xv. Gomara allows 40,000 allies to set out at once, with

provisions and carriers. _Hist. Mex._, 168. Ixtlilxochitl mentions only 4000, and names some of the leaders. _Hist. Chich._, 305. Herrera states that a question arose as to the prudence of trusting so small a body of soldiers with so large a force of allies—which soon swelled to over 100,000—who might in case of disagreement overwhelm them. A council was held, which decided that the loyalty of the Tlascaltecs had been sufficiently tried, and that a small number of allies would be of no service. ubi sup., cap. xiv.

[929] Cortés’ first messengers returned with two Mexicans, who brought the contemptuous reply. They were given presents, and told to summon the native chiefs to a parley. On their return with a threatening answer ‘fue acordado, ... por ante Escriuano ... que se diessen por esclauos à todos los aliados de Mexico, que huviessen muerto Españoles.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 112. ‘Respondieron que si mataron Españoles fue con justa razon, pues en tiempo de guerra quisieron passar por su tierra por fuerça, y sin demandar licencia.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 168.

[930] ‘Tuuierõ los Indios amigos buena cena aquella noche de piernas, y braços, porque sin los assadores de palo, que eran infinitos, huuo cincuenta mil ollas de carne humana.’ The Spaniards suffered from want of water and food. _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv. Rather a strong story. The Spaniards could not well suffer from hunger in the midst of maize fields, in harvest time. Oviedo takes occasion to dwell on the common practice of devouring the slain on the battle-field, thus saving the trouble of burial. iii. 334. ‘Mi pare una favola,’ is Clavigero’s comment. _Storia Mess._, iii. 152. See _Native Races_.

[931] ‘Padeciendo siempre de agua, y comida.’ _Herrera_, ubi sup. But this could hardly be the case in so rich a province, at this time.

[932] ‘En obra de veinte dias hobe pacíficas muchas villas y poblaciones á ella sujetas ... sin que en toda la dicha guerra me matasen ni hiriesen ni un español.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 143. ‘En obra de quarenta dias tuvimos aquellos pueblos pacificos,’ but with great hardship, ‘porque de sangre, y polvo que estaua quajado en las entrañas, no echauamos otra cosa del cuerpo, y por la boca,’ etc. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 112-13.

[933] The name of a beautiful bird, now San Martin de Huaquechula. This town was known to the Spaniards under the name of Guacachula.

[934] ‘Á la entrada de un puerto que se pasa para entrar á la provincia de Méjico por allí.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 145. After the conquest it was moved to a more open site, three leagues south. _Torquemada_, i. 316.

[935] Calcozametl. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 372.

[936] Herrera reduces Cortés’ figure to 20,000.

[937] Bernal Diaz names Olid alone for the command, and Gomara adds Ordaz and Andrés de Tapia, while Herrera substitutes Ordaz and Ávila. The latter is probably wrong in giving them 300 soldiers, and Peter Martyr errs, through his printer, perhaps, in allowing only 3000 allies.

[938] Cortés writes that this occurred in a town of Huexotzinco province, and that here the Spaniards were alarmed by the report of collusion between the Huexotzincas, the Quauhquechollans, and the Aztecs. The leaders described the expedition as difficult. _Cartas_, 146. Gomara follows, naming the captain who brought the chiefs captive to Cortés. _Hist. Mex._, 169. Bernal Diaz points out very plausibly that Huexotzinco lay wholly out of the way; and, ignoring the accession of volunteers, he assumes that the report of a vast gathering of Mexican troops round Quauhquechollan was the cause for alarm, among the Narvaez party only. Olid appealed to their honor, and did all he could to encourage them, but failed. _Hist. Verdad._, 112-13. Clavigero believes, on the other hand, that Olid caught the alarm as readily as the rest. _Storia Mess._, iii. 154. The joining of Huexotzincas may have led to the belief that the march lay through their territory.

[939] Bernal Diaz states that Cortés did not go, but sent Olid a sharp letter, which roused him to proceed with the expedition. But our chronicler was sick with fever all this time, and has evidently not been well informed. Cortés’ description of the route and of different occurrences indicates that he must have been present.

[940] ‘Cayeron muchos dellos [enemy] muertos y ahogados de la calor, sin herida ninguna, y dos caballos se estancaron, y el uno murió.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 149.

