iii. 148, and this appears correct; yet Clavigero and many

others do not refer to the second fifth. This deduction was declared to be an attempt at installing a second king. The deceit practised, as they claimed, at the distribution of treasure at Mexico was again called up, and declared to be less outrageous than the present effort to defraud poor and wounded soldiers of the prize for which they had shed their blood. Juan Bono de Quexo declared that he would complain to the emperor, and others were no less bitter. Previous to this a cause for dissatisfaction had been given by a proclamation of Cortés ordering the surrender of all gold saved from the common treasure at Mexico, thrown open to the soldiers on the eve of the flight. One third was to be retained by the possessor. Many refused to comply, and since the royal officials and leaders had shared in the treasure, the proclamation was allowed to lapse. What had been surrendered Cortés kept as a loan. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 116-117.

[1000] ‘Buenas, ò malas Indias, sacallas al almoneda ... que se venderia.’ _Id._ This was to be done at the next distribution in Tezcuco. The proceeding was discussed at length in Spain, and favored also by a large body of the clergy, as justifiable; but the emperor took the humane course of allowing captives to be held only as prisoners, so long as this was absolutely necessary. _Solis_, _Hist. Mex._, ii. 233.

[1001] The party commissioned to carry the Villa Rican share of the Aztec treasure from Tlascala to the coast. Bernal Diaz intimates that another party of nine were killed at Xocotlan. _Hist. Verdad._, 115-16.

[1002] The bodies of five of the Spaniards here murdered had been sent to Mexico, the rest eaten.

[1003] Alcántara’s, it would seem. The treasure carried by him had been dissipated.

[1004] ‘Dos dias ante de Navidad llegó el capitan con la gente ... que habian ido á las provincias de Cecatami y Xalazingo,’ says Cortés, _Cartas_, 163-5, who had already taken up quarters at Tlascala. _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 172. Bernal Diaz speaks of a second expedition to Xocotlan, with 30 cavalry and 100 infantry; but this must be owing to a confusion of names, in one case the valley, Cacatami, being mentioned, in the other the town, Cocotlan. _Hist. Verdad._, 116.

[1005] _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 172; _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xviii. See note 37. ‘Por Capitan vn Francisco de Orozco, con obra de veynte soldados que estauan heridos, y dolientes,’ says Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 118; Vetancurt follows. _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 149.

[1006] ‘Por tener la nauidad q̄ era de ay a doze dias en Tlaxcallan.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 172.

[1007] Gomara calls it Coliman, which Chimalpain identifies with Amozoc, still in existence. _Hist. Conq._, ii. 13.

[1008] In the person of an illegitimate brother, is the assumption of modern authorities.

[1009] Herrera names him Lorenzo; but Torquemada insists that this was the father’s name.

[1010] The old soldier calls him Lorenzo de Vargas, but is probably mistaken. _Hist. Verdad._, 118.

[1011] Camargo gives at length the speeches of Cortés and the chiefs on the occasion. The latter invites him to accept their friendship and services, and settle among them, whereupon the general explains that the main object of his coming is to overthrow false idols, and that the condition of his staying with them must be the adoption of the true faith, wherein lies the sole reason for the superiority of his race over theirs. The holy ghost assists to impress his words, and they yield; but they implore him not to cast down the revered idols, for such an act may be fraught with the most terrible disasters. Cortés insists, and promises to assume all risks. Thus pressed, they ask to confer with the representatives of the people, lest a revolt occur. The council objects, offers to give the most prominent place to the new gods, and finally yields, amidst tears and wailing. The people secretly hide the adored images, and while accepting baptism still retain the old worship in secret. The four chiefs first receive the rite, under the sponsorship of the leading Spanish captains, Maxixcatzin the elder being named Lorenzo; Xicotencatl, Vicente; Tlehuexolotl, Gonzalo; and Citlalpopoca, Bartolomé. The general baptism followed, those baptized on the first day being named Juan, and María, and Ana, for men and women respectively, each receiving a ticket whereon the name was written. Many forgot their names, nevertheless, and had to appeal to the register; some received baptism over again, because they failed to acknowledge the previous rite, and others attended service for years without having been to the font. Among the idols and relics saved from the general destruction were the ashes of Camaxtli, the chief god of the tribe, said by some to have been the brother of Tezcatlipoca, by others the father of Quetzalcoatl. They were jealously guarded by the chief Tecpanecatl Tecuhtli, of Tepeticpac, till 1576, when, tired of the temporal injuries which were falling upon him, owing to their presence in his house, he turned to the Church and surrendered the relic, and died the same week, on holy Thursday, while penitently lashing himself before the madonna. On opening the envelope of the relic a mass of blonde hair fell out, showing that tradition was true in describing the god as a white man. _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, 151-9, 178-9. Brasseur de Bourbourg eagerly seizes on this statement to support his theory that the Toltecs had come from the north of Europe to found their empire and era of culture in Mexico. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 392 et seq. Camargo places the general baptism on the occasion of Cortés’ first arrival in the republic, but herein Torquemada corrects him, although following the version in other respects. The picture in the convent at Tlascala indicates, he says, that the four chiefs, including the elder Maxixcatzin, were baptized together, and by the clergyman Juan Diaz. Great festivals followed the ceremony, i. 523, iii. 166-9. Ixtlilxochitl, who also refers to this picture, follows Camargo’s date, but names Xicotencatl senior Bartolomé, Zitlapopocatzin Baltasar, Tlehuexolotzin Gonzalo, and Maxixcatzin, a young man, Juan. _Hist. Chich._, 294. Brasseur de Bourbourg corrects this by substituting Xicotencatl junior for Maxixcatzin and naming him Vicente. He adds Nezahualpilli’s son Tecocoltzin, who receives the name of Fernando, ubi sup. The assumption that the four elder chiefs were baptized together, and the statement that the elder Maxixcatzin had died before Cortés returned to Tlascala, appear contradictory, but Vetancurt reconciles them by dating the general baptism just before the beginning of the Tepeaca campaign, and adopting the names as given on the picture in ‘our convent,’ and as quoted by Camargo and Torquemada. Padre Juan Diaz, who performed the rite, is supposed to have been killed soon after. Several other versions of his fate and burial-place are given. _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 146. But he testified during the residencia investigation against Alvarado, 1529. See _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 124. Clavigero follows Vetancurt, and maintains, notwithstanding the failure of the conquest writers to notice that event, that ‘è certo, che tutti i quattro Capi di quella Repubblica furono battezzati avanti la conquista.... Oltre ad’ altre pruove ciò consta dalle pitture antiche.’ _Storia Mess._, iii. 150. It would be interesting to know what the ‘altre pruove’ are. Prescott admits only the baptism of the two Maxixcatzins and old Xicotencatl, but avoids giving the new names, owing to the conflict of authorities. _Mex._, ii. 445.

[1012] ‘Cómo era Muchacho, imprimió mas en él nuestra conversacion y tornóse cristiano.’ _Cartas_, 177.