell, was baptised, king Edmund being godfather both vnto him, and vnto the foresaid Reinold, to Aulafe at the verie fontstone, and to Reinold at his confirmation at the bishops hands. Neuerthelesse, [Sidenote: 944.] their wicked natures could not rest in quiet, so that they brake both [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] promise to God, and to their prince, and were therefore in the yeare next following driuen both out of the countrie, and punished by perpetuall exile. And so king Edmund adioined Northumberland, without admitting anie other immediat gouernor, vnto his owne estate.

[Sidenote: Leolin king of Southwales aided king Edmund in this enterprise.] [Sidenote: 946.] Moreouer, he wasted and spoiled whole Cumberland, because he could not reduce the people of that countrie vnto due obeisance, and conformable subiection. The two sonnes of Dunmaile king of that prouince he apprehended, and caused their eies to be put out. Herewith vpon consideration either of such aid as he had receiued of the Scots at that time, or some other friendlie respect, he assigned the said countrie of Cumberland vnto Malcolme king of Scots, to hold the same by fealtie of him and his successors. The Scotish chronicles, peruerting the time and order of the acts and doings of the English kings which reigned about this season, affirme, that by couenants of peace concluded betwixt Malcolme king of Scotland, and Adelstan king of England, it was agréed, that Cumberland should remaine to the Scots: as in their chronicles you may find at full expressed. And againe, that Indulfe, who succéeded Malcolme in the kingdome of Scotland, aided king Edmund against Aulafe, whom the same chronicles name Aualassus, but the time which they attribute vnto the reignes of their kings, will not alow the same to stand. For by account of their writers, king Malcolme began not his reigne till after the deceasse of king Adelstan, who departed this life in the yeare 940. And Malcolme succéeded Constantine the third in the yeare 944, which was about the third yeare of king Edmunds reigne, and after Malcolme (that reigned 15 yeares) succeeded Indulfe in the yeare 959. The like discordance precedeth and followeth in their writers, as to the diligent reader, in conferring their chronicles with ours, manifestlie appeareth. We therefore (to satisfie the desirous to vnderstand and sée the diuersitie of writers) haue for the more part in their chronicles left the same as we found it.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: The lawes of king Edmund.] But now to the other dooings of king Edmund: it is recorded, that he ordeined diuers good and wholsome lawes, verie profitable and necessarie for the commonwealth, which lawes with diuers other of like antiquitie are forgot and blotted out by rust of time, the consumer of things woorthie of long remembrance (as saith Polydor:) but sithens his time they haue béene recouered for the more part, & by maister William Lambert turned into Latine, & were imprinted by Iohn Day, in the yeare 1568, as before I haue said. Finallie, this prince king [Sidenote: Five yeares and 7 months hath _Si. Dun._] Edmund, after he had reigned sixe yeares and a halfe, he came to his end by great misfortune. For (as some say) it chanced, that espieng where one of his seruants was in danger to be slaine amongest his enimies that were about him with drawen swords, as he stepped in to haue holpen his seruant, he was slaine at a place called Pulcher church, or (as other haue) Michelsbourgh.

[Sidenote: Pridecire saith _Si. Dun._] [Sidenote: _Will. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: 946.] Other say, that kéeping a great feast at the aforesaid place on the day of saint Augustine the English apostle (which is the 26 of Maie, and as that yeare came about, it fell on the tuesday) as he was set at the table, he espied where a common robber was placed neere vnto him, whome sometime he had banished the land, and now being returned without licence, he presumed to come into the kings presence, wherewith the king was so moued with high disdaine, that he suddenlie arose from the table, and flew vpon the théefe, and catching him by the heare of the head, threw him vnder his féet, wherewith the théefe, hauing fast hold on the king, brought him downe vpon him also, and with his knife stroke him into the bellie, in such wise, that the kings bowels fell out of his chest, and there presentlie died. The theefe was hewen in péeces by the kings seruants, but yet he slue and hurt diuers before they could dispatch him. This chance was lamentable, namelie to the English people, which by the ouertimelie death of their king, in whome appeared manie euident tokens of great excellencie, lost the hope which they had conceiued of great wealth to increase by his prudent and most princelie gouernement. His bodie was buried at Glastenburie where Dunstane was then abbat.

There be that write, that the death of king Edmund was signified aforehand to Dunstane, who about the same time attending vpon the same [Sidenote: _Capgraue._] [Sidenote: A vaine tale.] king, as he remooued from one place to an other, chanced to accompanie himselfe with a noble man, one duke Elstane, and as they rode togither, behold suddenlie Dunstane saw in the waie before him, where the kings musicians rode, the diuell running and leaping amongst the same musicians after a reioising maner, whome after he had beheld a good while, he said to the duke; Is it possible that you may see that which I sée? The duke answered that he saw nothing otherwise than he ought to sée. Then said Dunstane, Blesse your eies with the signe of [Sidenote: Crossing bringeth sight of the diuels, and crossing driueth them away.] the crosse, and trie whether you can see that I sée. And when he had doone as Dunstane appointed him, he saw also the féend in likenesse of a little short euill fauoured Aethiopian dansing and leaping, whereby they gathered that some euill hap was towards some of the companie: but when they had crossed and blessed them, the foule spirit vanished out of their sight.

[Sidenote: Dunstane an interpreter of dreames.] Now after they had talked of this vision, and made an end of their talke touching the same, the duke required of Dunstane to interpret a dreame which he had of late in sléepe, and that was this: He thought that he saw in a vision the king with all his nobles sit in his dining chamber at meate, and as they were there making merrie togither, the king chanced to fall into a dead sléepe, and all the noble men, and those of his councell that were about him were changed into robucks [Sidenote: Dunstan séeth the diuell often, but now he was become a waiter at the table when Dunstane sat with the king.] and goats. Dunstane quicklie declared that this dreame signified the kings death, and the changing of the nobles into dum and insensible beasts betokened that the princes & gouernors of the realme should decline from the waie of truth, and wander as foolish beasts without a guide to rule them. Also the night after this talke when the king was set at supper, Dunstane saw the same spirit, or some other, walke vp and downe amongst them that waited at the table, and within thrée daies after, the king was slaine, as before ye haue heard.

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_Edred succedeth his brother Edmund in the realme of England, the Northumbers rebell against him, they and the Scots sweare to be his true subiects, they breake their oth and ioine with Aulafe the Dane, who returneth into Northumberland, and is made king thereof, the people expell him and erect Hericius in his roome, king Edred taketh reuenge on the Northumbers for their disloialtie, the rereward of his armie is assalted by an host of his enimies issuing out of Yorke, the Northumbers submit themselues, and put awaie Hericius their king, Wolstane archbishop of Yorke punished for his disloialtie, whereto Edred applied himselfe after the appeasing of ciuill tumults, his death and buriall, a speciall signe of Edreds loue to Dunstane abbat of Glastenburie, his practise of cousenage touching king Edreds treasure._

THE XXIJ. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: EDRED.] [Sidenote: 946.] EDRED the brother of Edmund, and sonne to Edward the elder and to Edgiue his last wife, began his reigne ouer the realme of England in the yéere of our Lord 946, or (as other say) 997, which was in the twelfe yéere of the emperor Otho the first, and in the 21 yéere of the reigne of Lewes K. of France, & about the third or fourth yéere of Malcolme the first of that name, king of Scotland. He was crowned and [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] annointed the 16 day of August by Odo the archbishop of Canturburie at Kingstone vpon Thames. In the first yéere of his reigne, the [Sidenote: The Northumbers rebell and are subdued.] Northumbers rebelled against him, wherevpon he raised an armie, inuaded their countrie, and subdued them by force. This doone, he went forward into Scotland: but the Scots without shewing anie resistance submitted themselues vnto him, and so both Scots and Northumbers receiued an oth to be true vnto him, which they obserued but a small while, for he was no sooner returned into the south parts, but that Aulafe which had beene chased out of the countrie by king Edmund, as [Sidenote: Aulafe returned into Northumberland.] before ye haue heard, returned into Northumberland with a great nauie of ships, and was ioifullie receiued of the inhabitants, and restored againe to the kingdome, which he held by the space of foure yéeres, and then by the accustomed disloialtie of the Northumbers he was by [Sidenote: Hirke or Hericius.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: The disloialtie of the Northumbers punished.] them expelled, and then they set vp one Hirke or Hericius the sonne of one Harrold to reigne ouer them, who held not the estate anie long time. For in the third yeere of his reigne, Edred in the reuenge of such disloiall dealings in the Northumbers, destroied the countrie with fire & swoord, sleaing the most part of the inhabitants. He burnt the abbeie of Rippon, which was kept against him.

As he was returning homeward, an host of enimies brake out of Yorke, and setting vpon the rereward of the kings armie at a place called [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: Easterford.] Easterford, made great slaughter of the same. Wherefore the king in his rage ment to haue begun a new spoile and destruction, but the Northumbers humbled themselues so vnto him, that putting awaie their forsaid king Hirke or Hericius, and offering great rewards and gifts to buy their peace, they obteined pardon. But bicause that Wolstane the archbishop of Yorke was of counsell with his countriemen in reuolting from king Edred, and aduancing of Hericius, king Edred tooke him and kept him in prison a long time after, but at length in respect of the reuerence which he bare to his calling, he set him at libertie, and pardoned him his offense. Matth. Westm. reciteth an other cause of [Sidenote: The archbishop of Yorke imprisoned.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: 951.] Wolstans imprisonment, as thus. In the yéere of Grace, saith he, 951, king Edred put the archbishop of Yorke in close prison, bicause of often complaints exhibited against him, as he which had commanded manie townesmen of Theadford to be put to death, in reuenge of the abbat Aldelme by them vniustlie slaine and murthered.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] After this, when Edred had appeased all ciuill tumults and dissentions within his land, he applied him selfe to the aduancing of religion, wholie following the mind of Dunstane, by whose exhortation he suffered patientlie manie torments of the bodie, and exercised himselfe in praier and other deuout studies. This Edred in his latter daies being greatlie addicted to deuotion & religious priests, at the request of his mother Edgiua, restored the abbeie of Abington which was built first by king Inas, but in these daies sore decaied and [Sidenote: Edredus departeth this life.] fallen into ruine. Finallie, after he had reigned nine yéeres and a halfe, he departed this life to the great gréeuance of men, and reioising of angels (as it is written) and was buried at Winchester in the cathedrall church there. ¶ Heere is to be noted, that the foresaid Edred, when he came first to the crowne, vpon a singular and most [Sidenote: Dunstane in fauour.] especiall fauour which he bare towards Dunstane the abbat of Glastenburie, committed vnto him the chiefest part of all his treasure, as charters of lands with other monuments, and such ancient princelie iewels as belonged to the former kings, with other such as he got of his owne, willing him to lay the same in safe kéeping within his monasterie of Glastenburie.

Afterward, when king Edred perceiued himselfe to be in danger of death by force of that sickenesse, which in déed made an end of his life, he sent into all parties to such as had anie of his treasure in kéeping, to bring the same vnto him with all spéed, that he might dispose [Sidenote: But was not this a deuise thereby to deteine the treasure? for I doo not read that he deliuered it out of his hands.] thereof before his departure out of this life, as he should sée cause. Dunstane tooke such things as he had vnder his hands, & hasted forward to deliuer the same vnto the king, and to visit him in that time of his sickenesse according to his dutie: but as he was vpon the waie, a voice spake to him from heauen, saieng; Behold king Edred is now departed in peace. At the hearing of this voice, the horsse whereon Dunstane rode fell downe and died, being not able to abide the presence of the angell that thus spake to Dunstane. And when he came to the court, he vnderstood that the king died the same houre in which [Sidenote: An angell, or as some think a woorse creature.] it was told him by the angell, as before ye haue heard.

* * * * *

_Edwin succeedeth Edred in the kingdome of England, his beastlie and incestuous carnalite with a kinswoman of his on the verie day of his coronation, he is reproued of Dunstane and giueth ouer the gentlewomans companie, Dunstane is banished for rebuking king Edwin for his unlawfull lust and lewd life, the diuell reioised at his exile, what reuenging mischiefs the king did for displeasure sake against the said Dunstane in exile, the middle part of England rebelleth against king Edwin, and erecteth his brother Edgar in roiall roome ouer them, he taketh thought and dieth; Edgar succeedeth him, he is a fauourer of moonks, his prouision for defense of his realme, his policie and discretion in gouernment, what kings he bound by oth to be true vnto him, eight princes row his barge in signe of submission, the vicious inconueniences that grew among the Englishmen vpon his fauouring of the Danes, a restraint of excessiue quaffing; Dunstane is made bishop of Worcester and Ethelwold bishop of Wincester; iustice in Edgars time seuerelie executed, theft punished with death, a tribute of woolfs skins paid him out of Wales, and the benefit of that tribute._

THE XXIIJ. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: EDWIN.] [Sidenote: 955.] After the deceasse of Edred, his nephue Edwin the eldest sonne of king Edmund was made king of England, and began his reigne ouer the same in the yéere of our Lord 955, & in the 20 yéere of the emperor Otho the first, in the 28 and last yéere of the reigne of Lewes king of France, and about the twelfe yeere of Malcolme the first of that name, king of Scotland. He was consecrated at Kingston vpon Thames by Odo the archbishop of Canturburie. On the verie day of his coronation, as the [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] lords were set in councell about weightie matters touching the gouernment of the realme, he rose from the place, gat him into a chamber with one of his néere kinswomen, and there had to doo with hir, without anie respect or regard had to his roiall estate and princelie dignitie. Dunstane latelie before named abbat of Glastenburie, did not onlie without feare of displeasure reprooue the K. for such shamefull abusing of his bodie, but also caused the archbishop of Canturburie to constreine him to forsake that woman whom vnlawfullie he kept.

[Sidenote: _Iohn Capgrave._] There be that write, that there were two women, both mother and daughter, whome king Edward kept as concubines: for the mother being of noble parentage, sought to satisfie the kings lust, in hope that either he would take hir or hir daughter vnto wife. And therefore perceiuing that Dunstane was sore against such wanton pastime as the king vsed in their companie, she so wrought, that Dunstane was through [Sidenote: Dunstane banished the realme.] hir earnest trauell banished the land. This is also reported, that when he should depart the realme, the diuell was heard in the west end of the church, taking vp a great laughter after his roring maner, as [Sidenote: Dunstane séeth not the diuell.] though he should shew himselfe glad and ioifull at Dunstanes going into exile. But Dunstane perceiuing his behauiour, spake to him, and said: Well thou aduersarie, doo not so greatly reioise at the matter, for thou dooest not now so much reioise at my departure, but by Gods grace thou shalt be as sorrowfull for my returne.

[Sidenote: Dunstane departed into exile.] Thus was Dunstane banished by king Edwine, so that he was compelled to passe ouer into Flanders, where he remained for a time within a monasterie at Gant, finding much friendship at the hands of the gouernor of that countrie. Also the more to wreake his wrath, the king spoiled manie religious houses of their goods, and droue out the [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: Edwine displaceth monks and putteth secular preists in their roomes.] monks, placing secular priests in their roomes, as namelie at Malmesburie, where yet the house was not empaired, but rather inriched in lands and ornaments by the kings liberalitie, and the industrious meanes of the same priests, which tooke vp the bones of saint Aldelme, [Sidenote: Rebellion raised against king Edwine.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] and put the same into a shrine. At length the inhabitants of the middle part of England, euen from Humber to Thames rebelled against him, and elected his brother Edgar, to haue the gouernement ouer them, wherwith king Edwine tooke such griefe, for that he saw no meane at hand how to remedie the matter, that shortlie after, when he had [Sidenote: Edwin departeth this life.] reigned somewhat more than foure yéeres, he died, and his bodie was buried at Winchester in the new abbeie.

[Sidenote: EDGAR.] [Sidenote: 959.] EDGAR the second sonne of Edmund late king of England, after the decease of his elder brother the foresaid Edwine, began his reigne ouer this realme of England in the yeere of our Lord God 959, in the 22 yéere of the emperour Otho the first, in the fourth yéere of the reigne of Lotharius king of France, 510 almost ended after the comming of the Saxons, 124 after the arriuall of the Danes, and in the last [Sidenote: _Polydor._] yéere of Malcolme king of Scotland. He was crowned & consecrated at Bath, or (as some say) at Kingstone vpon Thames by Odo the archbishop of Canturburie, being as then not past 16 yéeres of age, when he was thus admitted king. He was no lesse indued with commendable gifts of [Sidenote: Edgar a fauorer of moonks.] mind, than with strength and force of bodie. He was a great fauorer of moonks, and speciallie had Dunstane in high estimation. Aboue all things in this world he regarded peace, and studied dailie how to preserue the same, to the commoditie and aduancement of his subiects.

[Sidenote: The diligent prouision of K. Edgar for defense of the realme.] When he had established things in good quiet, and set an order in matters as seemed to him best for the peaceable gouernement of his people, he prepared a great nauie of ships, diuiding them in thrée parts, he appointed euerie part to a quarter of the realme, to waft about the coast, that no forren enimie should approch the land, but that they might be incountered and put backe, before they could take land. And euerie yéere after Easter, he vsed to giue order, that his ships should assemble togither in their due places: and then would he with the east nauie saile to the west parts of his realme, and sending those ships backe, he would with the west nauie saile into the north parts; and with the north nauie come backe againe into the east. This custome he vsed, that he might scowre the seas of all pirats & theeues. In the winter season and spring time, he would ride through the prouinces of his realme, searching out how the iudges and great lords demeaned themselues in the administration of iustice, sharpelie punishing those that were found guiltie of extortion, or had done otherwise in anie point than dutie required. In all things he vsed [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] such politike discretion, that neither was he put in danger by treason of his subiects, nor molested by forren enimies.

He caused diuerse kings to bind themselues by oth to be true and faithfull vnto him, as Kinadius or rather Induf king of Scotland, [Sidenote: Mascutius.] Malcolme king of Cumberland, Mascutius an archpirat, or (as we may [Sidenote: Kings of Welshmen.] call him) a maister rouer, and also all the kings of the Welshmen, as Duffnall, Girffith, Duvall, Iacob, and Iudithill, all which came to his court, and by their solemne othes receiued, sware to be at his commandement. And for the more manifest testimonie therof, he hauing them with him at Chester, caused them to enter into a barge vpon the [Sidenote: King Edgar roweth on the water of Dée.] water of Dée, and placing himselfe in the forepart of the barge, at the helme, he caused those eight high princes to row the barge vp and downe the water, shewing thereby his princelie prerogatiue and roial magnificence, in that he might vse the seruice of so manie kings that were his subiects. And therevpon he said (as hath bin reported) that then might his successours account themselues kings of England, when they inioied such prerogatiue of high and supreme honor.

The fame of this noble prince was spred ouer all, as well on this side the sea as beyond, insomuch that great resort of strangers chanced in his daies, which came euer into this land to serue him, and to sée the state of his court, as Saxons and other, yea and also Danes, which [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: King Edgar fauoureth Danes.] became verie familiar with him. He fauored in déed the Danes (as hath béene said) more than stood with the commoditie of his subiects, for scarse was anie stréet in England, but Danes had their dwelling in the same among the Englishmen, whereby came great harme: for whereas the Danes by nature were great drinkers, the Englishmen by continuall [Sidenote: English learned to quaffe of the Danes.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] conuersation with them learned the same vice. King Edgar to reforme in part such excessiue quaffing as then began to grow in vse, caused by the procurement of Dunstane, nailes to be set in cups of a certeine measure, marked for the purpose, that none should drinke more than was assigned by such measured cups. Englishmen also learned of the Saxons, [Sidenote: Englishmen learne other vices of strangers.] Flemings, and other strangers, their peculiar kind of vices, as of the Saxons a disordered fiercenesse of mind, or the Flemings a féeble tendernesse of bodie: where before they reioised in their owne simplicitie, and estéemed not the lewd and vnprofitable manners of strangers.

Dunstane was made bishop of Worcester, and had also the administration of the sée of London committed vnto him. He was in such fauor with the [Sidenote: Ethelwold made bishop of Winchester.] king, that he ruled most things at his pleasure. Ethelwold, which being first a moonke of Glastenburie, and after abbat of Abington, was likewise made bishop of Winchester, and might doo verie much with the [Sidenote: Oswald.] [Sidenote: Floriacum.] king. Also Oswald, which had beene a moonke in the abbeie of Florie in France, and after was made bishop of Worcester, and from thence remooued to the sée of Yorke, was highlie in fauor with this king, so that by these thrée prelates he was most counselled. Iustice in his [Sidenote: Moonks must néeds write much in praise of Edgar who had men of their cote in such estimati[=o].] daies was strictlie obserued, for although he were courteous and gentle towards his friends, yet was he sharpe and hard to offenders, so that no person of what estate or degree soeuer he was escaped worthie punishment, if he did transgresse the lawes and ordinances of the realme. There was no priuie theefe nor common robber that durst lay hands vpon other mens goods, but he might looke to make amends with losse of his life, if he were knowne to be giltie. For how might men that did offend, thinke to escape his hands, which deuised waies how to rid the countrie of all wild rauening beasts, that liued vpon sucking the bloud of others? For as it is said, he appointed Iudweall [Sidenote: A tribute instituted of woolf-skins.] or Ludweall king of Wales to present him thrée hundred woolues yéerelie in name of a tribute, but after thrée yéeres space, there was not a woolfe to be found, and so that tribute ceased in the fourth yéere after it began to be paid.

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_The death of Alfred king Edgars wife (or concubine) causeth him to fall into a fowle offense, an example teaching men to take heed how they put others in trust to woo for them; earle Ethelwold cooseneth the king of his wife, the danger of beholding a womans beautie with lustfull eies; king Edgar killeth earle Ethelwold to marrie faire Alfred his wife; the bloudie and unnaturall speach of Ethelwolds base sonne: examples of king Edgars great incontinencie and lewd life; Dunstane putteth the king to penance for his vnchastitie, the Welshmen rebell against him and are corrected, king Edgars vision before his death, of what religious buildings he was founder, his example a spur to others to doo the like, moonks esteemed and secular priests little regarded, king Edgars deformed reformation, his vices, stature, and bodilie qualities, he offereth to fight hand to hand with Kinadius king of Scots vpon occasion of words euill taken, Kinadius submitteth himselfe and is pardoned; his wiues and children, the good state of the realme in king Edgars time, the amplenesse of his dominions._

THE XXIIIJ. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: _Osborne_ and _Capgraue_ hold that she was not his wife but a nun.] In this meane time, Alfred the wife of king Edgar (as some say) or rather (as others write) his concubine died, of whome he had begot a sonne named Edward. The death of this woman caused the king to commit an heinous offense. For albeit at the same time the fame went, that [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: Horger.] Horgerius duke of Cornewall, or rather Deuonshire, had a daughter named Alfred, a damosell of excellent beautie, whome Edgar minding to haue in mariage, appointed one of his noble men called earle Ethelwold, to go with all speed into Cornewall or Deuonshire, to sée if the yoong ladies beautie answered the report that went of hir, and so to breake the matter to hir father in his behalfe: yet Ethelwold being a yong iollie gentleman, tooke his iournie into Cornewall, and comming to the duke, was well receiued, and had a sight of his daughter, with whose beautie he was streight rauished so far in loue, [Sidenote: Erle Ethelwold deceiueth the king of his wife.] that not regarding the kings pleasure, who had sent him thither, he began to purchase the good will of both father and daughter for himselfe, and did so much that he obteined the same in déed. Herevpon returning to the king, he informed him that the damosell was not of such beautie and comelie personage, as might be thought woorthie to match in mariage with his maiestie.

Shortlie after perceiuing the kings mind by his wrongfull misreport to be turned, and nothing bent that way, he began to sue to him that he might with his fauour marie the same damosell: which the king granted, as one that cared not for hir, bicause of the credit which he gaue to Ethelwolds words. And so by this meanes Ethelwold obteined Alfred in mariage, which was to his owne destruction, as the case fell out. For when the fame of hir passing beautie did spread ouer all the realme, now that she was maried and came more abroad in sight of the people, the king chanced to heare thereof, and desirous to sée hir, deuised vnder colour of hunting to come vnto the house of Ethelwold, and so did: where he had no sooner set his eie vpon hir, but he was so farre wrapped in the chaine of burning concupiscence, that to obteine his [Sidenote: King Edgar séeketh the destruction of earle Ethelwold.] purpose, he shortlie after contriued Ethelwolds death, and maried his wife.

Some say, that the woman kindled the brand of purpose: for when it was knowne, that the king would sée hir, Ethelwold willed hir in no wise to trim vp hir selfe, but rather to disfigure hir in fowle garments, and some euil fauored attire, that hir natiue beautie should not appeare: but she perceiuing how the matter went, of spite set out hir selfe to the vttermost, so that the king vpon the first sight of hir, became so farre inamored of hir beautie, that taking hir husband [Sidenote: King Edgar a murtherer.] foorth with him on hunting into a forrest or wood then called Warlewood, & after Horewood, not shewing that he meant him anie hurt, till at length he had got him within the thicke of the wood, where he suddenlie stroke him through with his dart. Now as his bastard son came to the place, the king asked him how he liked the maner of hunting, wherto he answered; "Verie well if it like your grace, for that that liketh you, ought not to displease me." With which answer the king was so pacified, that he indeuored by pretending his fauor towards the sonne, to extenuat the tyrannicall murther of the father. Then did the king marie the countesse Alfred, and of hir begat two sonnes, Edmund which died yoong, and Etheldred or Egelred.

Besides this cruell act wrought by king Edgar, for the satisfieng of his fleshlie lust, he also plaied another part greatlie to the staine of his honor, mooued also by wanton loue, with a yoong damosell named Wilfrid, for after that she had (to auoid the danger of him) either professed hir selfe a nun, or else for colour (as the most part of writers agrée) got hirselfe into a nunrie, and clad hir in a nuns wéed, he tooke hir foorth of hir cloister, and lay by hir sundrie times, and begat on hir a daughter named Edith, who comming to [Sidenote: His licentious life & incontinencie.] conuenient age, was made a nun. A third example of his incontinencie is written by authors, and that is this. It chanced on a time that he lodged one night at Andeuer, and hauing a mind to a lords daughter there, he commanded that she should bee brought to his bed. But the mother of the gentlewoman would not that hir daughter should be defloured: and therefore in the darke of the night brought one of hir maidseruants, and laid hir in the kings bed, she being both faire, proper, and pleasant.

In the morning when the day began to appeare, she made hast to arise: and being asked of the king why she so hasted; That I may go to my daies worke if it please your grace (quoth she.) Herewith she being staied by the king, as it were against hir will, she fell downe on hir knées, and required of him that she might be made frée, in guerdon of hir nights worke. For (saith she) it is not for your honor, that the woman which hath tasted the pleasure of the kings bodie should anie more suffer seruitude vnder the rule and appointment of a sharpe and rough mistresse.

The king then being mooued in his spirits, laughed at the matter, though not from the heart, as he that tooke great indignation at the dooings of the dutchesse, and pitied the case of the poore wench. But yet in fine (turning earnest to a iest) he pardoned all the parties, and aduanced the wench to high honor, farre aboue those that had rule of hir afore, so that she ruled them (willed they nilled they:) for he vsed hir as his paramour, till he maried the foresaid Alfred.

For these youthfull parts, & namelie for the rauishing of Wilfride (which though she were no nun, yet the offense seemed heinous, for that he should not once touch anie woman shadowed vnder that habit) he greatlie displeased Dunstane, so that by him he was put to his seuen [Sidenote: Note the déep hypocrisie of Dunstane.] yéeres penance, and kept from the crowne till the 12 yeere of his reigne or more. For some write that he was not crowned nor annointed [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: _Fabian_ out of _Guido de Columna._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] king, till the 30 yéere of his age, which should be about the 13 or 14 yeere of his reigne by that account, sith he entred into the rule of the kingdome about the 16 yeere of his age. In déed one author witnesseth, that he was consecrated at Bath on a Whitsunday, the 13 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Ranul. Hig._] yéere of his reigne, and that by Dunstane archbishop of Canturburie, and Oswold archbishop of Yorke. But some which suppose that he was consecrated king immediatlie vpon the death of Edridus, affirme that [Sidenote: _Polydor._] he was crowned and annointed king by the archbishop Odo, Dunstane as then remaining in exile, from whence he was immediatlie reuoked by Edgar, and first made bishop of Worcester (as hath beene said) and after the decease of Odo was aduanced to be archbishop of Canturburie. [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] But by some writers it appeareth, that Dunstane was reuoked out of exile immediatlie vpon partition of the realme betwixt Edwin and Edgar, which chanced in the yéere 957, by the rebellion of the people of Mercia, & others (as before ye haue heard:) and that in the yéere following the archbishop Odo died, after whome succéeded Alfin bishop of Winchester, who also died the same yéere that king Edward deceassed, as he went to fetch his pall from Rome, and then Brighthelme bishop of Dorchester was elected archbishop. But bicause he was not able to discharge so great an office, by K. Edgars commandement he was forced to giue place to Dunstane.

[Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: The Welshmen rebel and are chastised.] Toward the latter end of king Edgars daies, the Welshmen mooued some rebellion against him. Wherevpon he assembled an armie, and entering the countrie of Glamorgan, did much hurt in the same, chastising the inhabitants verie sharpelie for their rebellious attempts. Amongst other spoiles taken in those parties at that time by the men of war, the bell of saint Ellutus was taken away, and hanged about a horsses necke, and (as hath béene reported) in the after noone, it chanced that king Edgar laid him downe to rest, wherevpon in sleepe there appeared one vnto him, and smote him on the breast with a speare. By reason of which vision he caused all things that had beene taken away [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] [Sidenote: King Edgar departeth this life.] to be restored againe. But within nine daies after the king died. Whether anie such thing chanced, or that he had anie such vision it forceth not. But truth it is, that in the 37 yeere of his age, after he had reigned 16 yéeres and two moneths he departed this life, the 8 day of Iulie, and was buried at Glastenburie.

[Sidenote: Wherefore Edgar is praised of some writers.] This Edgar is highlie renowmed of writers for such princelie qualities as appeared in him, but chieflie for that he was so beneficiall to the church, namelie to moonks, the aduancement of whome he greatlie sought, both in building abbeies new from the ground, in reparing those that were decaied: also by inriching them with great reuenues, and in conuerting collegiat churches into monasteries, remoouing secular priests, and bringing in moonks in their places. There passed no one yéere of his reigne, wherin he founded not one abbeie or other. The abbeie of Glastenburie which his father had begun he finished. The abbeie of Abington also he accomplished and set in good order. The abbeies of Peterborough & Thornie he established. The nunrie of Wilton he founded and richlie endowed, where his daughter Editha was professed, and at length became abbesse there. To be briefe, he [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] builded (as the chronicles record) to the number of 40 abbeies and monasteries, in some of which he placed moonks, and in some nuns. By his example in those daies, other nobles, as also prelates, & some of the laitie, did begin the foundation of sundrie abbeies and [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] monasteries: as Adelwold bishop of Winchester builded the abbeie of Elie, and (as some say) Peterborough & Thornie, though they were established by the king (as before is mentioned.) Also earle Ailewin, [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] at the exhortation of the same bishop Adelwold, builded the abbeie of Ramsey, though some attribute the dooing thereof vnto Oswald the archbishop of Yorke, and some to king Edward the elder.

[Sidenote: _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: Moonks estéemed & secular priests little regarded.] To conclude, the religious orders of moonks and nuns in these daies florished, and the state of secular priests was smallie regarded, insomuch that they were constreined to auoid out of diuerse colleges, and to leaue the same vnto moonks, as at Worcester and Winchester, wherein the new monasterie, bicause the kings liued not in such sort [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: _lib._ 6. _cap._ 9.] as was then thought requisite, the prebends were taken from them and giuen to vicars. But when the vicars were thought to vse themselues no better, but rather worse than the other before them, they were likewise put out, and moonks placed in their roomes by authoritie of pope John the 13. This reformation, or rather deformation was vsed by king Edgar in many other places of the realme.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: _Tho. Eliot._] He was (as appeareth by diuers writers) namelie in his beginning, cruell against his owne people, and wanton in lusting after yoong [Sidenote: Edgar small of stature but strong and hardie.] women (as you haue heard before.) Of stature & proportion of bodie he was but small and low, but yet nature had inclosed within so little a personage such strength, that he durst incounter and combat with him that was thought most strong, onelie doubting this, least he which should haue to doo with him should stand in feare of him. And as it chanced at a great feast (where oftentimes men vse their toongs more [Sidenote: Kenneth king of Scots.] liberallie than néedeth) Kenneth the king of Scots cast out certeine words in this maner: "It may (saith hée) séeme a maruell that so manie countries and prouinces should be subiect to such a little sillie bodie as Edgar is." These words being borne awaie by a iester or minstrell, and afterwards vttered to Edgar with great reproch, he wiselie dissembled the matter for a time, although he kept the remembrance thereof inclosed within his breast: and vpon occasion, at length feigned to go on hunting, taking the king of Scots forth with him: and hauing caused one of his seruants to conuey two swords into a place within the forrest by him appointed in secret wise, of purpose he withdrew from the residue of his companie, and there accompanied onelie with the Scotish king, came to the place where the swords were laid; and there taking the one of them, deliuered the other to the [Sidenote: The noble courage of king Edgar.] Scotish king, willing him now to assaie his strength, that they might shew by proofe whether of them ought to be subiect to the other; "Start not, but trie it with me (saith he:) for it is a shame for a king to be full of brags at bankets, and not to be readie to fight when triall should be made abroad." The Scotish king herewith being astonied and maruellouslie abashed, fell downe at his féet, and with much humilitie confessed his fault, & desired pardon for the same, which vpon such his humble submission king Edward easilie granted.

This noble prince had two wiues, Egelfrida or Elfrida, surnamed the white, the daughter of a mightie duke named Ordiner, by whome he had issue a sonne named Edward that succéeded him. His second wife was called Alfreda the daughter of Orgar duke of Deuon or Cornewall (as some saie) by whome he had issue Edmund that died before his father, and Egelred which afterwards was king. Also he had issue a base [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] daughter named Editha, begotten of his concubine Wilfrid (as before ye haue heard.) The state of the realme in king Edgars daies was in good point, for both the earth gaue hir increase verie plentiouslie, the elements shewed themselues verie fauorable, according to the course of times: peace was mainteined, and no inuasion by forraine enimies attempted. For Edgar had not onelie all the whole Ile of Britaine in subiection, but also was ruler & souereigne lord ouer all the kings of the out Iles that lie within the seas about all the coasts of the same Britaine euen vnto the realme of Norwaie. He brought also a great part [Sidenote: Ireland subiect to king Edgar.] of Ireland vnder his subiection, with the citie of Dublin, as by authentike recordes it dooth and may appeare.

* * * * *

_Contention amongest the peeres and states about succession to the crowne, the moonkes remoued and the canons and secular priests restored by Alfer duke of Mercia and his adherents, a blasing starre with the euents insuing the same, the rood of Winchester speaketh, a prettie shift of moonks to defeat the priests of their possessions, the controuersie betweene the moonks and the priests ended by a miracle of archbishop Dunstane, great hope that Edward would tread his fathers steps, the reuerent loue he bare his stepmother queene Alfred and hir sonne Egelred, hir diuelish purpose to murther Edward hir step-sonne accomplished, his obscure funerall in respect of pompe, but famous by meanes of miracles wrought by and about his sepulture, queene Alfred repenting hir of the said prepensed murther, dooth penance, and imploieth hir substance in good woorkes as satisfactorie for hir sinnes, king Edwards bodie remoued, and solemnlie buried by Alfer duke of Mercia, who was eaten up with lice for being against the said Edwards aduancement to the crowne, queene Alfreds offense by no meanes excusable._

THE XXV. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: EDWARD.] [Sidenote: Some write that the father king Edgar appointed Edward to succeed him.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _Iohn Capg._] After the deceasse of king Edgar, there was some strife and contention amongst the lords & péeres of the realme about the succession of the crowne: for Alfred the mother of Egelredus or Ethelredus, and diuers other of hir opinion, would gladlie haue aduanced the same Egelredus to the rule: but the archbishop Dunstan taking in his hands the baner of the crucifix, presented his elder brother Edward vnto the lords as they were assembled togither, and there pronounced him king, notwithstanding that both queene Alfred and hir friends, namelie Alfer the duke of Mercia were sore against him, especiallie for that he was begot in vnlawfull bed of Elfleda the nun, for which offense he did seuen yeares penance, and not for lieng with Wilfrid (as maister Fox [Sidenote: Alfer duke of Mercia and other immediately upon Edgars death before the crowne was established, renounced the moonks and restored the canons.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] thinketh.) But Dunstane iudging (as is to be thought) that Edward was more fit for their behoofe to continue the world in the former course as Edgar had left it, than his brother Egelred (whose mother and such as tooke part with hir vnder hir sonnes authoritie were likelie inough to turne all vpside downe) vsed the matter so, that with helpe of Oswald the archbishop of Yorke, and other bishops, abbats, and certeine of the nobilitie, as the earle of Essex and such like, he preuailed in his purpose, so that (as before is said) the said Edward, being the second of that name which gouerned this land before the [Sidenote: 975.] conquest, was admitted king, and began his reigne ouer England in the yeare of our Lord 975, in the third yeare of the emperour Otho the second, in the 20 yeare of the reigne of Lothar king of France, and about the fourth yeare of Cumelerne king of Scotland. He was consecrated by archb. Dunstane at Kingston vpon Thames, to the great griefe of his mother in law Alfred and hir friends. ¶ About the [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] beginning of his reigne a blasing starre was seene, signifieng (as was thought) the miserable haps that followed. And first there insued barrennesse of ground, and thereby famine amongest the people, and morraine of cattell.

