vi. 402; but this I have not been able to find, nor, in either

writer, any suggested _rationale_ of the idiom.

[193] There seems to have been great oscillation of traffic in this matter. About 1873, one of the present writers, then resident at Palermo, sent, in compliance with a request from Lahore, a collection of plants of many (about forty) varieties of _citrus_ cultivated in Sicily, for introduction into the Punjab. This despatch was much aided by the kindness of Prof. Todaro, in charge of the Royal Botanic Garden at Palermo.

[194] In Reiske's version "poma stupendae molis et excellentissima."—_Büsching's Magazin_, iv. 230.

[195] Prinsep's _Useful Tables_, by E. Thomas, p. 19.

[196] Giles, _Glossary of Reference_, s.v.

[197] "The prayer that they say daily consists of these words: '_Pacauta! Pacauta! Pacauta!_' And this they repeat 104 times."—(Bk. iii. ch. 17.) The word is printed in Ramusio _pacauca_; but no one familiar with the constant confusion of _c_ and _t_ in medieval manuscript will reject this correction of M. Pauthier. Bishop Caldwell observes that the word was probably _Bagavā_, or _Pagavā_, the Tamil form of _Bhagavata_, "Lord"; a word reiterated in their sacred formulæ by Hindus of all sorts, especially Vaishnava devotees. The words given by Marco Polo, if written "_Pagoda! Pagoda! Pagoda!_" would be almost undistinguishable in sound from _Pacauta_.

[198] Or our symbol (Et ligand), now modified into (&), which is in fact Latin _et_, but is read 'and."

[199] "The peculiar mode of writing Pahlavi here alluded to long made the character of the language a standing puzzle for European scholars, and was first satisfactorily explained by Professor Haug, of Munich, in his admirable Essay on the Pahlavi Language, already cited" (_West_, p. xii.).

[200] In _Canticles_, iii. 9, the "ferculum _quod fecit sibi rex Salomon de lignis Libani_" is in the Hebrew _appiryōn_, which has by some been supposed to be Greek φορεῖον; highly improbable, as the litter came to Greece from the East. Is it possible that the word can be in some way taken from _paryañka_? The R.V. has _palanquin_. [See the discussion in _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. 2804 _seq._].

[201] "_Pagos do aljube._" We are not sure of the meaning.

[202] The writer is here led away by Wilford's nonsense.

[203] Query (i.) _rámún_ (Hind.) or _rama_ (Ladakhi) _chhelli_ = the _rama_ (special variety of goat) -goat; (ii.) or is Salbank mixing _rama-shál_ (goat-shawl), the product, with the name of the animal producing the raw material?

[204] This is the true reading, see note at the place, and _J. R. As. Soc._ N.S.

[205] See _Journ. As._, Ser. II., tom. viii. 352.

[206] See also _De Candolle, Plantes Cultivées_, p. 234.

[207] "_E foy dar no golfam_ do estreito de Magalhães." I cannot explain the use of this name. It must be applied here to the Sea between Banda and Timor.

[208] Antonio Nunez, "Comtador da Casa del Rey noso Senhor," who in 1554 compiled the _Livro dos Pesos da Ymdia e asy Medidas e Mohedas_, says of Diu in particular:

"The moneys here exhibit such variations and such differences, that it is impossible to write any thing certain about them; for every month, every 8 days indeed, they rise and fall in value, according to the money that enters the place" (p. 28).

[209] I invert the similar table given by Dr. Badger in his notes to Varthema.

[210] The issues of FANAMS, q.v., have been infinite; but they have not varied much in weight, though very greatly in alloy, and therefore in the number reckoned to a pagoda.

"2 gunjās = 1 dugala 2 dugalas = 1 chavula (= the panam or fanam), 2 chavalas = 1 hoṇa (= the PRATAPA, máda, or _half pagoda_), 2 hoṇṇas = 1 Varāha (the hūn or pagoda)".

"The ganjā or unit (= ¼ fanam) is the rati, or Sanskrit raktika, the seed of the _abrus_."—_Op. cit._ p. 224, _note_. See also Sir W. Elliot's _Coins of S. India_, p. 56.

[212] 360 _reis_ is the equivalent in the authorities, so far as I know.

[213] Even the pound sterling, since it represented a pound of silver sterlings, has come down to one-third of that value; but if the value of silver goes on dwindling as it has done lately, our pound might yet justify its name again!

