iii. 9-23, furnishes a detailed account of the events

preceding and following the separation. The provisional government then established was a triumvirate formed by Marcelo Molina, José M. Galvez, and José A. Aguilar.

[VII-24] Stephens, _Cent. Am._, i. 239-42, details some of the military movements, which are not of sufficient interest to reproduce here. Marure, _Efem._, 43-4, says that Morazan attacked the rebels on the hill of Mataquescuintla; 'pero despues de tres meses de combates, marchas, contramarchas, y todo género de maniobras, el ejército de operaciones tiene que replegarse á la capital ... sin haberse adelantado nada en la pacificacion de aquellos pueblos.'

[VII-25] On the 18th of June, 1838, the vice-jefe Valenzuela, and the deputies Pedro Molina, José Gándara, José F. Barrundia, Bernardo Escobar, Pedro Amaya, Felipe Molina, and Mariano Padilla, laid a paper before the federal congress on the war and its consequences. In this document they say, among other things, that it had been moved in the asamblea of Guatemala to authorize the restoration of the archbishop and of the religious orders, to abolish divorce, and to declare void the decrees of 1829, 'decretos que sostuvieron entónces la revolucion en favor de las instituciones y de la libertad.' They accuse the serviles of perversely attempting to render the representatives of liberalism and progress hateful in the eyes of the ignorant populace. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 47.

[VII-26] Arguments, cajolery, entertainments, and every other possible means were employed to induce him to swerve from the principles he had always upheld. Barrundia looked aghast on their proceedings, and describing them, says it is impossible to realize 'el envilecimiento, la miseria ruin de este partido noble aristocrático.' The haughty patricians, represented by Pavon, Batres, Aycinena, and their confreres, fawned at his feet, covered him with flowers, disgusted him with their flattery, feasted him to satiety, and patiently bore his contemptuous rebuffs as long as they hoped to win him over. After their failure, sarcasm, ridicule, and abuse were heaped upon him and his name. Had Morazan's morals been equal to those of the serviles, he might have accepted the dictatorship, assumed the full powers, and then crushed them; but he was an honest man, who always acted in good faith. _Id._, 175-9.

[VII-27] On the 30th of May it passed an act declaring the states free to constitute themselves as they might deem best, preserving, however, the popular representative form of government. This amendment to the 12th art. of the constitution of 1824 was accepted by all the states, excluding the restrictions contained in the federal decree of June 9, 1838, which was rejected by a majority of the legislatures. _Marure_, _Efem._, 44-5. The federal congress passed, on the 7th of July, 1838, an act as follows: 'The federated states of Cent. Am. are, and by right should be, sovereign, free, and independent political bodies.' _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 69.

[VII-28] It was the spontaneous act of the citizens of the capital, who, in view of the progress made by the rebels of Mita, deemed it necessary to provide for their own safety. Valenzuela resigned, on the 23d, the executive office into the hands of the asamblea. _Marure_, _Efem._, 45; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 181-5. Crowe, _Gospel_, 144, attributes to Morazan the authorship of the act adopted by the citizens.

[VII-29] On the 20th of July, 1838, he was required to give himself up; failing to do so, a reward was offered for his apprehension, alive or dead—$1,500 and two caballerías of land, besides a full pardon for any offences against the laws his captor or captors might have committed. _Stephens' Cent. Am._, i. 242.

[VII-30] Squier, _Travels_, ii. 435, says that Carrera entered Guatemala; he probably meant Old Guatemala, or La Antigua. Carrera, at Jalapa, had 2,000 men, while his opponent, Col Manuel Bonilla, had about 500. The latter were nearly annihilated. The few officers and soldiers who escaped with life found refuge in Salvador territory. Carrera's excesses at this time knew no bounds. He not only ravished women, but amused himself cutting off their tresses and ears. Some of these earless women entered the city of Guatemala, and their stories produced great indignation. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 204; _Marure_, _Efem._, 45.

[VII-31] This action took place early in the morning of Sept. 11th. Salazar at once despatched a courier to Guatemala with the news of his success, which caused the utmost joy. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 206-8; _Marure_, _Efem._, 46. Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 201, asserts that no mercy was shown by the federal troops in this encounter. By a decree of Sept. 13, 1838, pensions were granted to the wounded, and to the widows and orphans of the slain federals. Badges of honor were also conferred on the survivors. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, ii. 636-7.

[VII-32] This man's life was then spared, but some time afterward he was shot, for which the serviles called Morazan a murderer. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 208.

[VII-33] His resignation was made before the body of his officers, which implied a disregard of the authority of the government. The officers eluded all responsibility, alleging that they had nothing to do with his resignation. The government then revoked the extraordinary powers conferred on him two months previously. _Marure_, _Efem._, 46.

[VII-34] In the _Observador_ and the _Apéndice_.

[VII-35] _Exhortacion cristiana que el vicario capitular ... dirige á los pueblos, etc._, 17 p.

[VII-36] Text of his funeral oration on the 14th of Sept. in honor of the slain on the government side at Villanueva, in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 216-21.

[VII-37] José Francisco Barrundia, who fought in that action, said: 'He [Carrera] could have been captured or annihilated had he been forthwith pursued; but no advantage was derived from such a glorious victory, and in a few days vandalism became again menacing.' Salazar was blamed, Montúfar thinks unjustly. According to him, the victorious troops were not in condition to pursue. This authority, partly on the testimony of Gen. Carballo, lays the blame on Rivera Paz, who had no interest in destroying a faction on which his party relied in the emergency of Morazan refusing his aid to the serviles. Morazan, on the 24th of Oct., declared martial law in portions of Guatemala, peremptorily refused to listen to the proposals of the recalcitrants, and marched to Guatemala, leaving the government in charge of the vice-president, Diego Vijil, whom congress had chosen to succeed the murdered Salazar. _Id._, 223-6.

[VII-38] His hordes committed all sorts of outrages in these departments of Salvador. _Barrundia_, in _El Progreso_ of S. Salv., 1850, no. 3.

[VII-39] 'Les causó un descalabro de entidad la division del coronel Carballo.' _Marure_, _Efem._, 46.

[VII-40] Once he was almost starved to death on the top of a mountain, surrounded at its base by a large force; but owing to some neglect he escaped.

[VII-41] Stephens, _Cent. Am._, i. 244, erroneously has it that the delivery was to be of only 1,000 muskets.

[VII-42] The president of the republic ratified the agreement on the 25th of Dec.

[VII-43] The fact was that the arrangement at Rinconcito was prompted to Gen. Agustin Guzman by Manuel Pavon, whom he believed to be a friend that would give him nothing but honorable advice. He had good reason at a later date to think differently, when he was taken into Guatemala in rags, tied on a mule, as a trophy of Carrera's success. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 228-9.

[VII-44] After that Diego Vijil represented the unity in the federal district as vice-president. The conventicle of the four nobles, Pavon, Batres, and the two Aycinenas, had, however, during Rivera Paz's rule in Guatemala, arranged matters to their own satisfaction, in order to break up the union, having at their disposal the requisite number of municipal districts. Their emissaries supported the separation in Honduras and Nicaragua. Costa Rica was governed by Carrillo, a declared foe to Central American nationality. They were now working with Rivera Paz's successor, Gen. Cárlos Salazar, with almost a certainty of carrying their point. Salazar was a good soldier, but as a politician, without guile, and easily deceived. _Id._, 241-3.

[VII-45] And also to protect other states against all interference on the part of the late federal government. Full text of the convention in _Cent. Am. Constitutions_, no. 4, 1-5. By virtue of this arrangement, the combined forces of the two states invaded Salvador. _Marure_, _Efem._, 47. This treaty brought about Morazan's ruin, and the disruption of the federal union. Francisco Ferrera, commander of the forces of Honduras, himself made it known to Carrera, and it prompted the latter's rebellion on the 24th of March, 1839, and his march against Guatemala. It enabled Pavon, Batres, and the Aycinenas to take Carrera in triumph into that city on the 13th of Apr., 1839.

[VII-46] The jefe of Guatemala, on the 17th of April, 1839, declared the federal compact dissolved, and the resumption by the state of its absolute sovereignty. This declaration was ratified by the constituent assembly on the 14th of June of the same year. Guat. on the 11th of May entered into a treaty of amity and alliance with Honduras; on the 5th of June, 24th of July, and 1st of Aug., made similar treaties with Salv., Nic., and Costa R., respectively. July 1st, Hond. and Costa R. for the first time made a treaty of friendship and alliance as sovereign states. Aug. 10th was signed at Quezaltenango the first treaty of a similar nature between the new state of Los Altos and Salv. _Marure_, _Efem._, 48-50. Costa Rica had in Nov. 1838 assumed the plenitude of her sovereignty. In obedience to a decree of Braulio Carrillo, the supreme chief of the state, dated Aug. 4, 1838, her representatives and senators had left their seats in the federal congress. The state recognized its share of the federal debt and paid it at once. Carrillo's decree shows that the Costa Ricans were dissatisfied with the inequality of their representation in the national lower house, where Guatemala had 19 more deputies than Nicaragua, 17 more than Honduras, 15 more than Salvador, and 23 more than Costa Rica, which had only four representatives in the 'congreso,' as the lower house was called. The representation in the senate was equal to that of the other states; but if the latter chamber refused its sanction to any bill adopted, the former could, under the 83d art. of the constitution, make it a law by three fourths of the votes present. Thus was Costa Rica made a nonentity in the legislative body. There were other reasons for complaint. By a good management of her finances, Costa Rica always had available resources, and punctually paid her contingent to the national treasury in money. She was therefore taxed while virtually without representation. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 266-73, 310, 313-41.

[VII-47] It was a force from Leon, under Col B. Mendez, who had entered by the frontier of San Miguel. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 292-3.

[VII-48] The allied commander was Francisco Ferrera, an Hondureño, who had been connected with the incendiaries of Comayagua. This victory was mainly due to Morazan's daring. He was seriously wounded in the right arm. Col Benitez, who was a Colombian, was slain. _Marure_, _Efem._, 48; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 293-5.

[VII-49] Brigadier Cabañas occupied the capital Aug. 28th. He defeated the Hondurans at Cuesta Grande Sept. 6th, and then entered Tegucigalpa. On the 25th, after quelling a revolt which took place on the 16th, in San Salvador, Morazan was again victorious at San Pedro Perulapan with 600 Salvadorans over a double force of Hondurans and Nicaraguans, who, under Ferrera, had entered that town on their way to San Salvador, to destroy the 'simulacro de gobierno federal que existia aun en aquella capital.' Cabañas triumphed again at Soledad on Nov. 13th. _Marure_, _Efem._, 48-51; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 354-6, 446.

[VII-50] Ferrera was without a command for some time, owing to his continual defeats. Quijano was another 'notabilidad del partido servil aristocrático.'

[VII-51] Cabañas' official report of Feb. 3d from San Antonio del Sauce says that the enemy's force being superior, he had resolved to retire to San Miguel in Salv. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 451-2.

[VII-52] Stephens, _Cent. Am._, i. 245, quaintly remarks, 'It must have been quite new to him, and a satisfaction to find out what principles he sustained.'

[VII-53] Among them were Mariscal and Del Rio. War had been declared between Guatemala and Salvador. The fiction of Atescatempa, Carrera's proclamations against Morazan the chief magistrate of Salv., the movement of the 16th of Sept., 1839, against the lawful authorities of Salvador prompted and aided by Carrera, the destruction of Los Altos the friend and ally of Salv., and many other causes, constituted a real state of war. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 456.

[VII-54] Their head men sought refuge with the nuns of La Concepcion.

[VII-55] Made up exclusively of Indians, as Carrera wanted no white soldiers or officers. _Stephens' Cent. Am._, ii. 111.

[VII-56] The worshippers of Carrera have said that he intentionally allowed Morazan to enter the city, with the view of besieging him, which is absurd. The city was full of war material, and was plentifully supplied with meat.

[VII-57] His officers who distinguished themselves in the operations were Generals Cabañas and Rivas, colonels Antonio Rivera Cabezas and Ignacio Malespin, and Lieut-col Bernardo Rivera Cabezas.

[VII-58] Carrera's official report is dated at Guatemala on the 23d of March. He does not speak of the assassination of Col Sanchez, Morazan's aide-de-camp, by order of his brother, Sotero Carrera; nor of the wanton massacre of many others; nor of the maltreatment of women, followers of the Salvadoran camp, which caused the French consul to raise his voice in protest. Carrera gave full sway to his ferocious instincts on that day, taking the greatest delight in butchering the vanquished. Many of the pursued sought an asylum in the house of Chatfield, the British consul, and a word from him on their behalf would have saved their lives; but he did not utter it, and they were put to death. _Id._, 460-7; _Marure_, _Efem._, 52.

[VII-59] Their hatred against Morazan was shown in their cries, accompanying those of 'Viva la religion! Guanacos, entreguen á ese canalla, entreguen á ese hereje; nosotros, defendemos á Dios y á sus santos.' They called their opponents 'guanacos, pirujos, malvados, ladrones,' and declared that they were going to bring back the archbishop, and the friars who were sent away in 1829.

[VII-60] Stephens, who was then on his way from San Salvador to Guatemala, met the defeated troops, and in his _Cent. Am._, ii. 69 et seq., gives a graphic description.

[VII-61] Miguel Álvarez Castro, José Miguel Saravia, Isidro Menendez, Cárlos Salazar, Máximo Orellana, Nicolás Angulo, Trinidad Cabañas, Enrique Rivas, Gerardo Barrios, Pedro Molina, with his sons Felipe and José, and his son-in-law Manuel Irungaray, Antonio and Bernardo Rivera Cabezas, José M. Silva, Máximo, Tomás and Indalecio Cordero, Antonio Lazo, and others. Pedro Molina refused to go at first, but was prevailed on by his sons and son-in-law, who saw that his fate would be sealed if he remained. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 484.

[VII-62] Pedro Molina and his sons Felipe and José, Manuel Irungaray, Isidro Menendez, Gen. Enrique Rivas, Doroteo Vasconcelos, Gerardo Barrios, Indalecio Cordero, José Prado, Dámaso Lonza, and others. They were made afterward the objects of abuse on the part of Carrillo and his coarse wife, Froilana Carranza. _Id._, iii. 600-1.

[VII-63] July 16, 1841. He details the acts of the serviles, enemies of their country's independence and freedom. Carrera's career of crime is also fully discussed. _Morazan_, _Manif._, in _Id._, 585-96; _Id._, in _Cent. Am. Pap._, no. 3.

[VII-64] The serviles had said that they waged war, not against Salvador, but against Morazan.

[VII-65] The embassy brought an escort of 200 men, and Salvador had to pay all the expense. See the note of Minister Manuel Barberena to the minister-general of Guatemala, dated May 18, 1840. Carrera was lodged in one of the best houses of Salvador, and his deportment clearly indicated what his early training had been. His first diplomatic utterances were threats, and the general conduct of himself and his soldiers was so abusive that the people of the liberal district of Calvario in San Salvador finally resolved to fall upon and annihilate them. Cañas saw the danger, and called to it the attention of Duran, who prevailed on his colleague to leave the state with his troops. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 487-8, 492.

[VII-66] The convention was signed by Joaquin Duran, secretary of the sup. gov., and Lieut-gen. Rafael Carrera, on the part of Guatemala, and by Manuel Barberena and Juan Lacayo for Salvador. Under art. 1st Salvador was not to have in office any man who had coöperated with Morazan. Art. 2d required of Salvador to surrender to Guatemala a number of persons, named in a list furnished, to be retained until Salvador should be fully reorganized. Art. 3d forbids Salvador to permit the return to its territory of any of the persons who went away with Morazan. Should any return, they must be given up to Guatemala, as prescribed in the 2d article. Art. 4th and 7th refer to the return of certain armament and of prisoners of war taken in the action of 18th and 19th of March last. Art. 5th says that the constituent assembly of Salvador having been called, her government must see at once to the appointment of deputies to the convention which was to organize the republic. Under art. 6th Salvador agreed that Guatemala and the other states should appoint agents, who, together with her own, were to have in their charge the archives and other effects of the federation. _Id._, 489-91.

[VIII-1] _Guat._ _Recop. Leyes_, i. 42, 62-9, 178.

[VIII-2] The title given the chief magistrate was that of jefe. That of president was not decreed till Nov. 29, 1839. _Marure_, _Efem._, 51.

[VIII-3] He is represented as a man of excitable temperament and harsh manners. He was a brother of José Francisco Barrundia.

[VIII-4] The prelate of the order was summoned to the palace of the federal government, and a compromise was agreed to. Meantime the mob had assembled, shouting, 'Mision queremos! Viva la religion! Muera la herejía! Mueran los que no quieren misiones!' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 182-3.

[VIII-5] It was solemnly promulgated Dec. 26, 1825. This constitution was in full force till the meeting of a second constituent assembly, when it ceased to rule. _Marure_, _Efem._, 15; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 201-2.

[VIII-6] Vera Paz with Peten; Chiquimula, Guatemala, and Escuintla; Sacatepequez with Chimaltenango; Suchitepequez with Sololá; Quezaltenango and Soconusco; Totonicapan and Huehuetenango. _Id._, 463-70.

[VIII-7] Barrundia induced seven of the deputies to abandon their seats, and to protest against resolutions enacted by the legislature after they had quitted it. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 242.

[VIII-8] This step was taken Sept. 6, 1826. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 260; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 53-4. A demand from the fed. gov. to muster out the troops was refused in round terms.

[VIII-9] He had once been a resident there, and knew it to be the most bigoted place in all Cent. Am. Liberal ideas had not taken much root there, and fanaticism ruled.

[VIII-10] He afterward attempted to recover his office, but the course events had taken impeded it. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 57-8.

[VIII-11] A creole from Sto Domingo, who had been formerly a federal officer; but having been arbitrarily removed from the position, he joined the state cause.

[VIII-12] Near Quezaltenango he endeavored to capture his former command, now under Manuel Montúfar, but the latter escaped. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 55-6. He had been forewarned by some serviles of Quezaltenango of the ambuscade prepared for him. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 262.

[VIII-13] Abandoning the plan he had formed of attacking the federals under Francisco Cáscaras.

[VIII-14] He allowed four hours for the surrender: 'si en el término de cuatro horas, no efectúan Vds. lo referido, la hermosa ciudad de Quezaltenango desaparecerá.' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 288; _Id._, _Efem._, 18; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 57-8.

[VIII-15] Among them, one of Oct. 19, 1826, to punish attempts at propagating sedition among the soldiers; another, of Oct. 25th, to impose the penalty of death on all Guatemalans taking up arms against the state government. _Gaz. de Méx._, Dec. 14, 1826; _El Indicador de Guat._, of same year, no. 106; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 248-50.

[VIII-16] Afraid of falling into the hands of the federal troops then marching toward Los Altos, he retired to Retalhuleu, where he lived till 1829.

[VIII-17] Oct. 28, 1826. Cáscaras' vainglorious report is in _Guat._, _Gac. Gob._, Nov. 2, 1826, and _Méx. Gac. Gob._, Dec. 14, 1826; _Marure_, _Efem._, 18; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 59-60.

[VIII-18] All persons affording them aid were declared, on the 5th of March, guilty of high treason. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 250-4. Decree reiterated March 28, 1827; _Marure_, _Efem._, 19.

[VIII-19] All authorities agree that the execution was effected upon the mere order of Aycinena, the then jefe of Guat., and without legal formalities. _Arce_, _Mem._, 68; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 70; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 16; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 397. This last-named writer severely condemns the affected piety of Aycinena, who made confession before a priest and took the communion before signing the death-warrant. In 1829 the liberal party awarded extraordinary honors to Pierzon's memory, ordering that his name should be placed by the side of Cirilo Flores, with this inscription, 'Viva el ilustre Coronel Pierzon en el corazon de los buenos patriotas.' _Marure_, _Efem._, 19.

[VIII-20] Aycinena retained his position uninterruptedly till the 12th of Apr., 1829, when he was deposed by Morazan. A legislative act expatriated him, and he was in exile till early in 1836, when he returned to the bosom of his family; but a second legislative order compelled him to leave the country again. Finally, an amnesty decree of July 25, 1838, restored him to his country in Sept. _Marure_, _Efem._, 18, 61. Mariano Córdoba was chosen, in March 1827, vice-jefe, and when he resigned the office, Manuel Montúfar was called to succeed him. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 60.

[VIII-21] It was the first of its class in Cent. Am., but by no means the last.

[VIII-22] Lieut Isidro Velazquez was executed March 30, 1827.

[VIII-23] Leniency toward the proscribed Antonio Rivera Cabezas, whose death-penalty he had commuted to exile, and prohibition of certain books, pursuant to decrees of the ecclesiastical authorities, were among the chief causes which alienated him many of his former supporters. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 236; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 114. On the 6th of December, 1828, he ordered such books to be burned. _Marure_, _Efem._, 22.

