iii. 434-9, preserved the original spelling in the preamble,

but the clauses are abbreviated, though Prescott does not appear to be aware of it.

[82] The ownership of the expedition has been a moot question, some authors regarding it as pertaining chiefly to Velazquez, while others accord it wholly to Cortés and his friends. According to Gomara, after receiving the vessel brought by Alvarado, and another provided by Velazquez, Cortés, aided by his friends, bought two large and two small vessels before leaving Santiago; and at least two more were bought after this with bills forced upon the owners. The rest of the fleet appears to have been made up from the transport spoken of and from Grijalva’s vessels. The latter is to be regarded as Velazquez’ contribution, for in the testimony before the royal council in Spain, Montejo, the trusted friend of the commander, declares that on delivering them over to the governor he received the order to join Cortés, with the vessels, of course. His statements, and those of the captain Puertocarrero, confirmed by the letter of the ayuntamiento of Villa Rica to the emperor, agree that, from their own observations and the accounts given by others, Cortés must have contributed not only seven vessels, but expended over 5000 castellanos on the outfit, beside procuring goods and provisions, while Velazquez furnished only one third, chiefly in clothes, provisions, wines, and other effects, which he sold through an agent to the company, the witnesses included, at exorbitant prices. Montejo had heard that Velazquez contributed three vessels, but whether these were exclusive of Grijalva’s fleet is not clear. He is also supposed to have lent Cortés 2000 castellanos, and to have given twelve or thirteen hundred loads of bread, and 300 tocinos, beside 1800 castellanos in goods, to be sold to the party at high prices. Every other supply was furnished by Cortés, who maintained the whole force without touching the ship’s stores, while remaining in Cuba, no doubt. _Col. Doc. Inéd._, i. 487-90. Puertocarrero adds that Cortés’ liberality to men in advancing means and outfits was generally admitted. He himself had received a horse from the commander. He gives a list of the outrageously high prices charged by Velazquez for his supplies. _Id._, 491-5. Another member of the expedition states that Cortés furnished seven vessels, and Velazquez three, two more belonging to the latter joining the fleet afterward. Cortés paid for all the outfit. Extract appended to _Carta del Ayunt. de V. Cruz_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, i. 419-20: ‘Casi las dos partes ... á su (Cortés) costa, asi en navios como en bastimentos de mar.’ ‘Todo el concierto de la dicha armada se hizo á voluntad de dicho Diego Velazquez, aunque ni puso ni gastó él mas de la tercia parte de ella.... La mayor parte de la dicha tercia parte ... fué emplear sus dineros en vinos y en ropas y en otras cosas de poco valor para nos lo vender acá (V. Cruz) en mucha mas cantidad de lo que á él le costó.’ _Carta de la Justicia de Veracruz, 10 de julio, 1519_, in _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 8; _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 37. Claiming to have no ready money of his own, Velazquez took for the expedition 1000 castellanos from the estate of Narvaez in his charge. _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 12-13. ‘Salió de la Isla de Cuba ... con quince navíos suyos.’ _Cortés_, _Memorial_, 1542, in _Cortés_, _Escritos Sueltos_, 310. Peter Martyr assumes that Cuban colonists furnished the fleet with the governor’s consent, and elected Cortés commander. Dec. iv. cap. vi. Solis, _Hist. Mex._, i. 61, considers that Velazquez held only a minor share in the expedition. Montejo stated in a general way that he spent all his fortune on joining the expedition. _Cent. Am._, 1554-55, 127-30, in _Squiers MS._ In _De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii_ it is asserted that Cortés expended 6000 pesos of his own, and 6000 ducats borrowed money, beside what Velazquez lent him; his expenditures being in all 15,000 pesos. Velazquez gave not one real, but merely sold goods at exorbitant figures, or made advances at a high interest, even the vessels provided by him being transferred to the commander under an expensive charter. ‘Sunt pretereà, multi Hispani viri boni qui et nunc vivunt, et qui cum ea classis de qua agimus, apparabatur, aderant. Hi in hujus causæ defensione, cujus apud Consilium Regium Indicum Cortesius est accusatus, testes jurati asserunt Velazquium nihil omnino ex propriâ facultate in Cortesii classem impendisse.’ This would indicate that Montejo and Puertocarrero’s testimony was confirmed by many others. The agent, Juan Diaz, who attended to the sale of the goods and the collection of the advances, fell in the retreat from Mexico, and his money was lost. _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 345-9. This testimony by members of the expedition merits the foremost attention in the question, particularly since the fewer statements on the other side are based wholly on supposition. It is somewhat qualified, however, by the consideration that both Montejo and Puertocarrero were stanch friends of Cortés, and that the letter of the ayuntamiento was prepared in his presence. It must also be borne in mind that a goodly proportion of the share attributed to him consisted of vessels and effects obtained upon his credit as captain-general of the fleet, and also in a semi-piratical manner. The statements in _Cortés_, _Memorial_, and in _De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii_, indicate, beside, a hardly warranted attempt to regard Velazquez’ contribution chiefly as a loan to the commander or to the party, his vessels being spoken of as chartered. Another proportion belonged to wealthy volunteers. On the whole, however, it may be concluded that Cortés could lay claim to a larger share in the expedition than Velazquez; but the latter possessed the title of being not only the discoverer, through his captains, of the regions to be conquered, but the projector of the expedition. Oviedo, while believing that the fleet belonged with more right to the governor, feels no pity for the treatment he received, in view of his own conduct to Diego Colon. Complacently he cites the proverb: ‘_Matarás y matarte han: y matarán quien te matare._’ As you do unto others, so shall be done unto you. Oviedo asserts that he has seen testimony showing that Cortés and his men did not sail at their own expense, but from his own statement it appears that the instructions of Velazquez, wherein he speaks of the expedition as sent in his name, is the chief feature in this so-called testimony; i. 538-9. Las Casas naturally sides with Velazquez, and estimates that he expended over 20,000 castellanos; he had no need for, nor would he have stooped to a partnership, at least with a man like Cortés. _Hist. Ind._, iv. 448. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi., copies this, and Torquemada, i. 359, reverses this figure in favor of Cortés.