I have remarked elsewhere:

"Everybody seems to be tickled at the notion that the Scotch Pound or _Livre_ was only 20 pence. Nobody finds it funny that the French or Italian _Livre_ or Pound is only 20 halfpence or less!" I have not been able to trace how high the _rei_ began, but the _maravedi_ entered life as a gold piece, equivalent to the Saracen _mithḳāl_, and ended—?

[214] I calculate all gold values in this paper at those of the present English coinage.

Besides the gradual depreciation of the Portugal _rei_, so prominently noticed in this paper, there was introduced in Goa a reduction of the _rei_ locally below the _rei_ of Portugal in the ratio of 15 to 8. I do not know the history or understand the object of such a change, nor do I see that it affects the calculations in this article. In a table of values of coins current in Portuguese India, given in the _Annaes Maritimos_ of 1844, each coin is valued both in _Reis of Goa_ and in _Reis of Portugal_, bearing the above ratio. My kind correspondent, Dr. J. N. Fonseca, author of the capital _History of Goa_, tells me that this was introduced in the beginning of the 17th century, but that he has yet found no document throwing light upon it. It is a matter quite apart from the secular depreciation of the _rei_.

[215] Thus Alboquerque, returning to Europe in 1504, gives a "Moorish" pilot, who carried him by a new course straight from Cannanore to Mozambique, a BUCKSHISH of 50 _cruzados_; this is explained as £5—a mild munificence for such a feat. In truth it was nearly £24, the _cruzado_ being about the same as the sequin (see i. p. 17).

The mint at Goa was farmed out by the same great man, after the conquest, for 600,000 _reis_, amounting, we are told, to £125. It was really £670 (iii. 41).

Alboquerque demands as ransom to spare Muscat "10,000 xerafins of gold." And we are told by the translator that this ransom of a wealthy trading city like Muscat amounted to £625. The coin in question is the _ashrafi_, or gold dīnār, as much as, or more than the sequin in value, and the sum more than £5000 (i. p. 82).

In the note to the first of these cases it is said that the _cruzado_ is "a silver coin (formerly gold), now equivalent to 480 _reis_, or about 2_s._ English money, but probably worth much more relatively in the time of Dalboquerque." "Much more relatively" means of course that the 2_s._ had much more purchasing power.

This is a very common way of speaking, but it is often very fallaciously applied. The change in purchasing power _in India_ generally till the beginning of last century was probably not very great. There is a curious note by Gen. Briggs in his translation of Firishta, comparing the amount stated by Firishta to have been paid by the Bāhmanī King, about A.D. 1470, as the annual cost of a body of 500 horse, with the cost of a British corps of Irregular horse of the same strength in Briggs's own time (say about 1815). The Bāhmanī charge was 350,000 Rs.; the British charge 219,000 Rs. A corps of the same strength would now cost the British Government, as near as I can calculate, 287,300 Rs.

The price of an Arab horse imported into India (then a great traffic) was in Marco Polo's time about three times what it was in our own, up to 1850.

The salary of the Governor at Goa, c. 1550, was 8000 _cruzados_, or nearly £4000 a year; and the salaries of the commandants of the fortresses of Goa, of Malacca, of Dio, and of Bassain, 600,000 _reis_, or about £670.

The salary of Ibn Batuta, when Judge of Delhi, about 1340, was 1000 silver _tankas_ or _dinārs_ as he calls them (practically 1000 rupees) a month, which was in addition to an assignment of villages bringing in 5000 _tankas_ a year. And yet he got into debt in a very few years to the tune of 55,000 _tankas_—say £5,500!

[216] Dr. D'Acunha has set this English traveller down to 1684, and introduces a quotation from him in illustration of the coinage of the latter period, in his quasi-chronological notes, a new element in the confusion of his readers.

[217] "3 _plaghe_" in Balbi.

[218] "_Serafinno di argento_" (_ibid._).

[219] "_Quando si parla di pardai d'oro s'intendono, tanghe 6, di buona moneta_" (Balbi). This does not mean the old _pardao d'ouro_ or golden pagoda, a sense which apparently had now become obsolete, but that in dealing in jewels, &c., it was usual to settle the price in pardaos of 6 good tangas instead of 5 (as we give doctors guineas instead of pounds). The actual _pagodas of gold_ are also mentioned by Balbi, but these were worth, new ones 7½ and old ones 8 tangas of good money.