[VIII-24] It purposed with this measure, which turned out to be unavailing, to remove one of the obstacles to the termination of the war by means of a peaceful arrangement.

[VIII-25] They were reëlected, though succeeding events prevented the counting of the votes. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 115.

[VIII-26] A revolt at Quezaltenango, Nov. 5, 1828, had been summarily suppressed. _Marure_, _Efem._, 22.

[VIII-27] The districts of Sacatepequez and Escuintla recognized the authorities that were installed in La Antigua.

[VIII-28] His brother José Francisco having been made acting president, he resigned for the second time the office of jefe, urging obvious reasons, but he was required by the assembly to continue discharging his duties till the election should have been effected. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 167-9.

[VIII-29] The dispersed representative council of 1826 had been reorganized at La Antigua Feb. 11, 1829, and its senior member, Mariano Zenteno, recognized as acting jefe of the state.

[VIII-30] This body voted Morazan a gold medal, and declared him a benemérito. It also decreed that his portrait should be placed in the hall of sessions. This, however, was a spark of enthusiasm which died out.

[VIII-31] Nicolás Espinosa presided, as he had done at the last sitting at San Martin Jilotepec, Sept. 26, 1826.

[VIII-32] Cayetano de la Cerda was the administrador de recursos, and he acted without restriction. Mariano Galvez, Barrundia's secretary of state, is credited with the invention of the financial schemes by the author of _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 136-7.

[VIII-33] _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 131-3, 143-51.

[VIII-34] Antonio Rivera Cabezas was chosen vice-jefe in March 1830. He was succeeded by Gregorio Marquez in Feb. 1831; Francisco X. Flores was consejero Aug. 1831.

[VIII-35] Molina was impeached on trivial and inconsistent charges by the legislative body. Twice tried and twice acquitted; but meantime the term for which he was chosen had expired, and new elections were ordered. Marure, Efem., 61. Full details of the trials in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 205-17, 229-33.

[VIII-36] Rivera Cabezas wielded a powerful pen, and in a playful way ridiculed the servile party. His Don Meliton dialogues did it more harm than José del Valle with his grave and erudite speeches in congress. He won himself the bitter hatred of that party. The political change of 1839 placed him in the hands of his enemies, and he lost much of his property. He left the country, but family affairs necessitated his return some years after. In his last years his intellectual faculties declined, and the serviles no longer feared him, but their hatred remained, and their insults and abuse hastened his death. His portrait is also given. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 235-7, 246.

[VIII-37] The most violent felt since 1773. _Marure_, _Efem._, 26.

[VIII-38] Several buildings were damaged, among them the churches of Santa Teresa, San Francisco, and Recoletos. Since the end of March shocks had been experienced in the vicinity of the Pacaya volcano, several villages being almost entirely reduced to ruins. _Id._

[VIII-39] The nun Teresa called them the effects of God's displeasure for the banishment of the archbishop and friars. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 225-6.

[VIII-40] The liberals were certain that with Morazan at the head of the federal government, and Barrundia as chief of Guatemala, there would be no disagreements. Barrundia now made a cession for the benefit of public instruction of nearly $7,000—due him for salaries during the time he acted as president. This was a generous act on the part of a man who had no private fortune. He later ceded one half of his senatorial pay for the same purpose. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 273-6.

[VIII-41] Galvez was reëlected Feb. 9, 1835, and held the position till Feb. 2, 1838, when he was forced to resign it. During his first term Simon Vasconcelos was vice-jefe, and Juan Ant. Martinez consejero; during the second, Pedro J. Valenzuela, who superseded him; Mariano Sanchez de Leon was consejero in 1836, and Mariano Rivera Paz in July 1838. The latter also held the executive office. _Salv._, _Gac._, Oct. 12, 1854; _Marure_, _Efem._, 43, 45, 61-2.

[VIII-42] Galvez was not in league with the clergy or aristocracy, on one side; nor with Barrundia or Morazan, on the other. He wanted to form a party of which he should be the sole chief. This prompted him to oppose all parties, and brought upon him many reproaches.

[VIII-43] In July 1832 tithes were abolished. On the 16th of Sept. an academy of sciences, to take the place of the old university, was established, and to it were attached the colegio de abogados, and the protomedicato. This academy was suppressed March 6, 1840, and the university of old was restored. _Marure_, _Efem._, 32. Among other measures were the reduction of holidays to seven, aside from Sundays, and the prohibition of religious processions in the streets on working days. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 307-19, ii. 76-84.

[VIII-44] Even the offspring of priests were to be reputed as legitimate in cases of inheritance, where the father had died intestate. _Id._, ii. 346-7.

[VIII-45] This blow at the church was not favorably received by the people, and in July 1838 the resolution was suspended.

[VIII-46] They made the Indians believe that the cholera was the effect of Galvez and his friends having poisoned the springs, 'para destruir hombres que detestaba y poblaciones que aborrecia.' _Id._, ii. 349.

[VIII-47] It was constantly brought forward that while other states had seceded from the confederation, Guatemala alone had contributed to the common budget, and furnished the national executive arms and money to wage war against the rebellious states.

[VIII-48] Martial law was proclaimed Jan. 16, 1838, in the departments of Sacatepequez and Guatemala. Two days later La Antigua rebelled, appointing a provisional government, and subsequently Chiquimula and Salamá followed the movement. _Marure_, _Efem._, 42-3; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 431; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 858-9.

[VIII-49] The provisional government was placed in charge of Marcelo Molina, José M. Galvez, and José A. Aguilar. The assembly of Guatemala simply referred the matter to the federal congress, which recognized the new state. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 9-23; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 43.

[VIII-50] _Marure_, _Efem._, 47.

[VIII-51] The state comprised, on the north, the districts of Huehuetenango, Sacapulas, Malacatan, Tejutla, Cuilco, Jacaltenango, and Sololá, together with all the territory between the river Pasion and Chiapas, to where it touched the undefined boundaries of Tabasco and Yucatan; on the west, Ostuncalco and San Márcos; on the south, Cuyotenango and Mazatenango; on the east, Atitlan, Sololá, Joyabaj, Quiché; and in the centre, Totonicapan and Quezaltenango. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 391-3.

[VIII-52] Dated July 12, 1839. _Id._, 394-7.

[VIII-53] Galvez, José F. and Juan Barrundia, Simon Vasconcelos, and others.

[VIII-54] On the 28th of Jan. a body of Quezaltec troops, under Colonel Corzo, was defeated by the Guatemalans, under Gen. Monterrosa. It had been stationed in the hacienda of Bejucal, with the double object of guarding on the coast side the territory of Los Altos, and of forming a combination with the men of Salvador, who were about to invade Guatemala from the river Paz frontier. The treatment of the fugitives by the Indians was shocking. Corzo and Lieut-col Córdoba perished at their hands. Carrera, after defeating, on the 29th of Jan., the Quezaltec troops that attempted to check him on the heights of Sololá, entered Quezaltenango unresisted, and put an end to that state. Its towns were taken under Guatemalan protection, on the fiction of their voluntary annexation, by decree of Feb. 26, 1840. _Marure_, _Efem._, 52; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 43-50.

[VIII-55] It was claimed that Carrera could not prevent these abuses, which were committed by the very people of Los Altos who rose against the partisans of the government. The fact is, they were savage Indians under Carrera's protection. This chief returned in triumph to Guatemala, and was received amid the plaudits of his clerico-aristocratic supporters and the rabble. His victorious army brought in the rear the armament and spoils of Quezaltenango, and upwards of 100 prisoners, among them Guzman, Mariscal, and Soto. The first named was wounded, and tied to a mule. The rabble made him the special object of their scoff. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 439-41.

[VIII-56] Deprived of the office Jan. 30, 1839; restored Apr. 13th of the same year; held it till Dec. 13, 1841. May 14, 1842, he assumed for the third time the executive office, with the title of president of the state. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 175; _Marure_, _Efem._, 61-2. Stephens, who saw Rivera Paz in 1840, speaks well of him, saying that 'in all the trying positions in which he was afterward placed, he exhibited more than ordinary prudence and judgment.' _Cent. Am._, i. 201.

[VIII-57] The 3d and last art. contained these words: 'Un olvido general sobre todos los acontecimientos políticos desde el quince de Setiembre de mil ochocientos veintiuno hasta la fecha; y se prohiba rigurosamente removerlos con ningun motivo.' Further than this, José F. Barrundia had moved that the initiative should be made urgent, and voted on without being referred to a committee. Montúfar, who gives full details on this affair, blames Barrundia for his excessive generosity and abnegation, which, he declares, always turned to the prejudice of that statesman and his party. He wanted his enemies pardoned, and to enjoy all personal guarantees, but there was no spirit of reciprocity on their part. When the serviles assumed the reins of power, they invariably abused and persecuted Barrundia. He was not only sent into exile, but insulted there in publications they would forward him. _Reseña Hist._, iii. 188-90.

[VIII-58] The executive was authorized to support the petition of the clergy in order that the diocese should have a bishop, and permitted that he should appropriate a portion of the public funds to that end. No mention was made of the person who was to be bishop. The idea was to flatter the several clergymen who were with Carrera hoping to earn a mitre. July 25th the people were called to elect a constituent assembly, of not less than fifty members, to reform, add to, or retain in whole or in part the constitution of Guatemala. This decree was supported by the liberals, who foolishly believed that their party would have the power to reconstitute the state. The serviles hailed it, being sure of controlling the situation with Rivera Paz at the head of the government, and three servile wings as his counsellors. Reactionary deputies would be plentiful in the constitutional convention. The capitation tax was reduced to four reales. The assembly, now converted into a law-maker by steam, on the 26th of July revoked the laws establishing civil marriage and divorce, freedom to bequeath property, reduction of the number of holidays, and the further admission of religious vows. _Id._, 190-2.

[VIII-59] He ruled 2½ months, at the end of which he had to seek safety in flight, on Carrera occupying the capital. _Marure_, _Efem._, 48, 62.

[VIII-60] The former political order of affairs now came to an end, and a new era began under Carrera's auspices. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 207.

[VIII-61] The texts of the several treaties may be seen in _Convencion_, in _Cent. Am. Constituciones_, 5-25, 28-31; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 382-95.

[VIII-62] Honors were paid to Carrera and Rivera Paz. Their portraits were to be placed in the hall of sessions. _Marure_, _Efem._, 53. A few days later the 19th of March was decreed a civic feast-day. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, iii. 348.

[VIII-63] Act of Nov. 9, 1840. _Id._, 286.

[VIII-64] Not at Aguanqueterique, as the federal congress had decreed. _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 13; _Marure_, _Efem._, 10. The last named, in his _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 148, gives the name as Leypateric.

[VIII-65] Comayagua, Tegucigalpa, Gracias, Santa Bárbara, Olancho, Yoro, and Choluteca.

[VIII-66] Irias excommunicated Herrera, and the latter had him arrested. Both had many adherents.

[VIII-67] Arce claims that Gracias had called for the protection. _Mem._, 64-5; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 61. The truth is, he had no right to exercise jurisdiction there, the place not being on the frontier nor on the coast. _Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS., 6.

[VIII-68] Herrera had a force to defeat Milla, but refrained from using it, in order that Honduras should not be accused of beginning hostilities against the national government. _Id._, 7.

[VIII-69] Marure, _Efem._, 19, gives the 10th as the date. Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 169, gives March 10th. Morazan attributes the surrender to the commander's treachery. _Apuntes_, MS., 8.

[VIII-70] Cleto Bendaña was made jefe provisional in Sept. 1827, Francisco Morazan being consejero in Nov. of that year. _Marure_, _Efem._, 63.

[VIII-71] See his _Apuntes_, MS., 9-10.

[VIII-72] There was a sedition of the serviles, headed by Father Rivas and others, which was concluded by a peaceable arrangement with Morazan. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 191-3, 196.

[VIII-73] Martinez and Cori, implicated in a plot with negroes of Belize and Bacalar, and others were executed May 25, 1833. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 132.

[VIII-74] They mostly affected the clergy. _Marure_, _Efem._, 23-7, 35-6.

[VIII-75] Resulting from various causes. A law providing for a provisional currency checked foreign trade. In the interior it was at 50 per ct discount. A decree establishing a single tax never could be carried out. The abolition of tithes was a measure which caused trouble. Timid or fanatical rulers were afraid of 'cuatro canónigos viejos de Comayagua que amenazaban con el salmo 108 y las penas del infierno,' and fanaticism soon brought about the restoration of the tithes. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 277.

[VIII-76] This was the second constituent assembly, and its first president was José Santiago Buezo. The town of Tegucigalpa demanded absolute independence, declaring itself seceded and under the protection of Nicaragua until it should be declared. This was the work of the returned reactionists. _Id._, 279-82.

[VIII-77] 'Art. Único. El estado de Honduras es libre, soberano, é independiente.' It was published by the acting jefe, Leon Alvarado. The declaration being deemed insufficient by the secessionists, another act was passed on the 5th of Nov., to say that Honduras was independent of the late federal government, of the governments of the other states of Cent. Am., and of any other government or foreign power. _Id._, 282; _Marure_, _Efem._, 47.

[VIII-78] Tegucigalpa had been twice taken, and Comayagua once, by the federal forces. _Id._, 50-1.

[VIII-79] Gerónimo Zelaya, primer jefe, June 1828. His authority was never recognized outside of Santa Bárbara. His election was finally declared null, like all others effected pursuant to the convention by the president of the republic. Diego Vijil, vice-jefe, Apr. 1829. Juan Angel Arias, consejero, Dec. 1829. José Santos del Valle, consejero, July 1830. José Ant. Marquez, jefe, March 1831. Francisco Milla, consejero, March 1832. Joaquin Rivera, jefe, Jan. 1833 to Dec. 31, 1836. During his term, owing to illness, the executive was temporarily in charge of F. Ferrera, the vice-jefe, in Sept. 1833, and of J. M. Bustillo, consejero, in Sept. 1835. The latter was again in power as acting president in Aug. 1839. Ferrera again held the executive in Jan. 1841, with the title of president of the state. J. M. Martinez, consejero, Jan. 1837. Justo José Herrera, jefe, May 1837. Leon Alvarado, consejero, Oct. 1838. Felipe Medina, José Alvarado, and Lino Matute are also mentioned as having had charge of the executive in Nov. 1838; the last named till Jan. 1839. Juan F. Molina, consejero, Jan. 1839. José M. Guerrero, consejero, May 1839. Francisco Zelaya, consejero, Sept. 1839. _Id._, 63; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 133-6, 325-31; iii. 282-3.

[IX-1] March 5, 1824, the local constituent assembly met, and on the 4th of July, the state constitution, decreed on the 12th of June, was published, and its support sworn to. _Marure_, _Efem._, 10-11.

[IX-2] Sonsonate had always belonged to Guatemala, but was annexed to Salvador on the return of the auxiliary force that was despatched to the former in 1823 to quell Ariza's revolt, of which I have given an account. By intrigue and force, the inhabitants were made to declare in favor of Salvador. The region was later attached to the latter, though the change of jurisdiction has never been formally acknowledged by Guatemala. Some time after there was a plan of creating, with Sonsonate and Santa Ana, a separate state, but the federal congress did not sanction it. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist._, i. 149.

[IX-3] He assumed his office Dec. 13, 1824. During the period of organization the executive was in charge of Juan Manuel Rodriguez, who bore the title of director. _Id._, _Efem._, 13, 62; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 32.

[IX-4] At this time Salvador became the asylum of the liberal party.

[IX-5] Arce alleged that Molina and others had induced Villacorta to believe he was the only man who could right political wrongs; but he found he could not do this, and so resigned. _Mem._, 60-1.

[IX-6] Convents were abolished March 1, 1830. A college was established in July of the following year; and the state seemed to have recovered from the losses of the late war.

[IX-7] Cornejo could not be in accord with the federal authorities; he was a servile, and in league with their enemies. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 334.

[IX-8] The executive authority was held for a while by Morazan himself. _Marure_, _Efem._, 30, 62.

[IX-9] To accept the position he resigned the vice-presidency of the republic. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 6.

[IX-10] Tithes had been suppressed and trial by jury introduced.

[IX-11] The public archives and artillery were to be also removed. The comandante-general was to remain behind with four cannons and 200 muskets.

[IX-12] He had lost his wearing apparel, and in his smallclothes, and with a travelling cloak on, he took charge of the government. _Id._, 20. He was chosen by the assembly first jefe on the 1st of July, 1833. In June 1834 he was removed from office and expelled. _Marure_, _Efem._, 36, 62; _Guat._, _Gaceta_, Dec. 22, 1854, 7.

[IX-13] Aquino was a perfect savage, and invoked religion, as did Carrera somewhat later. He once entered San Vicente with the crown of an image of St Joseph on his head. His mode of sentencing prisoners to death was expeditious. The victim was placed before a group of his men, who were told he was their enemy. 'Shoot him,' they would say, and the thing was done. Aquino was in league with the serviles, but as they could not manage him, they persecuted their crowned ally. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 21.

[IX-14] Crowe, _Gospel_, 135, and Squier, _Travels_, ii. 420-1, erroneously place it in 1832.

[IX-15] The defeat of San Martin by Gen. Espinosa was at Jiquilisco. _Guat._, _Boletin Ofic._, 507-9. San Martin was now forsaken by Galvez, the jefe of Guatemala. In his old age he used to complain of 'las inconsecuencias del Doctor Galvez.' _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 27.

[IX-16] The latter ruled only from July to Oct., when he was temporarily succeeded, first by the consejero, Joaquin Escolan, and then by the vice-jefe, José M. Silva, the same month. Nicolás Espinosa became jefe in Apr. 1835, and was driven away in the following November, being accused of promoting a war of races, the consejero Francisco Gomez being his successor on the 13th of Nov. The next rulers were: Diego Vijil, Apr. 1836; Timoteo Menendez, vice-jefe, Sept. 1836; Antonio J. Cañas, consejero, May 1839. _Marure_, _Efem._, 62; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 193.

[IX-17] Carrera contemplated becoming the ruler of Central America, but had to abandon his plan on Nicaragua and Honduras forming a league against him. His Indians were not so efficient when off from their native ground. _Squier's Travels_, ii. 441-2.

[IX-18] Sept. 23, 1840. He had ruled since Apr. 8th of the same year. _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Feb. 14, 1875. The revolutionary movement of Sept. 20th for his removal was promoted by Francisco Malespin, Carrera's tool, and a man who wielded a fatal influence in Salvador till Gen. Joaquin E. Guzman rid the country of him. Malespin was then acting for Carrera, who feared that a revolution of the Calvario ward of San Salvador would upset Cañas, who was without influence, and could no longer be useful to the aristocrats of Guat. Such a revolution would create a liberal government, and might bring back Morazan. Cañas was put out of the way that his place might be occupied by a servile tool. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 499.

[IX-19] He held the position only to the end of 1840. His successors with the same title were Juan Lindo, Jan. 1841; Pedro Arce, Apr. 1841; Senator Escolástico Marin, Feb. 1842. _Marure_, _Efem._, 62.

[IX-20] 'En la ulterior contienda de los partidos políticos de esta Provincia, pues, no se encuentran mas que pasiones; las calificaciones de realistas, imperialistas, ó serviles solo servian para autorizar la persecucion.' _Ayon_, _Ap._, 25.

[IX-21] April 17, 1823.

[IX-22] This movement was the precursor of the great calamities that were to befall Nicaragua. _Marure_, _Efem._, 9.

[IX-23] The troops and the mob in Leon, on the 4th of May, deposed him, and placed his office in charge of the alcalde, Pablo Melendez, who in his turn was overthrown a few days later by another sedition headed by Ordoñez.

[IX-24] The villas of Managua and Nicaragua refused to recognize the revolutionary government at the capital, and established a junta gubernativa at the first-named town.

[IX-25] It was formed with the chief men of the 'partido de Managua.'

[IX-26] By order of Gen. Manuel José Arce, who afterward entered Leon. Details of battles and actions during this unhappy period of Nicaraguan history may be found in _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 151-6; _Id._, _Efem._, 11-12, 75; _Ayon_, _Apuntes_, 28-36; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 160-2.

[IX-27] In the previous year Martin Arzú had been sent as a commissioner to restore peace in Nicaragua. He was ordered to use gentle means, but to employ force against parties opposing him. To support him, 500 Hondurans were stationed at Choluteca. He arrived after the siege of Leon had begun, and endeavored on the spot to bring about an arrangement between the belligerents; but he was treated disrespectfully by the besiegers, and even arrested and threatened with death by Salas. He afterward declared the junta at El Viejo revolutionary, and that its commands should be disregarded. After that he conducted the defence of Leon. _Marure_, _Bosq._, i. 157-9.