[83] _Testimonio de Puertocarrero_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, i. 491. ‘Mãdo dar pregones, y tocar sus atambores, y trompetas en nombre de su Magestad, y en su Real nombre por Diego Velazquez para que qualesquier personas que quisiessen ir en su compañía à las tierras nuevamente descubiertas â los conquistar y doblar, les darian sus partes del oro plata, y joyas que se huviesse, y encomiendas de Indios despues de pacificada.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 13. Mark here the promise of encomiendas to the volunteers. The word ‘doblar’ doubtless meant to explore or to sail round the new islands. Bernal Diaz does not fail to observe that the royal license had not yet arrived to warrant these proclamations.

[84] See _Landa_, _Rel. de Yuc._, 23; _Tapia_, _Rel._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 554; Fancourt, _Hist. Yuc._, 27, leaves out the middle sentence; Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 15; Torquemada, i. 364, and others give only the Spanish translation. Prescott says the flag was of velvet, and attributes the sign to the _labarum_ of Constantine, which, to say the least, is somewhat far-fetched. Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 13, places the motto upon ‘estandartes, y vanderas labradas de oro cõ las armas Reales, y una Cruz de cada parte, juntamente con las armas de nuestro Rey.’

[85] ‘Se puso vn penacho de plumas con su medalla de oro.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 13. ‘Tomo casa. Hizo Mesa. Y començo a yr con armas, y mucha compañía. De que muchos murmurauan, diziendo que tenia estado sin señorio.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 13.

[86] Cortés himself was very liberal in advancing money or necessaries. _Puertocarrero_, loc. cit. This cavalier received a horse which Cortés bought at Trinidad with gold fringes taken from his mantle. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 14. ‘Dio a muchos soldados ... dineros con obligaciõ de man comun.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 12.

[87] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Ind._, iv. 450-1; _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi. Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 13, relates the incident as having occurred on the way to Sunday mass. The fool, whom he calls Cervantes, was walking in front of his master and Cortés, uttering nonsense in prose and rhyme; finally he said in a louder voice, ‘By my faith, master Diego, a nice captain have you chosen: one who will run away with the fleet, I warrant, for he has courage and enterprise.’ Duero, who walked close by, sought to check his tongue by striking at him and by shouting, ‘Silence, fool! Don’t be knavish as well, for we know that this pretended jest is not of thyself.’ But the jester persisted in calling out, ‘Hail to my master Diego and his valiant captain! I swear to thee, my master, that rather than see thee grievously regret this foolish step I would hie me with Cortés to those rich lands.’ It was supposed that Velazquez’ relatives had induced the man to make these remarks.