[220] No doubt, however, foreign coins were used to make up sums, and reduce the bulk of small change.

[221] Sir W. Elliot refers to the Aśoka inscription (Edict II.) as bearing _Palaya_ or _Paraya_, named with Choḍa (or Chola), Kerala, &c., as a country or people "in the very centre of the Dravidian group ... a reading which, if it holds good, supplies a satisfactory explanation of the origin of the Paria name and nation" (in _J. Ethnol. Soc._ N.S., 1869, p. 103). But apparently the reading has not held good, for M. Senart reads the name _Pām̃dya_ (see _Ind. Ant._ ix. 287). [Mr. V. A. Smith writes: "The Girnar text is very defective in this important passage, which is not in the Dhauli text; that text gives only 11 out of the 14 edicts. The capital of the _Pām̃diyan_ Kingdom was Madura. The history of the kingdom is very imperfectly known. For a discussion of it see _Sewell, Lists of Antiquities_, Madras, vol. ii. Of course it has nothing to do with PARIAS."]

[222] "... great diversion is found ... in firing balls at birds, particularly the _albitross_, a large species of the swan, commonly seen within two or three hundred miles round the Cape of Good Hope, and which the French call _Montons_ (Moutons) du _Cap_."—_Munro's Narrative_, 13. The confusion of genera here equals that mentioned in our article above.

[223] It is an easy assumption that this export trade from India was killed by the development of machinery in England. We can hardly doubt that this cause would have killed it in time. But it was not left to any such lingering and natural death. Much time would be required to trace the whole of this episode of "ancient history." But it is certain that this Indian trade was not killed by natural causes: _it was killed by prohibitory duties_. These duties were so high in 1783 that they were declared to operate as a premium on smuggling, and they were _reduced_ to 18 per cent. _ad valorem_. In the year 1796-97 the value of piece-goods from India imported into England was £2,776,682, or one-third of the whole value of the imports from India, which was £8,252,309. And in the sixteen years between 1793-4 and 1809-10 (inclusive) the imports of Indian piece-goods amounted in value to £26,171,125.

In 1799 the duties were raised. I need not give details, but will come down to 1814, just before the close of the war, when they were, I believe, at a maximum. The duties then, on "plain white calicoes," were:—

£ _s._ _d._ Warehouse duty 4 0 0 per cent. War enhancement 1 0 0 " Customs duty 50 0 0 " War enhancement 12 10 0 " ---------- Total 67 10 0 per cent. on value.

There was an Excise duty upon British manufactured and printed goods of 3½_d._ per square yard, and of twice that amount on foreign (Indian) calico and muslin printed in Great Britain, and the whole of both duty and excise upon such goods was recoverable as drawback upon re-exportation. But on the exportation of Indian white goods there was no drawback recoverable; and stuffs printed in India were at this time, so far as we can discern, _not admitted through the English Custom-house at all_ until 1826, when they were admitted on a duty of 3½_d._ per square yard. (See in the _Statutes_, 43 Geo. III. _capp._ 68, 69, 70; 54 Geo. III. _cap._ 36; 6 Geo. IV. _cap._ 3; also _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, iv. 426).

In Sir A. Arbuthnot's publication of _Sir T. Munro's Minutes_ (_Memoir_, p. cxxix.) he quotes a letter of Munro's to a friend in Scotland, written about 1825, which shows him surprisingly before his age in the matter of Free Trade, speaking with reference to certain measures of Mr. Huskisson's. The passage ends thus: "India is the country that has been worst used in the new arrangements. All her products ought undoubtedly to be imported freely into England, upon paying the same duties, and no more, which English duties [? manufactures] pay in India. When I see what is done in Parliament against India, I think that I am reading about Edward III. and the Flemings."

Sir A. Arbuthnot adds very appropriately a passage from a note by the late Prof. H. H. Wilson in his continuation of James Mill's _History of India_ (1845, vol. i. pp. 538-539), a passage which we also gladly insert here:

"It was stated in evidence (in 1813) that the cotton and silk goods of India, up to this period, could be sold for a profit in the British market at a price from 50 to 60 per cent. lower than those fabricated in England. It consequently became necessary to protect the latter by duties of 70 or 80 per cent. on their value, or by positive prohibition. Had this not been the case, had not such prohibitory duties and decrees existed, the mills of Paisley and of Manchester would have been stopped in their outset, and could hardly have been again set in motion, even by the powers of steam. They were created by the sacrifice of the Indian manufactures. Had India been independent, she would have retaliated; would have imposed preventive duties upon British goods, and would thus have preserved her own productive industry from annihilation. This act of self-defence was not permitted her; she was at the mercy of the stranger. British goods were forced upon her without paying any duty; and the foreign manufacturer employed the arm of political injustice to keep down and ultimately strangle a competitor with whom he could not contend on equal terms."