[IX-28] In the latter part of 1828 he was shot, under the sentence of a court-martial convened by order of the vice-jefe Argüello. _Id._, _Efem._, 63-4.

[IX-29] Its support was sworn to on the last day of that month.

[IX-30] The first representative council, or senate, was inaugurated at the same place on the 26th of Oct., 1826. _Id._, 18.

[IX-31] Cerda would not, however, lay down his power, and continued exercising it at Managua. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 43.

[IX-32] The dissolution was 'á consecuencia de una sedicion promovida por el Vice-jefe del mismo Estado Sr Juan Argüello.' _Marure_, _Efem._, 18.

[IX-33] On the 14th of Sept., 1827. This was his third or fourth effort; all fruitless, however. _Id._, 20.

[IX-34] He foretold at the time that 'muy luego vería el congreso arder otra vez la tea de la discordia en aquel Estado.' _Arce_, _Mem._, 17.

[IX-35] Their project involved the annexation of Nicaragua to Colombia. _Los Anales_, 1872, 54.

[IX-36] He now proposed to surrender the government to Argüello or some one else. His friends dissuaded him, and he was finally the victim of treachery.

[IX-37] His friends had obtained that the trial should be at Granada, but the mob at Rivas opposed his removal at the moment of departure. _Id._, 63.

[IX-38] Nov. 29, 1828. It is said that the vice-jefe, Argüello, decreed a suspension of the sentence; but purposely delayed the courier, so that the reprieve arrived too late at Rivas. A full biography of Cerda, with scattered historical items, is given in _Id._, 29-72, passim.

[IX-39] The installation of the assembly was on Nov. 1, 1829. The elections had been decreed by the vice-jefe, Argüello, and his act, as well as the elections effected under it, were on the 23d of May, 1830, declared to be legitimate. _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 80. Herrera had been inducted in office on the 12th of May. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 199-203.

[IX-40] The services of the Nicaraguans were recognized by both the federal president and the state assembly. Honors were decreed to the survivors, and pensions to the wounded, and to the widows and orphans of the dead. _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 214-15.

[IX-41] This last action was attributed by the revolutionists to Herrera's machinations and Morazan's influence; but the truth was, that the people recognized Herrera's services as the pacificator, and his good qualifications as a ruler. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 31-2.

[IX-42] A detailed account of this revolt is given in the _Centro Americano_, 89-97. It is said that a number of medals were found of tortoise-shell, gold, and other metals, with the image of Fernando VII., and bearing the inscription 'Viva Fernando VII. Rey de España y de las Indias, Año de 1828,' which gave rise to the supposition that the revolt had been in his interests. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 36-8. Herrera issued a proclamation calling on the people to stand by the government. _Marure_, _Efem._, 33-4.

[IX-43] The assembly, installed on the 21st of Aug., 1833, at Leon, approved all of Herrera's acts.

[IX-44] On the southern coast of Nicaragua, 12 leagues distant from Leon.

[IX-45] A dense yellow cloud rose suddenly, accompanied by a strong smell of sulphur and a shower of fine white dust. The alarmed inhabitants closed their doors and windows, but the dust could not be kept out. Breathing became difficult. This lasted nearly three days. On the 23d, at 1 A. M., a loud detonation, followed by heavy shocks of earthquake, rain of sand, and total darkness, rendered the terror of the people complete. Flocks of birds fell dead to the ground, and wild animals sought refuge in buildings. The frightened inhabitants ran to their yards, or hurried to the churches to implore divine mercy. Forty-three hours passed before the earth became quiet, when a strong wind cleared the atmosphere, enabling the people to ascertain the damage. The ashes in the vicinity of the volcano were several feet deep. The river Chiquito had been wholly dried up, and two new islands were formed. A large number of animals had perished, and the living ones were in a state of starvation. Such had been the force of the convulsion that the detonations and the rain of ashes had reached a distance of hundreds of leagues, as far as Oajaca, Jamaica, and Bogotá in Colombia. Montúfar, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 145-50, in giving an account of the event, adds that the priests called it a punishment from heaven because tithes had been abolished, freedom of conscience proclaimed, and the decrees of 1829 and 1830 upheld. The parish priests in several towns, during the prevailing darkness, preached from their pulpits that this shaking of the earth was a manifestation of God's wrath for the crimes of the liberals. Squier, _Trav._, ii. 110-11, says that the superintendent of Belize, on hearing the explosions, mustered his troops, thinking that a battle was being fought somewhere near the coast. Stephens, _Cent. Am._, ii. 38, relates a similar incident of the military commander of Guatemala.

[IX-46] Accounts of the catastrophe, differing more or less in details, according to the various points where it was observed, are given in _Marure_, _Efem._, 36-7; _Stephens' Cent. Am._, ii. 35-8; _Squier's Trav._, ii. 110-14, 162-3, with a view of the volcano; _Byam's Wild Life_, 32-7; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 15-17; _Lond. Geog. Soc. Journ._, v. 387-92; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 23; _Wells' Hond._, 230-1; _Cor. Atlánt._, May 9, 1835, 10; _Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog._, x. 919-20.

[IX-47] Not in 1836, as Dunlop has it. _Cent. Am._, 191-2.

[IX-48] His minister-general for a time was J. N. Gonzalez, and on his resigning, Hermenegildo Zepeda, one of the first lawyers in the state, succeeded. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 302.

[IX-49] On the 25th of Jan. _Marure_, _Efem._, 39, 64; Montúfar, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 306-10, gives the official documents describing the occurrences.

[IX-50] Father Solis, the president, and others attributed to Morazan and the constitution of 1824 the evils Nicaragua had suffered from, forgetting those preceding Morazan and the constitution.

[IX-51] Ratified by the executive Nov. 17th. Given in full in _Nic._, _Constit._, in _Cent. Am. Constitutions_, 1-39. A brief synopsis in _Squier's Travels_, ii. 211-13. See also _Niles' Reg._, 1839, lvi. 49.

[IX-52] During Herrera's term the following held the executive authority for short periods: Cárlos Ruiz y Bolaños, Aug. 1831; Benito Morales, Feb. 1834; José Nuñez, March 1834. I find that the government was also provisionally in charge of Gregorio Juarez, May 1835; F. X. Rubio, Jan. 1838; José Nuñez, as jefe, March 12, 1838; Evaristo Rocha, May 1838; Joaquin Cosio, June 1838; Patricio Rivas, director, June 1839; Joaquin Cosio, July 1839; Hilario Ulloa, Oct. 1839; Tomás Valladares, Nov. 1839. In 1840 he became director del estado; Pablo Buitrago, director, Apr. 1841. _Marure_, _Efem._, 64.

[IX-53] Sept. 6, 1824. Molina, _Costa Rica_, 95, followed by Wagner, _Costa R._, 545, gives it as May 6th, which is evidently a mistake. _Marure_, _Efem._, 11, has it Sept. 6th, and that Agustin Gutierrez Lizaurzábal was its first president.

[IX-54] _Costa Rica_, _Ley Fundam._ (San Salv., 1825), 24 mo, 26 pp.; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 32; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 13; _Molina_, _Costa R._, 18. This last-named author, on his p. 95, gives the date as Jan. 22d, evidently following _Marure_, _Efem._, 13. Squier, _Travels_, ii. 388, makes it Jan. 2d.

[IX-55] Mariano Montealegre became the vice-jefe. Mora was reëlected in March 1829, and ruled till toward the end of 1832. _Marure_, _Efem._, 64; _Id._, _Bosq._, 149; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 32.

[IX-56] Personal enmity between Pedro Muñoz, an influential man in Guanacaste, and Cerda was the main reason. _Los Anales_, 1872, 54.

[IX-57] The approval was merely provisional. The other four are Cartago, San José, Heredia, and Alajuela. _Molina_, _Costa R._, 5-6.

[IX-58] _Nic. y Hond._, _Doc._, 101-12; _Ayon_, _Consid. Límites_, 20-4; _Frisch_, _Mex._, 73.

[IX-59] Marure, _Efem._, 16, and _Bosq._, i. 232-3, following _El Indicador_, 1826, no. 75, and _El Semanario_, 1826, no. 86, gives the date as Jan. 29th. Molina, _Costa R._, 96, places it on the 28th.

[IX-60] He confessed to have acted under a commission from the court of Spain, and as a lieut-col in its service. Seventeen of his partisans were sent out of the country.

[IX-61] A detailed account of that mission may be seen in _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 112-14; _Molina_, _Costa R._, 96-7.

[IX-62] 'Ocupa este lugar el ciudadano Ex-gefe Juan Mora, por sus virtudes, y le ocuparán sucesivamente, los que, en el mismo destino, se hagan dignos de él.' _Marure_, _Efem._, 33. Mora was born in San José in 1784, and had filled several important trusts before his election to the chief magistracy. After his retirement he again held other offices till his exile in 1838. Returning to his country in 1842, he took a prominent part in public affairs. In Nov. 1848 he was declared a benemérito de la patria, and given a pension for life. In May 1850 he became president of the supreme court. Honesty and integrity were the prominent traits of his character, united with ability and liberal ideas, but free from exaggerations. _Molina_, _Costa R._, 75-6, 98, 119-21.

[IX-63] Costa Rica had never been under the sway of bishops, clergymen, or monks. That fanaticism which has been so baneful to other states of Spanish America never existed here. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 305.

[IX-64] _Guat._, _Boletin Ofic._, 1833, no. 34, 376; _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, iv. 4-5. Gallegos was an honorable man and father of a family, as well as a wealthy property owner. But he was not conversant with state affairs, nor with the intrigues of politicians. His chief aim was economy; he wished to see the public treasury full of money; he cared less to apply that money in the development of the country.

[IX-65] In proof of which were the newspapers _El Noticioso Universal_, _La Tertulia_, _El Correo de Costa Rica_, and the number of sheets that were constantly issued.

[IX-66] By the assembly and council, and published by the executive, Apr. 3, 1834. _Id._, 198-201; _Costa R._, Col. _Leyes_, iv. 110-12, 120-1.

[IX-67] Juan José Lara became jefe provisorio, and in his turn was succeeded in June of the same year by the vice-jefe Agustin G. Lizaurzábal, who ruled till March 1835, when, because of ill health, he delivered the government to Manuel Fernandez, who had it till the regularly elected jefe assumed his duties. _Marure_, _Efem._, 64; _Molina_, _Costa R._, 99; _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, iv. 134-5, 159-60.

[IX-68] He was born in Cartago in 1800, and studied in the university of Leon, Nicaragua. He had never been out of Cent. Am., and consequently his mind had never had the expanding influence of travel. He was accordingly full of petty prejudices. He could, however, appreciate men of merit, and avail himself of their abilities; but if he mistrusted a man, he proved a relentless foe. He rarely placed any trust in any one. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 208; _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, iv. 206-7; _Molina_, _Costa R._, 68 et seq.; _Wagner_, _Costa Rica_, 201-3.

[IX-69] Law of Apr. 11 and Aug. 25, 1835; _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, iv. 196-9, 235-9; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, May 25, 1875.

[IX-70] Government issued a proclamation against the rebels on the 6th of Oct., 1835. _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, iv. 273-80.

[IX-71] The decisive action occurred on the 28th of Oct. About 50 persons perished. Details on those troubles appear in _Molina_, _Costa R._, 99-100; _Marure_, _Efem._, 38. The authors of the rebellion were mulcted in sums ranging from $2,000 down to $30. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 208-27, 237-47.

[IX-72] Two thousand men came upon the invaders at the hacienda of Santa Rosa. Quijano escaped to Nicaragua. The government, by a decree of July 2, 1836, declared him and others outlawed, and one of them was executed. _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, iv. 325-30, 349-58. Guanacaste, later known as Liberia, and Nicoya, for their loyalty, were rewarded, the former being made a city, and the latter a villa. _Molina_, _Costa R._, 100; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 230-6.

[IX-73] Carrillo held the executive office till March 1837, when, his term having expired, he surrendered it to Joaquin Mora, a brother of the former jefe, Juan Mora, who ruled only one month, and began his administration by opposing some of Carrillo's measures. _Id._, 312.

[IX-74] Aguilar had political enemies who accused him of friendship for Cartago, Heredia, and Alajuela, thereby exposing San José to new assaults. With this pretext a plan was formed to assault the barracks at San José on the night of Aug. 26th. _Id._, 318-20.

[IX-75] Carrillo was recognized as jefe by a special decree of the assembly on the 26th of June, and remained at the head of affairs till 1842, when he was overthrown in his turn. _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, iv. 241; _Marure_, _Efem._, 64; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 322-3. Miguel Carranza, Carrillo's father-in-law, became vice-jefe. _Stephens_, _Cent. Am._, i. 359.

[IX-76] He established a reign of despotism, in which his will was law, restricting the press and punishing his political opponents with expatriation and otherwise, though they were pardoned in 1838. _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, iv. 320-1, v. 96-100, 193-4. His course made him many enemies, whom he treated with the utmost harshness. His change from a liberal ruler to an arbitrary one was quite marked. He was known by the sobriquet of Sapo de Loza. A number of charges against him appear in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 561-79. During his former administration, in 1836, he restored the tithes and the excessive number of holidays of the church.

[IX-77] The assembly had, in April 1838, passed a resolution inviting the federal congress to call a national convention for the exclusive purpose of reforming the federal institutions. _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, v. 196-8.

[IX-78] Carrillo could not rule with the liberal constitution of 1825. To do away with this obstacle he used as a pretext the decree of the federal congress of May 30, 1838, empowering the states to reconstitute themselves. The assembly of Costa Rica accepted the decree on the 16th of July, 1838, and Carrillo seized the opportunity to get rid of a fundamental law that did not suit him. It was at his suggestion that the assembly, by decree of July 14, 1838, called the constituent convention. _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, iv. 248-51, 279-84; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 266-7.

[IX-79] A treaty of friendship and alliance was concluded July 1, 1839, with Honduras; another of the same character one month later with Guatemala. Both are given in _Convencion_, in _Cent. Am. Constitutions_, 13-14, 23-5.

[IX-80] The coat of arms was a star with rays, placed in the centre of a sky-blue circle, and had at the circumference the inscription 'Estado de Costa Rica.' The flag consisted of three horizontal stripes, the uppermost and lowest white, and the central one sky-blue, with the coat of arms on the latter. The flag of the mercantile marine was not to have the coat of arms, but instead of it, in silver letters on the centre stripe, the inscription 'Estado de Costa Rica.' _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, vi. 316-20.

[IX-81] President Morazan's decree of April 20, 1842, restored the flag, arms, and coins as before the promulgation of Carrillo's.

[X-1] Articles 8th and 9th of this treaty stipulated that the ports of both states were to be closed to British trade until Great Britain should restore to Central America the island of Roatan, the seizure of which, together with its consequences, is treated of in another part of this volume. Chatfield, who had been favoring the views of Guatemala against Los Altos, declared to the latter that these articles were offensive to his government. The government of the new state, being anxious to avert any interruption of friendly relations, by its minister, Aguilar, assured the consul, on the 18th of Jan., 1840, that the objectionable articles would be rescinded.

[X-2] The state assembly passed a decree to that end April 17, 1841, and appointed the deputies to represent it, the appointees being Francisco Castellon, Gregorio Juarez, Benito Rosales, Ex-jefe José Nuñez, and Hermenegildo Zepeda. The last named was represented by Sebastian Salinas. Castellon's selection by the assembly was a blow at Buitrago, the two being bitter opponents.

[X-3] In the protest they set forth the machinations brought to bear to defeat them. Nicaragua and Salvador had asked Guatemala and Costa Rica to enter the convention. Ferrera, the executive of Honduras, played a double game. He had representatives in the convention, while he was leagued with the aristocrats of Guatemala, who spurned the idea of reorganization. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 144.

[X-4] Meantime the convention named the supreme delegate and the members of the council. The duties of the executive officer were multifarious, involving foreign and internal affairs. Among the foreign affairs was the negotiating of a concordat with the pope, and of a treaty with Spain for her recognition of Central American independence. He was also to procure the reassembling of the American diet. _Squier's Trav._, ii. 444-5; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 147-8; _Reichardt_, _Nic._, 73-4; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Feb. 14, 1875.

[X-5] Act of the constituent assembly, dated July 20, 1842. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 304-5.

[X-6] The act consisted of 77 articles, and was an amplification of the former act. Art. 4 said that the confederate states recognized the principle of non-intervention by one or more states in the internal affairs of the others. They bound themselves never to resort to arms for the settlement of disputed points, nor to permit the annexation of towns of alien jurisdiction without the express assent of their sovereign. The other states of the late union were granted the privilege of joining the confederacy with equal rights and representation. Art. 14 prescribed that the government was to be exercised through delegates for the general objects of common benefit expressly set forth in the instrument. Art. 15. The executive authority was to be in charge of a supremo delegado, with a consultive council formed with one member from each state. Art. 16. The judicial power was intrusted to a court composed of members chosen by the state legislatures. The delegates who subscribed the act were: J. Nuñez, G. Juarez, Francisco Castellon, Pedro Zeledon, and Sebastian Salinas for Nicaragua; Manuel Barberena, and José M. Cornejo for Salvador; Manuel E. Vazquez, Mónico Bueso, and Jacobo Rosa for Honduras. _Cent. Am._, _Pacto de Confed._, 1-12; _Niles' Reg._, lxiv. 2; _La Union_, June 15, 1850; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 266-82; _Pabellon Nac._, Oct. 19, 1844, 27; _Froebel's Cent. Am._, 143.

[X-7] An act was passed by the constituent assembly on the 28th of July, 1841, purporting to have in view a restoration of the union. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 454-5.

[X-8] _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, viii. 28-36. This treaty was called by the nobles 'tratado de union.' Carcache produced a note of June 17, 1843. from Aycinena reiterating his government's protest against the expediency and practicability of establishing in Central America 'una forma de gobierno unitario,' which in its opinion would entail upon the country still greater misfortunes. Castellon, for the Nicaragua executive, replied on the 5th of Aug., denying that any offence had been committed by entertaining opinions favorable to the late government. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 151-2.

[X-9] Rivera Paz' decree, in _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 46-8.

[X-10] Costa Rica appointed delegates to the diet. _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, viii. 57-9, 92-8, 188-9. The minister of Guat. had proposed to Costa Rica a convention of commissioners from all the states, appointed in the manner he suggested, namely, all the commissioners were to be of Guatemala, and directed by him to review the compact of Chinandega. The proposition was rejected. The reports of the committees in the assemblies of Guatemala and Costa Rica are given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 283-97, 380, 407-9.

[X-11] This would save them from such blows as the lieut-gen. inflicted on them at Pinula and Villa de Guadalupe, early in 1844.

[X-12] They were to be paid for by the confederate states.

[X-13] These facts appear in the official report to the state government on May 6, 1844.

[X-14] José Antonio Azmitia became minister of the treasury, and Manuel Ubico under-sec.-gen.

[X-15] He could not deny Arce's invasion of Salvador, but pretended that no prominent man of the govt or of the aristocratic party had any knowledge of his intention to invade, or of the source from which he obtained his supplies. Pavon knew well enough, but prevarication was convenient. The fact is, Juan A. Alvarado, Guatemalan agent in San Salvador, had given his government timely information of the intended invasion. Arce's departure was open. In order to put an innocent appearance on the affair, the govt decreed, May 12, 1844, that Arce should leave the city within 24 hours, and the state within 20 days. In an address to the people on the 2d of June, Rivera Paz says that Salvador emissaries had been detected trying to rouse the people of Los Altos to insurrection, and that the plan was intended to avenge the defeat of 1840. This is hardly true; for Malespin had been then on Carrera's side against Morazan, and his tool in Salvador ever since. The aristocrats had, when it suited their purposes, published letters of liberal leaders falling in their hands; and yet they never brought out those said to have been taken from the emissaries at Los Altos.

[X-16] The two notes are given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 531-41.

[X-17] Col. Vicente Cruz, commanding the advance force of Carrera's army, attributed the defeat to fear, which was not altogether devoid of truth.

[X-18] The commissioners were: José D. Dieguez, Luis Batres, and José M. Urruela for Guat.; Bishop Viteri and Narciso Monterey for the sup. del.

[X-19] Art. 2 stipulated that all property removed from Guat. to Salv. by the latter's forces should be restored, or its value made good. This article was a hard one for Malespin, and yet Viteri accepted it. This arrangement was completed in May 1846. _Id._, v. 18; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 408-15; _Crowe's Gospel_, 159; _La Abeja_, Oct. 18, 1844; _Defensor Integ. Nac._, Nov. 2, 1844; _El Constituc._, Apr. 23, 1844; _Pabellon Nac._, Oct. 19, 29, 1844.

[X-20] He insisted on certain amendments, his commissioners having exceeded their instructions, and humiliated Salvador, which was irresponsible for the movement on Jutiapa. And yet Guatemala declared the convention to be obligatory.