[88] Prescott states that Las Casas was on the island at the time. In this he is mistaken. On the other hand, Bernal Diaz was an eye-witness, and tells a very different story. But the tale of the soldier is not so striking as that of the priest, who writes from the statements of Velazquez’ friends, colored by time and distance. The final words which passed between the governor and Cortés, according to Las Casas, in effect were these: ‘Compadre, is this the way you are going? A nice manner, truly, of taking leave!’ To which Cortés makes answer, ‘Pardon me, sir; there are things which must be carried out before they are considered. I wait your worship’s orders.’ _Hist. Ind._, iv. 451-2; _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xii.

[89] _Testimonio de Montejo_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, i. 437. ‘No le pudo estoruar la yda porq̄ todos le siguian: los q̄ alli estauã, como los q̄ venian con Grijalua. Ca si lo tentara con rigor vuiera rebuelta en la ciudad, y aun muertes. Y como no era párte dissimulo.’ Cortés even announced that he was going on his own account, and that the soldiers had nothing to do with Velazquez. _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 13. But this is highly improbable. According to _De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii_, Cortés spread insinuations against Velazquez’ greed and selfishness, commented upon his own liberality and upon the rich prospects before them, and thus gained the voice of his followers, so that the former dared not attempt any overt acts. ‘Loricâ ab eo tempore sub veste munitus, stipatusque armatis militibus, quos spe sibi fidos amicos fecerat.’ _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 346-9; _Cortés_, _Memorial_, 1542, in _Cortés_, _Escritos Sueltos_, 310. Las Casas repeats his condemnation of Gomara, as a man who wrote only what he was told by his master. He scouts the idea of the powerful Velazquez either needing Cortés’ pecuniary aid or not being able to dispose of his fleet as he wished. A humble squire, indeed, to raise his voice against the great Velazquez, who could have taken his bread and life at any moment! _Hist. Ind._, iv. 448-9.

[90] In his memorial to the emperor in 1542, Cortés relates this enforced transaction quite at length. Learning that his stock of the week had been seized, Hernan Dalonso seeks Cortés and complains, with tears in his eyes, whereupon he receives the gold chain, ‘de unos abrojos.’ _Cortés_, _Escritos Sueltos_, 310-11; _Col. Doc. Inéd._, iv. 221.

[91] Bernal Diaz asserts that Duero and Láres were present at the parting, and that Velazquez and Cortés several times embraced each other and vowed eternal friendship. ‘Habuit Cortesius cùm e Sancti Jacobi urbe et portu solvit, naves sex; aliâ, nam septem habuit, in portu, ut sarciretur reficereturque, relictâ.’ _De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 348. This authority believes that one of the reasons for Cortés’ hurried departure was a fear that Grijalva’s vessels might turn up; but they had already arrived, as we have seen. The seventh vessel, a caravel, joined Cortés at Trinidad, with nine horses and eighty volunteers, under Francisco de Salcedo. _Id._, 354. ‘Partiose de Santiago Barucoa ... en seys nauios.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 13.

[92] Pedro Juarez Gallinato de Porra was sent with a caravel under orders to take the cargo of supplies to Cabo Corrientes or Punta de Santanton, and there await the fleet. _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 13. In _De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii_, loc. cit., the captain is called Pedro Gonzalez de Trujillo. He brings 1500 tocinas (salt pork), and 2000 loads cassava. ‘Mil cargas de pan cazavi, y dos mil tocinos y muchos fasoles y aves y otras cosas.’ _Cortés_, _Memorial_, 1542, in _Id._, _Escritos Sueltos_, 311.

[93] Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 14, mentions several more names, with occasional remarks on wealth and standing. Puertocarrero is also written Puerto Carrero, and in the modern form of Portocarrero. _Torquemada_ and _Oviedo_, passim.

[94] This appears to be the same vessel referred to by Gomara as Alonso Guillen’s, bought at Trinidad, though nothing is of course said about the mode of payment. _Hist. Mex._, 13. Prescott mistakes in making Sedeño the master of this vessel.

[95] Ordaz proceeded on his mission in the caravel _El Guerho_, and returned to Trinidad in the vessel of Sedeño, who received two thousand and more castellanos in gold fringes, the only treasure on hand. _Cortés_, _Memorial_, 1542, in _Id._, _Escritos Sueltos_, 312. ‘Quatro mil arrouas de pan, mil y quinientos toçinos y muchas gallinas.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 14. Bernal Diaz intimates that Sedeño came into port of his own accord, and was induced to sell ships and cargo. _Hist. Verdad._, 14. He was reputed the richest man in the party. _Id._; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Ind._, ii. 455-6; _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xii. ‘De una hacienda de V. M. compró al mayordomo de ella quinientas é tantas cargas (pan)’. _Cortés_, _Memorial_, 1542, loc. cit. The _Probanza de Lejalde_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 411, contains interesting testimony as to what goods were obtained, and how.