[224] See details in the _Field_ of Nov. 15, 1884, p. 667, courteously given in reply to a query from the present writer.

[225] Thomas Rastall or Rastell went out apparently in 1615, in 1616 is mentioned as a "chief merchant of the fleet at SWALLY Road," and often later as chief at Surat (see _Sainsbury_, i. 476, and ii. _passim_).

[226] _Pera o sapal_, _i.e._ 'for the marsh.' We cannot be certain of the meaning of this; but we may note that in 1543 the King, as a favour to the city of Goa, and for the commodity of its shipping and the landing of goods, &c., makes a grant "of the marsh inundated with sea-water (_do_ sapal _alagado dagoa salgada_) which extends along the river-side from the houses of Antonio Correa to the houses of Afonso Piquo, which grant is to be perpetual ... to serve for a landing-place and quay for the merchants to moor and repair their ships, and to erect their BANKSHALLS (_bangaçaes_), and never to be turned away to any other purpose." Possibly the fines went into a fund for the drainage of this _sapal_ and formation of landing-places. See _Archiv. Port. Orient._, Fasc. 2, pp. 130-131.

[227] We do not know what word is intended, unless it be a special use of Ar. _baṭan_, 'the interior or middle of a thing.' Dorn refers to a note, which does not exist in his book. Bellew gives the title conferred by the Prophet as "_Pīhtān_ or _Pāthān_, a term which in the Syrian language signifies a rudder." Somebody else interprets it as 'a mast.'

[228] P. _pāsbān_ and _nigabān_, both meaning literally 'watch-keeper,' the one from _pās_, 'a watch,' in the sense of a division of the day, the other from _nigah_, 'watch,' in the sense of 'heed' or 'observation.' [_Dusaud_ = _Dosādh_, a low caste often employed as watchmen.]

[229] Favre gives (_Dict. Malay-Français_): "_Duku_" (_buwa_ is = fruit). "Nom d'un fruit de la grosseur d'un œuf de poule; il parait être une grosse espèce de _Lansium_." (It is _L. domesticum_.) The _Rambeh_ is figured by Marsden in Atlas to _Hist. of Sumatra_, 3rd ed. pl. vi. and pl. ix. It seems to be _Baccaurea dulcis_, Müll. (_Pierardia dulcis_, Jack).

[230] Müller and (very positively) Fabricius discard Βουτύρου for Βοσμόρου, which "no fellow understands." A. Hamilton (i. 136) mentions "Wheat, Pulse, and _Butter_" as exports from _Mangaroul_ on this coast. He does _not_ mention _Bosmoron_!

[231] This is shown by a 17th century Dutch chart in I.O. to be a creek on the west side, very little below Diamond Point. It is also shown in Tassin's _Maps of the R. Hoogly_, 1835; not later.

[232] This also points to the locality of Diamond Harbour, and the Chingrī Khāl.

[233] These ingots were called _saum_. Ibn Batuta says: "At one day's journey from Ukak are the hills of the Rūs, who are Christians; they have red hair and blue eyes, they are ugly in feature and crafty in character. They have silver mines, and they bring from their country _saum_, _i.e._ ingots of silver, with which they buy and sell in that country. The weight of each ingot is five ounces."—ii. 414. Pegolotti (c. 1340), speaking of the land-route to Cathay, says that on arriving at Cassai (_i.e._ _Kinsay_ of Marco Polo or Hang-chau-fu) "you can dispose of the _sommi_ of silver that you have with you ... and you may reckon the _sommo_ to be worth 5 golden florins" (see in _Cathay_, &c., ii. 288-9, 293). It would appear from Wasāf, quoted by Hammer (_Geschichte der Goldenen Horde_, 224), that gold ingots also were called _sum_ or _saum_. The ruble is still called _sūm_ in Turkestan.