[X-21] The object then in view was to unite Malespin and Ferrera for a dash upon Nicaragua. With the Guatemalan commissioners went Viteri, and he had a princely reception.

[X-22] He added that by sacrificing a great portion of her rights Salv. had obtained peace.

[X-23] The commissioners who negotiated it were: Cayetano Bosque for Salvador; Canon Doroteo Alvarenga and Juan Lindo for Honduras. The object of the arrangement was evidently a league against Nicaragua, though it cannot be said to have been against the party called 'coquimbos,' for generals Saget and Espinosa were now serving with Malespin. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 567-8, 581-2.

[X-24] The confederate executive had ordered a force of Nicaragüenses to come into Salvador through the department of Choluteca, Lieut-col Aguado being charged with their transportation.

[X-25] The troops could not come by sea, the port of La Union being then blockaded by a British frigate. Copy of Aguilar's note, dated Aug. 11, 1844, in _Id._, 569-71.

[X-26] Muñoz' report sets the enemy's loss at 156 killed, besides many prisoners, and over 200 muskets, etc.

[X-27] The place was defended by upwards of 700 men under Juan Morales.

[X-28] Guzman could not grant such authority, as it was of the exclusive province of the state congress. It was, besides, unnecessary, as neither Salvador nor Honduras was invaded.

[X-29] For his own security, in his absence, he placed his brother, Calixto Malespin, as comandante general, near Vice-president Guzman. This man used to open Guzman's correspondence, and deliver him only such despatches as he thought expedient. See circular of Jimenez, Guzman's minister, to governors of departments, of Feb. 12, 1845, in _Id._, 717-18.

[X-30] He was the constitutional chief. _Ayon_, _Apuntes_, 4; _Semanario Nic._, Apr. 24, 1873.

[X-31] A pompous title, which rendered him ridiculous in the eyes of many, while it excited jealousy on the part of others. _Squier's Trav._, ii. 449. Fonseca is represented as a drunkard, ignorant, and the most brutal tyrant Nicaragua ever had. Life and property were subject to his nod. _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 224-5; _Wells' Hond._, 494.

[X-32] It should be known that Chamorro had not been a Morazanista, or even a liberal. He was the chief of the conservative party in Nic. On March 29, 1845, his term having expired, and there being no legal successor, he decreed that the office of supremo delegado ceased to exist, and communicated the fact to the governments of the several states. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 122.

[X-33] Oct. 31, 1844. The object of the war, he said, was to avenge the insult inflicted by Nic. on Hond., and it was to be waged till a lasting peace could be secured.

[X-34] Here the invaders were joined by Gen. Manuel Quijano and 64 dragoons who had deserted from Leon.

[X-35] The commissioners were Hermenegildo Zepeda and Gerónimo Carcache. Malespin himself acted for Salv. and Hond. Art. 1 required Nic. to pay Salv. and Hond. all the expenses of the present war, and to Salv. those incurred in the war of April last against Guat., because Nic. had failed to furnish her contingent of troops. This last payment was waived by Salv. in art. 6. Art. 2 calls for the surrender by Nic. of all arms within her territory belonging to the allies. Art. 3 made it the duty of Nic. to deliver to the allied forces the 'facciosos' Joaquin Rivera, Máximo Orellana, Miguel Álvarez, Trinidad Cabañas, Gerardo Barrios, Diego and Ramon Vijil, if found in the state, and if they were out of it, not to allow them to reside therein without the consent of the allied governments. Art. 7 throws upon Nic. the expense of supporting the allied troops from the date of the ratification of the treaty till they should have reached their quarters in their respective states. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 592-4.

[X-36] Guardiola became intoxicated and abused the deserters; whereupon half of them abandoned the allied camp, and he was placed under arrest.

[X-37] Among the slain was Cruz Guardiola, a brother of the general.

[X-38] It will be well to record here that Muñoz, to whom Leon owed her present tribulation, was a Nicaraguan by birth.

[X-39] The negotiators for Nic. were Canon Desiderio Cortés and Anselmo Alarcon; for Salv. and Hond., Gen. Nicolás Espinosa and J. T. Muñoz. Under this capitulation the terms agreed to in the former one at Zatoca were to be enforced as regarded payment of war expenses and surrender of arms. Nic. bound herself to expel from the state Casto Fonseca, Cabañas, Rivera, Orellana, Barrios, Álvarez, Diego, Ramon and José Antonio Vijil, Domingo Asturias, José Antonio Milla, and José Antonio Ruiz; and furthermore, to deliver to Malespin some Salvadorans who revolted against him at San Miguel on the 5th of Sept., 1844.

[X-40] Granada took Malespin's side, and was followed by Rivas and other places. It seemed as if all the actas had been written by the same hand. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 600, 635-6.

[X-41] The most humiliating part of this arrangement was the 3d clause, wherein the eastern and southern departments recognize Malespin as 'protector de los Nicaragüenses,' and general-in-chief of the united armies, including one organized by those departments, till the end of the war. _Id._, iv. 600-2; _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 12, 14, 55-6, 65, 69, 110-15; _Sandoval_, _Rev. Polít._, 9, 15-18.

[X-42] Several officers were shot, among them a number taken by Saget, on the vessel _Carolina_. Malespin issued stringent orders against rendering aid to the besieged. An official report from Nagarote of Jan. 23d, to the comandante at Managua, speaks of a defeat of troops of the govt at Leon, with the loss of 200 killed, 300 wounded, and many prisoners, together with 3 pieces of cannon and other arms, etc. _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 4.

[X-43] It is related that Pedro Zeledon, a Costa Rican residing in Chichigalpa, Nic., wrote Muñoz, depicting the horrors of the war and the need of peace. Malespin made Muñoz invite Zeledon to a conference, and when he had him in his power, demanded a ransom of $1,000, but did not get anything, and Zeledon obtained his liberty.

[X-44] The only house exempted from plunder was Manning's. Many houses were razed to the ground, or burned purposely.

[X-45] On the first day the acting director, Emiliano Madrid, Crescencio Navas, cols Francisco Lacayo and Balmaceda, Capt. Valle, José M. Oseguera, and Father Crespin were shot. Crespin's offence was to have begged the infamous Manuel Quijano, at the door of the hospital for the wounded, to spare them. Canon Cortés was put to death afterward. Casto Fonseca, captured on the coast, was tried by court-martial and shot. An eye-witness declared that 24 persons were executed by Malespin in Leon. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv., table no. 5, 636; _Sandoval_, _Revista Polít._, 7-15; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 227, 230-3; _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 4-6, 14; _Crowe's Gospel_, 159-61; _Niles' Reg._, lxviii. 193. Bustamante, _Mem. Hist. Mex._, MS., ii. 77, speaks of Malespin's acts of horrible cruelty, adding that according to the newspapers of Guat. Malespin had caused to be assassinated over 1,000 persons.

[X-46] Eighty-five prisoners were released from the jail, many of whom had been confined there for alleged political offenses.

[X-47] He was a son-in-law of Vice-president Guzman. They differed in politics, but Barrios fully believed that Guzman was the person to overthrow Malespin, and must be aided with some bold stroke.

[X-48] He called a large number of his friends to his house and armed them with pistols—he had not a single musket at his command. He then called the comandante general, and the mayor de plaza, Antonino Arévalo, and made prisoners of them without resistance. The two escaped afterward, but Malespin was recaptured, with a wound.

[X-49] Acta of the capital on Feb. 2, 1845. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 719-24; _Monit. Constit. Indep._, May 2, 1845; _La Minerva_, May 22, 1845.

[X-50] Costa R. had heard of it by a vessel from Acajutla, and sent her recognition before the circular reached her. The govt of Nic., created by Malespin, recognized Guzman. The nobles of Guat. had to do the same; and believing themselves endowed with extraordinary good sense, added their advice with all the gravity of pedagogues. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 678.

[X-51] On the ground of unconstitutionality, he being in command of the state forces at the time the election took place. Circular Feb. 24, 1845, in _Id._, 725; _El Salvador Regenerado_, no. 2.

[X-52] Guzman was a Costa Rican by birth, but had lived many years in San Miguel, Salv. He entertained liberal ideas from his earliest political life. His military service, under Morazan, began soon after the battle of Gualcho, and he was present as a captain in the actions of San Miguel and Las Charcas. He accompanied that leader to Guat. In the invasion of Cent. Am. from Mex. by Arce in 1832, Guzman did gallant service at Jocoro, and entered San Salvador with Morazan. Again during San Martin's rebellion he served under his chief as a lieut-col. The chambers of Salvador, on the 19th of May, 1845, declared Guzman a 'benemérito de la patria,' and awarded him a gold medal, at the same time promoting him to general of division. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 693-4; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, May 21, 1875. Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 116, says of him: He was 'more remarkable for cunning than honor or courage. His manners are gentlemanly; he has no mixture of colored blood, and is rather good-looking, though he appears to possess but little talent or education.' I am inclined to think that Dunlop misrepresented Guzman's character, for Guzman proved himself a good and pure ruler, and his name is revered in the state and throughout Cent. Am. by all lovers of freedom and enlightenment.

[X-53] On the 23d of Feb., 1845, grounded on the execution of priests at Leon. The decree forbids the faithful of the diocese to have any intercourse, verbal or written, with Malespin, or to uphold or defend him in any manner. Full text in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 679-81; _Bustamante_, _Mem. Hist. Mex._, MS., ii. 78.

[X-54] They were Cayetano A. Molina and Juan Antonio Alvarado. They asked not merely for Carrera's neutrality, but for his active aid, and were referred to the ministers, by whom they were dealt with as children. The ministers pretended that their request could not be acceded to without an express sanction of the legislature, which was not then in session for lack of a quorum. The plea was a ridiculous one, when we consider that Carrera had never before consulted the wishes of the assembly to act his own will.

[X-55] Malespin had been acting there as president, under Hond. support; but on Guzman's approach his troops disbanded, and he fled.

[X-56] In March 1845 the president of Hond. took Malespin and his companions under the protection of his govt. _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 53-4.

[X-57] The commissioners of Hond. were Sebastian Salinas and Leonardo Romero; those of Salv., José Félix Quiroz and Nicolás Angulo. The treaty was ratified by Salv., but rejected by the other contracting party. Text of the treaty and Dueñas' additional clause, in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 726-32.

[X-58] Concluded by Cayetano A. Molina and Juan A. Alvarado for Salv., and Alejandro Marure and José M. de Urruela for Guat., April 4, 1845; approved by the constituent congress of Guat. on the 23d of the same month, and published by Acting President Duran the next day. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 415-19; _Guat._, _Gaceta_, July 8, 1853; _Monit. Constit. Ind._, May 21, 1845; _La Minerva_, May 22, 1845.

[X-59] Dueñas was then considered a liberal, though he was a Dominican friar when the convents were closed in 1839, for which reason the government of Guat. would not trust him. It was deceiving him. He was, however, the one most likely to succeed in keeping Carrera from aiding Hond. in the present emergency. Hond. had sent Felipe Jáuregui and Pablo Orellana to Guat. The former was Ferrera's mentor, and in the councils of Pavon, Aycinena, and Batres. At first he was alarmed at the liberalism of the constituent congress, which had voted assistance to Salv. But he received assurances that no aid would be sent except to quell revolts in the interior; and, moreover, that the foes of Hond. would be stricken from the Salvador administration. Jáuregui now understood the game, and wrote his government that the vote of aid by congress practically amounted to nothing. A note containing these assurances was published in Comayagua. Guat. concluded a treaty of friendship and alliance with Hond. on the 19th of July, 1845. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 419-23.

[X-60] Dr Aguilar and Father Monterey. _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 61-2, 123-34. Gen. Muñoz, who so efficiently aided Malespin at Leon, was now the com. gen. and most prominent man in Nic.

[X-61] Ferrera claimed another victory on the 7th at Santa Rosa, but it was unfounded. _Id._, 83, 88; _Monitor Constit. Ind._, May 21, 1845; _Crowe's Gospel_, 166-7.

[X-62] He demanded on the 11th of July, as compensation for alleged damages to Hond. by the invasion of Cabañas and Cordero, that Salv. should cede to Hond. all the arms and other war material deposited in the latter state by Malespin, and pay, besides, $100,000 in specie, to be collected by Hond. in instalments at the port of La Union, which, until the payments should be completed, was to be held by Hond.; or, in lieu of that sum, cede to the latter the department of San Miguel, or that portion of the department of Cuscatlan lying outside of the territory enclosed by the Lempa on the south and south-west. He also required the exile from Cent. Am. of a number of persons. This note was published in _Guat._, _Gaceta Ofic._, no. 15, Aug. 28, 1845. In July a project was entertained of a confederation of Hond. with Nic., Guat., and Salv. _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 93-5, 102-8, 118-21, 136-8.

[X-63] One house containing British property was spared. The houses of two French merchants, whose nation's flag was flying over them, were plundered. _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 239.

[X-64] In his report he tried to cover up this serious disaster. But the fact was, that he escaped with only about 300 men, leaving on the field upward of 300 muskets, and a large number of slain, wounded, and prisoners. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 700-1.

[X-65] Hond. troops entered Salv. after that and were defeated. Guardiola with 350 men attacked Carballo, who had only 39, and murdered them. It is said that this act was commended by Ferrera in his report to the chambers of Hond.

[X-66] Guzman then returned to Hond. a number of prisoners who had been represented by his enemies as murdered.

[X-67] So long as they remained in Hond. the latter was to compel them to live at a great distance from the Salv. frontier. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 736-8; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 239-43; _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 132, 172, 221-2; _El Tiempo_, March 12, 1846.

[X-68] Each of the contracting parties was to appoint two commissioners to meet at Sonsonate on the 30th of Aug., and was to urge upon the other three states a consideration of the lamentable state the republic was in, suggesting how best to do away with such a condition of affairs; and proposing therefor the convocation and assembling of a constituent power, or such other measure as it might deem conducive to the desired end. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 30-1.

[X-69] Duran well understood the policy of his government. Padilla did not, and volunteered to represent in San Salvador the ardent wishes of Guat. for the restoration of the union. He did so in a patriotic speech that gave him a good name in Salv. and a bad one in Guat., where the _Gaceta_ rebuked him.

[X-70] 'Un delirio de imaginaciones enfermas,' it was pronounced to be. Delegates from Costa R., Salv., and Guat. were at Sonsonate on the 17th of Feb., 1846, and fixed the 15th to the 20th of April for conferences, but they did not take place. On the 15th of June Costa R., Hond., and Salv. only were represented. Nic. and Costa R. signified their willingness to meet the other states at any place they might select, Hond. having suggested Nacaome, as Sonsonate was no longer deemed safe. The whole plan failed at last because of the action of Guat. Much interesting information on the subject and official correspondence appear in _Guat._, _Gac. Ofic._, no. 26; _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, ix. 51-3, 58, 203-4, 212-14, 345-6; x. 115-17, 123-4; _Nic._, _Reg. Ofic._, 236-350, passim; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 316-18, 334-5; _Froebel's Cent. Am._, 143; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 253-4; _Niles' Reg._, lxix. 34.

[X-71] Signed by Rafael Carrera, and countersigned by José Antonio Azmitia, minister of relations. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 73-6; _Costa R._, _Informe Relaciones, etc._, 1848, 4; _El Universal_, June 8, 1849; _Niles' Reg._, lxxii. 208; _The Californian_, S. F., Nov. 24, 1847, ii. 3.

[X-72] The document bore Carrera's name, but it was no production of his own mind. The authorship was attributed to Alejandro Marure; that is to say, he drew it up from the materials that had been collecting for years. _La Revista_, the organ of the Sociedad Económica, declared it the offspring of long meditation, and indeed it was, for the aristocrats of Guat. had been planning it since 1828. The full text is given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 196-207.

[X-73] Manuel Pineda de Mont, compiler of _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 453, claims, however, that Guat. was the last of the five states to set aside the federal govt, the last to secede, the last to continue bearing the general burdens of the system, especially the pecuniary ones to sustain even the semblance of authority; and that she only adopted the resolution of March 21, 1847, after exhausting every effort, and losing all hope of seeing her wishes realized. The reader will judge between his statements and the facts as they have been fairly given by me.

[X-74] Joaquin Bernardo Calvo and Juan Antonio Alvarado. The ruler of Costa Rica, Dr Castro, was, however, of the opinion that the five Central American states would be better off as separate nations. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 266-7; _Nacaome_, _Dictamen_, in _Cent. Am. Pamph._, no. 5; _Froebel's Cent. Am._, 143.

[X-75] Among them was the deputy Nazario Toledo, an intimate friend of the president. Felipe Molina was another, and his opinions are clearly defined in his _Bosq. Costa R._, 108-9.

[X-76] The decree bears the signatures of Juan Rafael Reyes, vice-president, and Nazario Toledo and Santiago Fernandez, deputies and secretaries of congress. _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, x. 336-8; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 526-7.

[X-77] The arrangement looked to a consolidation for the purpose of conducting foreign relations, and to an early union on the plan of a federation. _Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc._, 46; _Costa R._, _Gac. Gob._, March 2, Apr. 20, 1850; _Hond._, _Gac. Ofic._, Aug. 31, 1850; _El Siglo_, Apr. 22, 1851; _Nic._, _Corr. Ist._, Dec. 16, 1849, March 21, Oct. 3, 1850; _La Union_, Jan. 1, 15, 1850; _Guat._, _Gac._, Nov. 30, 1849; _Salv._, _Gac._, Dec. 7, 1849.

[X-78] Consul-gen. Chatfield was officially advised of the new organization on the 21st Jan., 1851, and ignored Sec. Buitrago's note. On being reminded of it, May 22d, he returned an insulting reply July 13th, refusing his recognition, when the government decreed, on the 24th of July, to cancel his exequatur as consul-gen. in the states belonging to the confederation, and to inform his govt of the cause. _Cent. Am. Docs._, 1-6. The British officials also resorted to other means to defeat what they called Am. policy. _Squier's Cent. Am._, ii. 135; _El Universal_, Feb. 19, March 26, 1850; _Salv._, _Gac._, Dec. 21, 1849; _Dem. Rev._, Nov. 1850, 452.

[X-79] Guat. and Costa R. had refused to join. _Salv. Gac._, March 8, 22, 1850, Oct. 12, 1854; _Nic._, _Corr. Ist._, Jan. 16, 30, 1851.

[X-80] The act of installation was accompanied with religious and civic ceremonies, the govt of Hond., at whose head was Trinidad Cabañas, heartily joining them. Congratulatory messages came from all friends of the union. _El Siglo_, S. Salv., Oct. 29, 30, Nov. 1, 4, 10, 14, 16, 19, 1852; _Hond._, _Gac. Ofic._, Oct. 30, Nov. 15, 1852; _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Revol. Nic._, 17; _El Porvenir_, nos. 6, 7.

[X-81] The assembly also elected a vice-jefe and four substitute councillors to fill the executive chair, in the event of the jefe or members of the executive council dying or becoming disabled.

[X-82] It set forth the duties of the jefe supremo and councillors, the independence between the federal and state authorities, the rights of citizens, responsibilities of public officials, and organization of the federal judiciary. _Hond._, _Gac. Ofic._, Nov. 30, 1852.

[X-83] Salv. on the 21st of March, and Nic. on the 30th of April. The congress, acting too precipitately, overstepped the bounds of its powers. _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Revol. Nic._, 17-18.

[X-84] More details on the confederation scheme are contained in _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 110-16; _El Nacional_, Nov. 27, Dec. 25, 1858; _Nic._, _Bol. Ofic._, July 30, 1869; _Id._, _Gac._, March 2, 9, 1872; _Id._, _Seman. Nicar._, Nov. 21, Dec. 12, 1872, Feb. 6, Oct. 16, 1873; _Los Anales_, Dec. 1, 1872; _Mex._, _Diario Ofic._, Nov. 2, 1871; _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., 42d Cong. 2d Sess., i., pt 1, 680-3; _Costa R._, _Inf. Rel._, 1876, 12-14; _Salv._, _Gac. Ofic._, June 10, July 6, Aug. 19, Oct. 26, 27, 1876; _Id._, _Diario Ofic._, March 17, Oct. 5, 13, 1875, Jan. 27, 30, Feb. 2-6, 1876; _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 2, 1876; _Caicedo_, _Lat. Am._, 60-2; _Cent. Am._, _Contest. al Voto_, 1-23; _Chamorro_, _Cuestion Nacional_, 1-7; _Harper's Monthly Mag._, xvii. 691.