[Sidenote: Alfer or Elfer, duke of Mercia.] Also duke Alfer or Elfer of Mercia, and other noble men destroyed the abbies which king Edgar and bishop Adelwold had builded within the limits of Mercia. The priests or canons, which had béene expelled in Edgars time out of the prebends and benefices, began to complaine of the wrongs that were doone to them, in that they had beene put out of possession from their liuings, alleging it to be a great offense and miserable case, that a stranger should come and remoue an old inhabitant, for such maner of dooing could not please God, not yet be allowed of anie good man, which ought of reason to doubt least the same should hap to him which he might sée to haue béene another mans vndooing. About this matter was hard hold, for manie of the temporall lords, and namelie the same Alfer, iudged that the priests had wrong. [Sidenote: _Iohn Capg._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] In so much that they remoued the moonks out of their places, and brought into the monasteries secular priests with their wiues. But Edelwin duke of the Eastangles, & Alfred his brother, with Brightnoth or Brightnode earle of Essex, withstood this dooing, & gathering an armie, with great valiancie mainteined the moonks in their houses, [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] within the countrie of Eastangles. Herevpon were councels holden, as at Winchester, at Kirthling in Eastangle, and at Calne.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._] At Winchester, when the matter was brought to that passe that the priests were like to haue had their purpose, an image of the rood that stood there in the refectorie where they sat in councell, vttered [Sidenote: A pretie shift of the moonks to disappoint the priests.] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] certeine woords in this wise; God forbid it should be so, God forbid it should be so: ye iudged well once, but ye may not change well againe. As though (saith Polydor Virgil) the moonks had more right, which had bereft other men of their possessions, than the priests which required restitution of their owne. But (saith he) bicause the image of Christ hanging on the crosse was thought to speake these words, such credit was giuen thereto, as it had béene an oracle, that the priests had their sute dashed, and all the trouble was ceassed. So the moonks held those possessions, howsoeuer they came to them, by the helpe of God, or rather (as saith the same Polydor) by the helpe of man. For there were euen then diuers that thought this to be rather an oracle of Phebus than of God, that is to say, not published by Gods power, but by the fraud and craftie deceit of men.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] The matter therefore was not so quieted, but that vpon new trouble an other councell was had at a manour house belonging to the king, called Calne, where they that were appointed to haue the hearing of the matter, sat in an vpper loft. The king by reason of his yoong yéeres was spared, so that he came not there. Héere as they were busied in arguing the matter, either part laieng for himselfe what could be said, Dunstane was sore reuiled, and had sundrie reproches laid against him: but suddenlie euen in the verie heat of their communication, the ioists of the loft failed, and downe came all the [Sidenote: Dunstane by woorking miracles had his will, when arguments failed.] companie, so that manie were slaine and hurt, but Dunstane alone standing vpon one of the ioists that fell not, escaped safe and sound. And so this miracle with the other made an end of the controuersie betwéene the priests and moonks, all the English people following the mind of the archbishop Dunstane, who by meanes thereof had his will.

In this meane while, king Edward ruling himselfe by good counsell of such as were thought discréet and sage persons, gaue great hope to the world that he would walke in his fathers vertuous steps, as alreadie he well began, and bearing alwaie a reuerence to his mother in law, [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: _Will. Malms._] and a brotherlie loue to hir sonne Egelred, vsed himselfe as became him towards them both. Afterward by chance as he was hunting in a forrest néere the castell of Corfe, where his mother in law and his brother the said Egelred then soiourned, when all his companie were spred abroad in following the game, so that he was left alone, he tooke the waie streight vnto his mother in lawes house, to visit hir [Sidenote: The wicked purpose of quéene Alfred.] and his brother. The quéene hearing that he was come, was verie glad thereof, for that she had occasion offered to woorke that which she had of long time before imagined, that was, to slea the king hir sonne in law, that hir owne sonne might inioy the garland. Wherefore she required him to alight, which he in no wise would yéeld vnto, but said that he had stolne from his companie, and was onelie come to see hir and his brother, and to drinke with them, and therefore would returne to the forrest againe to sée some more sport.

[Sidenote: The shameful murther of K. Edward.] The queene perceiuing that he would not alight, caused drinke to be fetched, and as he had the cup at his mouth, by hir appointment, one of hir seruants stroke him into the bodie with a knife, wherevpon féeling himselfe wounded, he set spurres to the horsse thinking to gallop awaie, and so to get to his companie. But being hurt to the death, he fell from his horsse, so as one of his féet was fastened in the stirrup, by reason whereof his horsse drew him foorth through [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: _Sim. Dun._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] woods and launds, & the bloud which gushed out of the wound shewed token of his death to such as followed him, and the waie to the place where the horsse had left him. That place was called Corphes gate or Corfes gate. His bodie being found was buried without anie solemne funeralls at Warham. For they which enuied that he should inioy the crowne, enuied also the buriall of his bodie within the church: but the memorie of his fame could not so secretlie be buried with the [Sidenote: Miracles.] bodie, as they imagined. For sundrie miracles shewed at the place where his bodie was interred, made the same famous (as diuerse haue reported) for there was sight restored to the blind, health to the sicke, and hearing to the deafe, which are easilier to be told than beleeued.

Queene Alfred also would haue ridden to the place where he laie, mooued with repentance (as hath beene said) but the horsse wherevpon she rode would not come neere the graue, for anie thing that could be doone to him. Neither by changing the said horsse could the matter be holpen: for euen the same thing happened to the other horsses. Heerevpon the woman perceiued hir great offense towards God for murthering the innocent, and did so repent hir afterward for the same, that besides the chastising of hir bodie in fasting, and other kind of [Sidenote: Building of abbeies in those daies was thought to be a full satisfaction for all manner of sinnes.] penance, she imploied all hir substance and patrimonie on the poore, and in building and reparing of churches and monasteries. She founded two houses of nuns (as is said) the one at Warwell, the other at Ambresburie, and finallie professed hirselfe a nun in one of them, that is to say, at Warwell, which house she builded (as some affirme) in remembrance of hir first husband that was slaine there by king Edgar for hir sake (as before is mentioned.)

The bodie of this Edward the second, and surnamed the martyr, after that it had remained thrée yéeres at Warham where it was first buried, was remooued vnto Shaftesburie, and with great reuerence buried there [Sidenote: Elferus.] by the forenamed Alfer or Elfer, duke of Mercia, who also did sore repent himselfe, in that he had beene against the aduancement of the said king Edward (as ye haue heard.) But yet did not he escape [Sidenote: _Polydor._] woorthie punishment: for within one yéere after, he was eaten to death with lice (if the historie be true.) King Edward came to his death after he had reigned thrée yéeres, or (as other write) thrée yéeres and eight moneths. ¶ Whatsoeuer hath béene reported by writers of the murther committed on the person of this king Edward, sure it is that if he were base begotten (as by writers of no meane credit it should appéere he was in déed) great occasion vndoubtedlie was giuen vnto quéene Alfred to seeke reuenge for the wrongfull keeping backe of hir son Egelred from his rightfull succession to the crowne: but whether that Edward was legitimate or not, she might yet haue deuised some other lawfull meane to haue come by hir purpose, and not so to haue procured the murther of the young prince in such vnlawfull maner. For hir dooing therein can neither be woorthilie allowed, nor throughlie excused, although those that occasioned the mischiefe by aduancing hir stepsonne to an other mans right, deserued most blame in this matter.

_Thus farre the sixt booke comprising the first arriuall of the Danes in this land, which was in king Britricus his reigne, pag. 652, at which time the most miserable state of England tooke beginning._

* * * * *

THE SEVENTH BOOKE

OF THE

HISTORIE OF ENGLAND.

* * * * *

_Egelred succeedeth Edward the martyr in the kingdoms of England, the decaie of the realme in his reigne, Dunstane refusing to consecrate him is therevnto inforced, Dunstans prophesies of the English people and Egelred their king, his slouth and idlenes accompanied with other vices, the Danes arriue on the coasts of Kent and make spoile of manie places; warre betwixt the king and the bishop of Rochester, archbishop Dunstans bitter denunciation against the king because he would not be pacified with the bishop of Rochester without moneie; Dunstans parentage, his strange trance, and what a woonderfull thing he did during the time it lasted, his education and bringing vp, with what good qualities he was indued, an incredible tale of his harpe, how he was reuoked from louing and lusting after women whereto he was addicted, his terrible dreame of a rough beare, what preferments he obteined by his skill in the expounding of dreames._

THE FIRST CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: EGELRED.] In the former booke was discoursed the troubled state of this land by the manifold and mutinous inuasions of the Danes; who though they sought to ingrosse the rule of euerie part and parcell therof into their hands; yet being resisted by the valiantnesse of the gouernors supported with the aid of their people, they were disappointed of their expectation, and receiued manie a dishonorable or rather reprochfull repulse at their aduersaries hands. Much mischiefe doubtlesse they did, and more had doone, if they had not béene met withall in like measure of extremitie as they offred, to the offense and ouerthrow of great multitudes. Their first entrance into this land is controuersed among writers, some saieng that it was in the daies of king Britricus, other some affirming that it was in the time of king Egbert, &c: about which point (sith it is a matter of no great moment) we count it labour lost to vse manie woords: onelie this by the waie is notewoorthie, that the Danes had an vnperfect or rather a lame and limping rule in this land, so long as the gouernors were watchfull, diligent, politike at home, and warlike abroad. But when these kind of kings discontinued, and that the raines of the regiment fell into the hands of a pezzant not a puissant prince, a man euill qualified, dissolute, slacke and licentious, not regarding the dignitie of his owne person, nor fauoring the good estate of the people; the Danes who before were coursed from coast to coast, and pursued from place to place, as more willing to leaue the land, than desirous to tarrie in the same; tooke occasion of stomach and courage to reenter this Ile, & waxing more bold and confident, more desperate and venturous, spared no force, omitted no opportunitie, let slip no aduantage that they might possiblie take, to put in practise and fullie to accomplish their long conceiued purpose.

Now bicause the Danes in the former kings daies were reencountred (and that renowmedlie) so often as they did encounter, and séeking the totall regiment, were dispossessed of their partile principalitie, which by warlike violence they obteined; and for that the Saxons were interessed in the land, and these but violent incrochers, vnable to kéepe that which they came to by constreint; we haue thought it conuenient to comprise the troubled estate of that time in the sixt booke; the rather for the necessarie consequence of matters then in motion: and héere déeme it not amisse, at so great and shamefull loosenesse (speciallie in a prince) ministring hart and courage to the enimie, to begin the seuenth booke. Wherin is expressed the chiefest time of their flourishing estate in this land; if in tumults, vprores, battels, and bloudshed, such a kind of estate may possiblie be found. For héere the Danes lord it, heere they take vpon them like souereignes, & héere (if at anie time they had absolute authoritie) they did what they might in the highest degrée: as shall be declared in the vnfortunate affaires of vngratious Egelred or Etheldred, the sonne of king Edgar, and of his last wife queene Alfred, who was ordeined king in place of his brother Edward, after the same Edward was dispatched out of the waie, and began his reigne ouer this realme [Sidenote: 979.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] of England, in the yéere of our Lord 979, which was in the seuenth yéere of the emperor Otho the second, in the 24 of Lothaire K. of France, and about the second or third yeere of Kenneth the third of that name king of Scotland.

This Egelred or Etheldred was the 30 in number from Cerdicus the first king of the Westsaxons: through his negligent gouernment, the state of the commonwealth fell into such decaie (as writers doo report) that vnder him it may be said, how the kingdome was come to the vttermost point or period of old and féeble age, which is the next degrée to the graue. For wheras, whilest the realme was diuided at the first by the Saxons into sundrie dominions, it grew at length (as it were increasing from youthfull yeeres) to one absolute monarchie, which passed vnder the late remembred princes, Egbert, Adelstane, Edgar, and others, so that in their daies it might be said, how it was growne to mans state, but now vnder this Egelred, through famine, pestilence, and warres, the state thereof was so shaken, turned vpside downe, and weakened on ech part, that rightlie might the season be likened vnto the old broken yéeres of mans life, which through féeblenesse is not able to helpe it selfe. Dunstane archbishop of Canturburie was thought to haue foreséene this thing, and therfore refused to annoint Egelred king, which by the murther of his brother should atteine to the gouernment: but at length he was compelled vnto it, and so he consecrated him at Kingston vpon Thames, as the maner then was, on the 24 day of Aprill, assisted by Oswald archbishop of Yorke, and ten other bishops.

[Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] But (as hath béene reported) Dunstane then said that the English people should suffer condigne punishment generallie, with losse of ancient liberties, which before that time they had inioied. Dunstane also long before prophesied of the slouthfulnesse that should remaine in this Egelred. For at what time he ministred the sacrament of baptisme to him; shortlie after he came into this world, he defiled the font with the ordure of his wombe (as hath beene said:) whervpon Dunstane being troubled in mind, "By the Lord (saith he) and his blessed mother, this child shall prooue to be a slouthfull person." It hath beene written also, that when he was but ten yeeres of age, and heard that his brother Edward was slaine, he so offended his mother with wéeping, bicause she could not still him, that hauing no rod at hand, she tooke tapers or sizes that stood before hir, and beat him so sore with them, that she had almost killed him, whereby he could neuer after abide to haue anie such candels lighted before him.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._] This Egelred (as writers say) was nothing giuen to warlike enterprises, but was slouthfull, a louer of idlenesse, and delighting in riotous lusts, which being knowne to all men, caused him to be euill spoken of amongst his owne people, and nothing feared amongst [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: 980.] strangers. Heerevpon the Danes that exercised rouing on the seas, began to conceiue a boldnesse of courage to disquiet and molest the sea-coasts of the realme, in so much that in the second yéere of this Egelreds reigne, they came with seuen ships on the English coasts of [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] Kent, and spoiled the Ile of Tenet, the towne of Southampton, and in the yeere following they destroied S. Petroks abbeie in Cornwall, Porthland in Deuonshire, and diuerse other places by the sea side, speciallie in Deuonshire & Cornwall. Also a great part of Cheshire was destroied by pirats of Norway.

[Sidenote: 982.] [Sidenote: 983.] [Sidenote: Alfer or Elfer duke of Mercia departed this life.] [Sidenote: Alfrike or Elfrike duke of Mercia.] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] The same yéere by casualtie of fire, a great part of the citie of London was burnt. In the yeere of our Lord 983, Alfer duke of Mercia departed this life, who was coosen to king Edgar, & his sonne Alfrike tooke vpon him the rule of that dukedome, and within thrée yéeres after was banished the land. About the eight yéere of his reigne, Egelred maried one Elgina or Ethelgina, daughter of earle Egbert. In the ninth yeere of his reigne, vpon occasion of strife betwéene him and the bishop of Rochester, he made warre against the same bishop, wasted his lordships, and besieged the citie of Rochester, till Dunstan procured the bishops peace with paiment of an hundred pounds in gold. And bicause the K. would not agrée with the bishop without moneie at the onelie request of Dunstane, the said Dunstane did send him woord, that sithens he made more account of gold than of God, more of monie than of S. Andrew, patrone of the church of Rochester, and more of couetousnesse than of him being the archbishop, the mischiefs which the Lord had threatned would shortlie fall and come to passe, but the same should not chance whilest he was aliue, who died in the yéere following, on the 25 of Maie, being saturdaie.

[Sidenote: _Vita Dunstani._] [Sidenote: _Iohn Capgr._] [Sidenote: _Osborne._] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] Of this Dunstane manie things are recorded by writers, that he should be of such holinesse and vertue, that God wrought manie miracles by him, both whilest he liued heere on earth, and also after his deceasse. He was borne in Westsaxon, his father was named Heorstan, and his mother Cinifride, who in his youth set him to schoole, where he so profited, that he excelled all his equals in age. Afterward he fell sicke of an ague, which vexed him so sore that it draue him into a frensie: and therefore his parents appointed him to the cure and charge of a certeine woman, where his disease grew so on him, that he fell in a trance, as though he had béene dead, and after that he suddenlie arose, & by chance caught a staffe in his hand, and ran vp and downe through hils and dales, and laid about him as though he had béene afraid of mad dogs. The next night (as it is said) he gat him to the top of the church (by the helpe of certeine ladders that stood there for woorkemen to mend the roofe) and there ran vp and downe verie dangerouslie, but in the end came safelie downe, and laid him to sléepe betwéene two men that watched the church that night, & when he awaked, he maruelled how he came there. Finallie, recouering his disease, his parents made him a priest, and placed him in the abbeie of Glastenburie, where he gaue himselfe to the reading of scriptures and knowledge of vertue. But as well his kinsmen as certeine other did raise a report of him, that he gaue not himselfe so much to the reading of scriptures, as to charming, coniuring and sorcerie, which he vtterlie denied: howbeit learned he was in déed, & could doo manie pretie things both in handie woorke and other deuises: he had good skill in musicke and delighted much therein. At length he grew in such fauour, that he was aduanced into the seruice of king Adelstane.

Vpon a time, as he came to a gentlewomans house with his harpe, and hoong the same on the wall, while he shaped a priests stole, the harpe suddenlie began to plaie a psalme, which draue the whole houshold in such feare, that they ran out and said, he was too cunning, and knew more than was expedient: wherevpon he was accused of necromancie, and so banished out of the court. After this he began to haue a liking to women, and when Elfeagus then bishop of Winchester and his coosen, persuaded him to become a moonke, he refused it, for he rather wished to haue maried a yoong damesell, whose pleasant companie he dailie inioied. But being soone after striken with such a swelling disease in his bellie, that all his bodie was brought into such state, as though he had béene infected with a foule leprosie, he bethought him selfe, and vpon his recouerie sent to the bishop, who immediatlie shore him a moonke, in which life he liued in so great opinion of holinesse, as he in time became abbat of Glastenburie: where on a time as he was in his praiers before the altar of S. George, he fell asléepe: and imagining in his dreame, that an vglie rough beare came towards him with open mouth, and set his forefeet vpon his shoulders readie to deuoure him, he suddenlie wakening for feare, caught his walking staffe which he commonlie went with, and laid about him, that all the church rang [Sidenote: _Polychron._] thereof, to the great woonder of such as stood by. The common tale of his plucking the diuell by the nose with a paire of pinsors, for tempting him with women, while he was making a chalice: the great loue that the ladie Elfleda néere kinswoman to king Adelstane bare him to hir dieng day, with a great manie of other such like matters, I leaue as friuolous, and wholie impertinent to our purpose: onelie this I read, that through declaring of his dreames and visions, he obteined in the time of king Edgar, first the bishoprike of Worcester, after of London, & last of all the archbishoprike of Canturburie. But leauing Dunstane and the fond deuises depending vpon the commemoration of his life, we will now returne to the dooings of Egelred, and speake of such things in the next chapter as chanced in his time.

* * * * *

_The Danes inuade England on each side, they are vanquished by the English, Goda earle of Deuonshire slaine; the Danes in a battell fought at Maldon kill Brightnod earle of Essex and the most of his armie, ten thousand pounds paid to them by composition that they should not trouble the English subjects, they cease their crueltie for a time, but within a while after fall to their bloudie bias, the English people despaire to resist them, Egelred addresseth a nauie against the Danes vnder the erles Alfrike and Turold, Alfrike traitorouslie taketh part with the Danes, his ship and souldiers are taken, his sonne Algar is punished for his fathers offense, the Danes make great wast in many parts of this Iland, they besiege London and are repelled with dishonor, they driue king Egelred to buy peace of them for _16000_ pounds; Aulafe king of Norwey is honorablie interteined of Egelred, to whome he promiseth at his baptisme neuer to make warre against England, the great zeale of people in setting forward the building of Durham towne and the minster._

THE SECOND CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._] [Sidenote: The Danes inuade this land.] Shortlie after the decease of Dunstane, the Danes inuaded this realme on each side, wasting and spoiling the countrie in most miserable wise. They arriued in so manie places at once, that the Englishmen could not well deuise whither to go to encounter first with them. Some [Sidenote: _Alias_ Wecederport.] [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] of them spoiled a place or towne called Wichport, and from thence passing further into the countrie, were met with by the Englishmen, who giuing them battell, lost their capteine Goda: but yet they got [Sidenote: Danes vanquished.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] the victorie, and beat the Danes out of the field, and so that part of the Danish armie was brought to confusion. Simon Dunel. saith, that the Englishmen in déed wan the field here, but not without great [Sidenote: Goda earle of Deuonshire slain.] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] losse. For besides Goda (who by report of the same author was Earle of Deuonshire) there died an other valiant man of warre named Strenwold. In the yeere 991, Brightnod earle of Essex, at Maldon gaue battell to an armie of Danes (which vnder their leaders Iustine and Guthmond had spoiled Gipswich) and was there ouercome and slaine with the most part of his people, and so the Danes obteined in that place the victorie.

[Sidenote: 991.] In the same yéere, and in the 13 yeere of, king Egelreds reigne, when the land was on each side sore afflicted, wasted and haried by the Danes, which couered the same as they had béene grashoppers: by the aduise of the archbishop of Canturburie Siricius (which was the second of that sée after Dunstane) a composition was taken with the Danes, so [Sidenote: Ten thousand pounds paid to the Danes.] [Sidenote: Danegilt.] that for the sum of ten thousand pounds to be paied to them by the king, they should couenant not to trouble his subjects anie further. This monie was called Danegilt or Dane monie, and was leuied of the people. Although other take that to be Danegilt, which was giuen vnto such Danes as king Egelred afterwards reteined in his seruice, to defend the land from other Danes and enimies that sought to inuade his dominions. But by what name so euer this monie (which the Danes now receiued) was called, true it is that herevpon they ceassed from their [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: 992.] most cruell inuasions for a time. But shortlie after they had refreshed themselues, and recouered new strength, they began to play their old parts againe, dooing the like mischéefe by their semblable inuasions, as they had vsed before. By reason hereof such feare came vpon the English people, that they despaired to be able to resist the enimies.

[Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: A nauie set forth.] The king yet caused a nauie to be set foorth at London, whereof he appointed earle Alfrike (whome before he had banished) to be high admerall, ioining with him earle Turold. This nauie did set forward from London toward the enimies, who hauing warning giuen them from Alfrike, escaped away without hurt. Shortly after a greater nauie of the Danes came, and incountered with the kings fléet, so that a great number of the Londoners were slaine, and all the kings ships taken: [Sidenote: Alfrike a traitour to his countrie.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] for Alfrike like a traitor turned to the Danes side. ¶ Matt. West. maketh other report of this matter, declaring that Alfrike in déed being one of the chiefe capteins of the fléet, aduertised them by forewarning of the danger that was toward them, and that when they should come to ioining, the same Alfrike like a traitor fled to the Danes, and after vpon necessitie being put to flight escaped away with them: but the other capteins of the kings fléet, as Theodred, Elstan, and Escwen, pursued the Danes, tooke one of their ships, and slue all those that were found therein. The Londoners also (as the same Matt. West, saith) met with the nauie of the Danish rouers as they fled away, and slue a great number, and also tooke the ship of the traitor Alfrike with his souldiers & armor, but he himselfe escaped, though with much paine, hauing plaied the like traitorous part once before, [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: The son punished for his fathers offense.] [Sidenote: 993.] and yet was reconciled to the kings fauor againe. Vpon this mischiefe wrought by the father, the king now tooke his sonne Algar, and caused his eies to be put out.

About the same time was Bambrough destroied by the Danes, which arriued after in Humber, and wasted the countrie of Lindsey and Yorkeshire, on either side that riuer. And when the Englishmen were assembled to giue them battell, before they ioined, the capteines of [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] the English armie, Frena, Godwin, and Fredegist, that were Danes by their fathers side began to flie away, and escaped, so giuing the occasion of the ouerthrow that lighted on their people. But by some writers it should appéere, that after the Danes had destroied all the north parts, as they spred abroad without order and good arraie, the [Sidenote: Aulafe king of Norway, & Swein king of Denmarke were capteins of this fléet, as saith _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: 994.] people of the countrie fell vpon them, and slue some of them, and chased the residue. Other of the Danes with a nauie of 94 ships entered the Thames, and besieged London about our ladie daie in September. They gaue a verie sore assault to the citie, and assaied to set it on fire: but the citizens so valiantlie defended themselues, that the Danes were beaten backe and repelled, greatlie to their losse, so that they were constreined to depart thence with dishonor. Then they fell to and wasted the countries of Essex, Kent, Sussex, and [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: The king compounded with the Danes for monie.] Hamshire, and ceassed not till they had inforced the king to compound with them for 16 thousand pounds, which he was glad to pay to haue peace with them.

[Sidenote: _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: Aufale king of Norwey baptised.] [Sidenote: His promise.] Moreouer, whereas they wintered that yéere at Southampton, the king procured Aulafe king of the Norwegians to come vnto Andeuer (where at that time he lay) vpon pledges receiued of the king for his safe returne. Elphegus bishop of Winchester, and duke Ethelwold were appointed by king Egelred to bring Aulafe vnto him in most honorable maner. The same time was Aulafe baptised, king Egelred receiuing him at the fontstone, and so he promised neuer after to make anie war within this land. And receiuing great gifts of the king, he returned into his countrie, and kept his promise faithfullie: but the euils tooke not so an end, for other of the Danes sprang vp, as they had béene the heads of the serpent Hydra, some of them euer being readie to trouble the quiet state of the English nation.

[Sidenote: _Iohn Leland._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: 995.] About this season, that is to say, in the yéere of our Lord 995, bishop Aldaine which was fled from Chester in the stréet (otherwise called Cunecester) with the bodie of saint Cuthbert for feare of the inuasion of Danes, vnto Rippon, brought the same bodie now vnto [Sidenote: The church of Durham builded.] there began the foundation of a church; so that the sée of that bishoprike was from thencefoorth there established, and the woods were there cut downe, which before that time couered and ouergrew that [Sidenote: Earle Vthred.] place, wherevpon it began first to be inhabited. Earle Vthred, who gouerned that countrie, greatlie furthered the bishop in this worke, so that all the people inhabiting betweene the riuers of Coquid and [Sidenote: Durham town and minster builded.] Theis, came togither to rid the woods, and to helpe forwards the building of the church and towne there.

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_The Danes inuading the west parts of this land make great hauocke by fire and sword, they arriue at Rochester, and conquer the Kentishmen in field, king Egelred ouercommeth the Danes that inhabited Cumberland and wasteth the countrie, the Summersetshire men are foiled; the miserable state of the realme in those daies; the English bloud mixed with the Danes and Britaines, and what inconueniencies grew thervpon, the disordered gouernement of king Egelred, sicknesses vexing the people, treason in the nobles, the tribute paid to the Danes vnmercifillie inhansed, the realme brought to beggerie; king Egelred by politike persuasion and counsell marrieth Emma the duke of Normandies daughter, vpon what occasion the Normans pretended a title to the crowne of England, they conquer the whole land, what order king Egelred tooke to kill all the Danes within his kingdoms, and what rule they bare in this realme yer they were murdered, the thraldome of the English people under them, whereof the word Lordane sprang._

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: 997.] [Sidenote: The Danes inuade the west parts of this land.] In the nineenth yere of king Egelreds reigne, the Danes sailed about Cornewall, and comming into the Seuerne sea, they robbed & tooke preies in the coasts of Deuonshire & Southwales, and landing at Wicheport, they burned vp the countrie, and came about vnto Penwithstréet on the south coast, and so arriuing in the mouth of Tamer water, came vnto Lidford, and there wasted all afore them with force of fire. They burned, amongst other places, the monasterie of [Sidenote: Tauestocke.] saint Ordulfe at Essingstocke. After this they came into Dorcetshire, and passed through the countrie with flame and fire, not finding anie that offered to resist them. The same yéere also they soiourned in the [Sidenote: 998.] [Sidenote: 999.] [Sidenote: The Danes arriue in the Thames.] Ile of Wight, and liued vpon spoiles & preies which they tooke in Hampshire and Sussex. At length they came into the Thames, and so by the riuer of Medwey arriued at Rochester. The Kentishmen assembled togither and fought with the Danes, but they were ouercome, and so left the field to the Danes. After this, the same Danes sailed into Normandie, and king Egelred went into Cumberland, where the Danes [Sidenote: 1000.] inhabited in great numbers, whome he ouercame with sore warre, and wasted almost all Cumberland, taking great spoiles in the same. About the same time, or shortlie after, the Danes with their nauie, [Sidenote: 1001.] [Sidenote: Exmouth.] returning out of Normandie, came vnto Exmouth, and there assaulted the castell, but they were repelled by them that kept it. After this they spread abroad ouer all the countrie, exercising their accustomed trade of destroieng all before them with fire and sword. The men of [Sidenote: Pentho.] Summersetshire fought with them at Pentho, but the Danes got the vpper hand.

Thus the state of the realme in those daies was verie miserable, for there wanted worthie chieftains to rule the people, and to chastise them when they did amisse. There was no trust in the noble men, for euerie one impugned others dooing, and yet would not deuise which way [Sidenote: Disagréement with councellors what fruit it bringeth.] to deale with better likelihood. When they assembled in councell, and should haue occupied their heads in deuising remedies for the mischiefe of the common wealth, they turned their purpose vnto altercation, about such strifes, contentions and quarels as each one against other, and suffered the generall case to lie still in the dust. And if at anie time there was anie good conclusion agreed vpon, for the withstanding of the enimie, & reléefe of the common wealth, anon should the enimie be aduertised thereof by such as were of aliance or consanguinitie to them. For (as Caxton, Polychr. and others say) the English bloud was so mixed with that of the Danes and Britains, who were like enimies to the Englishmen, that there was almost few of the nobilitie and commons, which had not on the one side a parent of some of them.

Whereby it came to passe, that neither the secret purposes of the king could be concealed till they might take due effect; neither their assemblies proue quiet without quarelling and taking of parts. Manie also being sent foorth with their powers one way (whilest the king went to make resistance another) did reuolt to his enimies, and turned their swords against him (as you haue heard of Elfrike and his complices, and shall read of manie others) so that it was no maruell that Egelred sped no better, and yet was he as valiant as anie of his predecessors, although the moonks fauour him not in their writings, because he demanded aid of them toward his warres, and was nothing fauorable to their lewd hypocrisie. But what is a king if his subiects be not loiall? What is a realme, if the common wealth be diuided? By peace & concord, of small beginnings great and famous kingdomes haue oft times procéeded; whereas by discord the greatest kingdoms haue oftner bene brought to ruine. And so it proued here, for whilest priuat quarels are pursued, the generall affaires are vtterlie neglected: and whilest ech nation séeketh to preferre hir owne aliance, the Iland it selfe is like to become a desert.

But to procéed with our monasticall writers: certes they lay all the fault in the king, saieng that he was a man giuen to no good exercise, he delighted in fleshlie lustes and riotous bankettings and still sought waies how to gather of his subiects what might be got, as well [Sidenote: The misgouernement of the king.] by vnlawfull meanes as otherwise. For he would for feined or for verie small & light causes disherit his natiue subiects, and cause them to redéeme their owne possessions for great summes of monie. Besides [Sidenote: Sicknesse vexeth the people.] these oppressions, diuers kinds of sicknesses vexed the people also, as the bloodie flix, and hot burning agues which then raged through the land, so that manie died thereof. By such manner of meanes [Sidenote: Treason in the nobilitie.] therefore, what through the misgouernance of the king, the treason and disloialtie of the nobilitie, the lacke of good order and due correction amongst the people, and by such other scourges and mishaps as afflicted the English nation in that season, the land was brought into great ruine, so that, where by strength the enimie could not be kept off, there was now no hope but to appease them with monie. By [Sidenote: The inhancing of the tribute paid to the Danes.] reason hereof from time of the first agréement with the Danes for 10 thousand pounds tribute, it was inhanced to 16000 pounds, (as you haue heard) & after that to 20000 pounds, then to 24000 pounds, & so to 30000 pounds, & lastlie to 40000 pounds, till at length the relme was [Sidenote: The death of quéene Elgina.] emptied in maner of all that monie and coine that could be found in it. In this meane time died Elgina or Ethelgina the quéene. Shortlie [Sidenote: Emma.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] after it was deuised that the king should be a suter vnto Richard duke of Normandie, for his sister Emma, a ladie of such excellent beautie, that she was named the floure of Normandie. This sute was begun and [Sidenote: 1002.] [Sidenote: Emma daughter of R. duke of Normandie maried to K. Edgar.] tooke such good successe, that the king obteined his purpose. And so in the yeare of our Lord 1002, which was about the 24 yeare of king Egelreds reigne, he maried the said Emma with great solemnitie.

This mariage was thought to be right necessarie, honorable, and profitable for the realme of England, because of the great puissance of the Norman princes in those daies: but as things afterward came to passe, it turned to the subuersion of the whole English state: for by such affinitie and dealing as happened hereby betwixt the Normans and Englishmen, occasion in the end was ministred to the same Normans to pretend a title to the crowne of England, in prosecuting of which title, they obteined and made the whole conquest of the land, as after shall appeare. Egelred being greatlie aduanced (as he thought) by reason of his mariage, deuised vpon presumption thereof, to cause all the Danes within the land to be murthered in one day. Herevpon he sent priuie commissioners to all cities, burrowes and townes within his dominions, commanding the rulers and officers in the same, to kill all such Danes as remained within their liberties, at a certeine day [Sidenote: 1012.] [Sidenote: The 18 of Nouember.] [Sidenote: The murder of the Danes.] prefixed, being saint Brices day, in the yeare 1012, and in the 34 yeare of king Egelreds reigne. Herevpon (as sundrie writers agree) in one day & houre this murther began, and was according to the commission and iniunction executed. But where it first began, the same is vncerteine: some say at Wellowin in Herefordshire, some at a place [Sidenote: Hownhill, or Houndhill, a place within Merchington parish beside the forest of Néedwood, somewhat more than two miles from Vtoxcester.] in Staffordshire called Hownhill, & others in other places, but whersoeuer it began, the dooers repented it after.

[Sidenote: The miserable state of this realme vnder the thraldome of the Danes.] But now yer we procéed anie further, we will shew what rule the Danes kept here in this realme before they were thus murthered, as in some bookes we find recorded. Whereas it is shewed that the Danes compelled the husbandmen to til the ground & doo all maner of labour and toile to be doone about husbandrie: the Danes liued vpon the fruit and gaines that came thereof, and kept the husbandmens wiues, their daughters, maids and seruants, vsing and abusing them at their pleasures. And when the husbandmen came home, then could they scarse haue such sustenance of meats and drinkes as fell for seruants to haue: so that the Danes had all their commandements, eating and drinking of the best, where the sillie man that was the owner, could hardlie come to his fill of the worst. Besides this, the common people were so oppressed by the Danes, that for feare and dread they called [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._] them in euerie such house where anie of them soiourned, Lord Dane. And if an Englishman and a Dane chanced to méet at anie bridge or streight passage, the Englishman must staie till the Lord Dane were passed. But in processe of time, after the Danes were voided the land, this word Lord Dane was in derision and despight of the Danes turned by [Sidenote: Lordane whereof the word came.] Englishmen into a name of reproch, as Lordane, which till these our daies is not forgotten. For when the people in manie parts of this realme will note and signifie anie great idle lubber that will not labour nor take paine for his liuing, they will call him Lordane. Thus did the Danes vse the Englishmen in most vile manner, and kept them in such seruile thraldome as cannot be sufficientlie vttered.

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_A fresh power of Danes inuade England to reuenge the slaughter of their countrimen that inhabited this Ile, the west parts betraied into their hands by the conspiracie of a Norman that was in gouernement, earle Edrike feined himselfe sicke when king Egelred sent vnto him to leuie a power against the Danes, and betraieth his people to the enimies; Sweine king of Denmarke arriueth on the coast of Northfolke, and maketh pitifull spoile by fire and sword; the truce taken betweene him and Vikillus is violated, and what reuengement followeth; king Sweine forced by famine returneth into his owne countrie, he arriueth againe at Sandwich, why king Egelred was vnable to preuaile against him, the Danes ouerrun all places where they come and make cruell waste, king Egelred paieth him great summes of monie for peace; the mischiefes that light vpon a land by placing a traitorous stranger in gouernement, how manie acres a hide of land conteineth, Egelreds order taken for ships and armour, why his great fleet did him little pleasure; a fresh host of Danes vnder three capteines arriue at Sandwich, the citizens of Canturburie for monie purchase safetie, the faithlesse deeling of Edrike against king Egelred for the enimies aduantage, what places the Danes ouerran and wasted._

THE FOURTH CHAPTER.

Vpon knowledge giuen into Denmarke of the cruell murder of the Danes here in England, truth it is, that the people of the countrie were greatlie kindled in malice, and set in such a furious rage against the [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: The Danes returne to inuade England.] [Sidenote: Excester taken.] [Sidenote: 1002.] Englishmen, that with all spéed they made foorth a nauie full fraught with men of warre, the which in the yeare following came swarming about the coasts of England, and landing in the west countrie, tooke [Sidenote: Hugh a Norman conspireth with the Danes.] the citie of Excester, and gat there a rich spoile. One Hugh a Norman borne, whome quéene Emma had placed in those parties as gouernour or shirife there, conspired with the Danes, so that all the countrie was ouerrun and wasted.

The king hearing that the Danes were thus landed, and spoiled the west parts of the realme, he sent vnto Edricus to assemble a power to withstand the enimies. Herevpon the people of Hampshire and Wiltshire rose and got togither: but when the armies should ioine, earle Edricus [Sidenote: The counterfait sicknesse of duke Edrike.] surnamed de Streona feigned himselfe sicke, and so betraied his people, of whome he had the conduct: for they perceiuing the want in their leader, were discouraged, and so fled. The Danes followed them [Sidenote: Wilton spoiled.] vnto Wilton, which towne they rifled and ouercame. From thence they went to Salisburie, and so taking their pleasure there, returned to their ships, because (as some write) they were aduertised that the king was comming towards them with an huge armie. In the yeare next [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: 1004.] insuing, that is to saie 1004, which was about the 24 yeare of [Sidenote: Swein king of Denmarke.] K. Egelreds reigne, Sweine or Swanus, king of Denmarke, with a mightie nauie of ships came on the coast of Northfolke, and there landing with [Sidenote: Norwich taken by the Danes.] [Sidenote: Thetford burnt.] his people, made toward Norwich, and comming thither tooke that citie, and spoiled it. Then went he vnto Thetford, and when he had taken and [Sidenote: Vikillus or Wilfeketell gouernour of Norffolke.] rifled that towne, he burnt it, notwithstanding a truce taken by Vikillus or Wilfketell gouernor of those parties with the same king Swaine after the taking of Norwich. In reuenge therefore of such breach of truce, the same Vikillus, or Wilfeketell, with such power as he could raise, assaulted the host of Danes as they returned to their ships, and slue a great number of them, but was not able to mainteine the fight, for his enimies ouermatched him in number of men. And so he [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] was constrained in the end to giue backe: and the enimies kept on their waies to their ships.