[234] The term _Sonaut_ rupees, which was of frequent occurrence down to the reformation and unification of the Indian coinage in 1833, is one very difficult to elucidate. The word is properly _sanwāt_, pl. of Ar. _sana(t)_, a year. According to the old practice in Bengal, coins deteriorated in value, in comparison with the rupee of account, when they passed the third year of their currency, and these rupees were termed _Sanwāt_ or _Sonaut_. But in 1773, to put a stop to this inconvenience, Government determined that all rupees coined in future should bear the impression of the 19th _san_ or year of Shāh 'Alam (the Mogul then reigning). And in all later uses of the term _Sonaut_ it appears to be equivalent in value to the Farrukhābād rupee, or the modern "Company's Rupee" (which was of the same standard).

[235] Like the Βαιτύλιον which the Greeks got through the Semitic nations. In Photius there are extracts from Damascius (_Life of Isidorus the Philosopher_), which speak of the stones called _Baitulos_ and _Baitulion_, which were objects of worship, gave oracles, and were apparently used in healing. These appear, from what is stated, to have been meteoric stones. There were many in Lebanon (see _Phot. Biblioth._, ed. 1653, pp. 1047, 1062-3).

[236] "It is curious that without any allusion to this work, another on the Veterinary Art, styled _Sálotari_, and said to comprise in the Sanskrit original 16,000 _slokas_, was translated in the reign of Sháh Jahán ... by Saiyad 'Abdulla Khán Bahádur Firoz Jang, who had found it among some other Sanskrit books which ... had been plundered from Amar Singh, Ráná of Chitor."

[237] Of the birch-tree, Sansk. _bhurja_, _Betula Bhojpattra_, Wall., the exfoliating outer bark of which is called _tōz_.

[238] In a Greek translation of Shakspere, published some years ago at Constantinople, _this line is omitted_!

[239] _Corvina_ is applied by Cuvier, Cantor and others to fish of the genus _Sciaena_ of more recent ichthyologists.

[240] "_Cybium_ (_Scomber_, Linn.) _guttatum_."—_Tennent._

[241] Not a general officer, but a letter from the body of the Council.

[242] On another B.M. copy of an earlier edition than that quoted, and which belonged to Jos. Scaliger, there is here a note in his autograph: "Id est _Caesar_, non est vox Tatarica, sed Vindica seu Illyrica, ex Latino detorta."

"At pueri ludentes, _Rex eris_, aiunt, Si recte facies."—_Hor. Ep._ I. i.

[244] On the probable indication of Great and Little used in this fashion, see remarks in notes on _Marco Polo_, bk. iii. ch. 9.

[245] In both written alike, but the final _t_ in Arabic is generally silent, giving _sharba_, in Persian _sharbat_. So we get _minaret_ from Pers. and Turk. _munārat_, in Ar. (and in India) _munāra_ [_manār_, _manāra_].

[246] "SEWALICK is the term, according to the common acceptation; but Capt. Kirkpatrick proves, from the evident etymology of it, that it should be SEWA-LUCK."—_Note by Rennell._

[247] This is apparently a mistake. The proposals were certainly original with Mr. Yule.

[248] Here is an instance in which scarlet is used for 'scarlet broadcloth':

c. 1665.—"... they laid them out, partly in fine Cotton Cloth ... partly in Silken Stuffs streaked with Gold and Silver, to make Vests and Summer-Drawers of; partly in English SCARLET, to make two Arabian Vests of for their King...."—_Bernier_, E.T. 43; [ed. _Constable_, 139].

[249] Togrul Beg, founder of the Seljuk dynasty, called by various Western writers _Tangrolipix_, and (as here) _Strangolipes_.

[250] "... hum rio ... que corta do mar todo aquelle terço de terra."... We are not quite sure how to translate. Crawfurd renders: "This (river) intersects the whole island from sea to sea," which seems very free. But it is true, as we have said, that several old maps show Java and Sunda thus divided from sea to sea.

[251] Apparently 30,000 quintals _every two years_.

[252] Sunda Kalapa was the same as Jacatra, on the site of which the Dutch founded Batavia in 1619.

[253] These are mentioned in a copper tablet inscription of A.D. 1136; see _Blochmann_, as quoted further on, p. 226.

[254] Basandhari is also mentioned by Mr. James Grant (1786) in his _View of the Revenues of Bengal_, as the Pergunna of _Belia-bussendry_; and by A. Hamilton as a place on the Damūdar, producing much good sugar (_Fifth Report_, p. 405; _A. Ham._ ii. 4). It would seem to have been the present Pergunna of Balia, some 13 or 14 miles west of the northern part of Calcutta. See _Hunter's Bengal Gaz._ i. 365.