Further authorities for the preceding chapters are: _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, vols i.-iv., passim; _Id._, _Discurso_, 1-12; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 1-72, 96-100, 164-79, 185-6, 197-202, 207, 217-73, 382-95, 453-5, 461-75, 592-600, 858-9, 877-8; ii. 83-260, 632-7; iii. 286, 338-48; _Id._, _Bolet. Ofic._, 1831, no. 2; 1832, nos. 17, 20; 1833, no. 34; 1834, nos. 34, 56, July 15, Oct. 15; 1836, no. 84; 1837, no. 10; 1838, no. 53; _Fernando VII._, _Documentos_, 264-76, 281-5, 292-311, 337-49; _Id._, _Decretos_, 4-10, 15-26, 33-73, 105-10, 120-34, 149-82, 194-201, 220-3, 243-81; _Ayon_, _Consid. Límites_, 20-4. _Id._, _Apuntes_, passim; _Astaburuaga_, _C. Amer._, 12-32, 79-80; _Arce_, _Mem._, passim; _Reichardt_, _Nic._, 76-9; _Id._, _Cent. Am._, 37-44, 114-17, 133-4, 139-45, 208-11; _Pim's Gate of the Pac._, 38, 56, 58-61; _Gac. Imp. Mex._, i. 162-3, 445-8, 477-9, 489-91, 503-5; ii. 554-61, 635, 657-9, 677-9, 735, 747-52; _Gac. de Méx._, 1823, no. 3, 11-12, 1826, July 4, Sept. 16, Oct. 31, Dec. 14; 1826, Jan. 25, March 1, 31, April 26; _Ocios Españ. Emig._, v. 307-11, 405-13, 487-505; vi. 8-21, 107-17, 302-13, 383-4; vii. 3-7; _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 19-23, 56-64, 72-92, 214-16; ii. 22-56, 163-4; _Morazan y Carrera_, _Apuntes_, MS., 1-18; _Molina_, _Coup d'œil Costa R._, 4-5, 9-12; _Id._, _Costa R. y N. Granada_, 9-10, 16-29; _Id._, _Bosq. Costa R._, passim; _Integ. Cent. Am._, Dec. 11, 1849; _El Rol_, Oct. 13, 1854; _Zebadúa_, _Manif._, 1-40; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 103-4; _Id._, _Stat. and Com. Hist. Guat._, 74; _Squier's Guat._, 581-2; _Id._, _States C. A._, 360-1, 414-16, 466, 482, 493, 575-88, 627-8, 641-3, 663; _Id._, _Travels C. Am._, ii., passim; _Id._, _Comp. Hist. C. A._, 18-191; _Wells' Honduras_, 116, 120, 230-1, 472-83; _Jordan's Dangers to Foreigners_, 50-2; _Cuevas_, _Porv. Méx._, 252-7; _Costa R._, _Mem. Relac._, 1884, 2-34, and docs. 1 and 2; _Annals Brit. Legis._, i. 60; ii. 192, 365; _Hernandez y Dávalos_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 81-2, 130-1; _Herrera_, _Discurso_, 1-12; _Suarez y Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._, 386, 407-14; _Sur America_, _Sobre las Perturbaciones de Guat._, 1-52; _Lafond_, _Voy. autour du Monde_, i. 367, 373-8; _Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guat._, 58-64, 256-8; _Puydt et Binckum_, _Colonisation_, 116-24; _Rivera_, _Hist. Jalapa_, ii. 305; _Urrueta_, _Inglaterra_, 7-12; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, ix. 9-10; _Aznero Plata_, _Informe_, 1-19; _Espir. Públ._, Dec. 13, 20, 1828; Jan. 18, Feb. 14, 1829; _Wappäus_, _Mex. und C. Amer._, 258-64, 271-4, 360-3; _Trollope's W. Ind._, 335; _Dunn's Guatemala_, 13-29, 150-1, 167-88, 205; _Atleta_, 149-50, 199-200, 477; _Guat._, _Mem. contenant au Aperçu_, 4, 126, 146-58; _Id._, _Memoria_, 1837, 12-22; _Robertson's Hist. Am._, ii. 1138-9; _El Progreso_, April 11, 18, 25, 1850; _Tribune Almanac_, 1851, 36; _Holinski_, _La Californie_, 305-31; _Huston's Journey in Hond._, 11; _Niles' Register_, xxii. 65; xxiii. 406; xxvii. 355; xxviii. 37, 114-15, 304; xxix. 39, 192, 382; xxx. 439-40; xxxi. 160, 172-6; xxxii. 80, 201, 232, 282, 375; xxxiii. 38; xxxiv. 8, 36, 123; xxxv. 41, 155, 349; xxxvi. 321; xxxviii. 369, 395; xliii. 268; xlv. 210; liv. 289; lvi. 49, 210, 243, 385; lvii. 34, 280; lix. 191; _Emigrado Observ._, 1828, 5-24, 122, in _Ocios de España_; _Pineda_, _Descrip. Geog._, 14-16; _Byam's Wild Life_, 32-7; _Nouv. Annales Voy._, xcii. 59-60, 75-7; c. 51-60, 64-6; _Young's Mosq. Shore_, 15-21, 26-33, 42-3, 53-89, 106-14, 122-38, 156, 166; _Overland Monthly_, xiv. 159-67; _Larrainzar_, _Soconusco_, 80, 132,168, 178; _Repertorio Americano_, i. 273-89; _Eastern Coast C. Am._, 8-25; _Strangeways' Mosq._, 4-5, 59-68, 119-33, 144-8, 237-338; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, passim; _Henderson's Account of Br. Hond._, 28-105, 165-211; _D'Orbigny_, _Voy. deux Ameríques_, 398-406; _Pim and Seemann's Dottings_, 314; _Nuevo Viajero Univ._, iii. 609-10; _Larenaudière_, Mex. et Guat., 295-308; _Poinsett's Notes on Mex._, app. 64; _Anderson's Commerce_, iv. 449; _Dunbar's Mex. Papers_, 234-5; _Regil_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, iii. 239, 315; _Ancona_, _Hist. Yuc._, iv. 221-35; _Boletin Ofic._ (_Méx._), no. 14, 2; _Diputados, Lista de_; _Doc. Hist. Cal._, iv. 807-8; _Suarez_, _Informe_, 182; _Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog._, x. 919-20, 971; _Findlay's Directory_, i. 223, 240; _Peralta_, _Repúb. de Costa Rica_, 4-8; _Polynesian_, iv. 166; _North Am. Rev._, xiv. 420-46; xxvi. 136-8, 143-5; _Osborne's Guide to W. Ind._, 234, 261-2; _Wagner_, _Costa Rica_, 201-3, 231, 543-51, 568; _Crowe's Gospel in C. Am._, 115-51, 200-22; _Los Anales_, Oct. 15, 1872, p. 471; Nov. 1, 1872, p. 53; Nov. 15, 1872, p. 56; Dec. 1, 1872, pp. 62-3; Dec. 15, 1872, pp. 71-2; _Paredes_, _Coast of Mosquitos_, 1-62; _Nic._, _Semanario Nic._, May 30, July 4, 18, Dec. 26, 1872; Jan. 2, March 6, April 17, 24, 1873; _Hassel_, _Mex. and Guat._, 316-19; _Boddam's Across Cent. Am._, 66; _Bolet. Extraord. Guat._, Oct. 16, 1832; July 30, 1833; _Farol_, 102-5; _Von Tempsky's Mitla_, 337-43; _Fajardo_, _Informe al Min. Relac._, 2-3, 14-15; _Haefkens_, _Reize naar Guat._, ii. 76-97; _Id._, _Central Amerika_, 1-468; _Stephens' Travels C. Am._, i. 11-22, 195-200, 211, 225-50, 304-7, 359; ii. 37-8, 51-90, 107-17, 205-9; _Thompson's Guat._, 2, 136, 140, 160, 163, 167, 185-6, 252-8, 415, 422-3, 509-10; _Lastarría_, _La América_, 250-2; _Ortigosa_, _Sermon_, p. 24; _Diaz_, _Miscel._, no. 1, p. 1; _Costa Rica_, _Ley Fundamental Reformada_ (Alajuela, 1835), 1-48; _Id._, _Ley Fundamental de Costa R._ (San Salvador, 1825), 1-26; _Amer. Review_, Nov. 1850, 446-55; _Stout's Nic._, 147-9, 168-75, 258-9, 358-62; _Bolet. Soc. Mex. Geog._, 2da ép., iii. 100-6; iv. 712-15; _Méx._, _Actas Congr. Const._, iv. 2; _Id._, _Col. Dec. sob. Congr._, p. 219; _Mesa y Leompart_, _Hist. Amer._, ii. 360-72; _Martin's Hist. W. Ind._, i. 163-70; _Lond. Geog. Soc._, _Jour._, v. 387-92; vi. 128, 135; viii. 317-27; xi. 82-8; _Lynch_, _Relacion Puntual_, 1757, MS., 4-19; _Otras Reflex. sobre Reforma en Cent. Am._, 1-21; _Pan._, _Docs. Ofic._, in _Pan._, _Col. Doc._, MSS., no. 31, pp. 62, 66-70; _Pinart Coll._; _S. Amer. and Guat._, i. 221-3; _Liceaga_, _Adic. y Rectific._, 613; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis Géog. Univ._, vi. 468; _Macgregor's Prog. America_, i. 744-7; _Gordon's Digest Laws U. S._, 328-35; _Lunario de Centro-Amér._; _El Siglo_, Jan. 10, May 16, 1851; June 5, 1852; _Guat. Com. and Agric. Co._, 133-7; _Macpherson's Annals of Com._, iii. 548; iv. 159, 179; _El Observador de la Repúb. Mex._, July 4, 1827; _Guat._, _Los Nobles_, 1-11; _Blasquez_, _Opinion sobre los Chamelcos_, in _Doc. Originales Chiapas_, 4-5; _Diario Méx._, xi. 279-80; xii. 477-80; _Amer. Annual Reg._, 1825-6, 40-9; _Id._, 1826-7, 171-82; _West Indies_, _Description_, 49-50; _Torrente_, _Revol. Hisp.-Am._, i. 115; _Revue Américaine_, i. 398-408; _Oposicion_ (_La._), June 15, 1835; _Democ. Review_, v. 609-10; xxx. 547; _Pabellon Nac._, Nov. 21, 1844; _Nic._, _Reg. Ofic._, 9-13, 59-60; _Los Altos_, _Manif. Documentado_, 1-28; _Amér. Cent._, _Reclam. de Interv._, 7-10; _Lesur_, _Annuaire Hist. Univ._, 1827, 577-8; _Cor. Fed. Mex._, Nov. 9, 11, 27, Dec. 14, 18, 1826; 1827, passim; Feb. 13, March 31, June 14, July 18, Sept. 1, 9, 14, 18, 21-2, Oct. 28; _Amérique Cent._, _Cie Belge_, pt ii. 30-2, 115-29, 160-1; _Guat._, _Decretos_, i. nos. 1, 4, 20, 25, 31, 32, 39, 41, 134; _Morelet_, _Voy. dans l'Amér. Cent._, ii. 291; _Montgomery's Narrative Jour. to Guat._, 33-54, 142-9; _Modern Traveller_, _Mex. and Guat._, ii. 194-5, 317; _Nic. y Hond._, _Docs._, 1-11, 35; _Sandoval_, _Revista Polít._, 3-7; _San Juan_, _Ocupacion_, 28-43; _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, 50, 291-2; v. 57, 478, 614, ap. pp. 46-65, 104; _Id._, _Mem. Presentada á las Cámaras_, 9; _Bidwell's Panamá_, 347; _Hond._, _Gac. Ofic._, Feb. 20, June 30, 1853; _C. Rica_, _Gac. Gob._, Jan. 26, 1850; _Gac. Nic._, April 1, June 17, 1865; July 20, 1867; _Santangelo_, _Congr. Panamá_, 73-5; _Saravia_, _Bosq. Polít. Estad._, 17-18; _El Semanal Nicaragüense_, i. 44; _Baily's Cent. Am._, 81-2; _Mex. Finan._, April 18, 1885, pp. 40-2; _Mex. y Guat._, _Cuest. Límites_, 52-3; _Nic._, _Nueva Discusion_, 6; _Gac. Salv._, Oct. 12, 1854; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Feb.-May 1875, passim; March 2, 28, Sept. 9, 1876; Sept. 20, 1878; June 20, Sept. 5, 1879; _Méx._, _Mem. Guerra_, 1833, p. 8; _Id._, _Mem. Relac._, 1823, pp. 11-12; 1827, p. 11; 1829, p. 2; 1832, pp. 2-3; 1833, pp. 1-2, 1835, pp. 3-4; 1838, p. 9; 1839, pp. 2-3; 1839, MS., pp. 12-13; 1840, p. 2; 1841, in _Diario Gob. Mex._, Jan. 24, 1841, p. 1; _Méx._, _Mem._, ii., docs. 1, 5, 8; _Id._, _Mem. Min. Relac._, i., docs. 2, 4, 5, 9, 11, 12, 13; _Nic._, _Memoria_, in _Cent. Am. Pamphl._, iii., no. 1, 4-28; _Payne's Hist. Europ. Colonies_, 324-32; _Quart. Review_, xxviii. 157-61; _Gac. de Guat._, Oct. 7, 1853; May 5, Dec. 22, 1854; _Costa Rica_, _Bolet. Ofic._, Jan. 13, 24, 27, Feb. 3, 7, 14, 17, 28, March 14, 17, 1855; _Mill's Mex._, 205-19; _Alm._, _Ruiz Calend. Salv._, 1873, 66-71; _Id._, _Guat. Guia_, 1853, 13-14; _Id._, _Hond._, 1829, 5, 18-37, 56-64, 90-5, 124-7, 133-48; _Cabildo_, _Informe que el Cabildo_, 1-75; _Cancelada_, _Tel. Mex._, 104-11; _Chatfield's Letter to Lord Palmerston_, Dec. 13, 1847; _Id._, _Letter to Guat. Govt_, Dec. 10, 1847, in _Mosq._, _Correspond. respecting Mosq. Terr._, 170-2; _La Nacion_, Sept. 8, 1856; _Mosq.-Küste und Texas_, 29-30; _Conkling's Guide_, 335-6; _National Calendar_, 18; _Conder's Mex. and Guat._, 195-7; _Centro-Amér._, _La Situacion_, 1-17; _Candé_, _Golfe de Hond._, 5-9; _Centro-Amér._, _Informe sobre la Constit._, p. 73, and p. 30; _Id._, _Convencion_, 1-32; _Centro-Americano_, passim; _Córtes_, _Actas Públ._, ii., April 23, 1814, p. 320; _Castellon_, _Docs. Relat._, 36, 104; _El Nacional_, June 19, 26, July 5, 31, Aug. 14, Sept. 25, Dec. 11, 1858; Jan. 22, 1859; Sept. 8, 1860; _Mosqueto Indian_, in _Churchill's Coll._, vi. 300-11; _Bericht Mosquitolandes_, 5-7, 12, 23, 28, 31-43, 220-7; _Cor. Atlántico_, May 9, 1835; _Benton's Thirty Years' View_, 65-9; _Id._, _Debates in Cong._, vii. 383-4; viii. 737, 746; ix. 769; x. 746; xi. 767; _Mosaico Mex._, ii. 232, 342, 344, 462; _Nacionalidad Española_; _Mosquito Docs._, nos. 77-229; _Nic._, _Bolet. Ofic._, Sept. 6, 1862; _Id._, _Constit._, 1838, 1-39; _Id._, _Docs. Dip. Hist._, 18-22; _Id._, _Cor. Ist._, July 1, 1849; Oct. 3, 1850; _Id._, _De Órden del Director_; _Muñoz_, _Defensa Llaves San Pedro_; _Obispo de Chil._, 153-64, 451-54; _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1811, viii. 33; 1813, xix. 404; 1821, ext. i., Sept. 22, p. 7; ext. iv., Nov. 18, pp. 12-13; 1835-6, ii. 227; _La Union_, Dec. 1, 1849; Jan. 1, 1850; _La Union de Nic._, Jan. 5, 1861; _El Universal_, April 18, 1850; April 16, 1853; _Voy._, _New Univ. Col._, ii. 374-8; _Verdaderas Razones_, 1-13; _Viagera Univ._, xxvii. 174-7, 189-91; _Vera Paz, Colonisation de_, 4; _El Veracruzano Libre_, June 13, 1828; _Valois_, _Mexique_, 154-9, 209-27, 316-19; _Cent. Am. Papers_, i.-v., passim; _Papeles Varios_, xix. pt 18; cxxi. pt i.; cxxiv. pt 9; cxlix. pt 7; clx. pt 19; clxvii. pt 5; ccxxvi. pt 10; _United Service Jour._, 1833, pt ii. 456; _U. S. Govt Docs._, Commercial Rel., 1866, 567-8; 1868, 302, 728-9; _Id._, Cong. Globe, 1838-9, 91; _Id._, Cong. Debates, 1825-6, i. 1303-5; 1831-2, i. 767-74; _Id._, Amer. State Pap., For. Rel., v. 774-82; _Id._, 19th cong., 2d sess., U. S. Acts, pp. 8-31; Sen. Doc. 1, vol. i., pp. 149-70; _Id._, 26th cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc., 2, p. 6; _Id._, 30th cong. 2d sess., H. Com. Rept, 145, pp. 383-5; _Filisola_, _Mem. Guerra Tex._, ii. 88-9; _Id._, _Á la Junta Soberana de Guat._, 1-8; _Gazeta de Guat._, vi. 21, 177-84, 443; ix. 757; xi. 4-7, 91-2, 120-4; xiii. 353, 369-76; xiv. 1-16, 82, 265; _Dublan_ and _Lozano_, _Leg. Mex._, i. 326-7; _Bustamante_, _Voz de la Patria_, MS., 4; _Id._, _Hist. Iturbide_, 160-1, 176; _Id._, _Cuadro Hist._, MS., vii. 108-19; viii. 177-9; _Porvenir de Nic._, Oct. 22, 29, 1871; July 20, 1873; _Perez_, _Mem. Camp. Nacional_, 82, 154; _Id._, _Biog. Sacasa_, 3-5; _Frisch_, _Staaten von Mex._, 55-62, 73-8; _Kewen's Nic. and Walker_, MS., 27-36, 39-60, 64-85; _Costa Rica_, _Col. Leyes_, iii. 43-5, 101-18, 129-31, 144-67, 169-88, 280-2, 297-8, 304-6; iv.-v., passim; vi. 41-3, 276-86, 304-5, 319-20; _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 71-5, 137, 350-2; _Romero_, _Bosq. Hist._, 42-5, 66-233, 395-417, 639-795; _Pineda de Mont_, in _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, iii. 347-8; _Cent. Am._, _Mem. Hist. Revol._, passim; _Mem. Hist. Centro-Am._, 1-72; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Amér._, passim; _Id._, _Efem. Hechos Notables_, passim.

[XI-1] Molina, who denies that Carrillo was disposed to be tyrannical, but on the contrary anxious for the good of his country, adding that he was 'severo y sencillo en su conducta, y que paliaba su arbitrariedad con el ejercicio de las virtudes mas relevantes en un mandatario,' confesses that on the present occasion this great man committed a grave error. _Bosq. Costa R._, 103; _Costa R._, _Dec. de garan. y bases_, 24 mo.; _Id._, _Col. Ley._, viii. 15-36, 41-2; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, May 25, 1875.

[XI-2] The former was constituted with as many members as there were departments, namely, four. The latter was composed of a president, two relatores fiscales, and four justices.

[XI-3] He insulted them, however, by providing that they should be under the surveillance of the authorities. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, vii. 42.

[XI-4] He was married to a niece of Carrillo. Bonilla was faithful to him in life, and to his memory after death.

[XI-5] According to Col Bernardo Rivera Cabezas. Barrundia makes the force only 300. He had at first landed at La Union, in Salvador, with 22 officers of all ranks, and marched upon San Miguel, where he recruited 200 men, and then returned to La Union. He next visited Acajutla and Sonsonate, where he ascertained the state of public affairs in Salvador and Guatemala, after holding some correspondence with the chiefs of the former state and Nicaragua. The latter answered very offensively. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 47-55, 145. Entertaining a favorable idea of the invitation sent him by the Costa Ricans, he sailed for the isle of Martin Perez, in the gulf of Fonseca, where he finally organized his expedition and embarked it on the vessels _Cruzador_, _Asuncion Granadina_, _Josefa_, _Isabel II._, and _Cosmopolita_.

[XI-6] _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 55-6; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Feb. 14, 1875.

[XI-7] _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, vii. 248-50.

[XI-8] Among them were Vicente Aguilar, Francisco and Mariano Montealegre, and Rafael Barroeta.

[XI-9] It is understood that Rafael Barroeta was the sole exception.

[XI-10] Carrillo was to leave the country with a full pledge of safety to his family and property. The convention was signed by Morazan, Villaseñor, generals Saget, Saravia, and Rascon, 5 colonels, and the other assenting officers of all ranks, including 5 Texiguas.