[Sidenote: 1005.] [Sidenote: Swaine returned into Denmarke.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] In the yeare following king Swaine returned into Denmarke with all his fléet, partlie constrained so to doo (as some write) by reason of the great famin & want of necessarie sustenance, which in that yeare sore [Sidenote: 1006.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: Swaine returned into England.] oppressed this land. In the yeare of our Lord 1006, king Swaine returned againe into England with a mightie & huge nauie, arriuing at Sandwich, and spoiled all the countrie néere vnto the sea side. King Egelred raised all his power against him, and all the haruest time laie abroad in the field to resist the Danes, which according to their woonted maner spared not to exercise their vnmercifull crueltie, in wasting and spoiling the land with fire and sword, pilfering and taking of preies in euerie part where they came. Neither could king Egelred remedie the matter, because the enimies still conueied themselues with their ships into some contrarie quarter, from the place where they knew him to be, so that his trauell was in vaine.

[Sidenote: The Danes winter in the Ile of Wight.] [Sidenote: They inuade Hampshire, Barkeshire, &c.] About the beginning of winter they remained in the Ile of Wight, & in the time of Christmasse they landed in Hampshire, and passing through that countrie into Barkeshire, they came to Reading, and from thence to Wallingford, and so to Coleseie, and then approching to Essington, came to Achikelmeslawe, and in euerie place wheresoeuer they came, they made cleane worke. For that which they could not carie with them, they consumed with fire, burning vp their innes and sleaing their hoasts. In returning backe, the people of the west countrie gaue them battell, but preuailed not, so that they did but inrich their enimies [Sidenote: Winchester.] with the spoile of their bodies. They came by the gates of Winchester as it were in maner of triumph, with vittels and spoiles which they had fetched fiftie miles from the sea side. In the meane time king Egelred lay about Shrewsburie sore troubled with the newes hereof, and [Sidenote: 1007.] in the yeare next insuing, by the aduise of his councell he gaue to [Sidenote: 36000 pound saith _Si. Dun._] king Swaine for the redeeming of peace 30000 pounds.

[Sidenote: Edrike de Streona made duke or earle of Mercia.] In the same yeare K. Egelred created the traitor Edrike earle of Mercia, who although he had maried Edgiua the kings daughter, was yet noted to be one of those which disclosed the secrets of the realme, and the determinations of the councell vnto the enimies. But he was such a craftie dissembler, so greatlie prouided of sleight to dissemble and cloake his falshood, that the king being too much abused by him, had him in singular fauour, whereas he vpon a malicious purpose studied dailie how to bring the realme into vtter destruction, aduertising the enimies from time to time how the state of things stood, whereby they came to knowlege when they should giue place, and when they might safelie come forward. Moreouer, being sent vnto them [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] oftentimes as a commissioner to treat for peace, he persuaded them to warre. But such was the pleasure of God, to haue him and such other of like sort aduanced to honor in this season, when by his diuine prouidence he meant to punish the people of this realme for their wickednesse and sinnes, whereby they had iustlie prouoked his wrath and high displeasure.

[Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: An hundred acres is an hide of land.] [Sidenote: 1008.] In the 30 yeare of king Egelreds reigne, which fell in the yeare of our Lord 1008, he tooke order that of euerie thrée hundred and ten hides of land within this realme, there should one ship be builded, and of euerie eight hides a complet armor furnished. In the yeare following, the kings whole fléet was brought togither at Sandwich, and such souldiers came thither as were appointed to go to sea in the same fléet. There had not béene séene the like number of ships so trimlie [Sidenote: Provision for ships and armour.] rigged and furnished in all points, in anie kings daies before. But no great profitable péece of seruice was wrought by them: for the king [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] had about that time banished a noble yoong man of Sussex called Wilnot, who getting togither twentie sailes, laie vpon the coasts taking prices where he could get them. Brithrike the brother of earle Edrike, being desirous to win honor, tooke forth foure score of the said ships, and promised to bring in the enimie dead or aliue. But as he was sailing forward on the seas, a sore tempest with an outragious wind rose with such violence, that his ships were cast vpon the shore: and Wilnot comming vpon them, set them on fire, and so burned them euerie one. The residue of the ships, when newes came to them of this mishap, returned backe to London; and then was the armie dispersed, and so all the cost and trauell of the Englishmen proued in vaine.

[Sidenote: Danes land at Sandwich.] [Sidenote: 1009.] After this, in the haruest time a new armie of Danes, vnder the conduct of thrée capteines, Turkill, Henning, and Aulafe landed at Sandwich, and from thence passed forth to Canturburie, and had taken the citie but that the citizens gaue them a 1000 pounds to depart from [Sidenote: 3000 pound saith _Sim. Dun._] thence, and to leaue the countrie in peace. Then went the Danes to the [Sidenote: Sussex and Hampshire spoiled.] Ile of Wight, and afterwards landed and spoiled the countrie of Sussex and Hampshire. King Egelred assembled the whole power of all his subiects, and comming to giue them battell, had made an end of their cruell harieng the countrie with the slaughter of them all, if earle Edrike with forged tales (deuised onelie to put him in feare) had not [Sidenote: The Danes returne into Kent.] dissuaded him from giuing battell. The Danes by that meanes returning in safetie, immediatlie after the feast of saint Martine, returned into Kent, and lodged with their nauie in the winter following in the Thames, and oftentimes assaulting the citie of London, were still beaten backe to their losse.

[Sidenote: 1010.] [Sidenote: Oxford burnt.] After the feast of Christmasse they passed through the countrie and woods of Chilterne vnto Oxford, which towne they burned, and then returning backe they fell to wasting of the countrie on both sides the Thames. But hearing that an armie was assembled at London to giue them battell; that part of their host which kept on the northside of the [Sidenote: Stanes.] riuer, passed the same riuer at Stanes, and so ioining with their fellowes marched foorth through Southerie, and comming backe to their ships in Kent, fell in hand to repare & amend their ships that were in anie wise decaied. Then after Easter, the Danes sailing about the [Sidenote: Gipswich in Suffolke.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] coast, arriued at Gipswich in Suffolke, on the Ascension day of our Lord: and inuading the countrie, gaue battell at a place called Wigmere or Rigmere, vnto Vikill or Wilfeketell leader of the English host in those parties, on the fift of Maie. The men of Northfolke and Suffolke fled at the first onset giuen: but the Cambridgeshire men sticked to it valiantlie, winning thereby perpetuall fame and commendation. There was no mindfulnesse amongest them of running awaie, so that a great number of the nobilitie and other were beaten [Sidenote: Capat formicæ.] downe and slaine, till at length one Turketell Mireneheued, that had a Dane to his father, first began to take his flight, and deserued thereby an euerlasting reproch.

The Danes obteining the vpper hand, for the space of thrée moneths togither went vp and downe the countries, & wasted those parties of the realme, that is to say, Northfolke, and Suffolke, with the borders of Lincolnshire, Huntingtonshire, and Cambridgeshire where the fens are, gaining excéeding riches by the spoile of great and wealthie abbies and churches which had their situation within the compasse of [Sidenote: Thetford.] [Sidenote: Cambridge.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] the same fens. They also destroied Thetford, and burnt Cambridge, and from thence passed through the pleasant mountaine-countrie of Belsham, cruellie murdering the people without respect of age, degrée or sex. After this also they entred into Essex. and so came backe to their [Sidenote: The Danes arrive in the Thames.] [Sidenote: 1011.] ships, which were then arriued in the Thames. But they rested not anie long time in quiet, as people that minded nothing but the destruction of this realme. So as soone after, when they had somwhat refreshed them, they set forward againe into the countrie, passing through Buckinghamshire, & so into Bedfordshire. And about saint Andrewes [Sidenote: Northampton burnt by Danes.] tide they turned towards Northampton, & comming thither set fire on that towne. Then turning through the west countrie, with fire & sword they wasted and destroied a great part thereof, & namelie Wiltshire, with other parties. And finallie about the feast of Christmas they came againe to their ships. Thus had the Danes wasted the most part of [Sidenote: How manie shires the Danes wasted.] 16 or 17 shires within this realme, as Northfolke, Suffolke, Cambridgeshire, Essex, Middlesex, Hartfordshire, Oxfordshire, Buckinghamshire, and Bedfordshire, with a part of Huntingtonshire, and also a great portion of Northamptonshire. This was doone in the countries that lie on the northside of the riuer of Thames. On the southside of the same riuer, they spoiled and wasted Kent, Southerie, Sussex, Barkeshire, Hampshire, and (as is before said) a great part of Wiltshire.

* * * * *

_King Egelred offereth the Danes great summes of moneie to desist from destroieng his countrie, their unspeakable crueltie, bloudthirstinesse, and insatiable spoiling of Canturburie betraied by a churchman; their merciles murthering of Elphegus archbishop of Canturburie, Turkillus the Dane chiefe lord of Norfolke and Suffolke, a peace concluded betweene the Danes and the English vpon hard conditions; Gunthildis a beautifull Danish ladie and hir husband slaine, hir courage to the death._

THE FIFT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: The king sendeth to the Danes.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] The king and the peeres of the realme, vnderstanding of the Danes dealing in such merciles maner (as is aboue mentioned) but not knowing how to redresse the matter, sent ambassadors vnto the Danes, offering them great summes of moneie to leaue off such cruell wasting and spoiling of the land. The Danes were contented to reteine the moneie, but yet could not absteine from their cruell dooings, neither was their greedie thirst of bloud and spoile satisfied with the wasting and destroieng of so manie countries and places as they had passed [Sidenote: 1011.] [Sidenote: Canturburie wonne by Danes.] through. Wherevpon, in the yeere of our Lord 1011, about the feast of S. Matthew in September, they laid siege to the citie of Canturburie, which of the citizens was valiantlie defended by the space of twentie daies. In the end of which terme it was taken by the enimies, through the treason of a deacon named Almaricus, whome the archbishop Elphegus had before that time preserued from death. The Danes exercised passing great crueltie in the winning of that citie (as by sundrie authors it [Sidenote: _Fabian ex Antonino._] dooth and maie appéere.) For they slue of men, women, and children, [Sidenote: The archbishop Elphegus taken.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] aboue the number of eight thousand. They tooke the archbishop Elphegus with an other bishop named Godwine; also abbat Lefwin and Alseword the kings bailife there. They spared no degrée, in somuch that they slue and tooke 900 priests, and other men of religion. And when they had [Sidenote: _Antoninus._] [Sidenote: _Vincentius._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Lamb. ex Asserio Meneuensi, & alijs._] taken their pleasure of the citie, they set it on fire, and so returned to their ships. There be some which write that they tithed the people after an inuerted order, slaieng all by nines through the whole multitude, and reserued the tenth: so that of all the moonks there were but foure saued, and of the laie people 4800, whereby it followeth that there died 43200 persons. Whereby is gathered that the citie of Canturburie, and the countrie thereabouts (the people whereof belike fled thither for succor) was at that time verie well inhabited, so as there haue not wanted (saith maister Lambert) which affirme that it had then more people than London it selfe.

[Sidenote: 1112.] [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] But now to our purpose. In the yéere next insuing, vpon the Saturday in Easter wéeke, after that the bishop Elphegus had béene kept prisoner with them the space of six or seuen moneths, they cruellie in [Sidenote: The archbishop Elphegus murthered.] a rage led him foorth into the fields, and dashed out his braines with stones, bicause he would not redéeme his libertie with thrée thousand pounds, which they demanded to haue beene leuied of his farmers and tenants. This cruell murther was commited at Gréenewich foure miles distant from London, the 19 of Aprill, where he lay a certeine time [Sidenote: Miracles.] vnburied, but at length through miracles shewed (as they say, for miracles are all wrought now by dead men, and not by the liuing) the [Sidenote: Elphegus buried in London.] Danes permitted that his bodie might be caried to London, and there was it buried in the church of S. Paule, where it rested for the space of ten yeeres, till king Cnute or Knought had the gouernment of this [Sidenote: Translated to Canturburie.] land, by whose appointment it was remooued to Canturburie.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malms._] [Sidenote: Turkillus held Norffolk and Suffolke.] Turkillus the leader of those Danes by whome the archbishop Elphegus was thus murthered, held Northfolke and Suffolke vnder his subiection, & so continued in those parties as chiefe lord and gouernor. But the residue of the Danes at length, compounding with the Englishmen for a [Sidenote: 48 thousand pound as saith _Sim. Dun._ and _M. West._] [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] tribute to be paid to them of eight thousand pounds, spred abroad in the countrie, soiorning in cities, townes and villages, where they might find most conuenient harbour. Moreouer, fortie of their ships, or rather (as some write) 45 were reteined to serue the king, promising to defend the realme; with condition, that the souldiers and mariners should haue prouision of meate and drinke, with apparell found them at the kings charges. As one autor hath gathered, Swaine king of Denmarke was in England at the concluding of this peace, which being confirmed with solemne othes and sufficient hostages, he departed into Denmarke.

[Sidenote: _Matth. West._] The same author bringeth the generall slaughter of Danes vpon S. Brices day, to haue chanced in the yéere after the conclusion of this [Sidenote: Gunthildis the sister of K. Swaine murthered.] agreement, that is to say, in the yeere 1012, at what time Gunthildis the sister of king Swaine was slaine, with hir husband & hir sonne, by the commandement of the false traitor Edrike. But bicause all other authors agree that the murther of Danes was executed about ten yeeres before this supposed time: we haue made rehearsall thereof in that place. Howbeit, for the death of Gunthildis, it maie be, that she became hostage either in the yéere 1007, at what time king Egelred paied thirtie thousand pounds vnto king Swaine to haue peace (as before you haue heard) or else might she be deliuered in hostage, in the yéere 1011, when the last agréement was made with the Danes (as aboue is mentioned.) But when or at what time soeuer she became hostage, this we find of hir, that she came hither into England with [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] hir husband Palingus, a mightie earle, and receiued baptisme héere. Wherevpon she earnestlie trauelled in treatie of a peace betwixt hir brother and king Egelred: which being brought to passe chieflie by hir sute, she was contented to become an hostage for performance thereof (as before is recited.) And after by the commandement of earle Edrike she was put to death, pronouncing that the shedding of hir bloud would cause all England one day sore to rue. She was a verie beautifull ladie, and tooke hir death without all feare, not once changing countenance, though she saw hir husband and hir onelie sonne (a yoong gentleman of much towardnesse) first murthered before hir face.

* * * * *

_Turkillus the Danish capteine telleth king Swaine the faults of the king, nobles, & commons of this realme, he inuadeth England, the Northumbers and others submit themselues to him, Danes receiued into seruice vnder Egelred, London assalted by Swaine, the citizens behaue themselues stoutlie, and giue the Danish host a shamefull repulse, Ethelmere earle of Deuonshire and his people submit themselues to Swaine, he returneth into Denmarke, commeth back againe into England with a fresh power, is incountred withall of the Englishmen, whose king Egelred is discomfited, his oration to his souldiers touching the present reliefe of their distressed land, their resolution and full purpose in this their perplexitie, king Egelred is minded to giue place to Swaine, he sendeth his wife and children ouer into Normandie, the Londoners yeeld vp their state to Swaine, Egelred saileth oner into Normandie, leauing his land to the enimie._

THE SIXT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Turkillus discloseth the secrets of the Realme to K. Swaine.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] Now had Turkillus in the meanetime aduertised king Swaine in what state things stood here within the realme: how king Egelred was negligent, onlie attending to the lusts & pleasures of the flesh: how the noble men were vnfaithfull, and the commons weake and feeble through want of good and trustie leaders. Howbeit, some write, that Turkillus as well as other of the Danes which remained héere in England, was in league with king Egelred, in somuch that he was with him in London, to helpe and defend the citie against Swaine when he came to assalt it (as after shall appéere.) Which if it be true, a doubt may rise whether Swaine receiued anie aduertisement from Turkillus to mooue him the rather to inuade the realme: but such aduertisements might come from him before that he was accorded with Egelred.

[Sidenote: Swaine prepareth an armie to inuade England.] Swaine therefore as a valiant prince, desirous both to reuenge his sisters death, and win honor, prepared an huge armie, and a great number of ships, with the which he made towards England, and first [Sidenote: He landeth at Sandwich.] [Sidenote: 1013.] [Sidenote: Gainsbourgh.] comming to Sandwich, taried there a small while, and taking eftsoones the sea, compassed about the coasts of Eastangles, and arriuing in the mouth of Humber, sailed vp the water, and entering into the riuer of Trent, he landed at Gainesbourgh, purposing to inuade the Northumbers. But as men brought into great feare, for that they had béene subiect to the Danes in times past, and thinking therefore not to reuolt to the enimie, but rather to their old acquaintance, if they should [Sidenote: The Northumbers yéeld to Swaine.] [Sidenote: The people of Lindsey yéeld themselues to him.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] themselues to the Danes, streightwaies offered to become subiect vnto Swaine, togither with their duke named Wighthred. Also the people of Lindsey and all those of the northside of Watlingstréet yéelded themselues vnto him, and delivered pledges. Then he appointed his sonne Cnutus to haue the kéeping of those pledges, and to remaine vpon the safegard of his ships, whiles he himselfe passed forward into the [Sidenote: South Mercia.] countrie. Then marched he forward to subdue them of south Mercia: and so came to Oxford & to Winchester, making the countries subiect to him throughout wheresoeuer he came.

With this prosperous successe Swaine being greatlie incouraged, prepared to go vnto London, where king Egelred as then remained, [Sidenote: _Sim. Dunel._] hauing with him Turkillus the Dane, which was reteined in wages with other of the Danes (as by report of some authors it maie appeare) and were now readie to defend the citie against their countriemen in support of king Egelred, togither with the citizens. Swaine, bicause he would not step so farre out of the way as to go to the next bridge, lost a great number of his men as he passed through the Thames. At his [Sidenote: Swaine assaulteth London.] comming to London, he began to assault the citie verie fiercelie, in hope either to put his enimie in such feare that he should despaire of all reliefe and comfort, or at the least trie what he was able to doo. The Londoners on the other part, although they were brought in some feare by this sudden attempt of the enimies, yet considering with themselues, that the hazard of all the whole state of the realme was [Sidenote: _Polydor._] annexed to theirs, sith their citie was the chiefe and metropolitane of all the kingdome, they valiantlie stood in defense of themselues, and of their king that was present there with them, beating backe the enimies, chasing them from the walles, and otherwise dooing their best to kéepe them off. At length, although the Danes did most valiantlie assault the citie, yet the Englishmen to defend their prince from all iniurie of enimies, did not shrinke, but boldlie sallied foorth at the gates in heapes togither, and incountered with their aduersaries, and began to fight with them verie fiercelie.

Swaine whilest he went about to kéepe his men in order, as one most desirous to reteine the victorie now almost gotten, was compassed so about with the Londoners on each side, that after he had lost a great number of his men, he was constreined for his safegard to breake out through the midst of his enimies weapons, and was glad that he might so escape: and so with the residue of his armie ceassed not to iournie [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: Erle of Deuonshire as saith _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] day and night till he came to Bath, where Ethelmere an earle of great power in those west parts of the realme submitted himselfe with all his people vnto him, who shortlie after neuerthelesse (as some write) was compelled through want of vittels to release the tribute latelie couenanted to be paied vnto him for a certeine summe of monie, which [Sidenote: Swaine returneth into Denmarke.] when hée had receiued, he returned into Denmarke, meaning shortlie to returne againe with a greater power.

King Egelred supposed that by the paiment of that monie he should haue béene rid out of all troubles, of warre with the Danes. But the nobles of the realme thought otherwise, and therefore willed him to prepare [Sidenote: Swaine returneth into England to make warre.] an armie with all speéd that might be made. Swaine taried not long (to proue the doubt of the noble men to be grounded of foreknowledge) but that with swift spéed he returned againe into England, and immediatlie vpon his arriuall was an armie of Englishmen assembled and led against him into the field. Herevpon they ioined in battell, which was sore foughten for a time, till at length by reason of diuerse Englishmen [Sidenote: King Egelred discomfited in battell.] that turned to the enimies side, the discomfiture fell with such slaughter vpon the English host, that king Egelred well perceiued the state of his regall gouernement to bée brought into vtter danger. Wherevpon after the losse of this field, he assembled the rest of his people that were escaped, and spake vnto them after this manner.

_The oration of king Egelred to the remanent of his souldiers._

"I shuld for euer be put to silence, if there wanted in vs the vertue of a fatherlie mind, in giuing good aduise & counsel for the well ordering and due administration of things in the common wealth, or if there lacked courage or might in our souldiers and men of warre to defend our countrie. Trulie to die in defense of the countrie where we are borne, I confesse it a woorthie thing, and I for my part am readie to take vpon me to enter into the midst of the enimies in defense of my kingdome. But here I see our countrie and the whole English nation to be at a point to fall into vtter ruine. We are ouercome of the Danes, not with weapon or force of armes; but with treason wrought by our owne people: we did at the first prepare a nauie against the enimies, the which that false traitour Elfrike betraid into their hands. Againe, oftentimes haue we giuen battell with euill successe, and onelie through the fault of our owne people that haue beene false and disloiall: whereby we haue bin constreined to agree with the enimies vpon dishonorable conditions, euen as necessitie required, which to ouercome, resteth onelie in God. Such kind of agreement hath beene made in deed to our destruction, sith the enimies haue not sticked to breake it (they being such a wicked kind of people as neither regard God nor man) contrarie to right and reason, and beside all our hope & expectation. So that the matter is come now to this passe, that we haue not cause onlie to feare the losse of our gouernement, but least the name of the whole English nation be destroied for euer. Therefore sithens the enimies are at hand, and as it were ouer our heads, you to whom my commandement hath euer bene had in good regard, prouide, take counsell, and see to succor the state of your countrie now readie to decay and to fall into irrecouerable ruine."

Herevpon they fell in consultation, euerie one alledging and bringing foorth his opinion as seemed to him best: but it appeared they had the woolfe by the eare, for they wist not which way to turne them. If they should giue battell, it was to be doubted least through treason among themselues, the armie should be betraied into the enimies hands, the which would not faile to execute all kind of crueltie in the slaughter of the whole nation. And if they stood not valiantlie to shew themselues readie to defend their countrie, there was no shift but yeeld themselues. Which though it were a thing reprochfull and dishonorable, yet should it be lesse euill, as they tooke the matter, for thereby might manie be preserued from death, and in time to come, be able to recouer the libertie of their countrie, when occasion should be offered. This point was allowed of them all, and so in the end they rested vpon that resolution.

[Sidenote: King Egelred determineth to give place vnto Swaine.] [Sidenote: He sendeth his wife and sonnes ouer into Normandie.] [Sidenote: Richard duke of Normandie.] King Egelred therefore determined to commit himselfe into the hands of his brother in law Richard duke of Normandie, whose sister (as ye haue heard) he had maried. But bicause he would not doo this vnaduisedlie, first he sent ouer his wife quéene Emma, with his sonnes which he had begotten of hir, Alfred and Edward, that by their interteinment he might vnderstand how he should be welcome. Duke Richard receiued his sister and his nephues verie ioifullie, and promised to aid his brother king Egelred in defense of his kingdome. But in this meane while had Swaine conquered the more part of all England, and brought (by little and little) that which remained vnder his subiection. The [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: Turkill.] [Sidenote: 1014.] people through feare submitting themselues on each hand, king Egelred in this meane time (for the Londoners had submitted themselues to Swaine) was first withdrawne vnto Gréenwich, and there remained for a time with the nauie of the Danes, which was vnder the gouernement of earle Turkill, and from thence sailed into the Ile of Wight, and there remained a great part of the winter, and finallie after Christmas [Sidenote: King Egelred passeth into Normandie.] himselfe sailed into Normandie, and was of his brother in law ioifullie receiued & greatlie comforted in that his time of necessitie.

* * * * *

_Swaine king of Denmarke is reputed king of this land, he oppresseth the English people cruellie, and spoileth religious houses, the strange and miraculous slaughter of Swaine vaunting of his victories; the Danish chronicles write parciallie of him and his end, Cnute succeedeth his father Swaine in regiment, the Englishmen send king Egelred woord of Swaines death, Edward king Egelreds eldest sonne commeth ouer into England to know the state of the countrie and people of certeintie; Egelred with his power returneth into England; what meanes Cnute made to establish himselfe king of this land, and to be well thought of among the English people, Egelred burneth vp Gainesbrough, and killeth the inhabitants therof for their disloialtie; Cnutes flight to Sandwich, his cruel decree against the English pledges, he returneth into Denmarke, why Turkillus the Danish capteine with his power compounded with the Englishmen to tarrie in this land, his faithlesse seruice to Egelred, his drift to make the whole realme subiect to the Danish thraldome._

THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.

SWAINE hauing now got the whole rule of the land, was reputed full king, and so commanded that his armie should be prouided of wages and vittels to be taken vp & leuied through the realme. In like maner Turkill commanded that to his armie lodged at Gréenewich, wages and vittels sufficient should be deliuered, for the finding, releeuing, [Sidenote: Swaine handleth the Englishmen hardlie.] succouring, and susteining thereof. Swaine vsed the victorie verie cruellie against the Englishmen, oppressing them on each hand; to the intent that them being brought low he might gouerne in more suertie. The yéere in which he obteined the rule thus of this realme, and that king Egelred was constreined to flie into Normandie, was in the 35 yeere of the same Egelred his reigne, and after the birth of our Lord 1014. Swaine being once established in the gouernment, did not onelie vse much crueltie in oppressing the laitie, but also stretched foorth his hand to the church, and to the ministers in the same, fléecing them and spoiling both churches and ministers, without anie remorse of conscience, insomuch that hauing a quarell against the inhabitants within the precinct of S. Edmunds land in Suffolke, he did not onelie harrie the countrie, but also rifled and spoiled the abbeie of Burie, where the bodie of saint Edmund rested.

[Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: S. Edmund fighteth for the wealth, but not for the slaughter of his people.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: 1015.] Wherevpon shortlie after, as he was at Gainesbrough or Thetford (as some say) and there in his iollitie talked with his Nobles of his good successe in conquering of this land, he was suddenlie striken with a knife, as it is reported, miraculouslie, for no man wist how or by whome: and within thrée daies after, to wit, on the third of Februarie he ended his life with grieuous paine and torment in yelling and roring, by reason of his extreame anguish beyond all measure. There hath sproong a pleasant tale among the posteritie of that age, how he should be wounded with the same knife which king Edmund in his life [Sidenote: _Albertus Crantz._] [Sidenote: _Saxo Grammaticus._] time vsed to weare. Thus haue some of our writers reported, but the Danish chronicles report a farre more happie end which should chance to this Swaine, than is before mentioned out of our writers: for the said chronicles report, that after he had subdued England, he tooke order with king Egelred, whome they name amisse Adelstane, that he should not ordeine any other successor, but onlie the said Swaine. Then after this, he returned into Denmarke, where vsing himselfe like a right godlie prince, at length he there ended his life, being a verie old man.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malmes._] [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] [Sidenote: Canute or Cnute.] Notwithstanding all this, when or howsoeuer he died, immediatlie after his deceasse the Danes elected his sonne Cnute or Knought to succeed in his dominions. But the Englishmen of nothing more desirous than to shake off the yoke of Danish thraldome besides their necks & shoulders, streightwaies vpon knowledge had of Swaines death, with all [Sidenote: Eglered sent for home.] spéed aduertised king Egelred thereof, and that they were readie to receiue and assist him if he would make hast to come ouer to deliuer his countrie out of the hands of strangers. These newes were right ioiful vnto Egelred, who burning in desire to be reuenged on them that had expelled him out of his kingdome, made no longer tariance to set [Sidenote: Edmund K. Egelreds eldest sonne.] that enterprise forward. But yet doubting the inconstancie of the people, he sent his elder son (named Edmund) to trie the minds of them, and to vnderstand whether they were constant or wauering in that which they had promised.

The yoong gentleman hasting ouer into England, and with diligent inquirie perceiuing how they were bent, returned with like spéed as he came into Normandie againe, declaring to his father, that all things were in safetie if he would make hast. King Egelred then conceiued [Sidenote: King Egelred returneth into England.] an assured hope to recouer his kingdom, aided with his brother in laws power, and trusting vpon the assistance of the Englishmen, returned into England in the time of Lent. His returne was ioifull and most acceptable to the English people, as to those that abhorred the rule [Sidenote: Canutes endeuor to establish himselfe in the kingdome.] of the Danes, which was most sharpe and bitter to them, although Cnute did what he could by bountifulnesse and courteous dealings to haue reteined them vnder his obeisance.

And of an intent to procure Gods fauour in the well ordering of things for the administration in the common wealth, he sought first to appease his wrath, and also to make amends to saint Edmund for his fathers offense committed (as was thought) against him: insomuch that [Sidenote: S. Edmunds ditch.] after he had obteined the kingdome, he caused a great ditch to be cast round about the land of saint Edmund, and granted manie fréedoms to the inhabitants, acquiting them of certeine taskes and paiments, vnto the which other of their neighbours were contributarie. He also builded a church on the place where saint Edmund was buried, and ordeined an house of moonks there, or rather remooued the canons or secular priests that were there afore, and put moonks in their roomes. [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] He offered vp also his crowne vnto the same S. Edmund, and redéemed it againe with a great summe of monie, which maner of dooing grew into an vse vnto other kings that followed him. He adorned the church there with manie rich iewels, and indowed the monasterie with great possessions.

But these things were not done now at the first, but after that he was established in the kingdome. For in the meane time, after that king Egelred was returned out of Normandie, Cnute as then soiourning at Gainesbrough, remained there till the feast of Easter, and made agréement with them of Lindsey, so that finding him horsses, they should altogither go foorth to spoile their neighbors. King Egelred aduertised thereof, sped him thither with a mightie host, and with great crueltie burned vp the countrie, and slue the more part of the [Sidenote: Canute driven to forsake the land.] inhabitants, bicause they had taken part with his enimies. Cnute as then was not of power able to resist Egelred, and therefore taking his ships which lay in Humber, fled from thence, & sailed about the coast, [Sidenote: He was driuen thither by force of contrarie winds as should appeare by _Matth. West._] till he came to Sandwich, and there sore gréeued in his mind to remember what mischéefe was fallen and chanced to his friends and [Sidenote: The cruell decrée of Cnute against the English pledges.] [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] subiects of Lindsey, onelie for his cause; he commanded that such pledges as had béene deliuered to his father by certeine noble men of this realme, for assurance of their fidelities, should haue their noses slit, and their eares stuffed, or (as some write) their hands and noses cut off.

[Sidenote: This Turkill was reteined in seruice with Egelred, as I thinke.] When this cruell act according to his commandement was doone, taking the sea, he sailed into Denmarke: but yet tooke not all the Danes with him which his father brought thither. For earle Turkill perceiuing the wealthinesse of the land, compounded with the Englishmen, and chose rather to remaine in a region replenished with all riches, than to returne home into his owne countrie that wanted such commodities as were here to be had. And yet (as some thought) he did not forsake his souereigne lord Cnute for anie euill meaning towards him, but rather to aid him (when time serued) to recouer the possession of England againe, as it afterwards well appeared. For notwithstanding that he was now reteined by K. Egelred with fortie ships, and the flower of all the Danes that were men of warre, so that Cnute returned but with 60 ships into his countrie: yet shortlie after, erle Turkill with 9 of those ships sailed into Denmarke, submitted himselfe vnto Cnute, counselled him to returne into England, and promised him the [Sidenote: _Encomium Emmæ._] assistance of the residue of those Danish ships which yet remained in England, being to the number of thirtie, with all the souldiers and mariners that to them belonged. To conclude, he did so much by his earnest persuasions, that Cnute (through aid of his brother Harrold king of Denmarke) got togither a nauie of two hundred ships, so roially decked, furnished, and appointed, both for braue shew and necessarie furniture of all maner of weapons, armor & munition, as it is strange to consider that which is written by them that liued in those daies, and tooke in hand to register the dooings of that time. Howbeit to let this pompe of Cnutes fléete passe, which (no doubt) was right roiall, consider a little and looke backe to Turkill, though a sworne seruant to king Egelred, how he did direct all his drift to the aduancement of Cnute, and his owne commoditie, cloking his purposed treacherie with pretended amitie, as shall appeare hereafter by his deadlie hostilitie.

* * * * *

_A great waste by an inundation or inbreaking of the sea, a tribute of 30000 pounds to the Danes, king Egelred holdeth a councell at Oxford, where he causeth two noble men of the Danes to be murdered by treason, Edmund the kings eldest sonne marieth one of their wiues, and seizeth vpon his predecessors lands; Cnute the Danish king returneth into England, the Danish and English armies encounter, both susteine losse; Cnute maketh waste of certeine shires, Edmund preuenteth Edriks purposed treason, Edrike de Streona flieth to the Danes, the Westernemen yeeld to Cnute; Mercia refuseth to be subiect vnto him, Warwikeshire wasted by the Danes; Egelred assembleth an armie against them in vaine; Edmund & Vtred with ioined forces lay waste such countries and people as became subiect to Cnute; his policie to preuent their purpose, through what countries he passed, Vtred submitteth himselfe to Cnute, and deliuereth pledges, he is put to death and his lands álienated, Cnute pursueth Edmund to London, and prepareth to besiege the citie, the death and buriall of Egelred, his wiues, what issue he had by them, his unfortunatnesse, and to what affections and vices he was inclined, his too late and bootlesse seeking to releeue his decaied kingdome._

THE EIGHT CHAPTER.

But now to returne to our purpose, and to shew what chanced in England [Sidenote: 1015.] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] after the departure of Cnute. In the same yeare to the forsaid accustomed mischiefes an vnwoonted misaduenture happened: for the sea rose with such high spring-tides, that ouerflowing the countries next adioining, diuers villages with the inhabitants were drowned and [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] destroied. Also to increase the peoples miserie, king Egelred commanded, that 30000 pounds should be leuied to paie the tribute due to the Danes which lay at Gréenewich. This yeare also king Egelred [Sidenote: A councell at Oxford.] [Sidenote: Sigeferd and Morcad murdered.] held a councell at Oxford, at the which a great number of noble men were present, both Danes and Englishmen, and there did the king cause Sigeferd and Morcad two noble personages of the Danes to be murdered within his owne chamber, by the traitorous practise of Edrike de Streona, which accused them of some conspiracie. But the quarell was onelie as men supposed, for that the king had a desire to their goods and possessions. Their seruants tooke in hand to haue reuenged the death of their maisters, but were beaten backe, wherevpon they fled into the steeple of saint Friswids church, and kept the same, till fire was set vpon the place, and so they were burned to death. The wife of Sigeferd was taken, & sent to Malmsburie, being a woman of high fame and great worthinesse, wherevpon the kings eldest sonne named Edmund, tooke occasion vpon pretense of other businesse to go [Sidenote: Edmund the kings eldest sonne marrieth the widow of Sigeferd.] thither, and there to sée hir, with whome he fell so far in loue, that he tooke and maried hir. That doone, he required to haue hir husbands lands and possessions, which were an earles liuing, and lay in Northumberland. And when the king refused to graunt his request, he went thither, and seized the same possessions and lands into his hands, without hauing anie commission so to doo, finding the farmers and tenants there readie to receiue him for their lord.

[Sidenote: Cnute returneth into England.] Whilest these things were a dooing, Cnute hauing made his prouision of ships and men, with all necessarie furniture (as before ye haue heard) for his returne into England, set forward with full purpose, either to [Sidenote: _Encomium Emmæ._] recouer the realme out of Egelreds hands, or to die in the quarrell. Herevpon he landed at Sandwich, and first earle Turkill obteined licence to go against the Englishmen that were assembled to resist the Danes, and finding them at a place called Scorastan, he gaue them the ouerthrow, got a great bootie, and returned therewith to the ships. After this, Edrike gouernor of Norwaie made a rode likewise into an other part of the countrie, & with a rich spoile, and manie prisoners, returned vnto the nauie. After this iournie atchiued thus by Edrike, Cnute commanded that they should not waste the countrie anie more, but gaue order to prepare all things readie to besiege London: but before [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Sim. Dun._] he attempted that enterprise, as others write, he marched foorth into Kent, or rather sailing round about that countrie, tooke his iournie westward, & came to Fromundham, and after departing from thence, wasted Dorsetshire, Summersetshire, & Wiltshire.

[Sidenote: King Egelred sicke.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] King Egelred in this meane time lay sicke at Cossam; and his sonne Edmund had got togither a mightie hoast, howbeit yer he came to ioine battell with his enimies, he was aduertised, that earle Edrike went about to betraie him, and therefore he withdrew with the armie into a [Sidenote: Edrike de Streona fléeth to the Danes.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: The west countrie The people of Mercia would not yéeld.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: 1016.] place of suertie. But Edrike to make his tratorous purpose manifest to the whole world, fled to the enimies with fortie of the kings ships, fraught with Danish souldiers. Herevpon, all the west countrie submitted it selfe vnto Cnute, who receiued pledges of the chiefe lords and nobles, and then set forward to subdue them of Mercia. The people of that countrie would not yéeld, but determined to defend the quarrell and title of king Egelred, so long as they might haue anie capteine that would stand with them, and helpe to order them. In the yeare 1016, in Christmas, Cnute and earle Edrike passed the Thames at Kirkelade, & entring into Mercia, cruellie began with fire and sword [Sidenote: Warwikeshire wasted by the Danes.] to waste and destroie the countrie, and namelie Warwikeshire.

[Sidenote: King Egelred recovered of his sicknesse.] [Sidenote: He assembleth an armie in vaine.] In the meane time was king Egelred recouered of his sicknesse, and sent summons foorth to raise all his power, appointing euerie man to resort vnto him, that he might incounter the enimies and giue them battell. But yet when his people were assembled, he was warned to take héed vnto himselfe, and in anie wise to beware how he gaue battell, for his owne subiects were purposed to betraie him. Herevpon the armie brake vp, & king Egelred withdrew to London, there to abide his enimies within the walles, with whom in the field he doubted to trie [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: Edmund king Egelreds sonne.] the battell. His sonne Edmund got him to Vtred, an earle of great power, inhabiting beyond Humber, and persuading him to ioine his forces with his, forth they went to waste those countries that were become subiect to Cnute, as Staffordshire, Leicestershire, and Shropshire, not sparing to exercise great crueltie vpon the inhabitants, as a punishment for their reuolting, that others might take example thereby.