[941] ‘En Mexinca.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 169.

[942] ‘Y se les conservan el día de hoy,’ says Lorenzana, in _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_, 160.

[943] ‘Dos tiros de ballesta el uno del otro.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 150.

[944] ‘Tres estados en alto, y 14. pies en ancho,’ says Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvi. ‘Alto como cuatro estados por de fuera de la ciudad, é por de dentro está casi igual con el suelo.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 150. Meaning, in places.

[945] Herrera says two.

[946] Later Izucar; now Matamoros.

[947] Bernal Diaz assumes that Olid is the sole leader; that he was here wounded, and lost two horses. Returning to Tepeaca he was received with great honor, and joined in laughing at the alarm which had caused the army to turn back at Cholula. He would never after have anything to do with the opulent and timid soldiers of Narvaez, he said. _Hist. Verdad._, 114. Gomara supposes that the bridge had been destroyed before the flight, so that few of the garrison escaped from the sword and the stream. _Hist. Mex._, 171.

[948] Ixtlilxochitl extends the stay at Ytzocan alone to twenty days. _Hist. Chich._, 305. Others make it less.

[949] Cortés calls it Ocupatuyo, which Lorenzana corrects into Ocuituco, and Torquemada into Acapetlahuaca, i. 315, while Clavigero insists that it should be Ocopetlajoccan. _Storia Mess._, iii. 157.

[950] ‘Vinieron asimismo á se ofrecer por vasallos de V. M. el señor de ... Guajocingo, y el señor de otra ciudad que está á diez leguas de Izzucan.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 152.

[951] This name is badly misspelled. Chimalpain identifies it with Huaxtéca, which is decidedly out of the way, _Hist. Conq._, ii. 12, while Orozco y Berra stamps ‘en verdad errónea’ the suggestion of Lorenzana that it is Oajaca; but modern maps do place it in Oajaca, very slightly modified in spelling.

[952] They had always been loyal, they said, although deterred by fear of Mexico from sooner proclaiming it; the four remaining pueblos of the province would soon send in their allegiance. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 152-3.

[953] The construction of sentences in _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 152, and the complex relationship, have misled nearly every one who notices this incident—as, _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 171; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 147; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, .

[954] Alonso Coltzin. _Chimalpain_, _Hist. Conq._, ii. 12. Ixtlilxochitl calls him Ahuecatzin. _Hist. Chich._, 305. Alvarado stood sponsor. Terrified by some idle gossip, or by the preparations for his baptism, the boy asked the friar when he was to be sacrificed; but received comfort in a pious exhortation. _Torquemada_, i. 520.

[955] Herrera gives the command to Olid and Juan Rodriguez de Villafuerte, the owner of the much disputed first madonna image, accompanied by Juan Nuñez, Sedeño, Lagos, and Mata. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvii. Olid may have been detached from Quauhquechollan after the first success had made troops less necessary; yet Herrera indicates that he set out before this expedition.

[956] ‘En lo de Cachula fue adonde auian muerto en los aposentos quinze Españoles.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 112.

[957] B. V. de Tapia, in his testimony against Cortés, states that about 6000 prisoners were sent to him from these districts by Olid, all of whom had surrendered without resistance, and that he ordered the men, 2000 in number, to be executed, the women and children being sold or distributed. _Cortés_, _Residencia_, i. 59-60.

[958] ‘Boluierõ a Tepeaca, y auiendo estado treynta dias en esta jornada hallaron a Hernando Cortes, que era buelto de Guacachula.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvii. These successes are said to have been dimmed by a severe defeat at Tochtepec, on Rio Papaloapan, whither Salcedo had been sent with 80 men. It was the _entrepôt_ for trade in this region, and was held by a strong Aztec garrison, aided by native warriors with Chinantec pikes. Owing partly to the efficient use of this weapon, and partly to the carelessness of Salcedo, the troops were surprised and slaughtered to a man, after selling their lives as dearly as possible. The disaster being a blow also to Spanish prestige which it would never do to overlook, Ordaz and Ávila were sent not long after with a larger force, some horses, and 20,000 allies, to exact retaliation in death, captivity, and rich spoil. The victors came back with ample plunder. _Herrera_, ubi sup. See note 4 this chapter for doubts on the massacre.