[XI-11] Carrillo left the state from Puntarenas. Bonilla was also guaranteed security. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 615-19; _Niles' Reg._, lxii., 275. Both Carrillo and Aguilar died out of Costa R.; the former was killed, and his murderer executed. Funeral honors were paid in Costa R. to Aguilar, Aug. 25, 1846. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, ix. 289-90. The remains of both ex-chiefs were brought home by Presid. Castro's decree of Nov. 5, 1848. _Id._, x. 365-8; _El Salvador Regenerado_, June 4, 1842.

[XI-12] Dated April 14, 1842. _Id._, vii. 250-1.

[XI-13] A general order was given to prevent any interference with the elections on the part of the troops. Copies of Morazan's decrees to undo the evils of his predecessor, and to prepare for the reorganization of the state on liberal principles, are furnished in _Id._, 236-342, passim; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 621-31.

[XI-14] Again on the 30th of Aug. it authorized the continuation of his government till a new constitution should be framed. The same day it reaffirmed Morazan's extraordinary powers, and on the 2d of Sept. adjourned to reassemble April 1, 1843. Among the most noted acts of this convention were the following: A vote of thanks and other honors to Morazan and Villaseñor, the latter being awarded a gold medal with an honorable inscription. Morazan was given the title of Libertador de Costa Rica; and on his refusing to publish the decree, the assembly specially requested him to do so. The army that brought about the change was honored with the name of Division Libertadora de Costa Rica. The assembly also made a formal declaration on the 20th of July, in favor of a federal republic. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, vii. 342-51, 379-82, 403.

[XI-15] It was strictly in accordance with the military code. His brother Felipe, in relating the occurrence, says that a disappointment in love, and his removal from the comandancia of the department, preyed upon his mind, 'le sobrevino una fiebre, perdió la razon, y se hizo criminal.' But he subsequently declared his loyalty to Morazan, and while lying on a bed of sickness was arrested. _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 104.

[XI-16] Molina did not hear of his son's fate till after the 15th of Sept. Greatly agitated, and shedding tears for Morazan's end, his son-in-law, Irungaray, told him not to bewail the fate of Morazan, for he had spilled the blood of Manuel Ángel. These words so shocked the aged patriot that he fell senseless to the ground.

[XI-17] He was a Portuguese who came to Costa Rica while still young. In his early years he had been in the naval service, and acquired some skill as an artilleryman. He married into a respectable family of San José, and had numerous descendants. By the cultivation of coffee he made himself wealthy, and this together with his connection with the Carrillo family enabled him to attain the position of comandante general, and to link his name with some important events. At his house the worst enemies of Morazan had always been welcomed. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 647-8.

[XI-18] There were two barracks in San José; one his guard occupied; in the other were 150 men from Cartago who had no ammunition. _El Siglo_, Aug. 16, 1852.

[XI-19] Morazan tried to save his wife; but in traversing the street to reach the house of the Escalantes, amidst the deadly fire, she was taken by the enemy and conveyed to the house of Father Blanco, a brother of Luz Blanco, one of Morazan's mortal foes.

[XI-20] He would have met with no difficulty in obtaining security for Saravia, who was much esteemed by all. But the case was different with others, especially Villaseñor, against whom much animosity was felt.

[XI-21] Herrera was a student when he gained this unenviable notoriety. He afterward went to Guatemala to complete his studies, and was well treated and much aided by Juan José Aycinena and Manuel F. Pavon; and he became their most humble henchman. Returning to Costa Rica as a lawyer, he was appointed after a while a justice of the supreme court. On many occasions he proved himself unprincipled, treacherous, and contemptible.

[XI-22] Over 100 killed and 200 wounded.

[XI-23] He had wanted to go to Tárcoles, expecting to find Saget there, but was dissuaded by Villaseñor and others.

[XI-24] The Spaniard Espinach, a reactionist of some standing who acted as a commissioner of the revolutionists, fearing that Morazan's popularity in Cartago might bring on a counter-movement, and in order to avert it, asked Morazan to instruct Cabañas to lay down his arms, and to command Saget to deliver those he had in Puntarenas. He assured Morazan his life was in no peril. His next step was to meet Cabañas at Chomogo, telling him Morazan was leaving the state by the Matina road with sufficient money, and advising him to disband his men. Cabañas was deceived, and went alone to Matina, where he was taken prisoner.

[XI-25] _Marure_, _Efem._, 56. Saravia was a son of Miguel Gonzalez Saravia, the governor of Nicaragua, who attached that province to Iturbide's empire, and a grandson of General Saravia, president and captain-general of Guatemala, who had been appointed viceroy of Mexico, and was shot by Morelos in Oajaca. Young Saravia's mother, Concepcion Nájera y Batres, was of the leaders of Guatemalan society, for which reason the aristocratic party expected much from him. But after completing his education, with evidences of extraordinary talents, he often gave expression to the most liberal ideas. Before being admitted to the bar in 1834 he had served in the office of the secretary of the senate, and later as a chief of bureau in the department of foreign affairs. He afterward held a judicial appointment, being at all times noted for ability and eloquence, as well as for his writings in _El Semanario_, which attracted the attention of Morazan, who made him auditor de guerra of the federal army. From that time Saravia followed Morazan's fortunes, taking part in several actions of war, and thus attaining the rank of general. He was also this leader's aide-de-camp, private secretary, and minister-general, both in Salvador and Costa Rica. A portrait of the young general gives him quite a distinguished air.

[XI-26] Among them were Mariano Montealegre, Juan de los Santos Madriz, and José M. Castro.

[XI-27] The most virulent were Luz Blanco and Herrera. They even worked upon the feelings of Pinto's family, and it is said that his daughter Petronila imagined that she saw her father sent to the scaffold by Morazan, and fell in a convulsion.

[XI-28] Morazan had demanded a trial. He also desired to address a circular to the governments of the states, but it was not permitted him.

[XI-29] He declared that he had expended the whole of his own and his wife's estate, besides $18,000 due to Gen. Bermudez, in endowing Costa Rica with a government of laws. This was his sole offence, for which he had been condemned to lose his life, which was further aggravated by a broken pledge, for he had been assured by Espinach that his life would be spared. The forces he had organized were originally intended to defend Guanacaste against an expected attack from Nicaragua. Subsequently a number of volunteers were detached for the pacification of the republic. He reiterated his love for Central America, urging upon the youth of the land to imitate his example, and fight to redeem her. He finally disclaimed any enmity or rancor toward his murderers, forgiving them and wishing them every possible happiness. In that instrument, says Barrundia, 'se ve diáfana el alma, noble, tranquila, y generosa del héroe que descendia á la tumba.'

[XI-30] The remains lay in Costa Rica till, under a decree of Pres. Castro, Nov. 6, 1848, they were exhumed on the 27th, and after paying honors on the 4th of Dec., were surrendered, according to Morazan's wishes, to Salvador, by whose authorities they were received with high military and civic honors. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, x. 368-9. Carrera afterward treated them with indignity. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 656; iv. 219-20, 250-3; v. 650-2, 665-6; _Testam._, in _Cent. Am. Pap._, No. 2. Further particulars on Morazan's rule in Costa Rica, and on his death and interment, may be found in _Nic._, _Correo Ist._, May 1, 1849; _Niles' Reg._, lxiii., 19, 176; _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, No. 2, 7; _Squier's Trav._, ii. 444-9; _Wappäus_, _Mex. und Cent. Am._, 361; _Reichardt_, _Cent. Am._, 142; _El Progreso_, Oct. 3, 1850; _Crowe's Gospel_, 152-3; _Wagner_, _Costa R._, 203-5; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 217-22; _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 73-4; _Wells' Hond._, 484-93; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Feb. 14, 1875; _Robert Glascow Dunlop_, _Travels in Central America_, London, 1847, 8°, 358 pp. and map, is a work purporting to be a journal of nearly three years' residence in Central America, and giving a sketch of the history of the republic, together with an account of the physical peculiarities, agriculture, commerce, and state of society. Much of the information therein is correct; but on historical and social topics the author, who was a Scotchman, displayed narrow-mindedness, and a judgment warped by British prejudices.

[XI-31] In the latter—his native state—his last will was published in the official journal in the column of varieties with offensive remarks. These notes, and indeed the whole conduct of the authorities, were disgraceful. _El Redactor_, _Ofic. de Hond._, Sept. 15, 1843.

[XI-32] The priest Juan José Aycinena, who was the minister of state, hated Morazan with a deadly hatred from the day that his brother was defeated at San Antonio. This animosity became more intensified, if possible, upon Morazan contemptuously rejecting the dictatorship that was tendered him. Morazan said in his last will that his death was an assassination, as he had not been allowed any form of trial. But the worthy padre and his accomplice in iniquity, Carrera, attributed the crime to heaven, and made Rivera Paz, chief of state, accuse providence of aiding Vicente Herrera and Luz Blanco in its perpetration.

[XI-33] Honors were paid to his memory in the city of Guatemala in 1876; a statue was erected to him by Honduras in 1883. _La Regeneracion_, July 10, 1876; _Costa R._, _Mem. Relaciones_, 1884, 2-3, and doc. 1, 2.

[XI-34] Every abusive epithet was applied to him in the official press; tyrant, bandit, monster, were among the mildest. The aim was to make him appear in the eyes of the ignorant as the only obstacle to peace and reorganization; and the masses believed that he was the author of all the evils under the sun. _Gac. de Guat._, Oct. 28, 1842.

[XI-35] The subscribing commissioners were Manuel F. Pavon, for Guatemala; Pedro Nolasco Arriaga, for Honduras; and Joaquin Duran, for the other two states. Inasmuch as Arriaga and Duran were Aycinena's and Pavon's humble satellites, the treaties might just as well have been signed Pavon, Pavon, Pavon. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 129-33; _Guat._, _Recop. Leg._, i. 395-408.

[XI-36] It is asserted that the Guatemalan government said that Costa Rica should appoint as her commissioner a resident of Guatemala. But José M. Castro, the young Costa Rican minister, thought differently.

[XI-37] They had led the revolt on the 11th and the following days. _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 105.

[XI-38] So says Marure, now a confirmed 'conservador,' adding, 'y celebrados con entusiasmo en toda la república.' _Efem._, 56.

[XI-39] The expeditionary force of 300 to 500 under Saget, on hearing of the trouble at San José, went on board their ships at Puntarenas, thence menacing the government. Subsequently arrangements were made for the surrender of the arms and disbandment of the men, but owing to misunderstanding were not carried out, and the expedition departed for La Libertad in Salv. on the _Coquimbo_. Costa R. afterward claimed the armament and ship, but Salv. invariably refused to return them, on the plea that they belonged to Morazan's family, 'como ganadas en ley de guerra por aquel caudillo.' Much indignation was felt in Guatemala and Honduras, and somewhat less in Nicaragua, against Salvador, because the latter, notwithstanding the treaties of 1840 and 1842, and the protest to the contrary, had allowed Saget, Cabañas, Barrios, and their companions, to reside in the state under the protection of its laws. The first two named governments saw that for all they had manœuvred to make of the executive of Salvador a mere submissive agent of the aristocracy, he had now emancipated himself from its control. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 4-5, 115-33; _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 105-6.

[XI-40] _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, vii. 404-16.

[XI-41] Art. 3 stated that the idea was not yet entertained, which later was formed, of declaring the state to be a sovereign and independent republic. Art. 5 resolved the question of boundaries with Colombia and Nicaragua upon the principles sustained by Costa Rica. Arts. 4 and 10 established a fourth power under the name of Conservador, composed of no less than three councillors chosen by the people. Art. 9 places the legislative authority in an assembly of not less than 15 members. It does not establish two chambers. Art. 11 says that the executive office is to be exercised by a tribune, out of four to be chosen by the electors. Art. 13 was condemned by the fanatics, though it merely allows religious toleration. The _Gaceta de Guat._ exclaimed, 'Ya volvemos á las andadas.' _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 383, 391-3, 417-18; _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 106.

[XI-42] All these acts, dated respectively June 7-8, Sept. 13, 19, 1843, appear in _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, viii. 45-50, 63-7.

[XI-43] By the second jefe, Oreamuno, then in charge of the executive.

[XI-44] The govt was supported by the people and troops. Quiroz was promoted to gen. of brigade. _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 106; _El Mentor Costaricense_ gave an extensive account of the affair.

[XI-45] Pinto was an uncle-in-law of Castro, secretary-general, who under the circumstances surrounding the govt could not restore him to his office.

[XI-46] To give an idea of the situation: Cartago's deputies were three clergymen, Peralta, Campo, and Carazo. Heredia also sent the priest Flores. If the senators must be still more grave and circumspect, where could they be procured? _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 173.

[XI-47] His successor was Juan Mora.

[XI-48] _Costa R._, _Col. L._, viii. 352-3, 384-5.

[XI-49] He was a native of Cartago; a man of elegant manners, cultured without affectation, well informed on general subjects, and a highly respected citizen. Though not a member of the bar, he knew enough of law to successfully oppose the lawyers who constantly took advantage of the confusion existing in the old Spanish laws.

[XI-50] The chamber of deputies censured him, but his purpose of getting rid of the executive office was accomplished. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, viii. 392-3; ix. 23-4.

[XI-51] A wealthy man and head of a large family which gave him much social importance. During his short administration he improved the public roads. _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 107. He also gave impulse to education, though under the old ecclesiastical system. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 175.

[XI-52] Correspond. on the subject in _Id._, 184-6.

[XI-53] Fault was found with the clause requiring the election by the people of all public functionaries, including the ministers of state and judges. It was said the people should not be molested with so many elections.

[XI-54] The manifesto issued by the leaders comprised the abolition of the constitution, and the framing of another better suited to the needs of the country, the immediate election of a new vice-jefe, who must be a native of Costa Rica, not under 25 years of age, married, or a widower with children, and possess property to the value of no less than $10,000; one who had never been criminally punished, except by a pecuniary fine, nor attached for debts contracted in the state; he must have served in other public offices without taint, and must be in favor of independence and a separate government for the state. A new legislative chamber was to be immediately convoked, and the manner of election fixed by the chief; meantime, the present assembly was to continue its sittings. The chief was to select a good port on the north coast, and make a road from it to the capital with funds of the treasury. _Costa R._, _Pap. Sueltos_, nos. 1, 2; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 252-3.

[XI-55] His removal from the executive seat resulted from the intrigues of a few who knew that he could not be made a convenient tool.

[XI-56] It was divided into 14 sections, placed the executive in a president, and created a vice-president. The legislative authority was vested in a congress of a single chamber, presided over by the vice-president. The Roman catholic religion was the only one permitted, and it remained as that of the state and under its protection. _Costa R._, _Constit._, 1847, 1-24; _Id._, _Constit. Polít._, 1847, 1-118; _Id._, _Col. Ley._, x. 1-56; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 46-9.

[XI-57] Nov. 22, 1848, and promulgated by the executive on the 30th. A law regulating the election of the supreme authorities was passed Dec. 20th. _Costa R._, _Constit. Polít._ (ed. of 1850, 8°), 1-38; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, x. 347-408, 422-52; _El Universal_, June 8, 1849.

[XI-58] _El Arco Iris_, Oct. 14, 1847. Alfaro was not pleased at being lowered to the second place, even though he had ex-officio the presidency of congress. He resigned on the 1st of Oct. of the same year, and Juan Rafael Mora became his successor. _Costa R._, _Informe Relaciones_, ap.; _Id._, _Col. Ley._, x. 86-7, 160-1, 187-8.

[XI-59] Castro had enemies in San José. He was accused of bringing about Gallegos' dismissal. This assertion was repeated from mouth to mouth, and came to be believed by many. Moreover, some men that he looked on as his friends suggested to him unwise measures, with the view of damaging his administration. Unfortunately, congress began to show aristocratic tendencies, restoring the abolished compellations without opposition on Castro's part. The title of Excellency was voted to itself, the president, and the supreme court.

[XI-60] Castro and Mora differed on many points. The president's circle considered Mora a dangerous competitor. Congress treated Mora with marked indifference, though he had restored peace in Alajuela with only 200 men. He resigned the vice-presidency. An election being ordered, at the second attempt Manuel José Carazo, a friend of Castro, was chosen. Carazo was an able and well-informed man. He resigned the office on the 24th of Aug., but was reëlected Sept. 22d. _Id._, 190, 306-7, 310-12, 327-9.

[XI-61] _Costa R._, _Inf. Relaciones_, 10-12, 23-5. In Nov. of the same year all political offenders were pardoned, and a war tax which had been levied on Alajuela was ordered refunded. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, x. 269-90, 374-6, 410; _Id._, _Pap. Sueltos_, nos. 3-5; _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 107-8.

[XI-62] Congress took into consideration a number of petitions from influential sources highly commendatory of Castro's acts. Castro on the 16th of Nov. had been made a general of division. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 525-6, 530-8, 543-51.

[XI-63] The flag had five horizontal stripes, of which the centre one occupied one third the width of the flag, and the others one sixth each. The centre stripe was red, the one above and the one underneath it were white, and the other two blue. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, x. 354-6.

[XI-64] France sent in April 1847 the corvette _Le Génie_ to make demands on behalf of her subject Thierriat, which Costa Rica settled by paying $10,000.

[XI-65] Full particulars on the foreign relations are given in _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 9-10, 61-2, 112-19; _Id._, _Coup d'œil Costa R._, 3; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, x. 339-47; xii. 5-18, 94, 202-7; xv. 225; xvi. 195-6; xviii. 95-6, 171-88; xix. 107-9; xx. 24-8; xxiii. 184-200; xxiv. 171-97; _Id._, de 1869, 216-22; _Id._, de 1879, 61-3; _Id._, _Gac. de Gob._, Jan. 12, 26, Feb. 23, March 9, 1850; _Id._, _Bol. Ofic._, Dec. 8, 22, 26-7, 29, 1853; Jan. 5, Apr. 20, 1854; _Id._, _Informes y Mem., Relaciones_, 1850-80; _Salv._, _Diario_, Nov. 5, 1875; _Cong. Globe_, 1860-1; _Smithsonian Rept_, 1863, 54; _Colombia_, _Diario Ofic._, Feb. 14, 1874; _U. S. Govt Doc._, 36th cong. 2d sess., sen. i., 19 vol. i.; _Id._, 39th cong. 2d sess., For. Aff. (Mess. and Doc., Dept of St., pt ii.), 430-45; _Id._, 40th cong. 2d sess., For. Aff. (Mess. and Doc., Dept of St., pt ii.), 277-80; _Id._, 42d cong. 2d sess., H. Ex. Doc., 1 For. Rel., p. 7 (249-52); _Id._, 42d cong. 3d sess., For. Rel., p. xxxv. (158-61); _Pan. Gac._, Apr. 16, 1876, and numerous other works in various languages.

[XI-66] Nic. argued that the constitution of Costa R. of 1825 declared her boundary to be at El Salto, not at La Flor; to which Costa R. replied that the instrument alluded to was anterior to the federal decree, and therefore could not embrace Nicoya in Costa Rican territory; but after this decree the fundamental laws of Costa R. did take it in.

[XI-67] Nic. had demanded the restoration in 1843, which led to the making of a voluminous protocol, without any definitive result. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 229-31; iv. 382-3; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, viii. 3-4.

[XI-68] The treaty was made at San José, Costa R., on the 15th of Apr., 1858, and signed by José M. Cañas and Máximo Jerez, plenipotentiaries respectively of Costa R. and Nic., and by Pedro Rómulo Negrete, mediator on the part of Salv. The signatures of the secretaries of the three legations also appear to the instrument. The ratifications were made in due form, and exchanged by the two govts on the 26th of April, the same year. The treaty was approved by the Nicaraguan constituent congress May 28th, and published by President Tomás Martinez and his secretary of state, June 4th. Under its 2d article the dividing line was to be as follows: Starting from the Atlantic Ocean, the line to begin at the extreme end of Punta de Castilla, at the mouth of the River San Juan, and continue on the right bank of that stream to a point in waters below the Castillo Viejo, at three English miles from the outer fortifications. Thence a curve was to commence, whose centre should be those works, and distant therefrom in all its course three English miles, and terminating at a point distant two miles from the bank of the river in waters above the fort. Thence the line should continue in the direction of Sapoá River, which empties into Lake Nicaragua, following a course invariably two miles distant from the right margin of the San Juan River, with its curves to its source in the lake, and from the right margin of the same lake to the said Sapoá River, where this line, parallel to said margins, ends. From the point where it may coincide with the Sapoá River, which must of course be two miles from the lake, an astronomical line should be drawn to the central point of the bay of Salinas on the Pacific Ocean, where the delimitation of the two contracting powers will terminate. The 6th art. gives Nic. the exclusive control over the waters of the San Juan River from its source in Lake Nicaragua to the point where it empties into the Atlantic Ocean; Costa R. retaining the right of navigation in said waters for trading purposes from the mouth of the river to a distance of three English miles from the Castillo Viejo. _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 137-41; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xv. 75-6, 182-8; _Id._, _Informe Gob._, 1858, 12-13; _Id._, _Inf. Rel._, 1860, 6; _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, June 7, 1877, 513-14; _El Nacional_, June 26, 1858, 10; _Peralta_, _Rio S. Juan_, 24-5; _Belly_, _Le Nic._, i. 359-62.