[Sidenote: Cnute, what countries he passed through.] But Cnute perceiuing whereabout they went, politikelie deuised to frustrate their purpose, and with dooing of like hurt in all places where he came, passed through Buckinghamshire, Bedfordshire, Huntingtonshire, and so through the fens came to Stamford, and then entred into Lincolnshire, and from thence into Notinghamshire, & so into Yorkeshire, not sparing to doo what mischiefe might be deuised in all places where he came. Vtred aduertised hereof, was constreined to depart home to saue his owne countrie from present destruction, and therefore comming backe into Northumberland, & perceiuing himselfe not able to resist the puissant force of his enimies, was constreined to [Sidenote: Earle Vtred deliuered pledges to Cnute.] [Sidenote: _Aliùs_ Egricus.] deliuer pledges, and submit himselfe vnto Cnute. But yet was he not hereby warranted from danger, for shortlie after he was taken, and put to death, and then were his lands giuen vnto one Iricke or Iricius, whome afterward Cnute did banish out of the realme, because that he did attempt to chalenge like authoritie to him in all points as Cnute himselfe had. After that Cnute had subdued the Northumbers, he pursued Edmund, till he heard that he had taken London for his refuge, and staied there with his father. Then did Cnute take his ships, and came [Sidenote: Cnute prepareth to besiege London.] about to the coasts of Kent, preparing to besiege the citie of London.

[Sidenote: King Egelred departed this life.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] In the meane time, king Egelred sore worne with long sicknesse, departed this life on the 23 of Aprill, being saint Georges day, or (as others say) on saint Gregories day, being the 12 of March, but I take this to be an error growen, by mistaking the feast-day of saint [Sidenote: He is buried in the church of S. Paul at London.] Gregorie for saint George. He reigned the tearme of 37 yeares, or little lesse. His bodie was buried in the church of saint Pauls, in the north Ile besids the quéere, as by a memoriall there on the wall it maie appeare. He had two wiues (as before is mentioned.) By Elgina his first wife he had issue thrée sonnes, Edmund, Edwine, and Adelstane; besides one daughter named Egiua. By his second wife Emma, daughter to Richard the first of that name, duke of Normandie, and sister to Richard the second, he had two sonnes, Alfrid and Edward.

This Egelred (as you haue heard) had euill successe in his warres against the Danes, and besides the calamitie that fell thereby to his people, manie other miseries oppressed this land in his daies, not so much through his lacke of courage and slouthfull negligence, as by [Sidenote: The pride of king Egelred alienated the harts of his people.] reason of his presumptuous pride, whereby he alienated the hearts of his people from him. His affections he could not rule, but was led by them without order of reason, for he did not onlie disherit diuerse of his owne English subiects without apparant cause of offense by plaine forged cauillations; and also caused all the Danes to be murdered through his realme in one day, by some light suspicion of their euill meanings: but also gaue himselfe to lecherous lusts, in abusing his bodie with naughtie strumpets, forsaking the bed of his owne lawfull wife, to the great infamie & shame of that high degrée of maiestie, which by his kinglie office he bare and susteined. To conclude, he was from his tender youth more apt to idle rest, than to the exercise of warres; more giuen to pleasures of the bodie, than to anie vertues of the mind: although that toward his latter end, being growen into age, and taught by long experience of worldlie affaires, and proofe of passed miseries, he sought (though in vaine) to haue recouered the decaied state of his common wealth and countrie.

¶ In this Egelreds time, and (as it is recorded by a British chronographer) in the yéere of our Lord 984, one Cadwalhon, the second sonne of Ieuaf tooke in hand the gouernance of Northwales, and first made warre with Ionauall his coosen, the sonne of Meyric, and right heire to the land, and slue him, but Edwall the yoongest brother escaped awaie priuilie. The yéere following, Meredith the sonne of Owen king or prince of Southwales, with all his power entered into Northwales, and in fight slue Cadwalhon the sonne of Ieuaf, and Meyric his brother, and conquered the land to himselfe. Wherein a man maie [Sidenote: Sée the historie of Cambria pag. 62, 63.] sée how God punished the wrong, which Iago and Ieuaf the sonnes of Edwall Voell did to their eldest brother Meyric, who was first disherited, and afterward his eies put out, and one of his sonnes slaine. For first Ieuaf was imprisoned by Iago; then Iago with his sonne Constantine, by Howell the son of Ieuaf: and afterward the said Howell, with his brethren Cadwalhon and Meyric, were slaine and spoiled of all their lands.

* * * * *

_Edmund Ironside succedeth his father in the kingdome, the spiritualtie favouring Cnute would haue him to be king, the Londoners are his backe friends, they receiue Edmund their king honorablie and ioifullie, Cnute is proclaimed king at Southampton, manie of the states cleaue vnto him, he besiegeth London by water and land, the citizens giue him the foile, he incountreth with king Edmund and is discomfited, two battels fought betweene the Danes and English with equall fortune and like successe, the traitorous stratagem of Edrike the Dane, king Edmund aduisedlie defeateth Edriks trecherie, 20000 of both armies slaine, Cnute marching towards London is pursued of Edmund, the Danes are repelled, incountred, and vanquished; queene Emma prouideth for the safetie of hir sonnes; the Danes seeke a pacification with Edmund, thereby more easilie to betraie him; Cnute with his armie lieth neere Rochester, king Edmund pursueth them, both armies haue a long and a sore conflict, the Danes discomfited, and manie of them slaine; Cnute with his power assemble at Essex and there make waste, king Edmund pursuith them, Edrike traitorouslie reuolteth from the English to succour the Danes, king Edmund is forced to get him out of the field, the Englishmen put to their hard shifts and slaine by heapes; what noble personages were killed in this battell, of two dead bodies latelie found in the place where this hot and heauie skirmish was fought._

THE NINTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: EDMUND IRONSIDE.] After that king Egelred was dead, his eldest sonne Edmund surnamed Ironside was proclaimed king by the Londoners and others, hauing the assistance of some lords of the realme, although the more part, and [Sidenote: The kingdom goeth where the spiritualtie fauoreth.] speciallie those of the spiritualtie fauoured Cnute, bicause they had aforetime sworne fealtie to his father. Some write, that Cnute had planted his siege both by water and land verie stronglie about the citie of London, before Egelred departed this life, and immediatlie vpon his deceasse was receiued into the citie; but the armie that was within the citie, not consenting vnto the surrender made by the citizens, departed the night before the day on the which Cnute by appointment should enter, and in companie of Edmund Ironside (whome they had chosen to be their king and gouernour) they prepared to increase their numbers with new supplies, meaning eftsoones to trie [Sidenote: The author of the booke intitled _Encomium Emmæ_ saith that it was reported that Edmund offered the combate unto Cnute at this his going from the citie but Cnute refused it.] the fortune of battell against the Danish power. Cnute perceiuing the most part of all the realme to be thus against him, and hauing no great confidence in the loialtie of the Londoners, tooke order to leauie monie for the paiment of his men of warre and mariners that belonged to his nauie, left the citie, and imbarking himselfe, sailed to the Ile of Shepie, and there remained all the winter. In which meane while, Edmund Ironside came to London, where he was ioifullie receiued of the citizens, and continuing there till the spring of the yeere, made himselfe strong against the enimies.

[Sidenote: 1016.] This Edmund for his noble courage, strength of bodie, and notable patience to indure and suffer all such hardnesse and paines as is requisite in a man of warre, was surnamed Ironside, & began his reigne in the yéere of our Lord 1016, in the sixtéenth yéere of the emperor Henrie the second surnamed Claudius, in the twentieth yéere of the reigne of Robert king of France, & about the sixt yéere of Malcolme the second king of the Scots. After that king Edmund had receiued the crowne in the citie of London by the hands of the archbishop of Yorke, he assembled togither such a power as he could make, and with the same marched foorth towards the west parts, and made the countrie subiect [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] to him. In the meane time was Cnute proclaimed and ordeined king at Southampton by the bishops and abbats, and diuerse lords also of the temporaltie there tógither assembled, vnto whome he sware to be their good and faithfull souereigne, and that he would sée iustice trulie and vprightlie ministred.

[Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: London besieged.] After he had ended his businesse at Southampton, he drew with his people towards London, and comming thither, besieged the citie both by water and land, causing a great trench to be cast about it, so that no man might either get in or come foorth. Manie great assalts he caused to be giuen vnto the citie, but the Londoners and others within so valiantlie defended the wals and gates, that the enimies got small aduantage, and at length were constreined to depart with losse. Cnute then perceiuing that he might not haue his purpose there, withdrew [Sidenote: Cnute at Gillingham in Dorsetshire put to flight.] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] westward, and besides Gillingham in Dorsetshire, incountred with K. Edmund in the Rogation weeke, and after sore & sharpe battell was put to the woorse, and constreined to forsake the field by the high prowesse & manhood of the said Edmund. King Cnute the same night, after the armies were seuered, departed towards Winchester, so to get himselfe out of danger. Shortlie after, king Edmund hearing that an

[Sidenote: Salisburie besieged.] other armie of the Danes had besieged Salisburie, marched thither to succour them within, and immediatlie Cnute followed him, so that at a [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: A battel with equall fortune.] place in Worcestershire called Scorastan, on the foure and twentith of June, they incountred togither, and fought a verie cruell battell, which at length the night parted with equall fortune. And likewise on [Sidenote: An other battel with like successes.] the next day they buckled togither againe, and fought with like successe as they had doone the day before, for towards euening they gaue ouer well wearied, and not knowing to whome the victorie ought to be ascribed.

[Sidenote: Edrike de Streona his treason.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] Writers haue reported, that this second day, when duke Edrike perceiued the Englishmen to be at point to haue got the vpper hand, he withdrew aside, and hauing by chance slaine a common souldier called Osmear, which in visage much resembled king Edmund, whose head he cut off, held it vp, & shaking his swoord bloudie with the slaughter, cried to the Englishmen; "Flée ye wretches, flee and get awaie, for your king is dead, behold heere his head which I hold in my hands." Héerewith had the Englishmen fled immediatlie, if king Edmund aduised of this stratagem, had not quicklie got him to an high ground where his men might seé him aliue and lustie. Héerewith also the traitor Edrike escaped hardlie the danger of death, the Englishmen shot so egerlie at him. At length, as is said, the night parting them in sunder, they withdrew the one armie from the other, as it had béene by consent. The third day they remained in armor, but yet absteining from battell, sate still, in taking meate and drinke to relieue their [Sidenote: Twentie thousand dead bodies.] wearied bodies, and after gathered in heapes the dead carcases that had béene slaine in the former fight, the number of which on either partie reckoned, rose to the point of twentie thousand and aboue.

[Sidenote: The armies dislodged.] In the night following, Cnute remooued his campe in secret wise, and marched towards London, which citie in a maner remained besieged by the nauie of the Danes. King Edmund in the morning when the light had discouered the departure of his enimies, followed them by the tract, and comming to London with small adoo remooued the siege, and entered [Sidenote: The Danes ouercome at Brentford.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: _Caxton._] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] the citie like a conqueror. Shortlie after he fought with the Danes at Brentford, and gaue them a great ouerthrow. In this meane while queene Emma the widow of king Egelred, doubting the fortune of the warre, sent hir two sonnes Alfred and Edward ouer into Normandie vnto hir brother duke Richard, or rather fled thither hirselfe with them (as some write.)

Moreouer, earle Edrike, perceiuing the great manhood of king Edmund, began to feare, least in the end he should subdue and vanquish the Danes, wherefore he sought meanes to conclude a peace, and take such order with him as might stand with both their contentations, which yer long he brought about. This was doone (as you shall heare) by the [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] consent of Cnute (as some write) to the intent that Edrike being put in trust with king Edmund, might the more easilie deuise waies how to betraie him. But Cnute disappointed of his purpose at London, and fetching a great bootie and preie out of the countries next adjoining, repared to his ships, to sée what order was amongst them, which a little before were withdrawen into the riuer that passeth by Rochester [Sidenote: The river of Medwaie.] called Medwaie. Héere Cnute remained certeine daies, both to assemble a greater power, and also to hearken and learne what his enimies ment to doo, the which he easilie vnderstood.

[Sidenote: King Edmund's diligence.] King Edmund, who hated nothing woorse than to linger his businesse, assembled his people, and marching forward toward his enimies, approched néere vnto them, & pitcht downe his tents not farre from his enimies campe, exhorting his people to remember their passed victories, and to doo their good willes, at length by one battell so to ouerthrow them, that they might make an end of the warre, and dispatch them cleerelie out of the realme. With these and the like woords he did so incourage his souldiers, that they disdaining thus to haue the enimies dailie prouoke them, and to put them to trouble, with eger minds and fierce courages offered battell to the Danes, which Cnute had prepared to receiue whensoeuer the Englishmen approched: and heerewith bringing his men into araie, he came foorth to méet his [Sidenote: The battell is begun.] enimies. Then was the battell begun with great earnestnesse on both sides, & continued foure houres, till at length the Danes began somewhat to shrinke, which when Cnute perceiued, he commanded his horssemen to come forward into the forepart of his dawnted host.

[Sidenote: The Danes put to flight.] But whilest one part of the Danes gaue backe with feare, and the other came slowlie forward, the arraie of the whole armie was broken, & then [Sidenote: The number of Danes slaine.] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] without respect of shame they fled amaine, so that there died that day of Cnutes side foure thousand and fiue hundred men; and of king Edmunds side, not past six hundred, and those were footmen. This battell was fought as should appéere by diuerse writers, at Okefort or Oteford. It was thought, that if king Edmund had pursued the victorie and followed in chase of his enimies in such wise as he safelie might haue doone, he had made that day an end of the warres: but he was [Sidenote: Edriks counsell.] counselled by Edrike (as some write) in no condition to follow them, but to staie and giue time to his people to refresh their wearie bodies. Then Cnute with his armie passed ouer the Thames into Essex, and there assembled all his power togither, and began to spoile and waste the countrie on each hand. King Edmund aduertised thereof, hasted foorth to succour his people, and at Ashdone in Essex three miles from Saffron Walden, gaue battell to Cnute, where after sore and cruell fight continued with great slaughter on both sides a long time, duke Edrike fled to the comfort of the Danes, and to the discomfort of the Englishmen.

Héerevpon king Edmund was constreined in the end to depart out of the field, hauing first doone all that could be wished in a woorthie chieftaine, both by woords to incourage his men, & by deeds to shew them good example; so that at one time the Danes were at point to haue giuen backe, but that Cnute aduised thereof, rushed into the left wing where most danger was, and so relieued his people there, that finallie the Englishmen, both wearied with long fight, and also discouraged with the running awaie of some of their companie, were constreined to giue ouer, and by flight to séeke their safegard, so that king Edmund might not by anie meanes bring them againe into order. Héerevpon all the waies and passages being forelaid and stopped by the enimies, the [Sidenote: [*_Sic._]] Englishmen wanting both carriage* to make longer resistance, and perceiuing no hope to rest in fléeing, were beaten downe and slaine in heapes, so that few escaped from that dreadfull and bloudie battell.

[Sidenote: Noble men slaine at the battell of Ashdone.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] There died on king Edmunds side, duke Edmund, duke Alfrike, and duke Goodwine, with earle Vlfekettell or Vrchell of Eastangle, and duke Aileward, that was sonne to Ardelwine late duke of Eastangle; and to be briefe, all the floure of the English nobilitie. There were also slaine at this battell manie renowmed persons of the spiritualtie, as the bishop of Lincolne, and the abbat of Ramsey, with others: king [Sidenote: King Edmund withdraweth into Glocestershire.] Edmund escaping awaie, got him into Glocestershire, and there began to raise a new armie. In the place where this field was fought, are yet seuen or eight hils, wherein the carcases of them that were slaine at the same field were buried: and one being digged downe of late, there were found two bodies in a coffin of stone, of which the one laie with his head towards the others féet, and manie chaines of iron, (like to the water-chains of the bits of horsses) were found in the same hill. But now to the matter.

* * * * *

_London & other great cities & townes submit themselues to Cnute, he hasteth after Edmund with his power, both their armies being readie to incounter by occasion are staied, the oration of a capteine in the hearing of both hosts; the title and right of the realme of England is put to the triall of combat betweene Cnute and Edmund, Cnute is ouermatched, his woords to king Edmund, both kings are pacified and their armies accorded, the realme diuided betwixt Cnute and Edmund, king Edmund traitorouslie slaine, the dissonant report of writers touching the maners of his death, and both the kings dealing about the partition of the realme, Cnute causeth Edrike to be slaine for procuring king Edmunds death, wherein the reward of treason is noted; how long king Edmund reigned, and where he was buried, the eclipsed state of England after his death, and in whose time it recouered some part of its brightnesse._

THE TENTH CHAPTER.

In the meane while that Edmund was busie to leauie a new armie in Glocester, and other parties of Mercia, Cnute hauing got so great a victorie (as before is mentioned) receiued into his obeisance, not onelie the citie of London, but also manie other cities and townes of great name, and shortlie after hasted forward to pursue his enimie king Edmund, who was readie with a mightie host to trie the vttermost [Sidenote: _Polydor._] chance of battell if they should eftsoones ioine. Héerevpon, both the armies being readie to giue the onset, the one in sight of the other at a place called Dearehurst, neere to the riuer of Seuerne, by the [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] drift of duke Edrike, who then at length began to shew some token of good meaning, the two kings came to a communication, and in the end concluded an agreement, as some haue written, without anie more adoo. Others write, that when both the armies were at point to haue ioined, [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith this was Edrike.] one of the capteins (but whether he were a Dane or an Englishman, it is not certeinlie told) stood vp in such a place, as he might be heard of both the princes, & boldlie vttered his mind in forme following.

_The oration of a capteine in the audience of the English and Danish armie._

"We haue, most woorthie capteins, fought long inough one against another, there hath beene but too much bloud shed betweene both the nations, and the valiancie of the souldiers on both sides is sufficientlie seene by triall, & either of your manhoods likewise, and yet can you beare neither good nor euill fortune. If one of you win the battell, he pursueth him that is ouercome; and if he chance to be vanquished, he resteth not till he haue recouered new strength to fight eftsoones with him that is victor. What should you meane by this your inuincible courage? At what marke shooteth your greedie desire to beare rule, and your excessive thirst to atteine honour? If you fight for a kingdome, diuide it betwéene you two, which sometime was sufficient for seuen kings: but if you couet to winne fame and glorious renowme, and for the same are driuen to try the hazard whether ye shall command or obeie, deuise the waie whereby ye may without so great slaughter, and without such pitifull bloudshed of both your guiltlesse peoples, trie whether of you is most woorthie to be preferred."

[Sidenote: The two kings appoint to try the matter by a combat.] [Sidenote: Oldney.] Thus made he an end, and the two princes allowed well of his last motion, and so order was taken, that they should fight togither in a singular combat within a litle Iland inclosed with the riuer of Seuerne called Oldney, with condition, that whether of them chanced to be victor, should be king, and the other to resigne his title for euer into his hands. The two princes entering into the place appointed, in faire armour, began the battell in sight of both their armies ranged in goodlie order on either side the riuer, with doubtfull minds, and nothing ioifull, as they that wauered betwixt hope and feare. The two [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._] champions manfullie assailed either other, without sparing. First, they went to it on horssebacke, and after on foot. Cnute was a man of [Sidenote: Cnute of what stature he was.] a meane stature, but yet strong and hardie, so that receiuing a great blow by the hand of his aduersarie, which caused him somewhat to stagger; yet recouered himselfe, and boldly stept forward to be reuenged. But perceiuing he could not find aduantage, and that he was [Sidenote: Cnute ouermatched.] [Sidenote: Cnutes woords to Edmund.] rather too weake, and shrewdlie ouermatched, he spake to Edmund with a lowd voice on this wise: "What necessitie (saith he) ought thus to mooue vs, most valiant prince, that for the obteining of a kingdome, we should thus put our liues in danger? Better were it that laieng armour and malice aside, we should condescend to some reasonable [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] agreement. Let vs become sworne brethren, and part the kingdome betwixt vs: and let vs deale so friendlie, that thou maist vse my things as thine owne, and I thine as though they were mine." King Edmund with those woords of his aduersarie was so pacified, that immediatlie he cast awaie his swoord, and comming to Cnute, ioined hands with him. Both the armies by their example did the like, which looked for the same fortune to fall on their countries, which should [Sidenote: They make vp the matter betwixt themselves.] happen to their princes by the successe of that one battell. After this, there was an agréement deuised betwixt them, so that a partition of the realme was made, and that part that lieth fore against France, [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] was assigned to Edmund, and the other fell to Cnute. There be that write, how the offer was made by king Edmund for the auoiding of more bloudshed, that the two princes should trie the matter thus togither in a singular combat. But Cnute refused the combat, bicause (as he alledged) the match was not equall. For although he was able to match Edmund in boldnesse of stomach, yet was he farre too weake to deale with a man of such strength as Edmund was knowne to be. But sith they did pretend title to the realme by due and good direct meanes, he thought it most conuenient that the kingdome should be diuided betwixt them. This motion was allowed of both the armies, so that king Edmund was of force constreined to be contented therewith.

¶ Thus our common writers haue recorded of this agréement, but if I should not be thought presumptuous, in taking vpon me to reprooue, or rather but to mistrust that which hath béene receiued for a true narration in this matter, I would rather giue credit vnto that which [Sidenote: _Encomium Emmæ._] the author of the booke intituled "Encomium Emmæ," dooth report in this behalfe. Which is that through persuasion of Edrike de Streona, king Edmund immediatelie after the battell fought at Ashdone, sent ambassadors vnto Cnute to offer vnto him peace, with halfe the realme of England, that is to say, the north parts, with condition that king Edmund might quietlie inioy the south parts, and therevpon haue pledges deliuered interchangeablie on either side.

Cnute hauing heard the effect of this message, staied to make answer till he heard what his councell would aduise him to doo in this behalfe: and vpon good deliberation taken in the matter, considering that he had lost no small number of people in the former battell, and that being farre out of his countrie, he could not well haue anie new supplie, where the Englishmen although they had likewise lost verie manie of their men of warre, yet being in their owne countrie, it should be an easie matter for them to restore their decaid number, it was thought expedient by the whole consent of all the Danish capteins, that the offer of king Edmund should be accepted.

Herevpon Cnute calling the ambassadors before him againe, declared vnto them, that he was contented to conclude a peace vpon such conditions as they had offered: but yet with this addition, that their king whatsoeuer he should be, should paie Cnutes souldiers their wages, with monie to be leuied of that part of the kingdome which the English king should possesse. "For (this saith he) I haue vndertaken to sée them paid, and otherwise I will not grant to anie peace." The league and agréement therefore being concluded in this sort, pledges were deliuered and receiued on both parties, and the armies [Sidenote: This is alleged touching the partiti[=o] of the kingdome.] discharged. But God (saith mine author) being mindfull of his old doctrine, that Euerie kingdome diuided in it selfe cannot long stand, shortlie after tooke Edmund out of this life: and by such meanes séemed to take pitie of the English kingdome, lest if both the kings should haue continued in life togither, they should haue liued in danger. And incontinentlie herevpon was Cnute chosen and receiued for absolute king of all the whole realme of England. Thus hath he written that liued in those daies, whose credit thereby is much aduanced.

Howbeit the common report of writers touching the death of Edmund varieth from this, who doo affirme, that after Cnute and Edmund were made friends, the serpent of enuie and false conspiracie burnt so in the hearts of some traitorous persons, that within a while after king [Sidenote: K. Edmund traitorouslie slaine at Oxford.] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] Edmund was slaine at Oxford, as he sat on a priuie to doo the necessaries of nature. The common report hath gone, that earle Edrike was the procurer of this villanous act, and that (as some write) his sonne did it. But the author that wrote "Encomium Emmæ," writing of the death of Edmund, hath these words (immediatlie after he had first declared in what sort the two princes were agréed, and had made partition of the realme betwixt them:) But God (saith he) being [Sidenote: This is alleged againe for the proofe of Edmunds natural death.] mindfull of his old doctrine, that Euerie kingdome diuided in it selfe can not long stand, shortlie after tooke Edmund out of this life: and by such meanes séemed to take pitie vpon the English kingdome, least if both the kings should haue continued in life togither, they should both haue liued in great danger, and the realme in trouble. With this agreeth also Simon Dunel. who saith, that king Edmund died of naturall [Sidenote: _Fabian._] sicknesse, by course of kind at London, about the feast of saint Andrew next insuing the late mentioned agreement.

[Sidenote: _Ranul. Hig._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] And this should séeme true: for whereas these authors which report, that earle Edrike was the procurer of his death, doo also write, that when he knew the act to be done, he hasted vnto Cnute, and declared vnto him what he had brought to passe for his aduancement to the gouernment of the whole realme. Wherevpon Cnute, abhorring such a detestable fact, said vnto him: "Bicause thou hast for my sake, made away the worthiest bodie of the world, I shall raise thy head aboue all the lords of England," and so caused him to be put to death. Thus haue some bookes. Howbeit this report agreeth not with other writers, which declare how Cnute aduanced Edrike in the beginning of his reigne [Sidenote: Some thinke that he was duke of Mercia before, and now had Essex adioined thereto.] vnto high honor, and made him gouernor of Mercia, and vsed his counsell in manie things after the death of king Edmund, as in banishing Edwin, the brother of king Edmund, with his sonnes also, Edmund and Edward.

[Sidenote: Diuerse and discordant reports of Edmunds death.] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] But for that there is such discordance and variable report amongst writers touching the death of king Edmund, and some fables inuented thereof (as the manner is) we will let the residue of their reports passe; sith certeine it is, that to his end he came, after he had reigned about the space of one yéere, and so much more as is betwéene the moneth of Iune and the latter end of Nouember. His bodie was buried at Glastenburie, neere his vncle Edgar. With this Edmund, surnamed Ironside, fell the glorious maiestie of the English kingdome, the which afterward as it had beene an aged bodie being sore decaied and weakened by the Danes, that now got possession of the whole, yet somewhat recouered after the space of 26 yéers vnder king Edward, surnamed the Confessor: and shortlie therevpon as it had béene falne into a resiluation, came to extreame ruine by the inuasion and conquest of the Normans: as after by Gods good helpe and fauorable assistance it shall appeare. So that it would make a diligent and marking reader both muse and moorne, to see how variable the state of this kingdome hath béene, & thereby to fall into a consideration of the frailtie and vncerteintie of this mortall life, which is no more frée from securitie, than a ship on the sea in tempestuous weather. For as the casualties wherewith our life is inclosed and beset with round about, are manifold; so also are they miserable, so also are they sudden, so also are they vnauoidable. And true it is, that the life of man is in the hands of God, and the state of kingdoms dooth also belong vnto him, either to continue or discontinue. But to the processe of the matter.

* * * * *

_Cnute vndertaketh the totall regiment of this land, he assembleth a councell at London, the nobles doo him homage, be diuideth the realme into foure parts to be gouerned by his assignes; Edwin and Edward the sonnes of Edmund are banished, their good fortune by honorable mariages, King Cnute marieth queene Emma the widow of Egelred, the wise and politike conditions wherevpon this mariage was concluded, the English bloud restored to the crowne and the Danes excluded, queene Emma praised for hir high wisedome in choosing an enimie to hir husband; Cnute dismisseth the Danish armie into Denmarke; Edrike de Streona bewraieth his former trecherie, and procureth his owne death through rashnesse and follie, the discordant report of writers touching the maner & cause of his death, what noble men were executed with him, and banished out of England, Cnute a monarch._

THE XJ CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: CANUTE, KNOUGHT OR CNUTE.] CANUTE, or Cnute, whome the English chronicles doo name Knought, after the death of king Edmund, tooke vpon him the whole rule ouer all the [Sidenote: 1017.] realme of England, in the yéere of our Lord 1017, in the seuentéenth yeere of the emperour Henrie the second, surnamed Claudus, in the twentith yéere of the reigne of Robert king of France, and about the 7 yeere of Malcolme king of Scotland. Cnute shortlie after the death of king Edmund, assembled a councell at London, in the which he caused all the nobles of the realme to doo him homage, in receiuing an oth of loiall obeisance. He diuided the realme into foure parts, assigning Northumberland vnto the rule of Irke or Iricius, Mercia vnto Edrike, and Eastangle vnto Turkill, and reseruing the west part to his owne gouernance. He banished (as before is said) Edwin, the brother of king Edmund; but such as were suspected to be culpable of Edmunds death, he caused to be put to execution: whereby it should appeere, that Edrike was not then in anie wise detected or once thought to be giltie.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: King of churles.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] The said Edwin afterwards returned, and was then reconciled to the kings fauor (as some write) but shortlie after traitorouslie slaine by his owne seruants. He was called the king of churles. Others write, that he came secretlie into the realme after he had béene banished, and kéeping himselfe closelie out of sight, at length ended his life, and was buried at Tauestocke. Moreouer, Edwin and Edward the sonnes of [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] king Edmund were banished the land, and sent first vnto Sweno king of Norweie to haue bin made away: but Sweno vpon remorse of conscience sent them into Hungarie, where they found great fauor at the hands of king Salomon, insomuch that Edwin maried the daughter of the same Salomon, but had no issue by hir. Edward was aduanced to marie with Agatha, daughter of the emperour Henrie, and by hir had issue two sonnes, Edmund and Edgar surnamed Edeling, and as many daughters, Margaret and Christine, of the which in place conuenient more shall be said.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: King Cnute maried to quéene Emma the widow of Egelred, in Iulie, anno. 1017.] When king Cnute had established things, as he thought stood most for his suertie, he called to his remembrance, that he had no issue but two bastard sonnes Harold and Sweno, begotten of his concubine Alwine. Wherefore he sent ouer to Richard duke of Normandie, requiring to haue quéene Emma, the widow of king Egelred in mariage, and so obteined hir, not a little to the woonder of manie, which thought a great ouersight both in the woman and in hir brother, that would satisfie [Sidenote: _Polydor._] the request of Cnute herein, considering he had béene such a mortall enimie to hir former husband. But duke Richard did not onelie consent, that his said sister should be maried vnto Cnute, but also he himselfe tooke to wife the ladie Hestritha, sister to the said Cnute.

¶ Here ye haue to vnderstand, that this mariage was not made without [Sidenote: The couenants made at the mariage betwixt Cnute and Emma.] great consideration & large couenants granted on the part of king Cnute: for before he could obteine queene Emma to his wife, it was fullie condescended & agréed, that after Cnuts decease, the crowne of England should remaine to the issue borne of this mariage betwixt hir & Cnute, which couenant although it was not performed immediatlie after the deceasse of king Cnute, yet in the end it tooke place, so as the right séemed to be deferred, and not to be taken away nor abolished: for immediatlie vpon Harolds death that had vsurped, Hardicnute succéeded as right heire to the crowne, by force of the agréement made at the time of the mariage solemnized betwixt his father and mother, and being once established in the kingdome, he ordeined his brother Edward to succéed him, whereby the Danes were vtterlie excluded from all right that they had to pretend vnto the [Sidenote: The English bloud restored.] [Sidenote: The praise of quéene Emma for hir wisdome.] crowne of this land, and the English bloud restored thereto, chieflie by that gratious conclusion of this mariage betwixt king Cnute and quéene Emma. For the which no small praise was thought to be due vnto the said quéene, sith by hir politike gouernement, in making hir match so beneficiall to hir selfe and hir line, the crowne was thus recouered out of the hands of the Danes, and restored againe in time [Sidenote: _Encomium Emmæ._] to the right heire, as by an auncient treatise which some haue intituled "Encomium Emmæ," and was written in those daies, it dooth and may appeare. Which booke although there be but few copies thereof abroad, giueth vndoubtedlie great light to the historie of that time.

[Sidenote: _Matth. West._] But now to our purpose. Cnute the same yeare in which he was thus maried, through persuasion of his wife quéene Emma, sent awaie the Danish nauie and armie home into Denmarke, giuing to them fourescore and two thousand pounds of siluer, which was leuied throughout this [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: 1018.] land for their wages. In the yeare 1018, Edrike de Streona earle of Mercia was ouerthrowen in his owne turne: for being called before the king into his priuie chamber, and there in reasoning the matter about some quarrell that was picked to him, he began verie presumptuouslie to vpbraid the king of such pleasures as he had before time doone vnto him; "I did (said he) for the loue which I bare towards you, forsake my souereigne lord king Edmund, and at length for your sake slue him." At which words Cnute began to change countenance, as one maruellouslie abashed, and straightwaies gaue sentence against Edrike in this wise; "Thou art woorthie (saith he) of death, and die thou shalt, which art guiltie of treason both towards God and me, sith that thou hast slaine thine own souereigne lord, and my déere alied brother. Thy bloud therefore be vpon thine owne head, sith thy toong hath vttered thy treason." And immediatlie he caused his throat to be cut, and his bodie to be throwen out at the chamber window into the riuer of [Sidenote: Edrike put to death.] Thames. ¶ But others say, that hands were laid vpon him in the verie same chamber or closet where he murdered the king, & straightwaies to preuent all causes of tumults & hurlieburlies, he was put to death with terrible torments of fierbrands & links; which execution hauing passed vpon him, a second succeeded; for both his féet were bound together, and his bodie drawne through the streets of the citie, & in fine cast into a common ditch called Houndsditch; for that the citizens threw their dead dogs and stinking carrion with other filth into it, accounting him worthie of a worse rather than of a better buriall. In such hatred was treason had, being a vice which the verie infidels and grosse pagans abhorred, else would they not haue said, _Proditionem amo, proditorem odi_; Treason I loue, but a traitor I hate. This was the end of Edrike, surnamed de Stratten or Streona, a man of great infamie for his craftie dissimulation, falshood and treason, vsed by him to the ouerthrow of the English estate, as partlie before is touched.

[Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _Encomium Emmæ._] But there be that concerning the cause of this Edriks death, séeme partlie to disagrée from that which before is recited, declaring that Cnute standing in some doubt to be betraied through the treason of Edrike, sought occasion how to rid him and others (whome he mistrusted) out of the way. And therefore on a day when Edrike craued some preferment at Cnuts hands, & said that he had deserued to be well thought of, sith by his flight from the battell at Ashendon, the victorie therby inclined to Cnutes part: Cnute hearing him speake these words, made this answere: "And canst thou (quoth he) be true to me, that through fraudulent meanes diddest deceiue thy soùereigne lord and maister? But I will reward thée according to thy deserts, so as from henceforth thou shalt not deceiue anie other," and so forthwith commanded Erike one of his chiefe capteines to dispatch him, who incontinentlie cut off his head with his axe or halbert. Verelie Simon Dunelmensis saith, that K. Cnute vnderstanding in what sort both king Egelred, and his sonne king Edmund Ironside had béene betraied by the said Edrike, stood in great doubt to be likewise deceiued by him, and therefore was glad to haue some pretended quarell, to dispatch both him and others, whome he likewise mistrusted, as it well appeared. For at the same time there were put to death with Edrike earle Norman the sonne of earle Leofwin, and brother to earle Leofrike: also Adelward the sonne of earle Agelmare and Brightrike the sonne of Alfegus gouernor of Deuonshire, without all guilt or cause (as some write.) And in place of Norman, his brother Leofrike was made earle of Mercia by the king, and had in great fauour. This Leofrike is commonlie also by writers named earle of Chester. After this, Cnute likewise banished Iric and Turkill, two Danes, the one (as before is recited) gouernor of Northumberland, and the other of Northfolke and Suffolke or Eastangle.

Then rested the whole rule of the realme in the kings hands, wherevpon he studied to preserue the people in peace, and ordeined lawes, according to the which both Danes and Englishmen should be gouerned in equall state and degrée. Diuers great lords whome he found vnfaithfull [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: Lords put to death.] or rather suspected, he put to death (as before ye haue heard) beside [Sidenote: A taxe raised.] such as he banished out of the realme. He raised a tax or tribute of the people, amounting to the summe of fourescore & two thousand pounds, besides 11000 pounds, which the Londoners paid towards the maintenance of the Danish armie. But whereas these things chaunced not all at one time, but in sundrie seasons, we will returne somewhat backe to declare what other exploits were atchiued in the meane time by Cnute, not onelie in England, but also in Denmarke, and elsewhere: admonishing the reader in the processe of the discourse following, that much excellent matter is comprehended, whereout (if the same be studiouslie read and diligentlie considered) no small profit is to be reaped, both for the augmentation of his owne knowledge and others that be studious.

* * * * *

_Cnute saileth into Denmarke to subdue the Vandals, earle Goodwins good seruice with the English against the said Vandals, and what benefit accrewed vnto the Englishmen by the said good seruice, he returneth into England after the discomfiture of the enimie, he saileth ouer againe into Denmarke and incountreth with the Sweideners, the occasion of this warre or incounter taken by Olauus, his hard hap, vnluckie fortune, and wofull death wrought by the hands of his owne vnnaturall subiects; Cnuts confidence in the Englishmen, his deuout voiage to Rome, his returne into England, his subduing of the Scots, his death and interrement._

THE TWELFTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: 1019.] [Sidenote: King Cnute passeth into Denmarke.] In the third yeare of his reigne Cnute sailed with an armie of Englishmen and Danes into Denmarke, to subdue the Vandals there, which then sore annoied and warred against his subiects of Denmarke. Earle [Sidenote: Earle Goodwin his seruice in Denmarke.] Goodwine, which had the souereigne conduct of the Englishmen, the night before the day appointed for the battell got him forth of the campe with his people, and suddenlie assailing the Vandals in their lodgings, easilie distressed them, sleaing a great number of them, and chasing the residue. In the morning earlie, when as Cnute heard that the Englishmen were gone foorth of their lodgings, he supposed that they were either fled awaie, or else turned to take part with the enimies. But as he approched to the enimies campe, he vnderstood how the mater went; for he found nothing there but bloud, dead bodies, and [Sidenote: Cnute had the Englishmen in estimation for their good service.] the spoile. For which good seruice, Cnute had the Englishmen in more estimation euer after, and highlie rewarded their leader the same earle Goodwine. When Cnute had ordered all things in Denmarke, as was thought behoofefull, he returned againe into England: and within a few daies after, he was aduertised that the Swedeners made warre against his subiects of Denmarke, vnder the leding of two great princes, Vlfe [Sidenote: 1028.] [Sidenote: Cnute passeth againe into Denmarke.] [Sidenote: _Will. Malm._] and Vlafe. Wherefore to defend his dominions in those parts, he passed againe with an armie into Denmarke, incountred with his enimies, and receiued a sore ouerthrow, loosing a great number both of Danes and Englishmen. But gathering togither a new force of men, he set againe vpon his enimies, and ouercame them, constreining the two foresaid

[Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._] princes to agrée vpon reasonable conditions of peace. Matth. West. recounteth, that at this time earle Goodwine and the Englishmen wrought the enterprise aboue mentioned, of assaulting the enimies campe in the night season, after Cnute had first lost in the day before no small number of his people: and that then the foresaid [Sidenote: _Albertus Crantz._] princes or kings, as he nameth them Vlfus and Aulafus, which latter he calleth Eiglafe, were constrained to agrée vpon a peace. The Danish chronicles alledge, that the occasion of this warre rose hereof. This Olauus aided Cnute (as the same writers report) against king Edmund and the Englishmen. But when the peace should be made betwéene Cnute and Edmund, there was no consideration had of Olauus: whereas through him the Danes chieflie obteined the victorie. Herevpon Olauus was sore offended in his mind against Cnute, and now vpon occasion sought to be reuenged. But what soeuer the cause was of this warre betwixt these two princes, the end was thus: that Olauus was expelled out of his kingdome, and constreined to flée to Gerithaslaus a duke in the parties of Eastland, and afterward returning into Norwaie, was slaine by such of his subiects as tooke part with Cnute, in manner as in the historie of Norwaie, appeareth more at large, with the contrarietie [Sidenote: Magnus Olauus.] found in the writings of them which haue recorded the histories of those north regions.

[Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] But here is to be remembred, that the fame and glorie of the English nation was greatlie aduanced in these warres, as well against the Swedeners as the Norwegians, so that Cnute began to loue and trust the Englishmen much better than it was to be thought he would euer haue [Sidenote: Other say, that he went forth of Denmarke to Rome.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: Anno 1031.] [Sidenote: 1032.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: 1033.] doone. Shortlie after that Cnute was returned into England, that is to say (as some haue) in the 15 yeare of his reigne, he went to Rome to performe his vow which he had made to visit the places where the apostles Peter and Paule had their buriall, where he was honorablie receiued of pope Iohn the 20 that then held the sée. When he had doone his deuotion there, he returned into England. In the yeare following, [Sidenote: Scots subdued.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: Anno 1035.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: The death of king Cnute.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Alb. Crantz._] he made a iournie against the Scots, which as then had rebelled; but by the princelie power of Cnute they were subdued and brought againe to obedience: so that not onelie king Malcolme, but also two other kings Melbeath and Ieohmare became his subiects. Finallie after that this noble prince king Cnute had reigned the tearme of 20 yeares currant, after the death of Ethelred, he died at Shaftsburie, as the English writers affirme, on the 12 of Nouember, and was buried at Winchester. But the Danish chronicles record that he died in Normandie, and was buried at Rome (as in the same chronicles ye may reade more at large.)

* * * * *

_The trespuissance of Cnute, the amplenesse of his dominions, the good and charitable fruits of his voiage to Rome redounding to the common benefit of all trauellers from England thither, with what great personages he had conference, and the honour that was doone him there, his intollerable pride in commanding the waters of the flouds not to rise, he humbleth himselfe and confesseth Christ Iesus to be king of kings, he refuseth to weare the crowne during his life, he reproueth a gentleman flatterer, his issue legitimate and illegitimate, his inclination in his latter yeares, what religious places he erected, repaired, and inriched; what notable men he fauoured and reuerenced, his lawes; and that in causes as well ecclesiasticall as temporall he had cheefe and sole gouernement in this land, whereby the popes vsurped title of vniuersall supremasie is impeached._

THE XIIJ. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: The large dominion of K. Cnute.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Alb. Crantz._] This Cnute was the mightiest prince that euer reigned ouer the English people: for he had the souereigne rule ouer all Denmark, England, Norwaie, Scotland, and part of Sweiden. Amongest other of his roiall acts, he caused such tolles and tallages as were demanded of way-goers at bridges and stréets in the high way betwixt England and Rome to be diminished to the halfes, and againe got also a moderation to be had in the paiment of the archbishops fees of his realme, which was leuied of them in the court of Rome when they should receiue their palles, as may appeare by a letter which he himselfe being at Rome, directed to the bishops and other of the nobles of England. In the which it also appeareth, that besides the roiall interteinment, which he had at Rome of pope Iohn, he had conference there with the emperour Conrad, with Rafe the king of Burgongne, and manie other great princes and noble men, which were present there at that time: all which at his request, [Sidenote: Grants made to the benefit of Englishmen, at the instance of king Cnute.] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] in fauour of those Englishmen that should trauell vnto Rome, granted (as we haue said) to diminish such duties as were gathered of passingers.

He receiued there manie great gifts of the emperour, and was highlie honored of him, and likewise of the pope, and of all other the high princes at that time present at Rome: so that when he came home (as some write) he did grow greatlie into pride, insomuch that being néere [Sidenote: He caused his chaire to be set there, as _Matth. West._ saith.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] to the Thames, or rather (as other write) vpon the sea strand, néere to Southhampton, and perceiuing the water to rise by reason of the tide, he cast off his gowne, and wrapping it round togither, threw it on the sands verie neere the increasing water, and sat him downe vpon it, speaking these or the like words to the sea: "Thou art (saith he) within the compasse of my dominion, and the ground whereon I sit is mine, and thou knowest that no wight dare disobeie my commandements; I therefore doo now command thée not to rise vpon my ground, nor to presume to wet anie part of thy souereigne lord and gouernour." But the sea kéeping hir course, rose still higher and higher, and ouerflowed not onelie the kings féet, but also flashed vp vnto his legs and knees. Wherewith the king started suddenlie vp, and withdrew [Sidenote: The saieng of king Cnute.] from it, saieng withall to his nobles that were about him: "Behold you noble men, you call me king, which can not so much as staie by my commandement this small portion of water. But know ye for certeine, that there is no king but the father onelie of our Lord Iesus Christ, [Sidenote: Zealouslie inough, if it had bin according to true knowledge.] with whome he reigneth, & at whose becke all things are gouerned. Let vs therefore honor him, let vs confesse and professe him to be the ruler of heauen, earth, and sea, and besides him none other."

From thence he went to Winchester, and there with his owne hands set his crowne vpon the head of the image of the crucifix, which stood [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] there in the church of the apostles Peter and Paule, and from thenceforth he would neuer weare that crowne nor anie other. Some write that he spake not the former words to the sea vpon anie [Sidenote: _Polydor._] presumptuousnesse of mind, but onelie vpon occasion of the vaine title, which in his commendation one of his gentlemen gaue him by way of flatterie (as he rightlie tooke it) for he called him the most mightiest king of all kings, which ruled most at large both men, sea,

[Sidenote: Flatterie reproued.] and land. Therefore to reprooue the fond flatterie of such vaine persons, he deuised and practised the déed before mentioned, thereby both to reprooue such flatterers, and also that men might be admonished to consider the omnipotencie of almightie God. He had issue by his wife quéene Emma, a sonne named by the English chronicles Hardiknought, but by the Danish writers Canute or Knute: also a daughter named Gonilda, that was after maried to Henrie the sonne of [Sidenote: _Polydor._] Conrad, which also was afterwards emperour, and named Henrie the [Sidenote: _Alb. Cranz._] third. By his concubine Alwine that was daughter to Alselme, whome some name earle of Hampton, he had two bastard sonnes, Harold and Sweno. He was much giuen in his latter daies to vertue, as he that [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] considered how perfect felicitie rested onelie in godlines and true deuotion to serue the heauenlie king and gouernour of all things.

He repared in his time manie churches, abbeies and houses of religion, which by occasion of warres had béene sore defaced by him and his father, but speciallie he did great cost vpon the abbeie of saint Edmund, in the towne of Burie, as partlie before is mentioned. He also [Sidenote: Which is supposed to be Barclow: for Ashdone it selfe is halfe a mile from thence.] [Sidenote: 1020.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] built two abbeies from the foundation, as saint Benets in Norffolke, seuen miles distant from Norwich, and an other in Norwaie. He did also build a church at Ashdone in Essex, where he obteined the victorie of king Edmund, and was present at the hallowing or consecration therof with a great multitude of the lords and nobles of the realme, both English and Danes. He also holpe with his owne hands to remooue the bodie of the holie archbishop Elphegus, when the same was translated from London to Canturburie. The roiall and most rich iewels which he & his wife quéene Emma gaue vnto the church of Winchester, might make the beholders to woonder at such their exceeding and bountifull munificence.

Thus did Cnute striue to reforme all such things as he and his ancestors had doone amisse, and to wipe awaie the spot of euill dooing, as suerlie to the outward sight of the world he did in deed; he had the archbishop of Canturburie Achelnotus in singular [Sidenote: Leofrike earle of Chester.] reputation, and vsed his counsell in matters of importance. He also highlie fauoured Leofrike earle of Chester, so that the same Leofrike bare great rule in ordering of things touching the state of the common [Sidenote: King Cnutes lawes.] wealth vnder him as one of his chiefe councellors. Diuerse lawes and statutes he made for the gouernment of the common wealth, partlie agréeable with the lawes of king Edgar, and other the kings that were his predecessors, and partlie tempered according to his owne liking, and as was thought to him most expedient: among the which there be diuerse that concerne causes as well ecclesiasticall as temporall. Whereby (as maister Fox hath noted) it maie be gathered, that the gouernment of spirituall matters did depend then not vpon the bishop of Rome, but rather apperteined vnto the lawfull authoritie of the temporall prince, no lesse than matters and causes temporall. But of these lawes & statutes enacted by king Cnute, ye may read more as ye find them set foorth in the before remembred booke of maister William Lambert, which for briefenesse we héere omit.

* * * * *

_Variance amongest the peeres of the realme about the roiall succession, the kingdome is diuided betwixt Harold the bastard sonne and Hardicnute the lawfullie begotten son of king Cnute late deceassed, Harold hath the totall regiment, the authoritie of earle Goodwine gardian to the queenes sonnes, Harold is proclaimed king, why Elnothus did stoutlie refuse to consecrate him, why Harold was surnamed Harefoot, he is supposed to be a shoomakers sonne, and how it came to passe that he was counted king Cnutes bastard; Alfred challengeth the crowne from Harold, Goodwine (vnder colour of friendlie interteinment) procureth his retinues vtter vndooing, a tithing of the Normans by the poll, whether Alfred was interessed in the crowne, the trecherous letter of Harold written in the name of queéne Emma to hir two sons in Normandie, wherevpon Alfred commeth ouer into England, the vnfaithfull dealing of Goodwine with Alfred and his people, teaching that in trust is treason, a reseruation of euerie tenth Norman, the remanent slaine, the lamentable end of Alfred, and with what torments he was put to death; Harold banisheth queene Emma out of England he degenerateth from his father, the short time of his reigne, his death and buriall._

THE XIIIJ. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: HAROLD.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] After that Cnute was departed this life, there arose much variance amongst the peeres and great lords of the realme about the succession. The Danes and Londoners (which through continuall familiaritie with the Danes, were become like vnto them) elected Harold the base sonne [Sidenote: Controuersie for the crowne.] of king Cnute, to succéed in his fathers roome, hauing earle Leofrike, and diuerse other of the noble men of the north parts on their side. But other of the Englishmen, and namelie earle Goodwine earle of Kent, with the chiefest lords of the west parts, coueted rather to haue one of king Egelreds sonnes, which were in Normandie, or else Hardicnute the sonne of king Cnute by his wife quéene Emma, which remained in Denmarke, aduanced to the place. This controuersie held in such wise, [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: The realme diuided betwixt Harold and Hardicnute.] that the realme was diuided (as some write) by lot betwixt the two brethren Harold and Hardicnute. The north part, as Mercia and Northumberland fell to Harold, and the south part vnto Hardicnute: but at length the whole remained vnto Harold, bicause his brother Hardicnute refused to come out of Denmarke to take the gouernment vpon him.

[Sidenote: The authoritie of earle Goodwine.] [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] But yet the authoritie of earle Goodwine, who had the queene and the treasure of the realme in his kéeping, staied the matter a certeine time, (professing himselfe as it were gardian to the yoong men, the sonnes of the quéene, till at length he was constreined to giue ouer his hold, and conforme himselfe to the stronger part and greater number.) And so at Oxford, where the assemblie was holden about the election, Harold was proclaimed king, and consecrated according to the [Sidenote: The refusall of the archbishop Elnothus to consecrate king Harold.] maner (as some write.) But it should appeere by other, that Elnothus the archbishop of Canturburie, a man indued with all vertue and wisedome, refused to crowne him: for when king Harold being elected of the nobles and péeres, required the said archbishop that he might be of him consecrated, and receiue at his hands the regall scepter with the crowne, which the archbishop had in his custodie, and to whome it onelie did apperteine to inuest him therewith, the archbishop flatlie refused, and with an oth protested, that he would not consecrate anie other for king, so long as the quéenes children liued: "for (saith he) Cnute committed them to my trust and assurance, and to them will I kéepe my faith and loiall obedience. The scepter and crowne I héere lay downe vpon the altar, and neither doo I denie nor deliuer them vnto you: but I forbid by the apostolike authoritie all the bishops, that none of them presume to take the same awaie, and deliuer them to you, or consecrate you for king. As for your selfe, if you dare, you maie vsurpe that which I haue committed vnto God and his table."

But whether afterwards the king by one meane or other, caused the archbishop to crowne him king, or that he was consecrated of some other, he was admitted king of all the English people, beginning his [Sidenote: 1036.] reigne in the yéere of our Lord a thousand thirtie and six, in the fouretenth yéere of the emperor Conrad the second, in the sixt yéere of Henrie the first, king of France, and about the seuen and twentith yéere of Malcolme the second, king of Scots. This Harold for his great [Sidenote: Harold why he is surnamed Harefoot.] swiftnesse, was surnamed Harefoot, of whome little is written touching his dooings, sauing that he is noted to haue béene an oppressor of his [Sidenote: Harold euill spoken of.] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higa._] [Sidenote: _ex Mariano._] people, and spotted with manie notable vices. It was spoken of diuerse in those daies, that this Harold was not the sonne of Cnute, but of a shoomaker, and that his supposed mother Elgina, king Cnutes concubine, to bring the king further in loue with hir, feined that she was with child: and about the time that she should be brought to bed (as she made hir account) caused the said shoemakers son to be secretlie brought into hir chamber, and then vntrulie caused it to be reported that she was deliuered, and the child so reputed to be the kings sonne.

[Sidenote: _Matth. West._] Immediatlie vpon aduertisement had of Cnutes death, Alfred the sonne of king Egelred, with fiftie saile landed at Sandwich, meaning to challenge the crowne, and to obteine it by lawfull claime with quietnesse, if he might; if not, then to vse force by aid of his friends, and to assaie that waie foorth to win it, if he might not otherwise obteine it. From Sandwich he came to Canturburie: and shortlie after, earle Goodwine feining to receiue him as a friend, came to meet him, and at Gilford in the night season appointed a number of armed men to fall vpon the Normans as they were asléepe, and so tooke them togither with Alfred, & slue the Normans by the poll, in such wise that nine were shine, & the tenth reserued. But yet when those that were reserued, seemed to him a greater number than he wished to escape, he fell to and againe tithed them as before. Alfred had his eies put out, and was conueied to the Ile of Elie, where shortlie after he died.

[Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] ¶ How Alfred should claime the crowne to himselfe I sée not: for verelie I can not be persuaded that he was the elder brother, though diuers authors haue so written, sith Gemeticensis, & the author of the booke called "Encomium Emmae," plainlie affirme, that Edward was the elder: but it might be, that Alfred being a man of a stouter stomach [Sidenote: Sée maister _Fox_ acts and monuments, pag. 112.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] than his brother Edward, made this attempt, either for himselfe, or in the behalfe of his brother Edward, being as then absent, and gone into Hungarie, as some write: but other say, that as well Edward as Alfred came ouer at this time with a number of Norman knights, and men of warre imbarked in a few ships, onelie to speake with their mother, who as then lay at Winchester, whether to take aduise with hir how to recouer their right heere in this land, or to aduance their brother Hardicnute, or for some other purpose, our authors doo not declare.

But the lords of the realme that bare their good wils vnto Harold, and (though contrarie to right) ment to mainteine him in the estate, seemed to be much offended with the comming of these two brethren in such order: for earle Goodwine persuaded them, that it was great danger to suffer so manie strangers to enter the realme, as they had brought with them. Wherevpon earle Goodwine with the assent of the other lords, or rather by commandement of Harold, went foorth, and at Gilford met with Alfred that was comming towards king Harold to speake with him, accordinglie as he was of Harold required to doo. But now being taken, and his companie miserablie murthered (as before ye haue heard) to the number of six hundred Normans, Alfred himselfe was sent into the Ile of Elie, there to remaine in the abbeie in custodie of the moonks, hauing his eies put out as soone as he entered first into the same Ile. William Malmesburie saith, that Alfred came ouer, and was thus handeled betwixt the time of Harolds death, & the comming in of Hardicnute. Others write, that this chanced in his brother Hardicnuts daies, which séemeth not to be true: for Hardicnute was knowne to loue his brethren by his mothers side too dearelie to haue suffered anie such iniurie to be wrought against either of them in his time.

¶ Thus ye sée how writers dissent in this matter, but for the better clearing of the truth touching the time, I haue thought good to shew also what the author of the said booke intituled "Encomium Emmæ" writeth hereof, which is as followeth. When Harold was once established king, he sought meanes how to rid quéene Emma out of the way, and that secretlie, for that openlie as yet he durst not attempt anie thing against hir. She in silence kept hir selfe quiet, looking for the end of these things. But Harold remembring himselfe, of a malicious purpose, by wicked aduise tooke counsell how he might get into his hands and make away the sons of quéene Emma, & so to be out of danger of all annoiance that by them might be procured against him. [Sidenote: A counterfet letter.] Wherefore he caused a letter to be written in the name of their mother Emma, which he sent by certeine messengers suborned for the same purpose into Normandie, where Edward and Alfred as then remained. The tenour of which letter here insueth.

_The tenour of a letter forged and sent in queene Emmas name to hir two sonnes._

"EMMA tantùm nomine regina filijs Edwardo & Alfredo materna impertit salutamina. D[=u] domini nostri regis obitum separatim plangimus (filij charissimi) dúmq; dietim magis magisque regno hæreditatis vestræ priuamini, miror quid captetis consilij, dum sciatis intermissionis vestræ dilatione inuasoris vestri imperij fieri quotidiè soliditat[=e]. Is enim incessanter vicos & vrbes circuit, & sibi amicos principes muneribus, minis, & precibus facit: sed vnum è vobis super se mallent regnare quàm istius (qui nunc ijs imperat) teneri ditione. Vnde rogo vnus vestrum ad me velociter & priuatè veniat, vt salubre à me consilium accipiat, & sciat quo pacto hoc negotium quod volo fieri debeat, per præsentem quóque internuncium quid super his facturi estis remandate. Valete cordis mei viscera."

_The same in English._

"EMMA in name onelie queene to hir sons Edward and Alfred sendeth motherlie greeting. Whilest we separatelie bewaile the death of our souereigne lord the king (most deare sonnes) and whilest you are euerie day more and more depriued from the kingdome of your inheritance, I maruell what you doo determine, sith you know by the delay of your ceassing to make some enterprise, the grounded force of the vsurper of your kingdom is dailie made the stronger. For incessantlie he goeth from towne to towne, from citie to citie, and maketh the lords his friends by rewards, threats, and praiers, but they had rather haue one of you to reigne ouer them, than to be kept vnder the rule of this man that now gouerneth them. Wherefore my request is, that one of you doo come with speed, and that priuilie ouer to me, that he may vnderstand my wholesome aduise, and know in what sort this matter ought to be handled, which I would haue to go forward, and see that ye send mee word by this present messenger what you meane to doo herein. Fare ye well euen the bowels of my heart."

These letters were deliuered vnto such as were made priuie to the purposed treason, who being fullie instructed how to deale, went ouer into Normandie, and presenting the letters vnto the yoong gentlemen, vsed the matter so, that they thought verelie that this message had béene sent from their mother, and wrote againe by them that brought the letters, that one of them would not faile but come ouer vnto hir according to that she had requested, and withall appointed the day and time. The messengers returning to king Harold, informed him how they had sped. The yoonger brother Alfred, with his brothers consent, tooke with him a certeine number of gentlemen and men of warre, and first came into Flanders, where after he had remained a while with earle Baldwine, he increased his retinue with a few Bullogners, and passed ouer into England, but approching to the shore, he was streightwaies descried by his enimies, who hasted foorth to set vpon him; but perceiuing their drift, he bad the ships cast about, and make againe to the sea; then landing at an other place, he ment to go the next way to his mother.

[Sidenote: Godwin was suspected to do this vnder a colour to betray as by writers it séemeth.] him But earle Goodwine hearing of his arriuall, met him, receiued him into his assurance, and binding his credit with a corporall oth, became his man, and therwith leading him out of the high way that leadeth to London, he brought him to Gilford, where he lodged all the strangers, by a score, a doozen, and halfe a score togither in innes, so as but a few remained about the yoong gentleman Alfred to attend vpon him. There was plentie of meat and drinke prepared in euerie lodging, for the refreshing of all the companie. And Goodwine taking his leaue for that night, departed to his lodging, promising the next morning to come againe to giue his dutifull attendance on Alfred.

But behold, after they had filled themselues with meats and drinks, [Sidenote: Not onelie Goodwine but other such as king Harold appointed, took Alfred with his Normans.] and were gone to bed, in the dead of the night came such as king Harold had appointed, and entring into euerie inne, first seized vpon the armor and weapons that belonged to the strangers: which done, they tooke them, and chained them fast with fetters and manacles, so kéeping them sure till the next morning. Which being come, they were brought foorth with their hands bound behind their backs, and deliuered to most cruell tormentors, who were commanded to spare none but euerie tenth man, as he came to hand by lot, and so they slue nine and left the tenth aliue. Of those that were left aliue, some they kept to serue as bondmen, other for couetousnesse of gaine they sold, and some they put in prison, of whome yet diuerse afterwards escaped. This with more hath the foresaid author written of this matter, declaring further, that Alfred being conueied into the Ile of Elie, had not onelie his eies put out in most cruell wise, but was also presentlie there murthered. But he speaketh not further of the maner how he was made away, sauing that he saith he forbeareth to make long recitall of this matter, bicause he will not renew the mothers gréefe in hearing it, sith there can be no greater sorrow to the mother than to heare of hir sonnes death.

¶ I remember in Caxton we read, that his cruell tormentors should cause his bellie to be opened, & taking out one end of his bowels or guts, tied the same to a stake which they had set fast in the ground; then with néedels of iron pricking his bodie, they caused him to run about the stake, till he had woond out all his intrailes, & so ended he his innocent life, to the great shame & obloquie of his cruel aduersaries. But whether he was thus tormented or not, or rather died (as I thinke) of the anguish by putting out his eies, no doubt but his death was reuenged by Gods hand in those that procured it. But whether erle Goodwine was chéefe causer thereof, in betraieng him vnder a cloked colour of pretended fréendship, I cannot say: but that he tooke him and slue his companie, as some haue written, I cannot thinke it to be true, both as well for that which ye haue heard recited out of the author that wrote "Encomium Emmæ," as also for that it should séeme he might neuer be so directlie charged with it, but that he had matter to alledge in his owne excuse. But now to other affaires of Harold.

[Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: Quéene Emma banished.] After he had made away his halfe brother Alfred, he spoiled his mother in law quéene Emma of the most part of hir riches, and therewith banished hir quite out of the realme: so that she sailed ouer to Flanders, where she was honourablie receiued of earle Baldwine, and hauing of him honourable prouision assigned hir, she continued there for the space of thrée yeeres, till that after the death of Harold, she was sent for by hir sonne Hardiknought, that succéeded Harold in [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: Harold degenerateth from his father.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] the kingdome. Moreouer, Harold made small account of his subiects, degenerating from the noble vertues of his father, following him in few things (except in exacting of tributes and paiments.) He caused indeed eight markes of siluer to be leuied of euerie port or hauen in England, to the reteining of 16 ships furnished with men of warre, which continued euer in readinesse to defend the coasts from pirats. [Sidenote: A nauie in a readinesse.] [Sidenote: Euill men, the longer they liue, the more they grow into miserie.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] To conclude with this Harold, his spéedie death prouided well for his fame, bicause (as it was thought) if his life had béene of long continuance, his infamie had béene the greater. But after he had reigned foure yéeres, or (as other gathered) three yéeres and thrée moneths, he departed out of this world at Oxford, & was buried at [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] Winchester (as some say.) Other say he died at Meneford in the moneth of Aprill, and was buried at Westminster, which should appeare to be true by that which after is reported of his brother Hardiknoughts cruell dealing, and great spite shewed toward his dead bodie, as after shall be specified.

* * * * *

_Hardicnute is sent for into England to be made king; alteration in the state of Norwaie and Denmarke by the death of king Cnute, Hardicnute is crowned, he sendeth for his mother queene Emma, Normandie ruled by the French king, Hardicnute reuengeth his mothers exile upon the dead bodie of his stepbrother Harold, queene Emma and erle Goodwine haue the gouernment of things in their hands, Hardicnute leuieth a sore tribute upon his subiects; contempt of officers & deniall of a prince his tribute sharpelie punished; prince Edward commeth into England; the bishop of Worcester accused and put from his see for being accessarie to the murthering of Alfred, his restitution procured by contribution; Earle Goodwine being accused for the same trespasse excuseth himselfe, and iustifieth his cause by swearing, but speciallie by presenting the king with an inestimable gift; the cause why Goodwine purposed Alfreds death; the English peoples care about the succession to the crowne, moonke Brightwalds dreame and vision touching that matter; Hardicnute poisoned at a bridall, his conditions, speciallie his hospitalitie, of him the Englishmen learned to eate and drinke immoderatlie, the necessitie of sobrietie, the end of the Danish regiment in this land, and when they began first to inuade the English coasts._

THE XV. CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: HARDICNUTE, or HARDIKNOUGHT.] After that Harold was dead, all the nobles of the realme, both Danes and Englishmen agréed to send for Hardiknought, the sonne of Canute by his wife quéene Emma, and to make him king. Héere is to be noted, that by the death of king Canute, the state of things was much altered in those countries of beyond the seas wherein he had the rule and [Sidenote: Alteration in the state of things.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._, & _Matt. West._ say, that he was at Bruges in Flanders with his mother when he was thus sent for, having come thither to visit hir.] [Sidenote: 1041.] dominion. For the Norwegians elected one Magnus, the sonne of Olauus to be their king, and the Danes chose this Hardiknought, whome their writers name Canute the third, to be their gouernor. This Hardiknought or Canute being aduertised of the death of his halfe brother Harold, and that the lords of England had chosen him to their king, with all conuenient speed prepared a nauie, and imbarking a certeine number of men of warre, tooke the sea, and had the wind so fauorable for his purpose, that he arriued upon the coast of Kent the sixt day after he set out of Denmarke, and so comming to London, was ioifullie receiued, and proclaimed king, and crowned of Athelnotus archbishop of Canturburie, in the yere of our Lord 1041, in the first yéere of the emperour Henrie the third, in the 9 yeere of Henrie the first of that name king of France, and in the first yéere of Magfinloch, aliàs Machabeda king of Scotland. Incontinentlie after his establishment in [Sidenote: Quéene Emma sent for.] the rule of this realme, he sent into Flanders for his mother quéene Emma, who during the time of hir banishment, had remained there. For Normandie in that season was gouerned by the French king, by reason of the minoritie of duke William, surnamed the bastard.

Moreouer, in reuenge of the wrong offered to quéene Emma by hir sonne in law Harold, king Hardicnute did cause Alfrike archbishop of Yorke and earle Goodwine, with other noble men to go to Westminster, and [Sidenote: The bodie of king Harold taken vp, and throwen into Thames.] there to take vp the bodie of the same Harold, and withall appointed, that the head thereof should be striken off, and the trunke of it cast into the riuer of Thames. Which afterwards being found by fishers, was [Sidenote: S. Clement Danes.] taken vp and buried in the churchyard of S. Clement Danes without Temple barre at London. He committed the order and gouernement of things to the hands of his mother Emma, and of Goodwine that was erle [Sidenote: A tribute raised.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] of Kent. He leuied a sore tribute of his subiects here in England to pay the souldiers and mariners of his nauie, as first 21 thousand pounds, & 99 pounds, and afterward vnto 32 ships there was a paiment

[Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Sim. Dun._] made of a 11 thousand and 48 pounds. To euerie mariner of his nauie he caused a paiment of 8 marks to be made, and to euerie master 12 marks. About the paiment of this monie great grudge grew amongst the people, insomuch that two of his seruants, which were appointed collectors in the citie of Worcester, the one named Feader, and the other Turstane, were there slaine. In reuenge of which contempt a great part of the countrie with the citie was burnt, and the goods of the citizens put to the spoile by such power of lords and men of warre as the king had sent against them.

Shortlie after, Edward king Hardicnutes brother came foorth of Normandie to visit him and his mother quéene Emma, of whome he was [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: _Marianus._] most ioifullie and honorablie welcomed and interteined, and shortlie after made returne backe againe. It should appeare by some writers, that after his comming ouer out of Normandie he remained still in the realme, so that he was not in Normandie when his halfe brother [Sidenote: _Polydor._] Hardicnute died, but here in England: although other make other report, as after shall bée shewed. Also (as before ye haue heard) some writers seeme to meane, that the elder brother Alfred came ouer at the same time. But suerlie they are therein deceiued: for it was knowne well inough how tenderlie king Hardicnute loued his brethren by the mothers side, so that there was not anie of the lords in his daies, [Sidenote: The bishop of Worcester accused for making away of Alfred.] that durst attempt anie such iniurie against them. True it is, that as well earle Goodwine, as the bishop of Worcester (that was also put in blame and suspected for the apprehending and making away of Alfred, as before ye haue heard) were charged by Hardicnute as culpable in that matter, insomuch that the said bishop was expelled out of his sée by Hardicnute: and after twelue moneths space was restored, by meanes of such summes of monie as he gaue by waie of amends.

[Sidenote: Earle Goodwin excuseth himselfe.] Earle Goodwine was also put to his purgation, by taking an oth that he was not guiltie. Which oth was the better allowed, by reason of such a [Sidenote: The gift which earle Goodwin gaue to the king.] present as he gaue to the king for the redéeming of his fauour and good will, that is to say, a ship with a sterne of gold, conteining therein 80 souldiers, wearing on each of their armes two bracelets of gold of 16 ounces weight, a triple habergion guilt on their bodies, with guilt burgenets on their heads, a swoord with guilt hilts girded to their wastes, a battell-axe after the maner of the Danes on their left shoulder, a target with bosses and mails guilt in their left hand, a dart in their right hand: and thus to conclude, they were furnished at all points with armor and weapon accordinglie. It hath [Sidenote: _Polydor._] béene said, that earle Goodwine minded to marie his daughter to one of these brethren, and perceiuing that the elder brother Alfred would disdaine to haue hir, thought good to dispatch him, that the other taking hir to wife, hée might be next heire to the crowne, and so at length inioy it, as afterwards came to passe.

Also about that time, when the linage of the kings of England was in maner extinct, the English people were much carefull (as hath béene said) about the succession of those that should inioie the crowne. Wherevpon as one Brightwold a moonke of Glastenburie, that was afterward bishop of Wincester, or (as some haue written) of Worcester, studied oftentimes thereon: it chanced that he dreamed one night as he slept in his bed, that he saw saint Peter consecrate & annoint Edward the sonne of Egelred (as then remaining in exile in Normandie) king of England. And as he thought, he did demand of saint Peter, who should succéed the said Edward? Wherevnto answer was made by the apostle; Haue thou no care for such matters, for the kingdome of England is Gods kingdome. Which suerlie in good earnest may appeare by manie great arguments to be full true vnto such as shall well consider the state of this realme from time to time, how there hath béene euer gouernours raised vp to mainteine the maiestie of the kingdome, and to reduce the same to the former dignitie, when by anie infortunate mishap it hath beene brought in danger.

[Sidenote: The death of K. Hardicnute.] [Sidenote: _Sim. Dunel._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: 1042.] But to returne now to king Hardicnute, after he had reigned two yéers lacking 10 daies, as he sat at the table in a great feast holden at Lambeth, he fell downe suddenlie with the pot in his hand, and so died not without some suspicion of poison. This chanced on the 8 of Iune at Lambeth aforesaid, where, on the same day a mariage was solemnized betwéene the ladie Githa, the daughter of a noble man called Osgot Clappa, and a Danish lord also called Canute Prudan. His bodie was buried at Winchester besides his father. He was of nature verie [Sidenote: K. Hardicnute his conditions and liberalitie in housekeeping.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] curteous, gentle and liberall, speciallie in keeping good chéere in his house, so that he would haue his table couered foure times a day, & furnished with great plentie of meates and drinks, wishing that his seruants and all strangers that came to his palace, might rather leaue [Sidenote: Of whom the Englishmen learned excessiue féeding.] than want. It hath béene commonlie told, that Englishmen learned of him their excessiue gourmandizing & vnmeasurable filling of their panches with meates and drinkes, whereby they forgat the vertuous vse of sobrietie, so much necessarie to all estates and degrées, so profitable for all common-wealthes, and so commendable both in the sight of God, and all good men.

[Sidenote: The end of the Danish rulers.] In this Hardicnute ceased the rule of the Danes within this land, with the persecution which they had executed against the English nation, for the space of 250 yeres & more, that is to say, euer since the tenth yeere of Brithrike the king of Westsaxons, at what time they first began to inuade the English coasts. Howbeit (after others) they should séeme to haue ruled here but 207, reckoning from their bringing in by the Welshmen in despite of the Saxons, at which time they first began to inhabit here, which was 835 of Christ, 387 after the comming of the Saxons, and 35 néere complet of the reigne of Egbert.

¶ But to let this péece of curiositie passe, this land felt that they had a time of arriuall, a time of inuading, a time of ouerrunning, and a time of ouerruling the inhabitants of this maine continent. Wherof manifest proofes are at this day remaining in sundrie places, sundrie ruines I meane and wastes committed by them; vpon the which whensoeuer a man of a relenting spirit casteth his eie, he can not but enter into a dolefull consideration of former miseries, and lamenting the defacements of this Ile by the crueltie of the bloudthirstie enimie, cannot but wish (if he haue but "Minimam misericordiæ guttam quæ maior est spatioso oceano," as one saith) and earnestlie desire in his heart that the like may neuer light vpon this land, but may be auerted and turned away from all christian kingdomes, through his mercie, whose wrath by sinne being set on fire, is like a consuming flame; and the swoord of whose vengeance being sharpened with the whetstone of mens wickednesse, shall hew them in péeces as wood for the fornace.

_Thus farre the tumultuous and tyrannicall regiment of the Danes, inferring fulnesse of afflictions to the English people, wherewith likewise the seuenth booke is shut vp._

* * * * *

THE EIGHT BOOKE

OF THE

HISTORIE OF ENGLAND.

* * * * *

_Edward the third of that name is chosen king of England by a generall consent, ambassadours are sent to attend him homewardes to his kingdome, and to informe him of his election, William duke of Normandie accompanieth him, Edward is crowned king, the subtill ambition or ambitious subtiltie of earle Goodwine in preferring Edward to the crowne and betraieng Alfred; the Danes expelled and rid out of this land by decree; whether earle Goodwine was guiltie of Alfreds death, king Edward marieth the said earles daughter, he forbeareth to haue carnall knowledge with hir, and why? he useth his mother queene Emma verie hardlie, accusations brought against hir, she is dispossessed of hir goods, and imprisoned for suffering bishop Alwine to haue the vse of hir bodie, she purgeth and cleareth hir selfe after a strange sort, hir couetousnesse: mothers are taught (by hir example) to loue their children with equalitie: hir liberall deuotion to Winchester church cleared hir from infamie of couetousnesse, king Edward loued hir after hir purgation, why Robert archbishop of Canturburie fled out of England into Normandie._

THE FIRST CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: EDWARD.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] Immediatlie vpon the deth of Hardiknought, and before his corps was committed to buriall, his halfe brother Edward, sonne of king Egelred [Sidenote: _Polydor._] begotten of quéene Emma, was chosen to be K. of England, by the generall consent of all the nobles and commons of the realme. Therevpon were ambassadours sent with all spéed into Normandie, to signifie vnto him his election, and to bring him from thence into England in deliuering pledges for more assurance, that no fraud nor deceit was ment of the Englishmen, but that vpon his comming thither, he should receiue the crowne without all contradiction. Edward then aided by his coosine William duke of Normandie, tooke the sea, & with a small companie of Normans came into England, where he was receiued with great ioy as king of the realme, & immediatlie after was crowned [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: The third of Aprill. 1043.] at Winchester by Edsinus then archbishop of Canturburie, on Easter day in the yeare of our Lord 1043, which fell also about the fourth yeare of the emperour Henrie the third, surnamed Niger, in the 12 yeare of Henrie the first of that name king of France, and about the third yeare of Macbeth king of Scotland.

This Edward the third of that name before the conquest, was of nature more méeke and simple than apt for the gouernement of the realme, & therefore did earle Goodwine not onelie séeke the destruction of his elder brother Alfred, but holpe all that he might to aduance this Edward to the crowne, in hope to beare great rule in the realme vnder him, whome he knew to be soft, gentle, and easie to be persuaded. But whatsoeuer writers doo report hereof, sure it is, that Edward was the elder brother, and not Alfred: so that if earle Goodwine did shew his furtherance by his pretended cloake of offering his friendship vnto Alfred to betraie him, he did it by king Harolds commandement, and yet it may be that he meant to haue vsurped the crowne to him selfe, if each point had answered his expectation in the sequele of things, as he hoped they would; and therfore had not passed if both the brethren had béene in heauen. But yet when the world framed contrarie (peraduenture) to his purpose, he did his best to aduance Edward, trusting to beare no small rule vnder him, being knowen to be a man more appliable to be gouerned by other than to trust to his owne wit: and so chieflie by the assistance of earle Goodwine (whose authoritie, as appeareth, was not small within the realme of England in those daies) Edward came to atteine the crowne: wherevnto the earle of Chester Leofrike also shewed all the furtherance that in him laie.