[255] So called in the German version which we use; but in the Dutch original he is _Schouten_.

[256] This affair is alluded to in one of the extracts in _Long_ (p. 342): "Agreed ... that the Fakiers who were made prisoners at the retaking of Dacca may be employed as Coolies in the repair of the Factory."—_Procgs. of Council at Ft. William_, Dec. 5, 1769.

[257] Williams (_Skt. Dict._ s.v.) gives SŪRPĀRAKA as "the name of a mythical country"; but it was real enough. There is some ground for believing that there was another _Sūrpāraka_ on the coast of Orissa, Σιππάρα of Ptolemy.

[258] Ῥογχὸ perhaps is Tam. _lanha_, 'coco-nut.'

[259] MANGALORE (q.v.) on this coast, no doubt called _Sorathī_ Mangalor to distinguish it from the well-known Mangalor of Canara.

[260] But it is worthy of note that in the Island of Bali one manner of accomplishing the rite is called SATIA (Skt. _satyā_, 'truth,' from _sat_, whence also _satī_). See _Crawfurd, H. of Ind. Archip._ ii. 243, and _Friedrich_, in _Verhandelingen van het Batav. Genootschap._ xxiii. 10.

[261] The same poet speaks of Evadne, who threw herself at Thebes on the burning pile of her husband Capaneus (I. xv. 21), a story which Paley thinks must have come from some early Indian legend.

[262] _Hoggiae_ is of course Khwājas (see COJA). But in the B. Museum there is a copy of Leunclavius, ed. of 1588, with MS. autograph remarks by Joseph Scaliger; and on the word in question he notes as its origin (in Arabic characters): "_Ḥujja(t)_ Disputatio"—which is manifestly erroneous.

[263] These are sheets of the _Atlas of India_, within Bhawalpur and Jeysalmīr, on the borders of Bikaner.

[264] Mr. Major, in his Introduction to Parke's _Mendoza_ for the Hak. Soc. says of this embassy, that at their halt in the desert 12 marches from Su-chau, they were regaled "with a variety of strong liquors, _together with a pot of Chinese tea_." It is not stated by Mr. Major whence he took the account; but there is nothing about tea in the translation of M. Quatremère (_Not. et Ext._ xiv. pt. 1), nor in the Persian text given by him, nor in the translation by Mr. Rehatsek in the _Ind. Ant._ ii. 75 _seqq._

[265] Queen Catharine.

[266] This book was printed in England, whilst the author was in India; doubtless he was innocent of this quaint error.

[267] This refers to an Arab legend that Samarkand was founded in very remote times by Tobba'-al-Akbar, Himyarite King of Yemen, (see _e.g._ _Edrisi_, by _Jaubert_, ii. 198), and the following: "The author of the _Treatise on the Figure of the Earth_ says on this subject: "This is what was told me by Abu-Bakr-Dimashkī—'I have seen over the great gate of Samarkand an iron tablet bearing an inscription, which, according to the people of the place, was engraved in Himyarite characters, and as an old tradition related, had been the work of "Tobba."'"—_Shihābuddīn Dimashkī_, in _Not. et Ext._ xiii. 254.

[268] [Col. Temple notes that the pronunciation has always been twofold. At present in Burma it is usual to pronounce it like _tickle_, and in Siam like _tacawl_. He regards it as certain that it comes from _takā_ through Talaing and Peguan _t'ke_.]

[269] Sir H. Rawlinson gives _tigra_ as old Persian for an arrow (see _Herod._ vol. iii. p. 552). Vüllers seems to consider it rather an induction than a known word for an arrow. He says: "Besides the name of that river (Tigris) _Arvand_, which often occurs in the _Shāhnāma_, and which properly signifies 'running' or 'swift'; another Medo-persic name _Tigra_ is found in the cuneiform inscriptions, and is cognate with the Zend word _tedjao_, _tedjerem_, and Pehlvi _tedjera_, _i.e._ 'a running river,' which is entered in Anquetil's vocabulary. And these, along with the Persian _tej_ 'an arrow,' _tegh_ 'a sword,' _tekh_ and _teg_ 'sharp,' are to be referred to the Zend root _tikhsh_, Skt. _tij_, 'to sharpen.' The Persian word _tīr_, 'an arrow,' may be of the same origin, since its primitive form appears to be _tīgra_, from which it seems to come by elision of the _g_, as the Skt. _tīr_, 'arrow,' comes from _tīvra_ for _tīgra_, where _v_ seems to have taken the place of _g_. From the word _tīgra_ ... seem also to be derived the usual names of the river Tigris, Pers. _Dizhla_, Ar. _Dijlah_" (Vüllers, s.v. _tīr_).