[XI-69] The treaty, after being completed and published in the official journal of Nic., was communicated by both govts to the foreign diplomatic corps accredited near them, as well as to their own representatives abroad. All friendly nations came to look on it as an accomplished fact.

[XI-70] Ayon did not pretend to deny that the treaty had been concluded by his govt, and duly ratified by the legislative authority of the two republics. He alleged that the fundamental law of Nic. established the limits of the state, embracing within them the territory of Guanacaste; and that the treaty in question ignored the Nicaraguan constitution, which prescribed that an amendment of it by one legislature must be submitted to the next for ratification; and this not having been done, there was a radical nullity. Costa R. replied that the legislative ratification in Nic. had been, not by an ordinary legislature, but by a constituent assembly fully empowered to amend the constitution or frame a new one. It had been called to make a new fundamental law, and therefore had a right to establish new boundaries. Moreover, that even if that assembly had not possessed constituent authority, but had been a merely ordinary congress, the fact still remained that a number of Nicaraguan legislatures had held the treaty to be valid and unobjectionable. Some attempts have been made in administration circles of Costa R., much against public opinion, to annul the treaty, in order to have for a boundary line the whole right bank of the San Juan, from Greytown or San Juan del Norte to San Cárlos, and Lake Nicaragua to La Flor. Were this supported, and the treaty set aside, the questions between Costa R. and Nic. would assume a serious aspect. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 231-4; _Ayon_, _Cuestion de Límites_, 1-26; _Id._, _Consid. sobre Límites_, 1-26.

[XI-71] Details may be found in _Nic._, _Mem. Relaciones_, 1871, 10-16, 29-39; _Id._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 3, 1868, May 4, 11, 1872, June 7, 1873; _Id._, _Seman. Nic._, June 6, 1872; _Id._, _Correspond._, 1872, 1-24; _Id._, _Continuacion de la Correspond._, 1872, 1-16; _U. S. Govt Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., 43d cong. 1st sess., pt 2, 732, 735, 739, 743; 44th cong. 1st sess., pt 1, 157, 168; _Costa R._, _Informe Rel._, 1873, 1-6; _Id._, _Pap. Sueltos_, Doc. no. 15; _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, May 22, 1876; _Peralta_, _Rio S. Juan_.

[XI-72] Antonio Zambrana for Costa R., and Francisco Álvarez for Nic. _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 5, 1883; _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 3, 1885; _U. S. Govt Doc._, 48th cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc., pt 1, 59-61.

[XI-73] An extract of that treaty is given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 289-90.

[XI-74] The royal commission of Diego de Artieda Cherino, governor, captain-general of Costa R., issued in 1573, fixed the boundaries of the province from the 'embocadura del Desaguadero ó rio San Juan de Nicaragua hasta la frontera de Veraguas en el Mar Atlántico, y desde los linderos de Nicoya hasta los valles de Chiriquí en el Pacífico.' _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 14; _Id._, _Costa R. y Nueva Granada_, 9-10, 16-35. Felipe Molina being in the service of Costa R., and intrusted with the defence of her interests, his assertions might be by some deemed biassed; but the testimony of Juarros, the historian of Guatemala, who wrote with the official docs before him, is not open to the same objection. He says, speaking of Costa R., 'sus términos por el mar del norte, son desde la boca del rio San Juan hasta el Escudo de Veraguas; y por el sur, desde el rio de Alvarado, raya divisoria de la provincia de Nicaragua, hasta el rio de Boruca, término del reino de Tierra Firme.' _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 230.

[XI-75] The territorial division recognized by him was that made in 1810, at which time no New Granadan authority had a footing in Cent. Am. territory. A representation of the ayuntamiento of Cartago to the Sp. córtes in 1813 says: 'Costa Rica tiene por límites de su territorio el rio de Chiriquí que la separa de la provincia de Panamá.' _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1813, xix. 404.

[XI-76] Contract of Col Galindo, as agent of the govt. _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 100-1.

[XI-77] Copy of correspond. between the gov. of Veraguas and that of Costa R. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 272-3; _Mosq. Correspond._, 22-5; _Pan._, _Docs. Ofic._, in _Pan. Col. Docs._, no. 31, pp. 62, 66-70; _Id._, _Star and Herald_, Oct. 15, 16, 1880.

[XI-78] During the Walker war, a treaty was made at San José between P. A. Herran for Colombia, and Joaquin B. Calvo for Costa Rica, which does not follow the line on Molina's map. Modifications were made to it at Bogotá, and ratifications were never exchanged. Later on José M. Castro went to Bogotá and negotiated another treaty, which did not stipulate Molina's line. This treaty was not ratified by either govt. The next attempt was made by B. Correoso, on behalf of Colombia. His negotiations were mostly verbal, disregarding arguments for the straight line between Punta de Burica and the Escudo de Veraguas; and alleging that on the N., N. E., W., and N. W. of that line were Colombian settlements, which, under the constitution of his country could not be ceded. A treaty was entered into, however, which did not obtain the ratification of either government. In Costa R. it was considered a ruinous one. Correoso was charged in Colombia with having made a damaging arrangement. _Pan._, _Gaceta Istmo_, Oct. 20, 1841; _Id._, _Crón. Ofic._, Feb. 6, 1853; _Id._, _Boletin Ofic._, Dec. 25, 1870; _Pan._, _Gaceta_, June 15, 1871, June 19, 1872, Aug. 22, 29, Oct. 31, 1874, May 21, 1876, July 25, Aug. 4, 22, Sept. 26, Oct. 13, Nov. 10, 21, 1878, July 11, Sept. 12, Oct. 17, 28, 31, 1880; _Pan._, _Mem. Sec. Gob._, 1879, 13-14, 35-42; _Colombia_, _Diario Ofic._, Feb. 26, 1876; _Costa R._, _Mem. Rel._, 1851, 5; _Id._, _Col. Ley._, xiv. 54-5, 160-1; _Id._, _Informe Gobn._, 1880, 2-4; _U. S. Govt Docs._, H. Ex. Doc. 41, p. 64-5, vi. 35th cong. 2d sess.

[XI-79] Ratified by the executive, and sanctioned by the gran consejo nacional, of Costa R., Dec. 27, 30, 1880. _Pan._, _Gaceta_, Jan. 16, 1881.

[XI-80] Carazo, the vice-president, had done the same Oct. 26th. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xi. 216.

[XI-81] At the same time he was declared a benemérito, and the founder of the rep. of Costa R. _Id._, 157-8, 224-5; _El Costaricense_, Nov. 17, 1849. The opposition, however, made severe comments on his policy as reviewed by himself. _Anot. á la renuncia_, in _Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc._, no. 20.

[XI-82] Mora was a Costa Rican of rare intellectual powers, quite conversant with her affairs; a wealthy merchant, who had travelled abroad, and by his frankness and liberality won a well-deserved popularity. _El Costaricense_, Nov. 18, Dec. 1, 1849; _Costa R._, _Col Ley._, xi. 225-6, 234-5. Francisco M. Oreamuno was elected vice-pres. Jan. 30, 1850. _Id._, 241-2; _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 2, 1850.

[XI-83] _Nic._, _Cor. Ist._, May 2, 1850. In an address Mora depicts the situation, and the attempts of Quiroz and others to disturb the peace in San José and Heredia, together with his measures to balk them. _El presid. de la rep. á la Nacion_, June 8, 1850.

[XI-84] The decree was issued at the Hacienda de Frankfort en las Pavas, and countersigned by Joaquin Bernardo Calvo, minister of govt. He based his action on the fact that congress having declined to accept his resignation, he was made responsible before God and the people of evils that might result from the existing order of things. _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, no. 165; _El Siglo_, March 10, 1852; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xii. 96-7.

[XI-85] José M. Castro, Bernardo Rivera, and Nazario Toledo. _El Siglo_ (S. Salv.), March 4, 1852.

[XI-86] June 6, 1853, the president's salary was raised to $5,000 a year. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xii. 236-7, 247-8; _Id._, _Gaceta_, July 23, 1853; _Hond._, _Gaceta Ofic._, June 20, 1853; _Wagner_, _Costa R._, 171-2, 506-8, 296-7.

[XI-87] Min. Calvo's rept to cong. May 16, 1854. The chamber on the 5th of June sanctioned all the acts of the govt, and passed a vote of thanks and congratulation to the president, 'por el acierto y prudencia con que la ha regido.' _Costa R._, _Mem. Rel._, 15.

[XII-1] The following persons held the office ad int. before him: namely, Patricio Rivas, June 1839; Joaquin Cosío, July 1839; Hilario Ulloa, senator in charge, Oct. 1839; Tomás Valladares, senator, Nov. 1839; Patricio Rivas, Sept. 1840. _Marure_, _Efem._, 64; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 136; _Wells' Hond._, 494.

[XII-2] There was much dissimilarity of views on political matters between the two men, though Castellon had contributed to Buitrago's election. Many bitter publications appeared subsequently from the pens of the two adversaries. _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 48, 146.

[XII-3] They were not even allowed to enter the state, because of the treaty of Oct. 1842, signed by Pavon, Arriaga, and Duran.

[XII-4] The Gaceta eulogized him, and Pavon said that he was 'un hombre de órden que solo aspiraba á la justicia y al decoro.' Buitrago's position was becoming a difficult one. Morazan ruled in Costa Rica, had not a few friends in Nicaragua, and public opinion in the latter state favored a convention of states. On the other hand, he was anxious not to forfeit the good opinion of the nobles and nuns. Upon the news of Morazan's execution reaching Leon, he had it published with marks of satisfaction. He also objected, though not strenuously, to the landing of Saget and his companions, ycleped Coquimbos, in Salvador.

[XII-5] One of his first acts was to make Francisco Castellon his ministro general.

[XII-6] The new official journal, _Eco de la Ley_, in its first number declared that an Octavian peace reigned. And indeed, had Nicaragua been away from obnoxious influences, peace might have been maintained under republican institutions. But she was, unhappily, surrounded by states where for a time brutal force held sway.

[XII-7] The claimants were Bridge, Glenton, and Manning. Full details on the claims of the last two are in _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 109-10, 121-3, 132-5; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 55-6.

[XII-8] They embarked at San Juan del Norte on the 11th of March, 1844. Both have since figured prominently in political circles.

[XII-9] Selva had held the office by virtue of his position as senior senator to that date, when his senatorial term expired.

[XII-10] 223 votes were cast for him, the next highest receiving only 190. The other candidates were Juan José Ruiz, José Guerrero, Pablo Buitrago, Laureano Pineda, José Rosa Perez, G. Carcache, Patricio Rivas, and Rafael Machado. _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 47-8; _Sandoval_, _Revistas Polít._, 19; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 250.

[XII-11] To raise two loans of $10,000 and $30,000, respectively, and to regulate the financial system. Trial by jury was suspended. An amnesty was issued with many exceptions against the defenders of Leon. _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 69-70. Two portfolios were created; namely, that of war, intrusted to Lino César, and that of treasury, placed in charge of Jesus de la Rocha. José Montenegro was ministro general and of foreign relations. The administrative course of Fruto Chamorro, as supremo delegado of the late confederacy, was approved the 9th of May, long after Chamorro had vacated his office.

[XII-12] Under the decree of June 23d, the prisoners were confined respectively in Granada, Matagalpa, Acoyapa, San Fernando, and Nandayme, and subjected to prosecution by the courts. Many persons, specially the partisans of Cabañas, were given by Corral the advice—which was tantamount to an order—to quit Managua and not return. _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 90, 96-8, 101, 104.

[XII-13] The cause was the indignation at the sympathy of the government's agents for Malespin and Guardiola.

[XII-14] The treaty with Salvador bore date of May 6, 1845, and was ratified by the Salvadoran chambers June 3d.

[XII-15] The municipal authorities and citizens of the place, by an acta on the 29th of July, authorized Valle to take such action as he deemed best to upset the existing government and restore constitutional order. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 139-40; _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 138-9.

[XII-16] Salvador was for a time suspected of connivance with Valle, but she proved the contrary.

[XII-17] Director Sandoval called them assassins and robbers.

[XII-18] The western department and Managua were mulcted in $12,000 as punishment.

[XII-19] His official reports of July 8th and 17th are textually given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 162-4; _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 128-9, 133-4.

[XII-20] It is inexplicable how these two men could serve in the same cabinet, unless under some one of very superior mind and character, which Sandoval certainly did not possess. Jerez was a democrat, a friend of Central American union, and an admirer of Morazan. Buitrago was the opposite—a conservative, separatist, and opponent of Morazan.

[XII-21] Leaders surrendering were to be dealt with by the civil courts; otherwise, if captured, would be tried under military laws.

[XII-22] Every one refusing to return was heavily fined. Chief-of-bureau E. Castillo's instructions to the sub-prefect, in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 293.

[XII-23] Decree of Oct. 30, 1842. _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 126, 128, 138, 143.

[XII-24] Official reports of Dec. 6th and 8th to the min. of war of Nic., _Id._, 157-8; _El Tiempo_, March 12, 1846.

[XII-25] 'En cuanto al pasaporte, el Gobierno Supremo ama y desea mucho la felicidad del Estado, y no podría privarlo de su mas fuerte apoyo.' _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 284-5; _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 290.

[XII-26] He followed the example of Carrera in Guat.

[XII-27] Sandoval surrendered his office June 25th to the legislature in order that it might freely adjudicate upon his official acts. Once approved, he resumed the executive duties Sept. 2d.

[XII-28] Dec. 12th it voted an amnesty law with a number of limitations; namely, against persons entering the state with arms to disturb the peace; and against the guilty of murder or other atrocious crime. The govt issued, Jan. 9, 1847, a supplementary decree of amnesty. _Sandoval_, _Revista Polít._, 57-9. _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 390, 401, 407-8; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 298-9.

[XII-29] Sandoval returned to Granada and was received with great honor.

[XII-30] July 16, 1847. This measure awakened much acrimony outside of the benefited department.

[XII-31] _El Razonador_, Dec. 29, 1847.

[XII-32] See _Hist. Cent. Am._, ii. 599-607, this series. In Nov. 1803, the whole north coast, including the island of San Andrés, and the Mosquito Coast extending from Cape Gracias á Dios to the Chagre River, was placed under the viceroy of Nueva Granada; but five years later the transfer was annulled, and the coast of Mosquitia restored to Nicaragua, to which it had been annexed by royal order of March 31, 1803.

[XII-33] He based his pretension on the following incident: The Caribs on the Trujillo line rebelled in 1807 betaking themselves to Mosq. territory, where they were captured by Sp. troops and brought back, together with some Mosquitians, as prisoners. King Stephen, successor to George, the man crowned by the British, threatened to burn Trujillo and to wage a border warfare if his subjects were not forthwith returned. The president of Guatemala, for prudential reasons, had the prisoners sent back. _Am. Cent._, _Reclam. de Interven._, 8.

[XII-34] Altogether about 76,000 square miles. _Strangeways' Mosq._, 4-5. Lord Palmerston, in his instructions to Brit. represent. in Nueva Granada and Cent. Am., spoke of a coast line of about 720 statute miles as belonging to Mosq. Squier, _Cent. Am._, 629, has it that from 200 to 500 miles in length, and undefined breadth, have been claimed.

[XII-35] Capt. Geo. Henderson took some in 1807. The chiefs expected higher marks of regard, but had to be contented with what they got. _Henderson's Brit. Hond._, 168, 204.

[XII-36] That was done, it is presumed, after the death of Stephen, George's successor, who was ruling in 1807. The govt, at the time of their going to Belize, was in charge of a sort of regency formed of the three principal chiefs, who divided the country into three separate departments. The first, extending from Roman River, near Cape Honduras, to Patook, was intrusted to Gen. Robinson. The second, from Caratasca, or Croata, to Sandy Bay and Duckwarra, including all the Mosquitians proper, was in charge of a brother of the late king, who bore the title of admiral. The third, from Brancmans to Rio Grande, including various tribes, was under Don Cárlos, called the governor. The three head chiefs had sub-governors. But the small colonies of Zambos, at Pearl Cay lagoon and Blewfields, could choose their own governors. _Roberts' Narr. of Voy._, 146-7; _Stout's Nic._, 168-71.

[XII-37] A regalia consisting of a silver-gilt crown, a sword, and sceptre of moderate value had been provided for the farce. The emblems of royalty were confided to the custody of Jack, an old negro, 'who, with wise precaution, kept them carefully concealed.' _Squier's Cent. Am._, 640-1.

[XII-38] Col Arthur, the superintendent, gave him much good advice to guide him in his government. _Arthur's Letter_, in _Mosq. Doc._, 122-3; _Disputes with Am._, in _Brit. Quart. Rev._, xcix. 242-3. But the good advice was lost upon his swarthy majesty. It is understood that every new king had been to Jamaica to receive a commission from the Brit. govt, his subjects refusing him recognition as their sovereign till he had done so. _Bonnycastle's Sp. Am._, i. 171-2.

[XII-39] He became a confirmed drunkard. _Roberts' Narr. of Voy._, 148-9.

[XII-40] Some parties accused of the crime are said to have suffered death.

[XII-41] _George Henderson's British Honduras_, London, 1811, 8°, 236 p., is a diary of the author's trip to and from the Mosquito shore, which also furnishes an interesting account of Belize and her resources, climate, etc., together with a map of Honduras, and ends with sketches on the manners and customs of the Mosquito Indians. _Thomas Strangeways' Sketch of the Mosquito Shore_, Edinburgh, 1822, 8vo, 355 p. The author, who calls himself a K. G. C., captain of the first native Poyer regiment, and aide-de-camp to his Highness, the cacique of Payais, gives with a portrait of that cacique, Sir Gregor MacGregor, a historical preface, and a map of Mosquitia, and the Poyais territory. The book also contains a descriptive sketch of that country, its productions, mode of cultivation, and other facts, all compiled for the special use of settlers. _Peter F. Stout's Nicaragua, Past, Present, and Future_, Phila., 1859, 12°, 372 p. With the exception of a cursory glance at affairs in Mosquito, on interoceanic communication, and ancient history of Mexico, this work is confined to the resources, history, and general features of Nicaragua, the chief object being to furnish a general description of the country rather than its history. The author was U. S. vice-consul, and his opinion on questions between his country and Great Britain might be deemed by a subject of the latter not wholly impartial. _Orlando W. Roberts' Narrative of Voyages and Excursions on the east coast, and in the interior of Central America_, Edinburgh, 1827, 16°, 302 p., preceded by a map of a part of Cent. Am. showing the route from the Atlantic to the Pacific, via the river San Juan and lakes Nicaragua and Leon, with an index and a preface by Edward Irving, is a little book descriptive of the author's journey up the San Juan River to Leon through Lake Nicaragua, and of trading voyages in which he was many years engaged among the Indians of Hond., Nic., and Costa R. His opportunities for observation seem to have been good, and his manner of setting forth the information thus obtained is clear and apparently reliable. On Mosquitia and her govt and people he gives much that is really interesting and useful. _R. H. Bonnycastle's Spanish America, or a descriptive, historical, and geographical account of the dominions of Spain_, London, 1878, 8o, 2 vol., pp. xxix. 336, v. 359, map and engraving, is mostly a compilation, poor in style, divided into two parts. The first treats of the Spanish dominions in North America; the second of those in South America. Everything is treated in a cursory manner, and the part relating to Cent. Am. and the isthmus of Panamá is meagre and trifling.

[XII-42] More details in _Squier's Cent. Am._, 641-3; _Mosquitoland_, 31-3, 38-40, 47-50, 225-9; _Nic. Nueva Discusion_, 6; _Crowe's Gospel_, 208-10; _S. Juan_, _Ocup._, 33-5, 45-9; _Niles' Reg._, lxiv. 130; _Frisch_, _Staaten von Mex._, 94; _Reichardt_, _Cent. Am._, 134, 140-1, 208-11.

[XII-43] At the court of Gracias á Dios, Apr. 19, 1820. The grantee called himself 'his Highness the cacique of Poyais,' and claimed absolute dominion over the Poyer district on the extreme west of Mosquitia, including the Rio Tinto.

[XII-44] The plan comprised well-equipped regiments of infantry and cavalry, a theatre and theatrical company, a band, and paper currency. _Crowe's Gospel_, 207-8; _Mosq.-Küste und Texas_, 28; _Mosquitoland_, 34-8; _Quart. Rev._, xxviii. 160-1; _Eco_, _Hisp.-Am._, July 31, 1860.