[Sidenote: _Ran. Higd. ex Mariano._] [Sidenote: _Alb. Crantz._] Some write (which seemeth also to be confirmed by the Danish chronicles) that king Hardiknought in his life time had receiued this Edward into his court, and reteined him still in the same in most honorable wise. But for that it may appeare in the abstract of the Danish chronicles, what their writers had of this matter recorded, we doo here passe ouer, referring those that be desirous to know the diuersitie of our writers and theirs, vnto the same chronicles, where they may find it more at large expressed. This in no wise is to be left vnremembred, that immediatlie after the death of Hardiknought, it was not onelie decreed & agreed vpon by the great lords & nobles of the realme, that no Dane from thenceforth should reigne ouer them, but also all men of warre and souldiers of the Danes, which laie within anie citie or castell in garrison within the realme of England, were [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: Danes expelled.] then expelled and put out or rather slaine (as the Danish writers doo rehearse.) Amongst other that were banished, the ladie Gonild néece to [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: Gonill néece to K. Swaine.] king Swaine by his sister, was one, being as then a widow, and with hir two of hir sonnes, which she had then liuing; Heming and Turkill [Sidenote: _Polydor._] were also caused to auoid. Some write that Alfred the brother of king Edward, came not into the realme till after the death of Hardiknought, and that he did helpe to expell the Danes, which being doon, he was slaine by earle Goodwine and other of his complices. But how this may stand, considering the circumstances of the time, with such things as are written by diuers authors hereof, it may well be doubted. Neuerthelesse, whether earle Goodwine was guiltie to the death of Alfred, either at this time, or before, certeine it is, that he so cleared himselfe of that crime vnto king Edward the brother of Alfred, that there was none so highlie in fauour with him as earle Goodwine [Sidenote: K. Edward marieth the daughter of earle Goodwine.] was, insomuch that king Edward maried the ladie Editha, the daughter of earle Goodwine, begotten of his wife Thira that was sister to king Hardiknought, and not of his second wife, as some haue written. Howbeit, king Edward neuer had to doo with hir in fleshlie wise. But [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: K. Edward absteineth from the companie of his wife.] whether he absteined because he had happilie vowed chastitie, either of impotencie of nature, or for a priuie hate that he bare to hir kin, men doubted. For it was thought, that he estéemed not earle Goodwine so greatlie in his heart, as he outwardlie made shew to doo, but rather for feare of his puissance dissembled with him, least he should otherwise put him selfe in danger both of losse of life and kingdome.

Howsoeuer it was, he vsed his counsell in ordering of things concerning the state of the common wealth, and namelie in the hard [Sidenote: K. Edward dealeth strictlie with his mother quéene Emma.] handling of his mother queene Emma, against whome diuers accusations were brought and alledged: as first, for that she consented to marie with K. Cnute, the publike enimie of the realme: againe, for that she did nothing aid or succour hir sons while they liued in exile, but [Sidenote: Quéene Emma despoiled of hir goods.] [Sidenote: She is accused of dissolute liuing.] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: She purgeth hir selfe by the law Ordalium.] that woorse was, contriued to make them away; for which cause she was despoiled of all hir goods. And because she was defamed to be naught of hir bodie with Alwine or Adwine bishop of Winchester, both she and the same bishop were committed to prison within the citie of Winchester (as some write.) Howbeit others affirme, that she was strictlie kept in the abbie of Warwell, till by way of purging hir selfe, after a maruellous manner, in passing barefooted ouer certeine hot shares or plough-irons, according to the law _Ordalium_, she cleared hir selfe (as the world tooke it) and was restored to hir first estate and dignitie.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] Hir excessiue couetousnesse, without regard had to the poore, caused hir also to be euill reported of. Againe, for that she euer shewed hir selfe to be more naturall to the issue which she had by hir second husband Cnute, than to hir children which she had by hir first husband king Egelred (as it were declaring how she was affected toward the fathers, by the loue borne to the children) she lost a great péece of good will at the hands of hir sonnes Alfred and Edward: so that now the said Edward inioieng the realme, was easilie induced to thinke euill of hir, and therevpon vsed hir the more vncurteouslie. But hir great liberalitie imploied on the church of Winchester, which she furnished with maruellous rich iewels and ornaments, wan hir great commendation in the world, and excused hir partlie in the sight of manie, of the infamie imputed to hir for the immoderate filling of hir coffers by all waies and meanes she could deuise. Now when she had [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] purged hir selfe, as before is mentioned, hir sonne king Edward had hir euer after in great honor and reuerence. And whereas Robert archbishop of Canturburie had béene sore against hir, he was so much abashed now at the matter, that he fled into Normandie, where he was borne. But it should séeme by that which after shal be said in the next chapter, that he fled not the realme for this matter, but bicause he counselled the king to banish earle Goodwine, and also to vse the Englishmen more strictlie than reason was he should.

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_Why Robert archbishop of Canturburie (queene Emmas heauie friend) fled out of England, the Normans first entrance into this countrie, dearth by tempests, earle Goodwines sonne banished out of this land, he returneth in hope of the kings fauour, killeth his coosen earle Bearne for his good will and forwardnes to set him in credit againe, his flight into Flanders, his returne into England, the king is pacified with him; certeine Danish rouers arriue at Sandwich, spoile the coast, inrich themselues with the spoiles, make sale of their gettings, and returne to their countrie; the Welshmen with their princes rebelling are subdued, king Edward keepeth the seas on Sandwich side in aid of Baldwine earle of Flanders, a bloudie fraie in Canturburie betwixt the earle of Bullongne and the townesmen, earle Goodwine fauoureth the Kentishmen against the Bullongners, why he refuseth to punish the Canturburie men at the kings commandement for breaking the kings peace; he setteth the king in a furie, his suborned excuse to shift off his comming to the assemblie of lords conuented about the foresaid broile, earle Goodwine bandeth himselfe against the king, he would haue the strangers deliuered into his hands, his request is denied; a battell readie to haue bene fought betweene him and the king, the tumult is pacified and put to a parlement, earle Goodwines retinue forsake him; he, his sonnes, and their wiues take their flight beyond the seas._

THE SECOND CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: Robert archbishop of Canturburie.] [Sidenote: Frenchmen or Normans first entered into England.] Ye must vnderstand, that K. Edward brought diuerse Normans ouer with him, which in time of his banishment had shewed him great friendship, wherefore he now sought to recompense them. Amongst other, the forenamed Robert of Canturburie was one, who before his comming ouer was a moonke in the abbeie of Gemeticum in Normandie, and being by the king first aduanced to gouerne the sée of London, was after made archbishop of Canturburie, and bare great rule vnder the king, so that he could not auoid the enuie of diuerse noble men, and speciallie of earle Goodwine, as shall appéere. About the third yéere of king Edwards reigne, Osgot Clappa was banished the realme. And in the yéere [Sidenote: 1047.] [Sidenote: A great death.] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] following, that is to say, in the yeere 1047, there fell a maruellous great snow, couering the ground from the beginning of Ianuarie vntill the 17 day of March. Besides this, there hapned the same yéere such tempest and lightnings, that the corne vpon the earth was burnt vp and blasted: by reason whereof, there followed a great dearth in England, and also death of men and cattell.

[Sidenote: Swain Goodwines sonne banished.] [Sidenote: Edgiua abbesse of Leoffe.] About this time Swaine the sonne of earle Goodwine was banished the land, and fled into Flanders. This Swaine kept Edgiua, the abbesse of the monasterie of Leoffe, and forsaking his wife, ment to haue married the foresaid abbesse. Within a certeine time after his banishment, he returned into England, in hope to purchase the kings peace by his fathers meanes and other his friends. But vpon some malicious [Sidenote: This Bearne was the sonne of Vlfusa Dane, vncle to this Swaine by his mother, the sister of K. Swaine.] [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] pretense, he slue his coosen earle Bearne, who was about to labour to the king for his pardon, and so then fled againe into Flanders, till at length Allered the archbishop of Yorke obteined his pardon, and found meanes to reconcile him to the kings fauour.

[Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: The Danes spoile Sandwich.] In the meane time, about the sixt yéere of king Edwards reigne, certeine pirats of the Danes arriued in Sandwich hauen, and entring the land, wasted and spoiled all about the coast. There be that write, that the Danes had at that time to their leaders two capteins, the one named Lother, and the other Irling. After they had béene at Sandwich, and brought from thence great riches of gold and siluer, they coasted about vnto the side of Essex, and there spoiling the countrie, went backe to the sea, and sailing into Flanders, made sale of their spoiles and booties there, and so returned to their countries. After this, during the reigne of king Edward, there chanced no warres, neither forren nor ciuill, but that the same was either with small slaughter luckilie ended, or else without anie notable aduenture [Sidenote: Rise & Griffin princes of Wales.] changed into peace. The Welshmen in déed with their princes Rise and Griffin wrought some trouble, but still they were subdued, and in the end both the said Rise and Griffin were brought vnto confusion: although in the meane time they did much hurt, and namelie Griffin, who with aid of some Irishmen, with whome he was alied, about this time entred into the Seuerne sea, and tooke preies about the riuer of Wie: and after returned without anie battell to him offered.

[Sidenote: 1049.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] About the same time, to wit, in the yéere 1049, the emperor Henrie the third made warres against Baldwine earle of Flanders, and for that he wished to haue the sea stopped, that the said earle should not escape by flight that waie foorth, he sent to king Edward, willing him to kéepe the sea with some number of ships. King Edward furnishing a [Sidenote: _Hermanus._] [Sidenote: _Contractus._] [Sidenote: _Ia. Meir._] nauie, lay with the same at Sandwich, and so kept the seas on that side, till the emperor had his will of the earle. At the same time, Swaine, sonne of earle Goodwine came into the realme, and traitorouslie slue his coosen Bearne (as before is said) the which [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] trauelled to agrée him with the king. Also Gosipat Clappa, who had left his wife at Bruges in Flanders, comming amongst other of the Danish pirats, which had robbed in the coasts of Kent & Essex, as before ye haue heard, receiued his wife, and departed backe into Denmarke with six ships, leauing the residue, being 23 behind him.

[Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: 1051.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: The earle of Flanders commeth into England.] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] About the tenth yéere of king Edwards reigne, Eustace earle of Bullongne, that was father vnto the valiant Godfrey of Bullongne, & Baldwin, both afterward kings of Hierusalem, came ouer into England in the moneth of September, to visit his brother in law king Edward, [Sidenote: Goda sister to K. Edward.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: Douer saith _Matth. West._] whose sister named Goda, he had maried, she then being the widow of Gualter de Maunt. He found the king at Glocester, and being there ioifullie receiued, after he had once dispatched such matters for the which he chieflie came, he tooke leaue, and returned homeward. But at Canturburie one of his herbingers, dealing roughlie with one of the citizens about a lodging, which he sought to haue rather by force than by intreatance, occasioned his owne death. Whereof when the erle was aduertised, he hasted thither to reuenge the slaughter of his seruant, and slue both that citizen which had killed his man, and eightéene others.

[Sidenote: A fraie in Canturburie betwixt the earle Bullongne and the townsmen.] [Sidenote: The earle complaineth to the king.] The citizens héerewith in a great furie, got them to armor, and set vpon the earle and his retinue, of whom they slue twentie persons out of hand, & wounded a great number of the residue, so that the earle scarce might escape with one or two of his men from the fraie, & with all spéed returned backe to the king, presenting gréeuous information against them of Canturburie, for their cruell vsing of him, not onlie in sleaing of his seruants, but also in putting him in danger of his life. The king crediting the earle, was higlie offended against the citizens, and with all speed sending for earle Goodwine, declared vnto him in greeuous wise, the rebellious act of them of Canturburie, which were vnder his iurisdiction.

The earle who was a man of a bold courage and quicke wit, did perceiue that the matter was made a great deale woorse at the first in the beginning, than of likelihood it would prooue in the end, thought it reason therefore that first the answere of the Kentishmen should be heard, before anie sentence were giuen against them. Héerevpon, although the king commanded him foorthwith to go with an armie into Kent, and to punish them of Canturburie in most rigorous maner, yet he would not be too hastie, but refused to execute the kings commandement, both for that he bare a péece of grudge in his mind, [Sidenote: Earle Goodwine offended with the king for fauouring strangers.] that the king should fauour strangers so highlie as he did; and againe, bicause héereby he should séeme to doo pleasure to his countriemen, in taking vpon him to defend their cause against the rough accusations of such as had accused them. Wherefore he declared to the king that it should be conuenient to haue the supposed offenders first called afore him, and if they were able to excuse themselues, then to be suffered to depart without further vexation: and if they were found faultie, then to be put to their fine, both as well in satisfieng the king, whose peace they had broken, as also the earle, whom they had indamaged.

Earle Goodwine departed thus from the king, leauing him in a great furie: howbeit he passed litle thereof, supposing it would not long continue. But the king called a great assemblie of his lords togither [Sidenote: A councel called at Glocester.] [Sidenote: Siward earle of Northumberland, Leofrike earle of Chester, Rafe earle of Hereford.] [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] at Glocester, that the matter might be more déepelie considered. Siward earle of Northumberland, and Leofrike earle of Chester, with Rafe earle of Hereford, the kings nephue by his sister Goda, and all other the noble men of the realme, onlie earle Goodwine and his sonnes ment not to come there, except they might bring with them a great power of armed men, and so remained at Beuerstane, with such bands as they had leauied, vnder a colour to resist the Welshmen, whome they bruted abroad to be readie to inuade the marches about Hereford. But the Welshmen preuenting that slander, signified to the king that no such matter was ment on their parties, but that earle Goodwine and his sonnes with their complices went about to mooue a commotion against him. Héerevpon a rumor was raised in the court, that the kings power should shortlie march foorth to assaile earle Goodwine in that place where he was lodged. Wherevpon the same earle prepared himselfe, and sent to his friends, willing to sticke to this quarrell, and if the king should go about to force them, then to withstand him, rather than to yéeld and suffer themselues to be troden vnder foot by strangers. [Sidenote: Earle Goodwine meaneth to defend himself against the king.] [Sidenote: Swaine.] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: Harold.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] Goodwine in this meane time had got togither a great power of his countries of Kent, Southerie, and other of the west parts. Swaine likewise had assembled much people out of his countries of Barkeshire, Oxfordshire, Summersetshire, Herefordshire, and Glocestershire. And Harold was also come to them with a great multitude, which he had leuied in Essex, Norffolke, Suffold, Cambridgeshire, & Huntingtonshire.

On the other part, the earles that were with the king, Leofrike, Siward, and Rafe, raised all the power which they might make, and the same approching to Glocester, the king thought himselfe in more suertie than before, in so much that whereas earle Goodwine (who lay with his armie at Langton there not farre off in Glocestershire) had sent vnto the king, requiring that the earle of Bullongne, with the other Frenchmen and also the Normans which held the castell of Douer, might be deliuered vnto him. The king, though at the first he stood in great doubt what to doo, yet hearing now that an armie of his friends was comming, made answere to the messingers which Goodwine had sent, that he would not deliuer a man of those whome Goodwine required, and héerewith the said messengers being departed, the kings armie entered into Glocester, and such readie good wils appéered in them all to fight with the aduersaries, that if the king would haue permitted, they would foorthwith haue gone out and giuen battell to the enimies.

Thus the matter was at point to haue put the realme in hazard not onelie of a field, but of vtter ruine that might thereof haue insued: for what on the one part and the other, there were assembled the chiefest lords and most able personages of the land. But by the wisedome and good aduise of earle Leofrike and others, the matter was pacified for a time, and order taken, that they should come to a parlement or communication at London, vpon pledges giuen and receiued as well on the one part as the other. The king with a mightie armie of the Northumbers, and them of Mercia, came vnto London, and earle Goodwine with his sonnes, and a great power of the Westsaxons, came into Southwarke, but perceiuing that manie of his companie stale awaie and slipt from him, he durst not abide anie longer to enter talke with the king, as it was couenanted, but in the night next insuing fled awaie with all spéed possible.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: Swaine eldest sonne to Goodwine banished.] Some write, how an order was prescribed that Swanus the eldest sonne of Goodwine should depart the land as a banished man to qualifie the kings wrath, and that Goodwine and one other of his sons, that is to say, Harold should come to an other assemblie to be holden at London, accompanied with 12 seruants onelie, & to resigne all his force of knights, gentlemen and souldiers vnto the kings guiding and gouernment. But when this last article pleased nothing earle Goodwine, and that he perceiued how his force began to decline, so as he should [Sidenote: Earle Goodwine fled the realme.] not be able to match the kings power, he fled the realme, and so likewise did his sonnes. He himselfe with his sonnes Swanus, Tostie, and Girth, sailed into Flanders: and Harold with his brother Leofwine gat ships at Bristow, and passed into Ireland. Githa the wife of Goodwine, and Judith the wife of Tostie, the daughter of Baldwine earle of Flanders went ouer also with their husbands.

* * * * *

_Goodwine and his sonnes are proclaimed outlawes, their lands are giuen from them, king Edward putteth awaie the queene his wife who was earle Goodwines daughter, she cleareth hir selfe at the houre of hir death from suspicion of incontinencie and lewdnesse of life, why king Edward forbare to haue fleshlie pleasure with hir; earle Goodwine and his sonnes take preies on the coasts of Kent and Sussex; Griffin king of Wales destroieth a great part of Herefordshire, and giueth his incounterers the ouerthrow; Harold and Leofwine two brethren inuade Dorset and Summersetshires, they are resisted, but yet preuaile, they coast about the point of Cornwall and ioine with their father Goodwine, king Edward maketh out threescore armed ships against them, a thicke mist separateth both sides being readie to graple and fight, a pacification betweene the king and earle Goodwine, he is restored to his lands and libertie, he was well friended, counterpledges of agreement interchangablie deliuered; Swanus the eldest sonne of Goodwine a notable rebell and pirat, his troubled conscience, his wicked life and wretched death._

THE THIRD CHAPTER.

The king hauing perfect knowledge, that earle Goodwine had refused to come to the court in such order as he had prescribed him, and that he [Sidenote: Goodwine and his sonnes proclaimed outlawes.] was departed the realme with his sonnes: he proclaimed them outlawes, and gaue the lands of Harold vnto Algar, the sonne of earle Leofrike, who guided the same verie woorthilie, and resigned them againe without grudging vnto the same Harold when he was returned out of exile. Also vnto earle Oddo were giuen the counties of Deuonshire and Summersetshire.

[Sidenote: The king put awaie his wife Editha.] Moreouer, about the same time the king put his wife queene Editha from him, and appointed hir to streict keeping in the abbeie of Warwell. This Editha was a noble gentlewoman, well learned, and expert in all sciences, yet hir good name was stained somewhat, as though she had not liued so continentlie as was to be wished, both in hir husbands life time, and after his deceasse. But yet at the houre of hir death (which chanced in the daies of William Conqueror) she cleared hir selfe, in taking it vpon the charge of hir soule, that she had euer liued in perfect chastitie: for king Edward (as before is mentioned) neuer touched hir in anie actuall maner. By this streict dealing with the quéene that was daughter to earle Goodwine, now in time of hir fathers exile, it hath séemed to manie, that king Edward forbare to deale with hir in carnall wise, more for hatred of hir kin, than for anie other respect. But to proceed.

[Sidenote: 1052.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] In the second yéere of Goodwines banishment, both he and his sonnes hauing prouided themselues of ships and men of warre conuenient for the purpose, came vpon the coasts of England, and after the maner of rouers, tooke preies where as they espied aduantage, namelie on the [Sidenote: Griffin king of Wales destroieth Herefordshire.] coasts of Kent and Sussex. In the meane time also Griffin the K. of Wales destroid a great part of Herefordshire, against whom the power of that countrie, & also manie Normans that lay in garrison within the castell of Hereford, comming to giue battell, were ouerthrowne on the same day, in the which about two and twentie yéeres before, or (as some copies haue) thirtéene yéeres, the Welshmen had slaine Edwine, [Sidenote: Harold inuadeth the shires of Dorset and Summerset.] the brother of earle Leofrike. Shortlie after, earle Harold and his brother Leofwine returning out of Ireland, entered into the Seuerne sea, landing on the coasts of Summersetshire and Dorsetshire, where falling to spoile, they were incountred by a power assembled out of the counties of Deuonshire and Summersetshire: but Harold put his aduersaries to flight, and slue thirtie gentlemen of honor, or thanes (as they called them) with a great number of others. Then Harold and his brethren, returning with their preie and bootie to their ships, and coasting about the point of Cornwall, came and ioined with their father & their other brethren, then soiorning in the Ile of Wight.

King Edward to withstand their malice, had rigged and furnished foorth sixtie ships of warre, with the which he himselfe went to the water, [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] not sticking to lie aboord at that season, although he had appointed for capteines and admerals two earles that were his coosins, Odo and Rafe, who had charge of the whole armie. Rafe was his nephue, as sonne to his sister Goda by hir first husband Gualter de Maunt. But although they were knowne to be sufficient men for the ordering of such businesse, yet he thought the necessitie to be such, as his person could not be presentlie spared. Therefore he was diligent in foreséeing of things by good aduise, although age would not giue him leaue to execute the same by his owne hand and force of bodie. But as the nauies on both parts were readie to haue ioined, they were seuered by reason of a thicke mist that then rose, wherby their furious rage was restreined for that time: and immediatlie therevpon, Goodwine and his complices were forced by a contrarie wind, to returne to the places from whence they came. Shortlie after by mediation of friends, a peace was made, and earle Goodwine restored home, and obteined againe both the kings fauour, and all his former liuings: for he was such an eloquent & wise man, that he clered and purged himselfe of all such crimes and accusations, as in anie sort had béene laid against him. Thus haue some written concerning this agréement betwixt king Edward and erle Goodwine, where other make somewhat larger report thereof, as thus.

At the same time that the two sonnes of erle Goodwine Harold and Leofwine came foorth of Ireland, and inuaded the west countrie, king Edward rigged foorth fortie ships, the which throughlie furnished with men, munition, and vittels, he sent vnto Sandwich, commanding the capteines there to wait for the comming of erle Goodwine, whom he vnderstood to be in a readinesse to returne into England: but notwithstanding, there wanted no diligence in them to looke to their charge, erle Goodwine secretlie with a few ships which he had got togither, ariued in Kent; and sending foorth his letters and messengers abroad to the citizens of Canturburie, to them of Sussex, Southerie, & others, required aid of them, who with one consent promised to liue and die with him.

The capteines of the nauie at Sandwich aduertised hereof, made towards the place where they thought to haue found earle Goodwine: but he being warned of their comming, escaped by flight, and got him out of their danger, wherevpon they withdrew to Sandwich, and after returned to London. Earle Goodwine aduertised thereof, sailed to the Ile of Wight, and wafted vp and downe those seas, till his sonnes Harold and Leofwine came and ioined their nauie with his, and ceassing from spoile, onlie sought to recouer vittels to serue their turne. And incresing their power by such aid as they might any where procure, at length they came to Sandwich, wherof king Edward hauing knowledge, [Sidenote: It séemeth that earle Goodwine was well friended.] being then at London, he sent abroad to raise all the power he might make. But they that were appointed to come vnto him, lingred time, in which meane while earle Goodwine comming into the Thames, & so vp the riuer, arriued in Southwarke, on the day of the exaltation of the crosse in September, being monday, and their staieng for the tide, solicited the Londoners, so that he obteined of them what he could desire.

Afterwards, without disturbance, he passed vp the riuer with the tide through the south arch of the bridge, & at the same instant, a mightie armie which he had by land, mustered in the fields on that south side the same riuer, and herewith his nauie made towards the north side of the riuer, as if they ment to inclose the kings nauie, for the king had also a nauie & an armie by land: but yet sith there were few either on the one part or the other, that were able to doo anie great feat except Englishmen, they were loth to fight one against another, wherevpon the wiser sort on both sides sought meanes to make an atonement: and so at length by their diligent trauell, the matter was taken vp, and the armies being dismissed on both parts, earle Goodwine was restored to his former dignitie. Herevpon were pledges deliuered on his behalfe, that is to say, Wilnotus one of his sonnes, and Hacun the sonne of Swanus the eldest sonne of Goodwine. These two pledges were sent vnto William duke of Normandie, to be kept with him for more assurance of Goodwines loialtie.

[Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] Some write that Swanus the eldest sonne of Goodwine was not reconciled to the kings fauour at this time; but whether he was or not, this is reported of him for a truth, that after he had attempted sundrie rebellions against king Edward, he lastlie also rebelled against his father Goodwine, and his brother Harold, and became a pirate, dishonouring with such manifold robberies as he made on the seas, the noble progenie whereof he was descended. Finallie vpon remorse of conscience (as hath béene thought) for murthering of his coosine (or as some say his brother) erle Bearne, he went on pilgrimage to Hierusalem, and died by the way of cold which he caught in returning [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: _Will. Malms._] homeward (as some write) in Licia: but others affirme, that he fell into the hands of Saracens that were robbers by the high waies, and so was murthered of them.

* * * * *

_At what time William duke of Normandie came ouer into England, king Edward promiseth to make him his heire to the kingdom and crowne, the death of queene Emma, earle Goodwine being growne in fauor againe seeketh new reuenges of old grudges, causing archbishop Robert and certeine noble Normans his aduersaries to be banished; Stigand intrudeth himselfe into archbishop Roberts see, his simonie and lacke of learning; what maner of men were thought meet to be made bishops in those daies, king Edward beginneth to prouide for the good and prosperous state of his kingdome, his consideration of lawes made in his predecessours times and abused; the lawes of S. Edward vsuallie called the common lawes, how, whereof, and wherevpon instituted; the death of earle Goodwine being sudden (as some say) or naturall (as others report) his vertues and vices, his behauiour and his sonnes vpon presumption and will in the time of their authorities; his two wiues and children; the sudden and dreadfull death of his mother; hir selling of the beautifull youth male and female of this land to the Danish people._

THE FOURTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: William duke of Normandie commeth ouer into England.] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: K. Edwards promise to duke William.] The foresaide William duke of Normandie (that after conquered this land) during the time of Goodwines outlawrie, came ouer into this land with a faire retinue of men, and was ioifullie receiued of the king, and had great chéere. Now after he had taried a season, he returned into his countrie, not without great gifts of jewels and other things, which the king most liberallie bestowed vpon him. And (as some write) the king promised him at that time, to make him his heire to the realme of England, if he chanced to die without issue. ¶ Shortlie after, or rather somewhat before, queene Emma the kings mother died, and was buried at Winchester.

After that earle Goodwine was restored to the kings fauour, bicause he knew that Robert the archbishop of Canturburie had beene the chéefe procurer of the kings euill will towards him, he found means to weare him out of credit, and diuers other specially of the Normans, bearing the world in hand, that they had sought to trouble the state of the realme, & to set variance betwixt the king and the lords of the English nation: whereas the Normans againe alledged, that earle Goodwine and his sonnes abused the kings soft and gentle nature, & would not sticke to ieast and mocke at his curteous and mild [Sidenote: The archbishop of Canturburie banished.] procéedings. But howsoeuer the matter went, archbishop Robert was glad to depart out of the realme, and going to Rome, made complaint in the court there, of the iniuries that were offred him: but in returning through Normandie, he died in the abbeie of Gemmeticum, where he had bene moonke before his comming into England.

Diuerse others were compelled to forsake the realme at the same time, both spirituall men and temporall, as William bishop of London, and [Sidenote: Normans banished the realme.] Vlfe bishop of Lincolne. Osberne named Pentecost, and his companion Hugh, were constreined to surrender their castels, and by licence of earle Leofrike withdrew thorough his countrie into Scotland, where, of king Mackbeth they were honorablie receiued. These were Normans: for (as partlie ye haue heard) king Edward brought with him no small number of that nation, when he came from thence to receiue the crowne, and by them he was altogither ruled, to the great offending of his owne naturall subiects the Englishmen, namelie earle Goodwine and his sonnes, who in those daies for their great possessions and large reuenues, were had in no small reputation with the English people.

After that Robert the archbishop of Canturburie, was departed the [Sidenote: Stigand archbishop of Canturburie.] realme, as before ye haue heard, Stigand was made archbishop of Canturburie, or rather thrust himselfe into that dignitie, not being lawfullie called, in like manner as he had doone at Winchester: for whereas he was first bishop of Shireborne, he left that church, and tooke vpon him the bishoprike of Winchester by force, and now atteining to be archbishop of Canturburie, he kept both Winchester and Canturburie in his hand at one instant. This Stigand was greatlie

[Sidenote: _Ranul. Hig._] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: Stigand infamed of simonie.] infamed for his couetous practises in sale of possessions apperteining to the church. He was nothing learned: but that want was a common fault amongest the bishops of that age, for it was openlie spoken in [Sidenote: What maner of men méet to be bishops in those daies.] those daies, that he was méet onelie to be a bishop, which could vse the pompe of the world, voluptuous pleasures, rich raiment, and set himselfe foorth with a iollie retinue of gentlemen and seruants on horsse-backe, for therein stood the countenance of a bishop, as the world then went; and not in studie how to haue the people fed with the word of life, to the sauing of their soules.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._] King Edward now in the twelfth yeare of his reigne, hauing brought the state of the realme quite from troubles of warre both by sea and land, began to foresée as well for the welth of his subiects, as for himselfe, being naturallie inclined to wish well to all men. He therefore considered, how by the manifold lawes which had beene made by Britaines, Englishmen and Danes within this land, occasion was ministred to manie, which measured all things by respect of their owne priuate gaine and profit, to peruert iustice, and to vse wrongfull dealing in stead of right, clouding the same vnder some branch of the lawe naughtilie misconstrued. Wherevpon to auoid that mischiefe, he picked out a summe of that huge and vnmesurable masse and heape of lawes, such as were thought most indifferent and necessarie, & therewith ordeined a few, & those most wholesome, to be from thenceforth vsed; according to whose prescript, men might liue in due [Sidenote: The lawes of S. Edward instituted.] forme and rightfull order of a ciuill life. These lawes were afterwards called the common lawes, and also saint Edward his lawes; so much esteemed of the Englishmen, that after the conquest, when the Normans oftentimes went about to abrogate the same, there chanced no small mutinies and rebellions for retaining of those lawes. But heére is to be noted, that although they were called saint Edwards lawes, they were for the more part made by king Edgar; but now by king Edward restored, after they had bin abrogated for a time by the Danes.

[Sidenote: 1053. or 1054.] [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] About this time, earle Goodwine died suddenlie (as some haue recorded) as he sat at table with the king: and vpon talke ministred of the death of Alfred the kings brother, to excuse himselfe, he tooke a peece of bread, and did eate it, saieng; God let me neuer swallow this bread downe into my chest, but that I may presentlie be choked therewith, if euer I was weetting or consenting vnto Alfreds death! [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: _ex Mariano._] and immediatlie therewith he fell downe starke dead. Other say, that he ended his life at Winchester, where being suddenlie surprised with sicknesse, as he sat at the table with the king vpon an Easter monday; [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: This is the likeliest tale.] yet he liued till the Thursday following, and then died. His earledome was giuen vnto his sonne Harold; and Harolds earledome, which was Oxford, was giuen vnto Algar the sonne of Leofrike.

This Goodwine, as he was a man of great power, wise, hardie, and politike; so was he ambitious, desirous to beare rule, and loth that anie other person should passe him in authoritie. But yet, whether all be true that writers report of his malicious practises to bring himselfe and his sonnes to the chiefe seat of gouernement in the kingdome, or that of hatred such slanders were raised of him, it may of some perhaps be doubted; because that in the daies of king Edward (which was a soft and gentle prince) he bare great rule and authoritie, and so might procure to himselfe euill report for euerie thing that chanced amisse: as oftentimes it commeth to passe in such cases, where those that haue great dooings in the gouernement of the common wealth, are commonlie euill spoken of, and that now and then without their guilt. But truth it is, that Goodwine being in authoritie both in the daies of king Edward and his predecessors, did [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] manie things (as should appeare by writers) more by will than by law, and so likewise did his sonnes; vpon presumption of the great puissance that they and their father were of within the realme.

He had to wife Editha, the sister of king Cnute, of whome he begat [Sidenote: _Polydor._] thrée sonnes (as some write) that is to say, Harold, Biorne, & Tostie: also his daughter Editha, whome he found meanes to bestow in mariage [Sidenote: _Will. Malm._] vpon K. Edward, as before ye haue heard. But other write, that he had but one son by Cnutes sister, the which in riding of a rough horsse was throwen into the riuer of Thames, and so drowned. His mother also was stricken with a thunderbolt, & so perished worthilie (as is reported) for hir naughtie dooings. She vsed to buy great numbers of yoong persons, and namelie maids that were of anie excellent beautie and personage, whome she sent ouer into Denmarke, and there sold them to hir most aduantage. After hir deceasse (as the same authors record) Goodwine maried another woman, by whome he had issue six sonnes, Swanus or Swaine, Harrold, Tostie or Tosto, Wilnot, Girth, and Leofrike; of whom further mention is & shall be made, as places conuenient shall serue thereto.

* * * * *

_Edward earle of Northumberland discomfiteth Mackbeth the usurper of the Scotish kingdome and placeth Malcolme in the same, a controuersie whether Siward were at this discomfiture or no; his stout words when he heard that one of his sonnes was slaine in the field, bishop Aldred is sent to fetch home Edward the sonne of K. Edmund Ironside into England; earle Algar being banished ioineth with the Welshmen against the English and Normans, and getteth the victorie; Harold the son of earle Goodwine putteth earle Algar & his retinue to their shifts by pursute, pacification betweene the generals of both armies, their hosts, Siward earle of Northumberland dieth; his giantlike stature, his couragious heart at the time of his deceasse, why Tostie one of Goodwins sonnes succeeded him in the earledome._

THE FIFT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: 1054.] [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._] About the thirteenth yeare of king Edward his reigne (as some write) or rather about the ninetéenth or twentith yeare, as should appeare by the Scotish writers, Siward the noble earle of Northumberland with a great power of horssemen went into Scotland, and in battell put to flight Mackbeth that had vsurped the crowne of Scotland, and that doone, placed Malcolme surnamed Camoir, the sonne of Duncane, sometime king of Scotland, in the gouernement of that realme, who afterward [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _M. West._] slue the said Mackbeth, and then reigned in quiet. Some of our English writers say, that this Malcolme was king of Cumberland, but other report him to be sonne to the king of Cumberland. But héere is to be noted; that if Mackbeth reigned till the yeare 1061, and was then slaine by Malcolme, earle Siward was not at that battell; for as our writers doo testifie, he died in the yeare 1055, which was in the yeare next after (as the same writers affirme) that he vanquished Mackbeth in fight, and slue manie thousands of Scots, and all those Normans which (as ye haue heard) were withdrawen into Scotland, when they were driuen out of England.

It is recorded also, that in the foresaid battell, in which earle Siward vanquished the Scots, one of Siwards sonnes chanced to be slaine, whereof although the father had good cause to be sorowfull, yet when he heard that he died of a wound which he had receiued in fighting stoutlie in the forepart of his bodie, and that with his face towards the enimie, he greatlie reioised thereat, to heare that he died so manfullie. But here is to be noted, that not now, but a little before (as Henrie Hunt. saith) that earle Siward went into Scotland himselfe in person, he sent his sonne with an armie to conquere the land, whose hap was there to be slaine: and when his father heard the newes, he demanded whether he receiued the wound whereof he died, in the forepart of the bodie, or in the hinder part: and when it was told him that he receiued in the forepart; "I reioise (saith he) euen with all my heart, for I would not wish either to my sonne nor to my selfe any other kind of death."

[Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: 1057.] Shortlie after, Aldred the bishop of Worcester was sent vnto the emperour Henrie the third, to fetch Edward the sonne of Edmund Ironside into England, whome king Edward was desirous to sée, meaning [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] [Sidenote: 1055.] to ordeine him heire apparant to the crowne: but he died the same yeare after he came into England. This Edward was surnamed the outlaw: his bodie was buried at Winchester, or (as an other saith) in the church of S. Pauls in London.

¶ About the same time K. Edward by euill counsell (I wot not vpon what occasion, but as it is thought without cause) banished Algar the sonne of earle Leofrike: wherevpon he got him into Ireland, and there prouiding 18 ships of rouers, returned, & landing in Wales, ioined himselfe with Griffin the king or prince of Wales, and did much hurt on the borders about Hereford, of which place Rafe was then earle, [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] that was sonne vnto Goda the sister of K. Edward by hir first husband Gualter de Maunt. This earle assembling an armie, came forth to giue battell to the enimies, appointing the Englishmen contrarie to their manner to fight on horssebacke, but being readie (on the two & twentith of October) to giue the onset in a place not past two miles from Hereford, he with his Frenchmen and Normans fled, and so the rest were discomfited, whome the aduersaries pursued, and slue to the [Sidenote: The Welshmen obteine the victorie against Englishmen and Normans.] number of 500, beside such as were hurt and escaped with life. Griffin and Algar hauing obteined this victorie, entered into the towne of Hereford, set the minster on fire, slue seuen of the canons that stood to defend the doores or gates of the principall church, and finallie spoiled and burned the towne miserablie.

The king aduertised hereof, gathered an armie, ouer the which Harold the sonne of earle Goodwine was made generall, who followed vpon the enimies that fled before him into Northwales, & staied not, till [Sidenote: Stratcluid.] [Sidenote: Snowdon.] hauing passed through Stratcluid, he came to the mountaines of Snowdon, where he pitched his field. The enimies durst not abide him, but got them into Southwales, whereof Harold being aduertised, left the more part of his armie in Northwales to resist the enimies there, [Sidenote: The citie of Hereford fortified by Harold.] & with the residue of his people came backe vnto Hereford, recouered the towne, and caused a great and mightie trench to be cast round about it, with an high rampire, and fensed it with gates and other fortifications. After this, he did so much, that comming to a communication, with Griffin and Algar at a place called Biligelhage, a peace was concluded, and so the nauie of earle Algar sailed about, and came to Chester, there to remaine, till the men of warre and marriners had their wages, while he went to the king, who pardoned his offense, & restored him to his earledome.