[96] The Habana was then situated on the south side of the island, not on the north side, where the appellation now obtains. Prescott and others fall into numerous blunders by supposing the Habana of to-day to be identical with the Habana of three hundred years ago, sending a whole fleet far out of its way for no other purpose than to collect provisions, which one vessel would accomplish as well.

[97] ‘Començó Cortés â poner casa, y â tratarse como señor: y el primer Maestresala q̄ tuvo, fue vn Guzmã que luego se muriò, ò mataron Indios.’ A different man from the later mayordomo, Cristóbal de Guzman, who captured Quauhtemotzin during the siege of Mexico. ‘Caceres ... fue despues de ganado Mexico, hombre rico.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 15-16.

[98] Bernal Diaz says that Barba was one of the most devoted to Cortés. See, also, _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. iii., cap. xiii. Solis details at length a public gathering, in which the members of the expedition became highly excited over Velazquez’ efforts to stop Cortés, and threatened to destroy the town. He adds that a rumor of Velazquez’ coming in person to enforce his order created another excitement. _Hist. Mex._, i. 63-6; Robertson, _Hist. Am._, ii. 8, follows him; also Prescott. According to Las Casas, Velazquez sends a letter to Cortés, asking him to wait for an important communication, which he will bring in person or send by messenger. At the same time come letters for Ordaz and others, requesting them to seize the commander. Ordaz accordingly invites him to a banquet on board his vessel, with the intent of carrying him off to Santiago; but Cortés perceives the snare and retires under pretence of indisposition. The good bishop observes that he never knew Velazquez evince so little sagacity as on this occasion; nor did Ordaz behave any better. _Hist. Ind._, iv. 456-7. Gomara has the same account, but adds that the messenger from Velazquez came in a caravel, together with Alvarado, Olid, Ávila, Montejo, and others of Grijalva’s party, who had just arrived from an interview with the governor. _Hist. Mex._, 14. He is evidently mixed. Torquemada, who quotes both versions from Herrera and Gomara, places the occurrence at Trinidad, and considers that Cortés was capable of and right in foiling Velazquez. Bernal Diaz scouts Gomara’s story, which is repeated in _De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 355-6. Peralta claims that his father, Suarez, pursued and slew the Indian courier sent with orders for Luis de Medina, then with the fleet, to assume the command. He thereupon brought the papers to Cortés and warned him to sail away. _Nat. Hist._, 62-4. Peralta evidently upholds all his father told him.

[99] So affirms Tapia, one of the party. _Relacion_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 555; and this is the view of most writers. Bernal Diaz states that the review was held at Cozumel, which may also have been the case; but he was not present at San Antonio. A review must have been held before the fleet set out on its voyage, in order that captains might be appointed and receive apportionments of men and supplies. Zamacois, _Hist. Méj._, ii. 292-3, assumes that, owing to Alvarado’s absence, the muster was reserved for Cozumel.

[100] ‘Tomo [Cortés] fiada de Diego Sanz tendero, vna tieda de bohoneria en sieteciẽtos pesos de oro.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 12, 14-15. This was at Santiago. This author, who, together with Diaz, forms the main authority for the above list, mentions only eleven vessels, but does not include Alvarado’s. He places the Spanish force at 550 men, but, by adding to this the sixty and odd men absent with Alvarado from the review, the number would agree with Bernal Diaz’ figures. Thirteen vessels, two having joined at Habana as transports; 530 infantry; twenty-four horses; 5000 loads of maize and cassava; 2000 tocinos. _De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 356. Twelve vessels and 500 men. _Carta del Ayunt. de V. Cruz_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, i. 419-20. Fifteen vessels and 500 men, without any Indians or negroes, says Cortés, in his _Memorial_, 1542, not venturing to admit that he had disobeyed the royal order and his instructions in taking Cuban Indians. _Cortés_, _Escritos Sueltos_, 310; _Col. Doc. Inéd._, iv. 220. Seven navios, three bergantines. _Oviedo_, i. 539. Nine vessels, 550 Spaniards, two to three hundred Indians. _Las Casas_, _Hist. Ind._, iv. 446, 457. Eleven vessels of thirty to one hundred tons, 663 Spaniards, including thirty men with firearms. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 54; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yucathan_, 19; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Ecles._, pt. ii. 100-11; _Fancourt’s Hist. Yuc._, 26-7; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, ii. 296. Thirteen vessels, 560 persons, thirteen horses. _Tapia_, _Relacion_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 558; Prescott, _Mex._,