[270] Some notice of Major Yule, whose valuable Oriental MSS. were presented to the British Museum after his death, will be found in Dr. Rieu's Preface to the _Catalogue of Persian MSS._ (vol. iii. p. xviii.).

[271] _St. Julien et P. Champion, Industries Anciennes et Modernes de l'Empire Chinois_, 1869, p. 75. Wells Williams says: "The _peh-tung_ argentan, or white copper of the Chinese, is an alloy of copper 40.4, zinc 25.4, nickel 31.6, and iron 2.6, and occasionally a little silver; and these proportions are nearly those of German silver."—_Middle Kingdom_, ed. 1883, ii. 19.

[272] The Pers. _partala_ is always used for a 'waist-belt' in India, but in Persia also for a turban.

[273] Busbecq (1554) says: "... ingens ubique florum copia offerebatur, Narcissorum, Hyacinthorum, et eorum quos Turcae TULIPAN vocant."—_Epist._ i. Elzevir ed. p. 47.

[274] It must be kept in mind that though Rumphius (George Everard Rumpf) died in 1693, his great work was not printed till nearly fifty years afterwards (1741).

[275] Foersch was a surgeon of the third class at Samarang in the year 1773.—_Horsfield_, in _Bat. Trans._ as quoted below.

[276] This distance is probably a clerical error. It is quite inconsistent with the other two assigned.

[277] Leschenault also gives the description of another and still more powerful poison, used in a similar way to that of the _Antiaris_, viz. the _tieute_, called sometimes _Upas Raja_, the plant producing which is a _Strychnos_, and a creeper. Though, as we have said, the name _Upas_ is generic, and is applied to this, it is not _the_ Upas of English metaphor, and we are not concerned with it here. Both kinds are produced and prepared in Java. The _Ipo_ (a form of _Upas_) of Macassar is the _Antiaris_; the _ipo_ of the Borneo Dayaks is the _Tieute_.

[278] I remember when a boy reading the whole of Foersch's story in a fascinating book, called _Wood's Zoography_, which I have not seen for half a century, and which, I should suppose from my recollection, was more sensational than scientific.—_Y._

[279] Compare this vivid description with a modern notice of the same pagoda:

1855. "This meridian range ... 700 miles from its origin in the Naga wilds ... sinks in the sea hard by Negrais, its last bluff crowned by the golden Pagoda of Modain, gleaming far to seaward, a Burmese Sunium."—_Yule, Mission to Ava_, 272. There is a small view of it in this work.

[280] So wrote A. B. I cannot find the book in the B. Museum Library.—_Y._ [A bibliographical account of this book will be found in "_Le Traité des Trois Imposteurs, et précédé d'une notice philologique et bibliographique par Philomneste Junior_ (_i.e._ Brunet), Paris and Brussels, 1867. Also see 7 Ser. _N. &. Q._ viii. 449 _seqq._; 9 Ser. ix. 55. The passage about the Vedas seems to be the following: "Et Sectarii istorum, ut et _Vedae_ et Brachmanorum ante MCCC retro secula obstant collectanea, ut de Sinensibus nil dicam. Tu, qui in angulo Europae hic delitescis, ista neglegis, negas; quam bene videas ipse. Eadem facilitate enim isti tua negant. Et quid non miraculorum superesset ad convincendos orbis incolas, si mundum ex Scorpionis ovo conditum et progenitum terramque Tauri capiti impositam, et rerum prima fundamentis ex prioribus III. Vedae libris constarent, nisi invidus aliquis Deorum filius haec III. prima volumina furatus esset!"]

[281] This last remark is due to A. B.

[282] [The first part of this word is _thera_, Skt. _sthavira_. Hardy (_E. Monachism_, p. 11) says the superior priests were called _térunnánses_, from Pali _thero_, "an elder."]

[283] Ποηφάγος, whence no doubt Gray took his name for the genus.

[284] The tails usually brought for sale are those of the tame Yak, and are _white_. The tail of the wild Yak is black, and of much greater size.