[Sidenote: The decease of Siward earle of Northumberland.] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] After this, in the verie same yeare, being the 15 of king Edwards reigne, as some writers affirme, Siward the noble earle of Northumberland died of the flix, of whom it is said, that when he perceiued the houre of death to be néere, he caused him selfe to be put in armour, & set vp in his chaire, affirming that a knight and a man of honour ought to die in that sort, rather than lieng on a couch like a féeble and fainthearted creature: and sitting so vpright in his chaire armed at all points, he ended his life, and was buried at Yorke. [O stout harted man, not vnlike to that famous Romane remembred by Tullie in his "Tusculane questions," who suffered the sawing of his leg from his bodie without shrinking, looking vpon the surgeon all the while, & hauing no part of his bodie bound for shrinking.] The said Siward earle of Northumberland was a man of a giantlike stature, & thereto of a verie stout and hardie courage, & because his sonne Walteif was but an infant, and as yet not out of his cradell, the earledome was giuen vnto earle Tostie one of Goodwins sonnes.

* * * * *

_Edward the sonne of Edmund Ironside is sent for to be made heire apparant to the crowne, his death, the deceasse of Leofrike earle of Chester, the vertues and good deeds of him and his wife Gudwina, Couentrie free from custome and toll, churches and religious places builded and repared, Algar succedeth his father Leofrike in the earledome, he is accused of treason and banished, he recouereth his earledome by force of armes; Harold is sent with a power against Griffin king of Wales; the countrie wasted, and the people forced to yeeld, they renounce Griffin their king, kill him, and send his head to Harold, Griffins brethren rule Wales after him by grant of king Edward; Harolds infortunate going ouer into Normandie, the earle of Ponthieu taketh him prisoner, and releaseth him at the request of William duke of Normandie, for whose vse Harold sweareth to keepe possession of the realme of England, the duke promiseth him his daughter in mariage._

THE SIXT CHAPTER.

Not long after, in the yeare 1057, Aldred bishop of Worcester, was sent ouer vnto the emperour Henrie the third, to fetch Edward the sonne of Edmund Ironside into England, whome king Edward was desirous to sée, meaning to ordeine him heire apparant to the crowne: but he died the same yeare, after that he was returned into England. This [Sidenote: Edward the outlaw departed this life.] [Sidenote: 1057.] Edward was surnamed the outlaw: his bodie was buried at Westminster, or (as others say) in the church of S. Paule within London. The same yeare, that is to say, in the seuentéenth yeare or in the sixtéenth [Sidenote: Leofrike earle of Chester departed this life.] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] [Sidenote: _Mat. West._] yeare of king Edwards reigne (as some write) Leofrike the noble earle of Chester, or Mercia, that was sonne to duke Leofwine, departed this life in his owne towne of Bromelie on the last day of August, and was buried at Couentrie in the abbeie there which he had builded. This earle Leofrike was a man of great honor, wise and discréet in all his dooings. His high wisdome and policie stood the realme in great stéed whilest he liued.

[Sidenote: Couentrie made frée of toll and custome.] He had a noble ladie to his wife named Gudwina, at whose earnest sute he made the citie of Couentrie frée of all manner of toll, except horsses: and to haue that toll laid downe also, his foresaid wife rode naked through the middest of the towne without other couerture, saue onlie hir haire. Moreouer, partlie moued by his owne deuotion, and partlie by the persuasion of his wife, he builded or beneficiallie augmented and repared manie abbeies & churches, as the said abbeie or priorie at Couentrie, the abbeies of Wenlocke, Worcester, Stone, Euesham, and Leof besides Hereford. Also he builded two churches [Sidenote: Churches in Chester built.] within the citie of Chester, the one called S. Iohns, and the other S. Werbrough. The value of the iewels & ornaments which he bestowed on the abbeie church of Couentrie, was inestimable.

After Leofriks death, his sonne Algar was made earle, and intituled in all his lands and seigniories. In the yeare following, to wit, 1058, the same Algar was accused againe (through malice of some enuious [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] [Sidenote: Algar earle of Chester exiled.] [Sidenote: 1058.] persons) of treason, so that he was exiled the land, wherevpon he repaired againe vnto his old friend Griffin prince of Northwales, of whome he was ioifullie receiued, & shortlie after by his aid, & also [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: 1063.] by the power of a nauie of ships that by chance arriued in those parts at that selfe same season vnlooked for out of Norwaie, the said Algar recouered his earledome by force, as some haue written. King Edward [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _Mat. West._] about the twentith yeare of his reigne, as then remaining at Glocester, appointed earle Harold to inuade the dominions of Griffin king of Wales. Harold taking with him a power of horssemen, made spéed, and came to Rutland, and there burned Griffins palace, and also his ships, and then about Midlent returned againe into England.

After this, about the Rogation wéeke, Harold eftsoones by the kings commandement went against the Welshmen, and taking the sea, sailed by Bristow, round about the coast, compassing in maner all Wales. His brother Tostie that was earle of Northumberland, met him by [Sidenote: Wales destroied and harried by the Englishmen.] appointment with an host of horssemen, and so joining togither, they destroied the countrie of Wales in such sort, that the Welshmen were [Sidenote: The Welshmen agrée to pay their accustomed tribute.] [Sidenote: 1064.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] compelled to submit themselues, to deliuer hostages, and conditioned to paie the ancient tribute which before time they had paied. And moreouer, they renounced their prince the forenamed Griffin, so that he remained as a banished person: and finallie, about the fift day of August, they slue him, and sent his head to earle Harold. Afterwards king Edward granted the rule of Wales vnto Blengent or Blethgent, & Riuall, Griffins two brethren, which did homage vnto him for the same, and had serued vnder Harold against their brother the foresaid Griffin. There be which write, that not onelie Griffin, but also [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] another of his brethren called Rice, was brought to his death by the manfull meanes and politike order of earle Harold, & all the sauage people of Wales reduced into the forme of good order vnder the subiection of king Edward.

[Sidenote: Harold goeth ouer into Normandie.] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: _Edmerus._] Shortlie after, earle Harold chanced to passe ouer into Normandie, whither of hap or of purpose it is hard to define, writers doo varie so much in report thereof. Some write that he made earnest sute to king Edward, to haue licence to go ouer to sée his brother Wilnot, and his nephue Hacune, which (as ye haue heard) were deliuered as pledges to king Edward, & sent into Normandie to remaine there with duke William, and at length with much adoo, got leaue: but yet he was told [Sidenote: _Mat. West._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] aforehand of the king, that he would repent his iournie, and doo the thing that should be preiudiciall to the realme. Other write that Harold lieng at his manor of Bosham, went aboord one day into his fishers boat or craier, and caused the same to lanch forth to the sea for his pleasure: but by misfortune at the same time, a contrarie wind suddenlie came about, and droue the vessell on land into France vpon the coast of Ponthieu, where he was taken by the countrie people, & presented to the earle of Ponthieu named Guie or Guido, who kept him as prisoner, meaning to put him to a grieuous ransome. But Harold remembring himselfe of a wile, dispatched a messenger forth with all spéed vnto William, duke of Normandie, signifieng vnto him, that he being sent from king Edward to confirme such articles, as other meane men that had béene sent vnto him afore had talked of, by chance he was fallen into the hands of the earle of Ponthieu, and kept as prisoner against all order of law, reason, or humanitie. Duke William thus informed by the messenger, sent to the earle of Ponthieu, requiring him to set earle Harold at libertie, that he might repaire to him according to his commission. The earle of Ponthieu at the dukes request, did not onelie restore Harold to his libertie, but also [Sidenote: Harold is presented to William duke of Normandie.] brought him into Normandie, and presented him there to the duke, of whome he was most ioifullie receiued.

[Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] There be that agrée partlie with this report, and partlie varie: for they write, that earle Harold tooke the sea vpon purpose to haue sailed into Flanders, and that by force of wind he was driuen to the coast of Ponthieu, and so after came into Normandie in maner as before is mentioned. But by what means or occasion soeuer he came thither, [Sidenote: Harold was highly welcomed of Duke William.] certeine it is, that he was ioifullie receiued, and had great chéere made him by the said duke William, who at that time was readie to make a iournie against the Britains, and tooke earle Harold with him to haue his companie in armes in that iournie, that he might haue the better triall of his valiancie. Earle Harold behaued himselfe so, that he shewed good proofe both of his wisedome and policie, and also of his forwardnesse to execute that with hand, which by wit he had deuised, so that duke William had him in high fauour, and (as it hath béene said) earle Harold (to procure him more friendship at the dukes hands) declared vnto him, that king Edward had ordeined him his heire if he died without issue, and that he would not faile to kéepe the realme of England to the dukes vse, according to that ordinance, if K. [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: Duke William promised to Harold his daughter in mariage.] Edward died without issue. And to performe this promise, he receiued a corporall oth, whether willinglie to win the more credit, or forced thereto by duke William, writers report it diuerslie. At the same time, duke William promised vnto him his daughter in marriage, whom Harold couenanted in like maner to take to wife.

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_Harold at his returne into England reporteth to K. Edward what he had doone beyond the seas, and what the king said vnto him in that behalfe, who foresaw the comming of the Normans into this land to conquer it; when and why king Edward promised to make duke William his heire, (wherein note his subtiltie) dissention betwixt Harold and Tostie two brethren the sonnes of earle Goodwine, their vnnaturall and cruell dealing one with another, speciallie of the abhominable and merciles murthers committed by Tostie, against whome the Northumbers rebell vpon diuerse occasions, and reward him with answerable reuengement; Harold is sent against them, but preuaileth not; they offer to returne home if they might haue a new gouernor; they renounce Tostie and require Marchar in his roome, Tostie displeased getteth him into Flanders; king Edward dieth, his manners and disposition note-woorthie, his charitie and deuotion, the vertue of curing the maladie called the kings euill deriued from him to the succéeding kings of this land, he was warned of his death by a ring, he is canonized for a saint, the last woords that he spake on his death-bed, wherein he vttered to the standers by a vision, prophesieng that England should be inhabited with strangers, a description of the kings person, of a blasing starre fore-telling his death, the progenie of the Westsaxon kings, how long they continued, the names of their predecessors and successors; whence the first kings of seuen kingdoms of Germanie had their pedegree, &c._

THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.

Now when Harold should returne into England, duke William deliuered [Sidenote: _Polydor._] him his nephue Hacune, but kept his brother Wilnote with him still as a pledge. Then went earle Harold into England, and declared vnto king Edward what he had doone, who said vnto him; "Did not I tell thee that thou wouldest doo the thing whereof thou shouldest repent thee, and procure a mischiefe to follow vnto thy countrie? But God of his mercie turne that euill hap from this realme, or at the least, if it be his pleasure, that it must needs come to passe, yet to staie it till after my daies!" Some by Harolds purposed going ouer into Normandie, doo gather, that king Edward foresaw the comming of the Normans; and that [Sidenote: When the promise was made by king Edward to make duke William his heire.] he meant nothing lesse, than to performe the promise made vnto duke William, as to adopt him his heire, which promise should séeme to be made in time or his banishment, when he stood in néed of friendship; as the maner of men in such cases is, to promise much, how so euer they intend to fulfill. But rather it maie be thought, that king Edward had made no such promise at all, but perceiued the ambitious desire of duke William, and therefore would not that anie occasion should be ministred unto him to take hold of. Wherefore, he was loth that Harold should go ouer vnto him, least that might happen, which happened in déed.

[Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Fabian._] [Sidenote: Falling out between brethren.] [Sidenote: The cruell dealing of earle Tostie.] In the foure and twentieth and last yéere of king Edward his reigne, or therabout, there fell variance betwixt the two brethren, earle Harold and earle Tostie at Windsor, where the court then lay, in so much that earle Harold caught Tostie by the haire of the head in the kings presence, and stroke him. Heervpon, Tostie departing from the court in great anger, came to Hereford in the marches of Wales, where Harolds seruants were preparing for the kings comming to their maisters house, which seruants he tooke and slue, chopping them in péeces, and threw into this hogshead of wine a leg, into that barrell of sider an arme, into this vessell of ale an head: and so into the lomes of meth and tubs of brine and other liquor he bestowed the parts of the dead carcasses of his brothers seruants, sending the king woord that he had prouided at his brothers manor, against his coming, good plentie of sowse & powdred meat, whatsoeuer he should find beside.

The rumor of this cruell deed sprang ouer all the realme, wherevpon the Northumbers, whome he had gouerned for the space of ten yéeres [Sidenote: The Northumbers rebell against Tostie their earle.] verie cruellie, tooke occasion to rebell against him, and slue his seruants both Englishmen and Danes, spoiled his houses, and tooke awaie his horsses, his armour, and all other his goods and houshold stuffe. The chiefest cause (as is remembred by some writers) that mooued the Northumbers thus to rise and rebell against Tostie, was for the detestable murther of certeine gentlemen of their countrie, seruants unto Gospatrike, whom the queene in behalfe of hir brother had caused to be slaine in the court by treason, in the fourth night of Christmas last past, and also in reuenge of other noble men, which in the last yéere Tostie himselfe had commanded to be murthered in his owne chamber at Yorke, whither he had allured them to come vnder colour of concluding a peace with them. Also the gréeuous paiments, wherewith he charged the people of that countrie, set them in a great rage against him.

But the king aduertised héereof, liked not their dooings, for that they had doone it without commandement or commission, and therefore [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] sent earle Harold with an armie to chastise them, but they were strong inough to withstand him, as those which were assembled in armour togither with the people of Lincolnshire, Notinghamshire, and Darbishire, and hauing with them Marcharus or Malcharus, the sonne of earle Algar, were come as farre as Northhampton, doing much hurt in the parts therabouts. Howbeit to haue the kings peace, they offered to returne home, so that they might haue an other earle appointed them, for that they plainlie protested, that they being freemen, borne and bred out of bondage, might not suffer anie cruell gouernor to rule ouer them, being taught by their ancestors, either to liue in libertie, or to die in defense thereof. If therefore it might please the king to assigne Marcharus the son of earle Algar to be their ruler, he should see how obedient subiects they would prooue & shew themselues to be, when they should be vsed after a reasonable and courteous manner. All things considered, their request seemed [Sidenote: Marcharus made earle of Northumberland.] reasonable, or at least it was thought necessarie that it should be granted. And so was Marcharus or Malcherus made earle of Northumberland. Tostie in great displeasure with his wife and children sailed ouer into Flanders, and there remained till after the deceasse of king Edward.

[Sidenote: K. Edward departed this life.] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] Finallie, after that this courteous prince king Edward had reigned thrée and twentie yéeres, seuen moneths, and od daies, he departed this life at London the fourth of Ianuarie, and was buried in the church of Westminster, which he had in his life time roiallie repared, after such a statelie sort as few churches in those daies were like [Sidenote: K. Edvard his maners and disposition of mind described.] therevnto within this realme, so that afterwards the same was a paterne for other to be built after the same forme. This Edward was a prince of such a vertuous disposition of mind, that his fame of holinesse sprang ouer all. He abhorred warres and shedding of bloud, in so much that when he liued as a banished man in Normandie, he had this saieng oftentimes in his mouth, that he had rather liue a priuate life for euer, than to obteine the kingdome by the slaughter and death of anie man. He could not abide to haue the people oppressed with tributes or exactions, in so much that he caused the paiement called Danegilt (which had continued for the space almost of fortie yéeres) to ceasse. It hath beene said, that when the collectors of this monies or some other subsidie, had got an huge quantitie of treasure [Sidenote: A diuell fetching gambols.] togither, they brought it vnto him, and laid it altogither vpon an heape, so to delight his eies: but he declaring that he saw a diuell plaieng and fetching gambols about that heape of monie, commanded that it should be had awaie, and restored againe to them of whome it was leauied.

In diet and apparell he was spare and nothing sumptuous: and although on high feasts he ware rich apparell, as became the maiestie of his roiall personage; yet he shewed no proud nor loftie countenance, rather praising God for his bountifull goodnesse towards him extended, than estéeming heerein the vaine pompe of the world. The pleasure that he tooke chieflie in this world for the refreshing of his wits, consisted onelie in hawking and hunting, which exercises he dailie vsed, after he had first beene in the church at diuine seruice. In other things he seemed wholie giuen to a deuout trade of life, charitable to the poore, and verie liberall, namelie to hospitals and houses of religion in the parties of beyond the sea, wishing euer that the moonks and religious persons of his realme would haue followed the vertue and holinesse of life vsed amongst them of forren parties. As hath béene thought he was inspired with the gift of prophesie, and also to haue had the gift of healing infirmities and diseases. He vsed to helpe those that were vexed with the disease, commonlie called the kings euill, and left that vertue as it were a portion of inheritance vnto his successors the kings of this realme.

[Sidenote: A tale of a ring.] He was warned (as hath béene reported) of his death certeine daies before he died, by a ring that was brought him by certeine pilgrims comming from Hierusalem, which ring he had secretlie giuen to a poore man that asked his charitie in the name of God and saint Iohn the [Sidenote: King Edward canonized for a saint.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malms._] [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._] the Euangelist. But to conclude, such was the opinion conceiued of his holinesse of life, that shortlie after his decease, he was canonized amongst the number of saints, and named Edward the Confessor. Whilest he lay sicke of that sicknesse, whereof at length he died, after he had remained for two daies speechlesse, the third day after when he had laine for a time in a slumber or soft sléepe, at the time of his waking, he fetched a déepe sigh, and thus said; "Oh Lord God almightie, if this be not a vaine fantasticall illusion, but a true vision which I haue séene, grant me space to vtter the same vnto these that stand héere present, or else not." And herewith hauing his speech perfect, he declared how he had séene two moonks stand by him as he thought, whome in his youth he knew in Normandie to haue liued godlie, and died christianlie. "These moonks (said he) protesting to me that they were the messengers of God, spake these words; Bicause the chéefe gouernors of England, the bishops and abbats, are not the ministers of God, but the diuels, the almightie God hath deliuered this kingdome for one yéere and a day into the hands of the enimie, and wicked spirits shall walke abroad through the whole land. And when I made answer that I would declare these things to the people, and promised on their behalfe, that they should doo penance in following the example of the Niniuites: they said againe, that it would not be, for neither should the people repent, nor God take anie pitie vpon them. And when is there hope to haue an end of these miseries said I? Then said they; When a grene trée is cut in sunder in the middle, and the part cut off is caried thrée acres bredth from the stocke, and returning againe to the stoale, shall ioine therewith, and begin to bud & beare fruit after the former maner, by reason of the sap renewing the accustomed nourishment; then (I say) may there be hope that such euils shall ceasse and diminish." ¶ With which words of the king, though some other that stood by were brought in feare, yet archbishop Stigand made but a ieast thereof, saieng, that the old man raued now in his sickenesse, as men of great yéeres vse to doo. Neuerthelesse the truth of this prophesie afterwards too plainlie appeared, when England became the habitation of new strangers, in such wise, that there was neither gouernor, bishop, nor abbat remaining therein of the English nation. But now to make an end with king Edward, he was of person comelie, & of an indifferent stature, of white haire, both head and beard, of face ruddie, and in all parts of his bodie faire skinned, with due state and proportion of lims as was thereto conuenient. In the yéere before the death of king Edward, a blasing starre appeared, the which when a moonke of Malmesburie named Eilmer beheld, he vttered these words (as it were by way of prophesieng:) Thou art come (saith he) thou art come, much to be lamented of manie a mother: it is long agone sith I saw thée, but now I doo behold thee the more terrible, threatening destruction to this countrie by thy dreadfull appearance. In the person of king Edward ceased by his death the noble progenie of the Westsaxon kings, which had continued from the first yeare of the reigne of Cerdike or Cerdicius, the space of 547 yeeres complet. And from Egbert 266 yéeres.

Moreouer, sith the progenie of the Saxon kings seemeth wholie to take end with this Edward surnamed the Confessor, or the third of that name before the conquest, we haue thought good for the better helpe of memorie to referre the reader to a catalog of the names as well of those that reigned among the Westsaxons (who at length, as ye haue heard, obteined the whole monarchie) as also of them which ruled in the other seuen kingdomes before the same were vnited vnto the said kingdome of the Westsaxons, which catalog you shall find in the description of Britaine, pag. 31, 32, 33.

Here is to be remembred, that as partlie before is expressed, we find [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] in some old writers, how the first kings of seuen kingdomes of the Germane nation that bare rule in this Ile, fetcht their pedegrées from one Woden, who begat of Frea his wife seuen sonnes, that is to say, 1 Vecta, of whome came the kings of Kent, 2 Fethelgeta, or Frethegeath, from whome the kings of Mercia descended, 3 Balday, of whose race the kings of the Westsaxons had their originall, 4 Beldagius, ancestor to the kings of Bernicia, and the Northumbers, 5 Wegodach or Wegdagus, from whome came the kings of Deira, 6 Caser, from whome procéeded the kings of the Eastangles, 7 Nascad alias Saxuad, of whome the kings of the Eastsaxons had their beginning. And here you must note, that although the kings of the eight kingdome, that is, of the Southsaxons or Sussex, were descended of the same people, yet were they not of the same line. By other it should séeme, that Woden had but fiue sonnes: as Vecta, great grandfather to Hengist; Wepedeg, ancestor to the kings of the Eastangles; Viclac, from whome procéeded the kings of Mercia; Saxuad, from whom the kings of Essex came; and Beldag, of whose generation proceeded the kings of the Southsaxons, Westsaxons, and the [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: _Io. Textor_.] Northumbers. Moreouer, there be that bring the genealogie from Noe to Noah, the sonne of Lamech, which Noe was the 9 in descent from Adam, and Woden the 15 from Noe, as you shall find in the historie of England, lib. 6. pag. 663. Noe was the father to Sem the father of Bedwi, the father of Wala, the father of Hatria or Hathra, the father of Itermod, the father of Heremod, the father of Sheaf or Seaf, the father of Seldoa or Sceldua, the father of Beatu or Beau, the father of Teathwij aliàs Tadwa or Teathwy, the father of Geta, reputed for a god among the gentiles, the father of Fingodulph otherwise Godulph, the father of Fritwolfe otherwise Friuin, the father of Freolaf aliàs Freolater, the father of Frethwold or Friderwald, the father of the aforenamed Woden or Othen.

* * * * *

_The peeres are in doubt to whome the rule of the land should be committed, why they durst not that Edgar Edeling should vndertake it though he was interested to the same, how William duke of Normandie pretended a right to the crowne, Harold the sonne of earle Goodwine crowned, proclaimed, and consecrated king; his subtill and adulatorie meanes to win the peoples fauour; duke William sendeth ambassadors to Harold to put him in mind of a promise passed to the said duke for his furtherance to obteine the crowne; Harolds negatiue answer to the said ambassage, as also to the marieng of the dukes daughter which was Harolds owne voluntarie motion; he prouideth against the inuasions of the enimie as one doubting afterclaps, a blasing starre of seuen daies continuance._

THE EIGHT CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: HAROLD.] [Sidenote: K. Edward departed this life.] [Sidenote: An. Christi. 1065, after the account of the church of England.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: Edeling, that is, a noble man, and such one as is come of the kings blood.] King Edward being thus departed this life, the péeres of the land were in great doubt & perplexitie to whome they might best commit the roiall gouernement of the realme. For there was not anie among them that had iust title thereto, or able and apt to take the charge vpon him. For although Edgar surnamed Edeling, the sonne of Edward the outlaw, that was sonne of Edmund Ironside, was at the same time latelie come into England, with his mother and sisters out of Hungarie where he was borne: yet for that he was but a child, & not of sufficient age to beare rule, they durst not as then commit the gouernement of the realme vnto him, least (as some haue thought) his tendernesse of age might first bréed a contempt of his person, and therewith minister occasion to ciuill discord, wherby a shipwracke of the estate might ensue, to the great annoie and present ouerthrow of such as then liued in the same. But what consideration soeuer they had in this behalfe, they ought not to haue defrauded the yoong gentleman of his lawfull right to the crowne. For as we haue heard and séene, God, whose prouidence and mightie power is shewed by ouerthrowing of high and mightie things now and then, by the weake and féeble hath gouerned states and kingdomes oftentimes in as good quiet and princelie policie by a child, as by men of age and great discretion.

But to the purpose, beside the doubt which rested among the lords, how to bestow the crowne, the manifold and strange woonders, which, were séene and heard in those daies, betokening (as men thought) some change to be at hand in the state of the realme, made the lords afraid, and namelie bicause they stood in great doubt of William duke of Normandie, who pretended a right to the crowne, as lawfull heire appointed by king Edward, for that he was kin to him in the second and [Sidenote: Dukes of Normandie.] third degree. For Richard the first of that name duke of Normandie, begot Richard the second, and Emma; which Emma bare Edward by hir husband Ethelred. Richard the second had also issue Richard the third, and Robert, which Robert by a concubine had issue William, surnamed the bastard, that was now duke of Normandie, and after the death of his coosine king Edward, made claime (as is said) to the crowne of England.

Whilest the lords were thus studieng and consulting what should be [Sidenote: Harold proclaimed king of England.] best for them to doo in these doubts, Harold, the son of Goodwine earle of Kent, proclaimed himselfe king of England: the people being not much offended therewith, bicause of the great confidence and opinion which they had latelie conceiued of his valiancie. Some write [Sidenote: Edmerus.] (among whome Edmerus is one) how king Edward ordeined before his death, that Harold should succéed him as heire to the crowne, and that therevpon the lords immediatlie after the said Edwards deceasse, crowned Harold for their king, and so he was consecrated by Aldred archbishop of Yorke, according to the custom and maner of the former [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] kings, or (as other affirme) he set the crowne on his owne head without anie the accustomed ceremonies, in the yéere after the birth of our sauiour 1066, or in the yéere of Christ 1065, after the account of the church of England (as before is noted.)

But how and whensoeuer he came to the seat roiall of this kingdome, certeine it is, that this Harold in the begining of his reigne, considering with himselfe how and in what sort he had taken vpon him the rule of the kingdome, rather by intrusion than by anie lawfull [Sidenote: Harold séeketh to win the peoples hearts.] [Sidenote: _Sim. Dunel._] right, studied by all meanes which way to win the peoples fauour, and omitted no occasion whereby he might shew anie token of bountious liberalitie, gentlenesse and courteous behauiour towards them. The gréeuous customes also and taxes which his predecessors had raised, he either abolished or diminished: the ordinarie wages of his seruants and men of warre he increased, and further shewed himselfe verie well bent to all vertue and goodnesse, whereby he purchased no small fauor among such as were his subiects.

[Sidenote: An ambassage from Normandie.] Whilest Harold went about thus to steale the peoples good willes, there came ouer vnlooked for sundrie ambassadours from William the bastard duke of Normandie, with commission to require him to remember his oth sometime made to the said William in the time of his extremitie, which was, that he the said Harold should aid him in the obteining of the crowne of England, if king Edward should happen to die without issue. This couenant he made (as it is supposed) in king Edwards daies, when (by licence of the same Edward, or rather (as Edmerus writeth) against his will) he went ouer into Normandie to visit his brethren, which laie there as pledges.

[Sidenote: K. Harolds answer.] Howbeit at this present, Harolds answer to the said ambassadors was, that he would be readie to gratifie the duke in all that he could [Sidenote: _Eadmerus._] demand, so that he would not aske the realme, which alreadie he had in his full possession. And further he declared vnto them (as some write) that as for the oth which he had made in times past vnto duke William, [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] the same was but a constreined & no voluntarie oth, which in law is nothing; since thereby he tooke vpon him to grant that which was not in his power to giue, he being but a subiect whilest king Edward was liuing. For if a promised vow or oth which a maid maketh concerning the bestowing of hir bodie in hir fathers house, without his consent, is made void; much more an oth by him made that was a subiect, and vnder the rule of a king, without his souereignes consent, ought to be void and of no value. He alledged moreouer, that as for him to take an oth to deliuer the inheritance of anie realme without the generall consent of the estates of the same, could not be other than a great péece of presumption, yea although he might haue iust title therevnto; so it was an vnreasonable request of the duke at this present to will him to renounce the kingdome, the gouernance whereof he had alreadie taken vpon him, with so great fauor and good liking of all men.

[Sidenote: Duke William eftsoones sendeth to king Harold.] Duke William hauing receiued this answer, and nothing liking thereof, sent once againe to Harold, requiring him then at the least-wise, that he would take his daughter to wife, according to his former promise; in refusing whereof he could make no sound allegation, bicause it was a thing of his owne motion, and in his absolute power, both to grant and to performe. But Harold being of a stout courage, with proud countenance frowned vpon the Norman ambassadors, and declared to them that his mind was nothing bent as then to yéeld therevnto in any maner of wise. And so with other talke tending to the like effect he sent them away without anie further answer. The daughter of duke William [Sidenote: _Gemeticensis._] whome Harold should haue maried, was named Adeliza, as Gemeticensis saith, and with hir (as the same author writeth) it was couenanted by duke William, that Harold should inioy halfe the realme in name of hir [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] dower. Howbeit some write that this daughter of duke William was departed this life before the comming of these ambassadors, and that Harold therevpon thought himselfe discharged of the oth and couenants made to duke William, and therefore sent them away with such an vntoward answer.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._] But howsoeuer it was, after the departure of these ambassadors, king Harold (doubting what would insue) caused his ships to be newlie rigged, his men of warre to be mustered, and spéedilie put in a readinesse, to the end that if anie sudden inuasion should be made and attempted by his enimie, he might be able to resist them. ¶ About the same time also, and vpon the 24 of Aprill (whilest Harold was making prouision to withstand the Norman force) there appeared a blasing starre, which was séene not onelie here in England, but also in other parts of the world, and continued the space of seuen daies. This [Sidenote: _Rog. Houed._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] blasing starre might be a prediction of mischéefe imminent & hanging ouer Harolds head; for they neuer appeare but as prognosticats of afterclaps. To be resolutelie instructed herein, doo but peruse a treatise intituled; A doctrine generall of comets or blasing starres published by a bishop of Mentz in Latine, and set foorth in English by Abraham Fleming vpon the apparition of a blasing starre séene in the southwest, on the 10 of Nouember 1577, and dedicated to the right worshipfull sir William Cordell knight, then maister of hir maiesties rolles, &c.

* * * * *

_Earle Tostie afflicteth his brother Harold on sea and land, he taketh the repulse, and persuadeth Harfager king of Norweie to attempt the conquest of England against Harold, Harfager & Tostie with their powers arriue at Humber, they fight with the Northumbers vnder the conduct of Edwine and Marchar, and discomfit them; Harold leuieth an armie against them, the rare valiantnes of a Norwegian souldior; Harfager and Tostie slaine in battell; the Norwegians are foiled and flie; Harolds vnequall and parciall dividing of the spoile, he goeth to Yorke to reforms things amisse._

THE NINTH CHAPTER.

Whilest Harold desirous to reteine, and verie loth to let go his vsurped roialtie, had crackt his credit with the duke of Normandie, and by his lewd reuolting from voluntarie promises ratified with solemne othes, had also kindled the fire of the dukes furie against him; it came to passe, that the proud and presumptuous man was (to [Sidenote: Tostie séekes to disquiets his brother.] begin withall) vexed in his owne flesh, I meane his owne kinred. For Tostie the brother of king Harold (who in the daies of king Edward for his crueltie had béene chased out of the realme by the Northumbers) returning out of Flanders, assembled a nauie of ships from diuers [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ saith but 40.] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: _Ran Higd._] [Sidenote: _Sim. Dun._] parts to the number of 60, with the which he arriued in the Ile of Wight, & there spoiled the countrie, and afterward sailing about by the coasts of Kent, he tooke sundrie preies their also, and came at the last to Sandwich: so that Harold was now constreined to appoint the nauie which he had prepared against the Normans, to go against his brother earle Tostie. Whereof the said Tostie being aduertised, drew towards Lindsey in Lincolnshire, and there taking land did much hurt [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: Tosties repelled.] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._] in the countrie, both with sword and fire, till at length Edwine earle of Mercia, and Marchar earle of Northumberland, aided with the kings nauie, chased him from thence, and caused him to flie into Scotland, not without some losse both of his men and ships.

This trouble was scarse quieted, but streightwaies another came in the necke thereof, farre more dangerous than the first. For Tostie, perceiuing that he could get no aid in Scotland to make anie account [Sidenote: Harold Harfager king of Norweie.] of, sailed forth into Norweie, and there persuaded Harold Harfager king of that realme, to saile with an armie into England, persuading him that by meanes of ciuill dissention latelie kindled betwixt the king and his lords (which was not so) it should be an easie matter for him to make a conquest of the whole realme, and reigne ouer them as his predecessors had done before. Some authors affirme, that Harold [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] king of Norwey tooke this enterprise in hand of his owne mind, and not by procurement of Tostie, saieng, that Tostie méeting with him in Scotland, did persuade him to go forward in his purposed busines, and that the said Harold Harfager with all conuenient spéed passed foorth, [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._ saith 500.] & with a nauie of 300 saile entered into the riuer of Tine, where after he had rested a few daies to refresh his people, earle Tostie came also with his power (according to an appointment which should be made betweene them.) They ad furthermore, that they sailed forth [Sidenote: The Norwegians arriue in Humber.] [Sidenote: Richall.] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] alongst the coast, till they arriued in the mouth of Humber, & then drawing vp against the streame of the riuer Owse, they landed at length at a place called Richhall, from whence they set forward to inuade the countrie, & néere vnto Yorke on the northside of the citie, they fought with the power of the Northumbers, which was led by the [Sidenote: The English men discomfited.] earls Edwine and Marchar (two brethren) and there discomfited and chased them into the citie, with great slaughter and bloudshed.

[Sidenote: This battell was fought on the even of S. Mattew the apostle, as saith _Si. Dun._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Matt. West._] Harold king of England being aduertised of this chance, made the more hast forward (for he was alreadie in the field with his armie, intending also to come towards his enimies) so that vpon the fift day after he came to Stamford bridge, finding there the said king Harfager and Tostie readie imbattelled, he first assailed those that kept the bridge, where (as some writers affirme) a Norwegian souldier with his axe defended the passage, mauger the whole host of the Englishmen, and slue fortie of them or more with his axe, & might not be ouercome, till an Englishman went with a boat vnder the said bridge, and through an hole thereof thrust him vp into the bodie with his speare: yet Matt. West, saith that he was slaine with a dart which one of king Harold his seruants threw at him, & so ended his life. Which bridge [Sidenote: The Norwegians discomfited.] being woone, the whole host of the Englishmen passed ouer, and ioined with their enimies, and after a verie great and sore battell put them all to flight.

[Sidenote: The king of Norwaie and Tostie slaine.] In this conflict Harold Harfager king of the Norwegians was slaine, & so was Tostie the king of England his brother, besides a great number of other, as well in the battell as in the chase: neither did the Englishmen escape all frée, for the Norwegians fought it out a long [Sidenote: This battell was fought on the 25 of September as saith _Si. Dun._] time verie stoutlie, beating downe and killing great numbers of such as assailed them with great courage and assurance. The residue of the Norwegians that were left to kéepe their ships vnder the guiding of Olaue sonne to the king of Norwaie, and Paule earle of Orkneie, after [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] they vnderstood by their fellowes that escaped from the field, how the mater went with Harfager and Tostie, they hoised vp their sailes and directed their course homewards, bearing sorowfull newes with them [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] into their countrie, of the losse of their king and ouerthrow of all his people. Some write, that the king of England permitted them franklie to depart with 20 ships, hauing first caused them to deliuer such hostages as they had receiued of the citizens of Yorke. Harold reioising in that he had atteined so glorious a victorie, and being now surprised with pride and couetousnesse togither, he diuided the [Sidenote: _M. West._] [Sidenote: Vnequall diuiding of the spoile.] spoile of the field nothing equallie, but to such as he fauored he distributed liberallie, and to other (though they had much better deserued) he gaue nothing at all, reteining still the best part of all to himselfe, by reason whereof he lost the fauor of manie of his men, who for this his discourtesie, did not a little alienate their good [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] willes from him. This doone, he repaired to Yorke, and there staied for a time to reforme the disordered state of the countrie, which by reason of these warres was greatlie out of frame.

¶ But Harold being more presumptuous and foole-hardie, than prouident and wise in his enterprise; bending all his force to redresse enormities in those quarters of Yorkeshire (much like vnto him, whom the Comediographer marketh for a foole, "Ea tantùm quæ ad pedes iacent contemplans, non autem ventura præuidens") neglected the kinglie care which he should haue had of other parts of his realme, from the which he had withdrawen himselfe, and (as it is likelie) had not left sufficientlie prouided of a conuenient vicegerent to gouerne the same by his warranted authoritie, and such fortifications as might expell and withstand the enimie. Which want of foresight gaue occasion to the enimie to attempt an inuasion of the English coasts, as in the next chapt. shall be shewed.

* * * * *

_William duke of Normandie prepareth to inuade England and to conquere it, the earle of Flanders and the French king assist him, the number of his ships, hir arriuall at Peuensey in Sussex, vpon what occasions he entred this realme; the pope liked well duke Williams attempt, why king Harold was hated of the whole court of Rome; why duke William would not suffer his souldiers to wast the countries where they came; Harold goeth towards his enimies, why his vnskilfull espials tooke the Normans (being old beaten souldiers) for priests; Girth dissuadeth his brother Harold from present incountering with the duke; where note the conscience that is to be had of an oth, and that periurie can not scape vnpunished._

THE TENTH CHAPTER.

WILLIAM duke of Normandie hauing knowledge after what maner K. Harold was busied in the north parts of his realme, and vnderstanding that the south parts thereof remained destitute of due prouision for necessarie defense, hasted with all diligence to make his purueiance of men and ships, that he might vpon such a conuenient occasion set forward to inuade his enimie. And amongest other of his friends, vnto [Sidenote: _Ia. Meir._] [Sidenote: Baldwine earle of Flanders aided duke William to conquere England.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Geme._] whome he laboured for aid, his father in law Baldwine earle of Flanders was one of the chiefest, who vpon promise of great summes of monie and other large offers made, did aid him with men, munition, ships, and victuals, verie freelie. The French king also did as much for his part as laie in him to helpe forwards this so high an enterprise. Wherefore when all things were now in a readinesse, he came to the towne of S. Valerie, where he had assembled togither an [Sidenote: The chronicles of Normandie haue 896 ships.] huge nauie of ships, to the number (as some authors affirme) of three hundred saile; and when he had taried there a long time for a conuenient wind, at length it came about euen as he himselfe desired. Then shipping his armie which consisted of Normans, Flemings, [Sidenote: Duke William landed at Peuensey, now Pemsey.] Frenchmen, and Britains, with all expedition he tooke the sea, and directing his course towards England, he finallie landed at a place in Sussex, ancientlie called Peuensey, on the 28 day of September, where he did set his men on land, & prouided all things necessarie to incourage and refresh them.

At his going out of his ship vnto the shore, one of his féet slipped as he stepped forward, but the other stacke fast in the sand: the which so soone as one of his knights had espied, and séeing his hand wherevpon he staied full of earth, when he rose, he spake alowd and said: "Now sir duke, thou hast the soile of England fast in thy hand, & shalt of a duke yer long become a king." The duke hearing this tale, laughed merilie thereat, and comming on land, by and by he made his proclamation, declaring vpon what occasion he had thus entered the realme.

[Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: 1]

The first and principall cause which he alleged, was for to chalenge his right, meaning the dominion of the land that to him was giuen and assigned (as he said) by his nephue king Edward late ruler of the same land.

[Sidenote: 2]

The second was, to reuenge the death of his nephue Alured or Alfred the brother of the same king Edward, whome Goodwine earle of Kent and his adherents had most cruellie murthered.

[Sidenote: 3]

The third was to be reuenged of the wrong doone vnto Robert archbishop of Canturburie, who (as he was informed) was exiled by the meanes and labor of Harold in the daies of king Edward.

Wherein we haue to note, that whether it were for displeasure that the [Sidenote: _Wil. Lamb._] [Sidenote: The pope fauored duke Williams enterprise.] pope had sometime conceiued for the wrong doone to the archbishop, or at the onlie sute of duke William, certeine it is that the pope, as then named Alexander the second, fauored this enterprise of the duke, and in token thereof sent him a white banner, which he willed him to set vp in the decke of the ship, wherein he himselfe should saile. In déed (as writers report) the pope with his cardinals, and all the whole court of Rome had king Harold euer in great hatred and disdaine,

[Sidenote: _Matth. West._] because he had taken vpon him the crowne without their consent, or anie ecclesiasticall solemnitie or agréement of the bishops. And although the pope and his brethren the said cardinals dissembled the matter for the time, yet now beholding to what end his bold presumption was like to come, with frowning fortune they shewed themselues open aduersaries, inclining streightwaies to the stronger part, after the manner of couetous persons, or rather of the réed shaken with a sudden puffe of wind.

[Sidenote: _Gemeticensis._] Duke William at his first landing at Peuensey or Pemsey (whether you will) fortified a péece of ground with strong trenches, and leauing therein a competent number of men of warre to kéepe the same, he sped him toward Hastings, and comming thither, he built an other fortresse there with all spéed possible, without suffering his souldiers to rob or harrie the countrie adioining, saieng that it should be great [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] follie for him to spoile that people, which yer manie daies to come were like to be his subiects. K. Harold being as yet in the north parts, and hearing that duke William was thus landed in England, sped him southward, and gathering his people togither out of the countries as he went forwards, at length came néere his enimies: and sending [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] espials into their campe to vnderstand of what strength they were; the vnskilfull messengers regarding smallie their charge, brought woord againe of nothing else, but that all duke Williams souldiers were [Sidenote: Normans berds shauen.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Marle._] priests. For the Normans had at that time their vpper lips and chéekes shauen, whereas the Englishmen vsed to suffer the haire of their vpper lips to grow at length. But Harold answered, that they were not priests, but wether-beaten and hardie souldiers, and such as were like to abide well by their capteine.

[Sidenote: Girth would not haue his brother king Harold fight himselfe.] [Sidenote: _Gemeticensis._] In the meane season, Girth one of Harolds yoonger brethren (considering that periurie is neuer left vnpunished) aduised his brother not to aduenture himselfe at this present in the battell, for so much as he had beene sometime sworne to duke William, but rather to suffer him and other of the nobilitie to incounter with the said duke, that were not bound to him by former oth, or otherwise: but Harold answered that he was free from anie such oth, and that in defense of his countrie he would fight boldly with him as with his greatest enimie. ¶ Where (by the waie) would be noted the conscience which Girth a yoonger brother made of an oth, not concerning himselfe directlie, but his elder brother Harold, who had sworne the same; meaning nothing lesse than the performance therof, as the sequele of his dooings to his discredit and vndooing euidentlie declared, which euents might séeme countable to him as due punishments and deserued plagues inflicted vpon him and others, for his sake; sith he made no reckoning of violating a vow ratified with an oth to a prince of no small puissance, who afterwards became a whip vnto him for his periurie; a sinne detested of the heathen, and whereof the poet notablie speaketh, saieng:

[Sidenote: _Tibul, lib._ 1.]

Ah miser, & si quis primò periuria celat, Sera tamen tacitis p[oe]na venit pedibus.

* * * * *

_After peace offered & refused on each side, both armies meete in the field, the order of the Englishmens attire & araie, the maner how the Normans were placed to fight in battell; the dissolute and droonken behauior of the Englishmen the night before the incounter farre differing from the Normans deuout demenour; duke Williams speech vpon occasion of wrong putting on his armour, the battell betwixt him and king Harold is valiantlie tried, the English by duke Williams politike stratagem are deceiued, king Harold slaine, his armie put to flight and manie of them slaine after a long and bloudie incounter, manie of the Normans pursuing the English ouerhastilie procure their owne death, they take the spoile of the English, the dead bodies of both armies are licenced to be buried; the differing reports of writers touching the maner of Harolds death, a description of his person, his ambition did him much hurt and hinderance, the number that were slaine on both sides, his bodie buried at Waltham, nothing dispraisewoorthie in him but his ambitious mind, a view of his valiantnesse in a conflict against the Welshmen, his rigorous or rather pitilesse handling of them, his seuere law or decree touching their bounds, they are vtterlie subdued, and (by the kings leaue) the Welshwomen marrie with the Englishmen, the Saxon line ceasseth, how long it lasted, and how long it was discontinued by the inuasion of the Danes._

THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER.

[Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] Now it fortuned that both armies, as well the kings as the earles, being prepared to battell, diuerse offers were made on each side (before they fell to the conflict) for an vnitie to haue béene had betwixt the two princes: but when no conditions of agreement could take place, they forthwith prepared themselues to trie the matter by dint of swoord. And so on the 14 day of October, being saturday, both hosts met in the field, at a place in Sussex not farre from Hastings, [Sidenote: The order of the Englishmen.] whereas the abbeie of Battell was afterward builded. The Englishmen were all brought into one entire maine batell on foot, with huge axes [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] in their hands, and paled a front with paueises, in such wise that it was thought vnpossible for the enimie to breake their arraie. On the other side, the Normans were diuided into seuerall battels, as first [Sidenote: The arraie of the Normans.] the footmen that were archers, and also those that bare gleiues and axes were placed in the forefront, and the horssemen diuided into wings stood on the sides in verie good order.

[Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._] All the night before the battell, the Englishmen made great noise and slept not, but sang and fell to drinking and making of reuell & pastime, as though there had beene no account to be made of the next daies trauell. But the Normans behaued themselues warilie and soberlie, spending all that night in praier and confessing their sinnes vnto God; and in the morning earelie they receiued the communion before they went foorth to the battell. Some write, that when duke William should put on his armour to go to the field, the backe halfe of his curasses by chance was set on before by such as holpe to arme him: at which chance he tooke occasion of laughter, saieng merrilie to them that stood by; "No force, this is good lucke, for the estate of my dukedome shall be yer night changed into a kingdome." Beside this, he spake manie comfortable woords vnto his men, to incourage them to the battell. Neither was Harold forgetfull in that point on his part. And so at conuenient time when both armies were readie, they made forward each to incounter with other, on the foresaid fouretéenth day of October, with great force and assurance.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: The battell betwixt king Harold and duke William is begun.] In the beginning of the battell, the arrowes flue abroad freshlie on both sides, till they came to ioine at hand strokes, and then preassed each side vpon his counter part with swoords, axes, and other hand weapons verie egerlie. Duke William commanded his horssemen to giue the charge on the breasts of his enimies battels: but the Englishmen kéeping themselues close togither without scattering, receiued their enimies vpon the points of their weapons with such fiercenesse and in such stiffe order, that manie of the Norman horssemen were ouerthrowne without recouerie, and slaine at the first brunt. When duke William perceiued this inconuenience (as he that well and throughlie vnderstood the skilfull points of warre as well as the best) he gaue a signe to his men (according to an order appointed before hand vpon [Sidenote: The policie of duke William to disorder his enimies.] [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] anie such occasion) that they should giue backe, and make a countenance as though they did flée, which was quicklie doone by the Normans, and withall they imbattelled their footmen in a new order, so that their horssemen shifted themselues on the wings, readie to rescue the footmen if their arraie should happen to be disturbed.

By this wilie stratagem and policie of warre, the Englishmen were deceiued: for they beholding the Normans somwhat shrinking backe to bring themselues into the aboue said order, thought verelie that they had fled, and therevpon meaning to pursue them before they should recouer their ground, they brake their arraie, and began to follow the chase: wherevpon the Normans (perceiuing now that all things came to passe as they desired) spéedilie returned, and casting themselues togither quicklie into arraie, began to charge them againe afresh, and [Sidenote: A sore foughten battell.] [Sidenote: King Harold slaine.] so hauing them at that aduantage, they slue them downe on euerie side. The Englishmen on the other part fought sore, and though their king was beaten downe among them and slaine, yet were they loth to flée or giue ouer; so sharpe was the battell, that duke William himselfe had thrée horsses slaine vnder him that day, and not without great danger of his person.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] Some of the Englishmen got them to the height of an hill, and beate backe the Normans that forced themselues to win the hill of them, so that it was long yer the Normans could preuaile, being oftentimes driuen downe into the botome of the vallie beneath. At length the [Sidenote: The Englishmen put to flight.] Englishmen, perceiuing themselues to be ouermatched and beaten downe on euerie side, and therevnto greatlie discouraged with slaughter of their king, began first to giue ground, and after to scatter and to run away, so that well was he that might then escape by flight. When [Sidenote: _Chron. de bello._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Geme._] [Sidenote: The Normans fall into a ditch.] they had fought the most part of all that saturday, the Normans followed the chase with such eger rashnesse, that a great number of them falling with their horsses and armour into a blind ditch (shadowed with reed and sedges which grew therein) were smouldered and pressed to death, yer they could be succoured or get anie reliefe. The next day the Normans fell to gathering in the spoile of the field, burieng also the dead bodies of their people that were slaine at the battell, giuing licence in semblable manner to the Englishmen to doo [Sidenote: _Giral. Camb._] the like. Of the death of Harold diuerse report diuerslie, in so much that Girald Cambrensis saith, that after king Harold had receiued manie wounds, and lost his left eie, he fled from the field vnto the citie of Westchester, and liued there long after, an holie life, as an anchoret in the cell of S. James, fast by S. Johns church, and there made a godlie end. But the saieng of Girald Cambren. in that point is not to be credited, bicause of the vnlikelihood of the thing it selfe, [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] and also generall consent of other writers, who affirme vniuersallie that he was killed in the battell, first being striken thorough the left eie by the scull into the braine with an arrow, wherevpon falling from his horsse to the ground, he was slaine in that place, after he [Sidenote: _Floriac._] [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] had reigned nine moneths and nine daies, as Floriacensis dooth report. He was a man of a comelie stature, and of a hawtie courage, & albeit that for his valiancie he was highlie renowmed and honored of all men, [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: The chronicles of Normandie haue of English men slaine 67974, and of Normans 6013.] yet through his pride and ambition he lost the harts of manie. There were slaine in this battell, besides king Harold and his two brethren, Girth and Leofrike, what on the one side and on the other, aboue twentie thousand men.

The bodie of king Harold being found among other slaine in the field, was buried at Waltham, within the monasterie of the holie crosse which he before had founded, and indowed to the behoofe of such canons as he had placed there, with faire possessions. Verelie (as some old writers [Sidenote: _Ex_ 6. _libro Polycraticon, side de nugis curialium._] [Sidenote: _John Sarisb._] haue reported) there was nothing in this man to be in anie wise dispraised, if his ambitious mind could haue beene staied from coueting the kingdome, and that he could haue béene contented to haue liued as a subiect. Among other manifest proofes of his high valiancie, this is remembred of him, that being sent against the Welshmen (as before is partlie mentioned) knowing their readie nimblenesse in seruice, and how with their light armed men they were accustomed to annoie and distresse those that should assaile them, he likewise (to match them) prepared light armed men for the purpose, & so being furnished with such bands of nimble men and light souldiers, entered vpon the mounteins of Snowdon, and there remained amongst the enimies for the space of two yéeres. He sore afflicted the Welsh nation, tooke their kings, and sent their heads vnto the king that sent him about his businesse, and proceeding in such rigorous maner as might mooue the hearers to lament and pitie the case, he caused all the male kind that might be met with, to be miserablie slaine: and so with the edge of his swoord he brought the countrie to quiet, and withall made this lawe; that if anie Welshman from thencefoorth should presume to passe the limits ouer Offas ditch with anie weapon about him, he should lose his right hand. To conclude, by the valiant conduct of this chieftaine, the Welshmen were then so sore brought vnder, that in maner the whole nation might séeme to faile, and to be almost vtterlie destroied. And therefore by permission of the king of England, the Women of Wales ioined themselues in marriage with Englishmen. Finallie, héereby the bloud of the Saxons ceassed to reigne in England after they had continued possession of the same, from the first comming of Hengist, which was about the yéere of our Sauiour 450, or 449, vntill that present yeere of king Harolds death, [Sidenote: 1069.] which chanced in the yéere 1069. So that from the beginning of Hengist his reigne, vnto Harolds death, are reckoned 916 yéeres, or (after some) 617, as by the supputation of the time will easilie appeere. By all the which time there reigned kings of the Saxons bloud within this land, except that for the space of twentie yéeres and somewhat more, the Danes had the dominion of the realme in their possession: for there are reckoned from the beginning of K. Swaines reigne (which was the first Dane that gouerned England) vnto the last yéere of K. Hardicnute (the last Dane that ruled heere) 28 yéeres, in which meane space Egelred recouering the kingdome reigned 2 yéeres, then after him his sonne Edmund Ironside continued in the rule one yéere; so that the Danes had the whole possession of the land but 25 yéeres in all. Touching this alteration, and others incident to this Iland, read a short aduertisement annexed (by waie of conclusion) to this historie, comprising a short summarie of the most notable conquests of this countrie one after an other, by distances of times successiuelie.

* * * * *

_The rule of this realme by Gods prouidence allotted to duke William, his descent from Rollo the first duke of Normandie downewards to his particular linage, he was base begotten vpon the bodie of Arlete duke Roberts concubine, a pleasant speech of hirs to duke Robert on a time when he was to haue the vse of hir person, a conclusion introductorie for the sequele of the chronicle from the said duke of Normandies coronation, &c: with a summarie of the notable conquests of this Iland._

THE TWELFE CHAPTER.

Now, forsomuch as it pleased God by his hid and secret iudgement so to dispose the realme of England, and in such wise, as that the gouernance thereof should fall after this maner into the hands of William duke of Normandie, I haue thought good before I enter further into this historie (being now come to the conquest of the realme, made by the foresaid duke of Normandie) to set downe his pedegrée, thereby to shew how he descended from the first duke of that countrie, who was named Rollo, and after by receiving baptisme called Robert.

The said Rollo or Rou, was sonne to a great lord in Denmarke called Guion, who hauing two sons, the said Rou and Gourin, and being appointed to depart the countrie, as the lots fell to him and other (according to the maner there vsed, in time when their people were increased to a greater number than the countrie was able to susteine) refused to obeie that order, and made warre there against the king, who yet in the end by practise found meanes to slea the foresaid Guion, and his sonne Gourin; so that Rou or Rollo, hauing thus lost his father and brother, was compelled to forsake the countrie, with all those that had holpe his father to make warre against the king. Thus driuen to séeke aduentures, at length he became a christian, and was created duke of Normandie, by gift of Charles king of France, surnamed le Simple, whose daughter the ladie Gilla he also maried: but she departing this life without issue, he maried Popée daughter to the earle of Bessin and Baileux, whome he had kept as his wife before he was baptised, and had by hir a sonne named William Longespée, and a daughter named Gerlota.

William Longespée or Longaspata, had to wife the ladie Sporta, daughter to Hubert earle of Senlis, by whome he had issue Richard the second of that name duke of Normardie, who married the ladie Agnes, the daughter of Hugh le grand, earle of Paris, of whome no issue procéeded: but after hir deceasse, he maried to his second wife a gentlewoman named Gonnor, daughter to a knight of the Danish line, by [Sidenote: Ye must note that there was one Richard duke of Normandie before Rollo.] whom he had thrée sonnes, Richard that was after duke of Normandie, the third of that name, Robert and Mauger. He had also by hir three daughters, Agnes otherwise called Emma, married first to Egelred king of England, and after to K. Cnute: Helloie, otherwise Alix, bestowed vpon Geffrey earle of Britaine: and Mawd coupled in marriage with Euldes earle of Charters and Blais. Richard the third of that name maried Iudith, sister to Geffrey earle of Britaine, by whome he had issue thrée sonnes, Richard, Robert, and William, and as manie daughters: Alix, married to Reignold earle of Burgogne, Elenor married to Baldwine earle of Flanders; and the third died yoong, being affianced to Alfonse king of Nauarre. Their mother deceassed after she had beene married ten yéeres, and then duke Richard married secondlie the ladie Estric, sister to Cnute king of England and Denmarke, from whome he purchased to be diuorsed, and then married a gentlewoman called Pauie, by whome he had issue two sonnes, William earle of Arques, and Mauger archbishop of Rouen.

Richard the fourth of that name, duke of Normandie, eldest sonne to Richard the third, died without issue, and then his brother Robert succéeded in the estate, which Robert begat vpon Arlete or Harleuina daughter to a burgesse of Felais, William surnamed the bastard, afterward duke of Normandie, and by conquest king of England. Of whose father duke Robert, & his paramour Arlete, take this pleasant remembrance for a refection after the perusing of the former sad and sober discourses.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm. lib._ 3. _cap._ 1.] [Sidenote: _Ranulph. lib._ 6. _cap._ 19.] In the yéere of Christ 1030, Robert, the second sonne of Richard the second duke of Normandie, and brother to Richard the third duke of that name there hauing with great honour and wisedome gouerned his dukedome seuen yéeres, for performance of a penance that he had set to himselfe, appointed a pilgrimage to Jerusalem; leauing behind him this [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm. lib._ 3. _cap._ 1.] [Sidenote: _Ranulph. lib._ 6. _cap._ 19.] William a yoong prince, whome seuen yéeres before he had begotten vpon his paramour Arlete (whom after he held as his wife) with whose beautifull fauour, louelie grace and presence, at hir dansing on a time then as he was tenderlie touched, for familiar vtterance of his mind what he had further to say, would néeds that night she should be his bedfellow, who else as wiuelesse should haue lien alone: where when she was bestowed, thinking that if she should haue laid hir selfe naked, it might haue séemed not so maidenlie a part: so when the duke was about (as the maner is) to haue lift vp hir linnen, she in an [Sidenote: _Ran. li._ 6. _ca._ 19.] humble modestie staid hir lords hand, and rent downe hir smocke asunder, from the collar to the verie skirt. Heereat the duke all smiling did aske hir what thereby she ment? In great lowlines, with a feate question she answerd againe; "My lord, were it méet that any part of my garments dependant about me downeward, should presume to be mountant to my souereignes mouth vpward? Let your grace pardon me." He liked hir answer: and so and so foorth for that time.

[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._] [Sidenote: _lib._ 3. _cap._ 1.] [Sidenote: _Ran. ibid._] This duke before his voiage, calling at Fiscam all his nobilitie vnto him, caused them to sweare fealtie vnto his yoong sonne William, whome he then at his iournie betooke vnto the gouernance of earle Gilbert, and the defense of the gouernour vnto Henrie the French king. So Robert passing foorth in his pilgrimage, shewed in euerie place and in [Sidenote: _Ran. ibid._] all points a magnanimitie and honour of a right noble prince, and pleasant withall; who once in Iurie not well at ease, in a litter was borne toward Ierusalem vpon Saracens shoulders, & méeting with a subiect of his that was going home toward Normandie: Friend (quoth he) if my people at thy returne aske after me, tell them that thou sawest [Sidenote: _Ran. ibid._] [Sidenote: _Wil. Mal. idem._] [Sidenote: _Ran. idem._] their lord carried to heauen by diuels. The Norman nobilitie during duke Roberts life, did their dutie to the yoong prince faithfullie, but after they heard of his fathers death, they slackened apace, euerie one shifting for himselfe as he list, without anie regard either of oth or obedience toward the pupill their souereigne. Whereby not manie yéeres after, as Gilbert the gouernour, by Rafe the childes coosine germane, was slaine; the dukedome anon, by murther and fighting among themselues was sore troubled in all parts. Thus much a little of duke Robert the father, and of prince William his sonne for part of his tender yéeres.

* * * * *

_A notable aduertisement touching the summe of all the foresaid historie, wherin the foure great and notable conquests of this land are brieflie touched, being a conclusion introductorie, as is said in the argument._

In the former part of this historie it is manifest to the heedful [Sidenote: Britaine inhabited by Brute.] reader, that (after the opinion of most writers) Brute did first inhabit this land; and called it then after his owne name, Britaine, in the yéere after the creation of the world 2855, and in the yéere before the incarnation of Christ 1108. ¶ Furthermore the said land of [Sidenote: 1 Britaine conquered by the Romans.] Britaine was conquered by C. Iulius Cesar, and made tributarie to the Romans in the 50 yéere before the natiuitie of Christ, and so continued 483 yéeres. So that the Britains reigned without tribute and vnder tribute, from Brute, vntill the fourth yeere of the reigne of king Cadwalladar, which was in the yéere of our Lord 686. And so the Britains had continuance of the gouernement of this land the space of 1794 yéeres. Then was the realme of Britaine an heptarchie, that is, diuided into seuen kingdoms. And Britaine receiued the faith of Christ [Sidenote: 2 Britaine conquered and ouercome by the Saxons.] in the 7 yéere of the reigne of king Lucius, which was in the 187 yéere after the birth of Christ. ¶ Next after the Britains entered the Saxons, in the third yéere of king Vortiger; and in the yéere of our Lord 450, and they gouerned vntill the last yéere of king Athelstane, which was in the yéere of Christ 938. So that the time of the Saxons first entrance into this realme, and the time of their regiment was the space of 487 yéeres. ¶ Howbeit, in the time of their gouernement, that is to say, in the 9 yéere of king Britricus, which was in the [Sidenote: 3 Britaine conquered and ouercome by the Danes.] yéere of our Lord 387, the Danes entred into this land, spoiling and persecuting the people therin most gréeuouslie. At the last, Sweno or Swaine the Dane obteined possession roiall, in the yéere of Grace 1012, whose time of regiment lasted about three yéeres. After whom his sonne Canutus succeeded, and reigned 19 yéeres. After him Harold his sonne, who ruled thrée yeeres: and after him Hardicnute the sonne of Canutus, whose gouernement continued but thrée yeeres. This Hardicnute was the last king of the Danes, at which time the Danes were expelled and hunted out of the realme, which was in the yéere of our Lord 1042. So that it may appeare by this collection, that the Danes ruled as kings in this land by the space of 28 yéeres. Hereby also it is euident, that from the time of the first entrance of the Danes into [Sidenote: 4 Britaine conquered and possessed by the Normans.] this realme, vntill their last expulsion & riddance, was 255 yéeres. ¶ Finallie the Normans entred this land likewise, and conquered the same as before is expressed, in the yéere of our Lord 1067, which is since, vntill this present yéere of our Lord 1585, drawing néere to the number of 600 and od yéeres.

Now let these alterations of regiments be remembred [touching the which read a notable animaduersion in the description of Britaine, pag. 49, 50, 51] and teach vs that therein the iudgements of God reuealed themselues to speciall purposes. And whatsoeuer hath béene mentioned before, either concerning the subuersion of people, the desolation of prouinces, the ouerthrow of nobles, the ruine of princes, and other lamentable accidents diuerslie happening vpon sundrie occasions; let vs (I say) as manie as will reape fruit by the reading of chronicles, imagine the matters which were so manie yéeres past to be present, and applie the profit and commoditie of the same vnto our selues; knowing (as one wisely said) _Post sacram paginam chronica vivum veritatis typum gerere_, that next vnto the holie scripture, chronicles doo carie credit. But now to the sequele, and first to duke William of Normandie.

_Thus farre the historie of England from Noah and his sonnes, &c; to William duke of Normandie. Hereafter followeth a chronologicall continuation beginning at the first yeere of the said dukes reigne ouer this land, vntill the 25 yeere of the Queenes most excellent maiestie Elizabeth, &c; whose daies God in mercie prolong (like the daies of heauen) in peace and prosperitie, &c._

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

* * * * *

Transcriber's Note (1)

_ _ denotes italic text;

= = denotes Old English script, which is also bold.

[=a] (etc.) denotes a macron (straight line over a vowel).

Macrons on vowels ([=a], [=e], [=i], [=o], [=u]) sometimes indicate that 'n' has been omitted from the word. (Abbreviation in Mediæval manuscripts).

[Sidenotes] in the original were printed on the edge of the pages, as a type of index of the contents.

Elizabethan words and spellings have been retained (e.g. 'height' and 'heigth' are both used, sometimes in the same sentence; 'hight' = 'known as, called, etc.').

Only obvious printer's errors have been corrected, as when a letter seems to have been inverted ('n' for 'u').

The letters 'u' and 'v' are mostly interchanged; as, e.g., "in haruest time" and "vnder a bridge".

If a word or name did not fit the context, it was researched, and corrections made, if necessary.

There are a few printer's errors in this edition, which have been checked using the online 1587 edition (which itself is not without printing errors) as reference.

(http://sceti.library.upenn.edu/sceti/PrintedBooksnew/ index.cfm?TextID=holinshed_chronicle).

Also used were the Oxford English Dictionary (OED), and online Middle English and Anglo-Saxon Dictionaries, as well as online Wikipedia.

Some, but by no means all, of 'ee' has the first 'e' marked with an acute accent. This is not consistent. Where the 'é' is obviously missing from the scan, it has not been added to the text. This inconsistency in spelling and accents is an integral part of some very old books.

There are some instances of round brackets which have been opened and not closed, or nested, with only one pair closed (or closed, without having been opened). These have been retained as such.

Some placenames may have changed with the passage of time.

Some damaged or missing punctuation has been restored, but the punctuation in the lists at the end of Description III is as it appeared in the scans, and in the online edition.

There are a few instances of repeated word 'too'. These have been retained, being probably the author's personal style:

'is too too plaine' 'being too too much' 'haue too too manie'. 'too too lewd'

Page 43: "practise and put in vre within your realme and kingdome."

'vre', or 'ure', is an antique word, which survives in the modern word 'inure'.

(Ure) n. [OE. ure, OF. oevre, ovre, ouvre, work, F. [oe]uvre, L. opera. cf. Inure.] Use; practice; exercise. [Obs.] (Ure), v. t. To use; to exercise; to inure; to accustom by practice. [Obs.] (Webster's online dictionary, 1913 edition).

Page 67: 'barnacle'; 'barnacls'; 'barnacles' ... there were no spelling conventions in Holinshed's time. 'barnacls' matches 1587 ed.

Page 110: Cainborne is possibly a misprint, or name change, for Camborne, a town in the relevant locality.

"The Caine riseth southeast of Caineburne [or Camborne] towne a mile and more, from whence it goeth without increase by west of Gwethian, and so into the sea west of Mara Darwaie."

Page 252: 'hanting' could mean 'haunting', or 'frequenting'.

"... they ruffle and roist it out, excéeding in apparell, and hanting riotous companie (which draweth them from their bookes vnto an other trade.)"

Page 255: 'Philip' is an abbreviation for Queen Philippa (Philippe (d'Avesnes) de Hainaut), Edward III's Queen.

Page 347: [Sidenote: Gipping, of going vp to anie place.] Chipping Walden, of the Saxon word gipping (or ghipping) uses the insular 'g', variant of (lowercase) yogh.

(http: //en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Insular_G)

Page 358: 'cuphar'.

"Of all the elms that euer I saw, those in the south side of Douer court, in Essex néere Harwich are the most notable, for they grow (I meane) in crooked maner, that they are almost apt for nothing else but nauie timber, great ordinance, and béetels: and such thereto is their naturall qualitie, that being vsed in the said behalfe, they continue longer, and more long than anie the like trées in whatsoeuer parcell else of this land, without cuphar, shaking, or cleauing, as I find."

Possibly from 'ceorfan' to cut, cut down. (coppice?)

Page 386: 'Bratius' is probably 'Gratius'.

"Bratius De venatione, 1/386 - probably Faliscus Gratius, De venatione, 1534."

(http://www.cems.ox.ac.uk/holinshed/ Catalogue%20of%20additional%20sources....-1.pdf)

Page 663: 'Sodulius in car. Pasch', 1/663 – Caelius Sedulius (probably fl. mid 5th century), poet,. Carmen Paschale, 1475>.

(www.cems.ox.ac.uk/.../Catalogue%20of%20additional%20sources...-1.pdf)

Errata

Page 1: 'used' corrected to 'vsed', and 'upon' to vpon', for consistency, and as in 1587 edition.

"9 Of the ancient religion vsed in Albion." "10 Of such Ilands as are to be seene vpon the coasts of Britaine."

Page 14: 'hane' corrected to 'haue', as in 1587 edition.

"Besides these aforesaid nations, which haue crept (as you haue heard) into our Iland,"

Page 26: 'Dehenbarth' corrected to 'Deheubarth'.

"In the begining it was diuided into two kingdoms onelie, that is to saie, Venedotia or Gwynhedh (otherwise called Deheubarth)...."

Page 42: 'who lieconsented' corrected to 'wholie consented', as in 1587 edition.

"and foorthwith wholie consented to make a diuision of this land...."

Page 84: missing word "far" inserted, as in 1587 edition

"... Helledon parish, not far from Danberie,..."

Page 102: 'Ater' corrected to 'After', as in 1587 edition.

"After this confluence it goeth on toward the south, till it méet with a pretie brooke rising northeast of Whettell...."

Page 102: 'Done stroke' is probably a misprint for 'Dones broke' or 'Danes broke' (brook), which actually exists in the place mentioned. And 'Hawkbridge' may be a misprint for 'Hawkridge'.

"... on by west of the beacon that beareth the name of Haddon, & soone [Sidenote: Barleie.] after taketh in the Barleie, that receiueth in like sort the Done at [Sidenote: Done aliàs Dones broke.] Hawkbridge, and from hence goeth by Dauerton, and Combe, and then doth méet with the Exe, almost in the verie confines betwéene Dorset & Summersetshires."

Page 128: 'Monemouch' corrected to 'Monemouth' as in 'Monemouth' in previous sentence, and in 1587 edition.

"The Romenie ... is a goodlie water, and from the head a march betwéen Monemouth and Glamorgan shires."

Page 128: 'pound.' corrected to 'pounds.' as in 1587 edition.

Sidenote: "This Ile went fiftie yeares agone for x. pounds."

Page 130: 'Wormeslead' corrected to 'Wormeshead'.

"Then casting about by Oxwich point, we go onward there by, and sailing flat north by the Holme (hauing passed the Wormeshead and S. Kennets chappell) and then ... northeast by Whitford point,..."

Page 135: 'Marierdiue' corrected to 'Marierdine', as above, and as in 1587 edition. 'Monardiue' is as in 1587 edition. (It is now called 'Manordeifi', or 'Maenordeifi', and is a small village in north Pembrokeshire http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manordeifi).

"... goeth by Marierdine, and so to Cardigon, taking in one rill from by north descending by Penneralt, by north of Monardiue or Marierdine,..."

Page 135: 'Oswid' corrected to 'Oscoid' as in 1587 edition.

"... Lantwood north west of Oscoid Mortemer,..."

Page 187: 'féeed' has been retained: 'fée-ed'?

"... & that euerie one which by féeed friendship (or otherwise) dooth attempt to procure oughts from the prince, that may profit but few and proue hurtfull to manie,..."

Page 202: 'Pits' corrected to 'Picts', as in 1587 edition.

"... and in all these wars against them, he had the seruice and obeisance of Scots and Picts."

Page 222: 'uame' corrected to 'name'

"They beare also the name of their high chapleins continuallie,..."

Page 223: (printer's error: long 's' confused with 't'): 'to' corrected to 'so', as in 1587 online edition.

"... escaped to his ships, and so returned into Normandie."

Page 243: 'iarror' is unknown. Perhaps misprint for 'terrier2', Land Register, which fits the context.

From OED: terrier2, noun. Book recording site, boundaries, etc., of land of private persons or corporations; (hist.) collection of acknowledgements of vassals or tenants of a lordship.

"I haue seene and had an ancient terrier of the lands of this monasterie,..."

Page 244: 'Lindeffarne' corrected to 'Lindesfarne'.

(Printer's confusion of 'f' with long 's'. Correct in 'Description 1').

Page 254: 'hain' (a Middle English word meaning a park or enclosure), corrected to 'haue' which fits the context.

"... so that there are not manie corporat townes now vnder the quéenes dominion, that haue not one Gramar schoole at the least, with a sufficient liuing for a maister and vsher appointed to the same."

Page 256: 'I' corrected to "In"

"In my opinion...."

Page 260: 'fiue wapentaxes'. This may be correct, or an error for 'wapentakes', which also appears.

Page 269: 'Sir Sanchet Dambricourt' corrected to 'Sir Sanchet D'Abrichecourt'.

Sir Sanchet D'Abrichecourt (c.1330-c.1360) was a French knight and a founder Knight of the Garter. His surname was alternatively spelt D'Abridgecourt, Dabridgcourt, Dabrichecourt or Aubréciourt and derived from the Hainault town of Auberchicourt. His father, Nicholas D'Abrichecourt, a nobleman from Hainault, had come to England in 1326 as an escort of Queen Isabella. (Wikipedia)

Page 274: 'ro corrected to 'or', and 'rae' corrected to 'are', as 1587 online edition.

"But these citizens or burgesses are to serue the commonwealth in their cities and boroughs,..."

Page 282: 'savoureth' corrected to 'sauoureth', to match similar, and 1587 online edition.

"... their talke is now and then such as sauoureth of scurrilitie"

Page 287: 'calla breakefast' corrected to 'call a breakefast', as 1587 online edition.

"... although a little something was allowed in the morning to yoong children which we now call a breakefast."

Page 291: 'hous econsisting' corrected to 'house consisting', as 1587 online edition.

"... the higher or vpper house consisting of the nobilitie,..."

Page 295: Southampton' corrected to 'Southhampton' to match online ed.

"The borough of Southhampton."

Page 296: 'The borough of Caine' corrected to 'The borough of Calne'.

'The borough of Calne' is in Wiltshire; 'The borough of Caine' does not exist.

Page 299: Grecklade corrected to 'Cricklade' (alternate spelling 'Crekelade'). 'Cricklade' occurs earlier, in the list of Wilton (Wiltshire) boroughs.

Page 332: 'alsolued' corrected to 'absolued' to match other instances on same page, and 1587 edition.

"... till by repentance he deserue to be absolued."

Page 344: 'inhabit' corrected to 'inhibit', as 1587 edition.

"... till a law was made which did inhibit and restraine them."

Page 350: 'CHAP. XIX.' (second instance) corrected to 'CHAP. XX.' (which was missing)

Page 354: 'Cydims' corrected to 'Cydnus'.

"The Cydnus in Tarsus of Cilicia, is of such vertue,..."

Page 366: 'aeader' corrected to 'reader'.

"... I might make a greater chapter than would be either conuenient or profitable to the reader:"

Page 494: 'sush' corrected to 'such', as 1587 online edition.

"... within the which they were accustomed to sacrifice such as they tooke prisoners,..."

Page 497: 'increaes' corrected to 'increase', as 1586 online edition.

"... onelie to the Romans the dead doo still liue, and all to increase their commoditie and gaine."

Page 540: 'enterprisee' corrected to 'enterprises', as 1586 online edition.

"¶ If therefore the Britaine writers had considered and marked the valiant exploits and noble enterprises which the Brittish aids, armies and legions atchiued in seruice of the Romane emperours...."

Page 566: 'whreof' corrected to 'wherof', as 1587 online edition.

"'but in stead of that which should haue brought him health, he gaue him poison, wherof he died shortlie after at Winchester aforesaid,"

Page 577: 'buruished' corrected to 'burnished'.

"... of colour like to the burnished gold, which being touched, immediatlie fell to dust."

Page 600: 'Cantrburie' corrected to 'Canturburie', as 1587 online edition.

"... the indeuour of Laurence archbishop of Canturburie in setting religion at large,..."

Page 605: 'shost' corected to 'short', as 1587 online edition.

"... caried vnder his coate a short double edged woodknife inuenomed of purpose,..."

Page 626: 'pope Grogories' corrected to 'pope Gregories', as 1587 online edition.

"after the maner as he had learned of pope Gregories disciples."

Page 629: The year 872 would be a misprint for 672, which makes sense in the context.

Page 640: 'espistle' corrected to 'epistle'.

"The same Bonifacius in an other epistle wich he wrote vnto Cutbert the archbishop of Canturburie,..."

Page 700: 'forvest' corrected to 'forrest', as 1587 online edition.

"Afterward by chance as he was hunting in a forrest néere the castell of Corfe,..."

_Titles and filenumbers of the presently posted Project Gutenberg files which are included in this "Complete" version._

Chronicles, Volume I: Descriptions I - III - 42506 by Raphaell Holinshed

[Holinshed Chronicles 1, the Histories, Volume 1]

The First Booke of the Historie of England - 16496

The Second Booke of the Historie of England - 13624

The Third Booke of the Historie of England - 16511

The Fovrth Booke of the Historie of England - 16536

The Fift Booke of the Historie of England - 16555

The Sixt Booke of the Historie of England - 16610

The Seuenth Booke of the Historie of England - 16617

The Eight Booke of the Historie of England - 16669