[XII-45] This settlement was called Fort Wellington, and was brought to ruin by a succession of calamities, including shipwrecks. _Mosq.-Küste und Texas_, 29-33; _Young's Mosq. Shore_, 53-9, 65-71.

[XII-46] It has an abundance of mahogany, rosewood, caoutchouc, and other valuable trees, and is capable of producing cotton, sugar, rice, indigo, and most of the tropical staples.

[XII-47] Slavery was abolished in 1841. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 10, 1866.

[XII-48] There was neither church nor pastor in the place. _S. Juan_, _Ocup._, 13-15; _Squier's Cent. Am._, 661-2.

[XII-49] Macdonald answered Aug. 13th that the object of his visit to the coast had been to convey a message of H. B. M. to her ally the sovereign of the Mosquito nation, and to ascertain by his own observation the true boundaries of the Mosquito dominions, upon which point he wished to be enlightened by Quijano. He made further demands for a recognition of his demand, but the Nicaraguan official invariably returned a refusal. _Mosquitoland_, 29, 223-5; _Niles' Reg._, lxi. 98; lxii. 64, 275; lxiii. 19, 194; _U. S. Govt Doc._, H. Ex. Doc. 75, vol. x., 31st cong. 1st sess.; _Young's Mosq. Shore_, 33-4.

[XII-50] An English writer says: 'This farce hardly seemed consistent with the dignity of a British officer, gov. of a settlement.' _Dunlop's Trav._, 215-16. Crowe, also an Englishman, declares it to have been an infamous act. _Gospel_, 212. It was not disavowed by the Brit. govt. _Squier's Travels_, ii. 449; _Nouv. Annales Voy._, xciv. 251-2.

[XII-51] He was left on a desert island on the coast. _Marure_, _Efem._, 54; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 612. Macdonald himself on the 15th made his acts known to the govt of Nic., alleging that he had been specially requested by many persons of San Juan to remove Quijano. The latter was undoubtedly a bad man, but no foreign authority had any right to interfere with him.

[XII-52] Consul Chatfield claimed that Quijano was removed from Mosq. and not Nic. territory; that he had himself notified the govt of Cent. Am. of the existence of the Mosq. nation, and that Great Britain would not look with indifference upon any usurpation of the territory of a monarch with whom she had close relations; that Spain had recognized the Mosq. nation when Prince Stephen visited San Salvador and Guatemala. His letter was dated Oct. 24, 1842. Further correspondence followed between Nic. and Chatfield without the former giving way to his pretensions. The whole correspond. may be seen in _Mosq. Doc._, 5-23; _Nic._, _Cor. Ist._, Sept. 26, 1850; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 98-111.

[XII-53] In a treaty with Thomas Lowry Robinson, signed in Comayagua Dec. 16, 1843. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 112-14. The aristocrats of Guat. wanted a protectorate of Great Britain over Cent. Am., and it was believed in Nic. for a while that Costa R. had given way to the influence of Pavon, Chatfield, and J. J. Flores of Ecuador, and had accepted the scheme. Chatfield having concluded, on the 26th of Nov., 1849, a treaty with Costa R., attempted on the strength of it, on the 1st of Dec., to dictate to Nic. He said that differences between Nic. and Costa R. must be amicably arranged in the understanding, that other means would not be looked on with indifference by Great Britain.

[XII-54] That was pursuant to orders from Lord Palmerston, in which for the first time a protectorate over the Mosquito shore was asserted by Great Britain. Chatfield and Walker had claimed rights over the entire eastern coast, from Cape Honduras to Chiriquí Lagoon, an extent of 700 miles, but Palmerston set the limits 'from Cape Honduras down to the mouth of the river San Juan.' Meantime the Nicaraguan authorities had obtained, Oct. 28, 1847, from the Princess Inez, believing her the heir of Robert Charles Frederick, a full recognition of the authority of Nic. over the shore of Mosq., and her command to all interloping foreigners to leave the country. The British officials of course paid no heed to this arrangement. _Squier's Cent. Am._, 644-6; _Salv._, _Gaceta_, March 15, 1850.

[XII-55] _Squier's Travels_, i. 78-80; _Morelet_, _Voy._, ii. 304; _Edinb. Rev._, no. 211, 144; _Niles' Reg._, lxxiii. 273; _Tucker's Monroe Doctrine_, 46-7, 52-4.

[XII-56] But the Nicaraguans never relinquished their claim of sovereignty over the port, nor even by implication recognized the king of Mosquito. _Nic._, _Manif. sobre Trat._, 1-13; _Castellon_, _Doc. Rel._, 27-8; _Nic._, _Doc. Dipl._, 32-9; _Guerrero_, _Manif._, 1-7; _Stout's Nic._, 278; _El Siglo_, Nov. 22, 1852; _Nic._, _Gaceta Gob. Supr._, Oct. 14, Nov. 4, 25, Dec. 2, 1848; _Niles' Reg._, lxxiv. 100; _Squier's Cent. Am._, 647; _Id._, _Trav._, i. 101-2.

[XII-57] The other articles refer to the construction of an interoceanic communication, either in the form of a canal or of railroads, securing the neutrality of interoceanic ways. _Annals Brit. Legis._, 97-110, 239-41; _Nic._, _Nueva Discov._, 1-44; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 87-91; _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, March 4, 1854; _Abbott's Mex. and U. S._, 340-2; _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 111; _Polynesian_, vi. 165-6; vii. 46; _Nic. y Hond._, _Doc._, 122-5; _Am. Quart. Reg._, iii. 310-13; _Brit. Quart. Rev._, xcix. 237-70; _El Nacional_, July 31, 1858; _Nic._, _Seman Nic._, Feb. 14, 1874; _Hunt's Merchants' Mag._, xxiii. 109-11; _Wells' Walker's Exped._, 125-33; _Caicedo_, _Lat. Am._, 73-5.

[XII-58] The local chief was prevailed on to accept this arrangement with a pension of $5,000 a year, during ten years, that is to say, till 1870, payable by the suzerain, but the last chief died in 1864 or 1865, and Nic. has never recognized his successor. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Dec. 23, 1865; _Encyclop. Brit._, xvii. 493; _Nic._, _La Union_, June 15, 1861; _Hond. Gaceta_, Feb. 20, 1861; _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 118-27, 132; _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 297-301; _Nic._, _Conv. Mosq._, 1-8; _Pim's Gate of the Pac._, 409-12. Further details on the Mosq. question, giving diplomatic correspondence and parliamentary discussions, in _Hansard's Parl. Deb._, cxlv. 1003-7; _Annals Brit. Legis._, x. 129-41; also in _U. S. Govt Doc._, Ex., Sen. and House, which are too numerous to quote here; and likewise in _U. S. Cong. Globe_, 1855-6, 1857-8, 1859-60; _Diario de Avisos_, Apr. 24, 1857; _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Jan. 23, March 4, 1857.

[XII-59] _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, ii. 21-2; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Mar. 26, 1884; _Nic._, _Mem. Rel._, 1867, 3-12.

[XII-60] Autograph letters were exchanged in 1848, between Pres. Herrera of Mex. and Director Guerrero. _Nic._, _Gaceta Gob. Supr._, Sept. 16, 1848.

[XII-61] Ratified by Nic. March 21, 1851; _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 99, 103; _Nic._, _Trat. de Paz_, etc., 1-13.

[XII-62] By Cardinal Antonelli, for the pope, and Fernando de Lorenzana for Nic. The treaty was published in the latter country as a law Aug. 28, 1862. _Nic._, _Gaceta Gob. Supr._, Oct. 7, 1848; _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 79, 132-7.

[XII-63] Full particulars will be found in _Id._, 137-43; _Nic. Trat. etc. entre Nic. y Hond._, 1-8; _Id._, _Gaceta_, 1853-74, passim; _Id._, _Col. Doc. y Acuerdos_, 1850-1872, passim; _Id._, _Trat. con Costa R._, 1-7; _Costa R._, _Inf. Rel._, 1876, 5-11; 1878, 1; 1880, 3-4; _Salv._, _Gaceta_, Aug. 12, 1853, Oct. 26, 1876, March 21 to April 20, 1879, passim; _Nic._, _Mens. del Presid._, 1879, i.-v. 1-25; and numerous other authorities.

[XII-64] They first endeavored to regard the alleged Mosquito authority, but finally treated it as a mere fiction. _Squier's Cent. Am._, 652.

[XII-65] Municipal ordinances for the place which had now taken the name of Greytown. _Reichardt_, _Cent. Am._, 241-6, 251; _Munic. Ordinances_, in _Cent. Am. Affairs_, no. 4, 1-10.

[XII-66] He is said to have been acting under improper influences. _Squier's Cent. Am._, 653.

[XII-67] The town authorities had refused to pay an indemnity. This was the first direct aggression by the U. S. in Cent. America. _Nic._, _Doc. Diplom._, 7-12; _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, June 17, 22, 29, 1854; _Salv._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 12, 1854; _Tribune Alm._, 1857, 31; _U. S. Govt Doc._, 33d cong. sess. 1, Sen. Doc. 8, vol. iv.; Doc. 85, vol. xii.; 126, xvi. 31 pp.; _Id._, H. Ex. Doc. 1, vol. i., pt ii., 385-6.

[XII-68] _Lévy_, _Nic._, 335. _Pablo Lévy_, _Notas Geográficas y Económicas sobre la República de Nicaragua_, Paris, 1873, Roy. 8°, 627 pp. and map, is a treatise on Nicaragua and its inhabitants. Beginning with an historical résumé of ancient and modern Nicaragua, it gives a review of the topography, climate, natural productions, government, people, and their institutions. The writer's information on the country's physical peculiarities may be set down as useful, though some deficiency is noted; but that on the political and administrative branches is unreliable, showing him to have had but little knowledge of Central American politics. He evidently had not the documents upon which to form a correct judgment. The question of a canal across the isthmus of Nicaragua is also reviewed, and a résumé of its history given. The last general treaty with the U. S. was negotiated in 1867. There was also a convention for the extradition of criminals in 1871. Nic. has made arrangements to pay Am. claims against her, and on her part asked compensation for the damages caused by the bombardment of San Juan, which the Am. govt refused. _Perez_, _Mem. Camp. Nac._, 18-19; _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 93; _Nic._, _Trat. de Amistad, etc., entre Nic. y los EE. UU._, 1-16; _San Juan del Norte_, _Las Cenizas_, 1874, 1-12; _Lévy_, _Nic._, 235-9; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Nov. 10, Dec. 22, 1878; _Berruel, Frères et Cie_, _Petition_, 1-20; and a multitude of U. S. govt docs., and other papers.

[XII-69] Treaty with Belgium, May 18, 1858; with France, Apr. 11, 1859; with G. Britain, Feb. 11, 1860; with Italy, March 6, 1868; and a consular convention made in 1872; with Perú, 1879. _Trat. de Amistad entre Nic. y la Bélgica_, 1-15; _Id._, _entre Nic. y la Francia_, 1-26; _Nic._, _Ley. Emit._, 11-30; _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, 106-18; _Rouhaud_, _Régions Nouv._, 365-86; _Trat. de Amistad, etc., entre Nic. y S. M. B._, 1-15; _Annals Brit. Legis._, ix. 378-81; _Trat. de Amistad, etc., entre Nic. y el reino de Italia_, 1-17; _Convention Consular entre Nic. y el reino de Italia_, 1-19; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Sept. 7, 14, Oct. 26, Nov. 2, 1872; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Oct. 29, 1879.

[XII-70] Damages for the injured Germans $30,000, and a fine of $8,000, besides the punishment of the official accused of insulting German dignity. Thus the superior force dictates unjust terms to the inferior.

[XII-71] His term began Apr. 1, 1849.

[XII-72] He was tried by court-martial, sentenced, and shot June 17th. _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, June 15-28, July 4, 5, 12, 1849; _Squier's Trav._, i. 121, 166-72, 295-9; _Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc._, no. 7. Muñoz was rewarded with a gold medal, and the friends of the soldiers who perished received pensions. _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 216-17.

[XII-73] Recognized by the assembly March 14th as duly elected. _Nic._, _Cor. Ist._, March 20, 1851; _El Siglo_, March 28, 1851.

[XII-74] Nov. 10, 1851. Muñoz had been declared a traitor and deprived of his military rank. He was allowed to leave Nic., and went to reside in Salv. Chamorro was made commander of the forces. _Nic._, _Dec. y Acuerdos_, 1851-3, 92-6, 116-18; _Hond._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Jan. 15, 1852.

[XII-75] A new constituent assembly was convoked May 13, 1853. _Nic._, _Gaceta Ofic._, May 28, 1853.

[XII-76] 'Se denominará República de Nicaragua.' _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 94-7; _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, March 4, Apr. 1, 1854; _Guat._, _Gaceta_, Apr. 7, 21, 1854; _El Eco Hisp.-Am._, May 15, 1854.

[XII-77] In a circle bordered on the inside with two sprigs of laurel, was a volcano with its base laved by the two oceans. In the upper part of the volcano was a civic crown with the words Libertad, Órden, Trabajo. Around the circle, República de Nicaragua. The national flag was given three horizontal stripes, the centre one white, with the coat of arms in the middle; the upper one yellow, and the lower, 'nácar,' or light blue. Merchant vessels were to use the same flag, without the coat of arms, and had on the centre stripe República de Nicaragua, in golden letters. _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 163. During the Walker régime, 1856-7, his flag had two blue stripes divided by a white one double the width of the blue, and in the centre of the white a lone red star. _Stewart's Filibusters_, 12-13.

[XII-78] Among the members elected were Castellon, Jerez, Guerrero, diputados propietarios, and F. Diaz Zapata, suplente, from the western department. The govt reported them out of the state, having been expelled for their revolutionary attempts. The assembly on the 1st of March declared them disqualified to take their seats. _Nic._, _Gaceta Ofic._, March 4, 1854; _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 12.

[XII-79] It had 104 articles, and somewhat restricted the right of citizenship, created a single chamber, composed of an equal number of senators and representatives; priests were excluded from these positions. The terms of the president, senators, and representatives were to begin March 1, 1855, and last four years. After the expulsion of the filibusters, a junta de gobierno, composed of the leading men of the two opposing parties, was established, which declared the constitution of 1838 in force, and a constituent assembly was convoked, its members being from among the best and most talented men of the republic. _Id._, 23-4; _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, Apr. 17, 1873. The powers granted the executive, which were included in the fundamental law of 1854, though with the additional clause that when using them he should report the fact to the next legislature, greatly alarmed the opposition. _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 24.

[XII-80] In Nov. 1853. _Id._, 9-12; _Guat._, _Gaceta_, Dec. 16, 1853; Jan. 6, 1854; _Salv._, _Gaceta_, Dec. 30, 1853; _Hond._, _Boletin Ofic._, Dec. 5, 1853; _Costa R._, _Boletin Ofic._, Dec. 15, 1853; _Id._, _Gaceta_, Dec. 12, 19, 24, 1853; Jan. 15, 30, 1854.

[XII-81] He thought Chamorro was evading the obligation of Nicaragua to aid Honduras with troops for the war with Guatemala.

[XII-82] His manifesto of June 12th was moderate in tone but significant in its substance. It promised a liberal policy, and to reconstruct, if possible, the federal republic. _Wells' Hond._, 508-9; _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 268-70; _El Rol_, Oct. 6, 1854.

[XII-83] They tendered their mediation. _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 67-75.

[XII-84] Early in Jan. 1855, J. Trinidad Muñoz was made general-in-chief, Jerez having been disabled by a severe wound. _El Rol_, Feb. 9, 28, 1855; _Costa R._, _Boletin Ofic._, Feb. 28, 1855. The successes of the legitimist party—so called because of the motto on its colors, Legitimidad ó muerte—were obtained by Gen. Ponciano Corral and his subordinates, Chamorro being too ill for service in the field. _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 30, 42-3, 108-20; _Eco Hisp.-Am._, Apr. 30, 1855.

[XII-85] In the hacienda of Quismapa, south of Granada, March 12, 1855. Chamorro was a wealthy citizen, born in Granada. A brave, resolute man, firm in sustaining his political principles, but lacking discrimination, and easily duped. _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 126; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 67.

[XII-86] Perez, _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 128, considered the act of the assembly as a serious blunder.

[XII-87] His propositions were: Corral and himself were to constitute themselves a junta de gobierno, and direct public affairs until a constitutional president could be elected. If Corral objected to this arrangement, he, Muñoz, would recognize the legitimate government, provided Corral became the head of it.

[XII-88] Facundo Goñi from Spain, and John H. Wheeler from the U. S. Wheeler was cordially received in Granada, but afterward was abhorred by the Nicaraguans.

[XII-89] Being too limited in its scope, the measure produced no good effect.

[XII-90] He had gone direct to Granada, saying nothing to Corral from Muñoz, which made the former suspect that Muñoz was deceiving him.

[XII-91] Ephraim George Squier, whose works I have often quoted, was born in Bethlehem, in the state of New York, June 17, 1821, and devoted most of his life to civil engineering, journalism, and the pursuit of science, winning for himself a distinguished name as an archæologist and author. His first distinction was awarded him for his labors on the archæology of the Mississippi Valley and the state of New York. Having been appointed in 1849 chargé d'affaires to the states of Central America, he employed much of his time in gathering data upon those countries, which he afterward embodied in several books. In 1853 he was engaged in the survey of a route across Honduras, and organized a company for the construction of an interoceanic railway. In 1863 and the following year he was employed by the U. S. govt as a commissioner in Peru for the adjustment of claims against that republic, and then devoted several months to the exploration of ancient monuments in that country. In 1868 he was for a time U. S. consul-gen. to Hond. He visited Europe several times both for pleasure and business. In addition to the works that will be herein enumerated, he contributed many papers on antiquities and other subjects to American and European scientific periodicals. The following list comprises his principal works, most of which have been translated into several languages: _Monuments of the Mississippi Valley_, being vol. i. of the Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge; _Aboriginal Monuments of the state of New York_, in vol. ii. of the Smithsonian Contributions; _Antiquities of the state of New York_, with a supplement on the antiquities of the west; _The Serpent Symbol, or Worship of the Reciprocal Principles of Nature in America_; _Waikna, or Adventures on the Mosquito Shore_, under the pseudonym of Samuel A. Bard; _Question Anglo-Américaine_; _Report of the survey of the Honduras interoceanic railway_; _Monograph on authors who have written on the aboriginal languages of Central America_; _Tropical fibres and their economic extraction_; _Is cotton king? Sources of cotton supply_; _Incidents of Travel and Explorations in the land of the Incas_. Other works of this author quoted in my volumes on Central America are: _Notes on the states of Honduras and Salvador_, with maps and illustrations, which gives valuable data on those countries. In treating of diplomatic relations he expatiates on manifest destiny and British intrigues, his conclusions not being probably palatable to the subjects of the British crown, and others disposed to oppose the absorption of more territory, or the exercise of exclusive influence by the U. S. The maps drawn by Hitchcock under Squier's directions are the best that to that time had been published. _Travels in Central America, particularly in Nicaragua_, N. Y., 1853, 8vo, 2 vol., pp. 424 and 452, maps and cuts, contains a description of aboriginal movements and scenery, together with a concise account of the history, agricultural and other resources, of Nicaragua, the language, manners, and customs of the people, with illustrations of the principal buildings, towns, ports, etc. The work also describes at length the proposed canal route, setting forth its advantages. The author had every facility as U. S. chargé d'affaires to obtain the most exact data, and used them conscientiously and with marked ability. _Nicaragua, its people, scenery, monuments, and the proposed interoceanic canal_, Lond., 1852, N. Y., 1856, 2 vol. This work is similar in all respects to—in fact a reprint of—_Travels in Cent. Am._ Another edition under the aforesaid title appeared in New York, 1860, 1 vol. of pp. 691, which with the exception of about 18 pp. in the append., and a few more illustrations, was similar to _Trav. in Cent. Am._ _The States of Central America_, N. Y., 1858, 8vo, p. 782, maps and illust. The author issued in 1855, with the title of _Notes on Central America_, an 8vo vol. of 397 pages, with maps and cuts, intended to serve as a basis for this more extensive one, which treats of the physical peculiarities, population, productions, commerce, and other resources, political organization, aborigines, etc., of the country in general, and of the states separately, and also of Belize, the Bay islands, and Mosquito shore. Squier was evidently conversant with his subject. The style is vivid and interesting, as well as instructive, and the statements, as a rule, worthy of acceptance. In his treatment of diplomatic affairs between Great Britain and Cent. Am., in which his own country was interested on the side of the latter, he espouses the Central American side with so much warmth as to awaken a suspicion that his judgment may have been warped by his patriotism. The question of an interoceanic railroad having engrossed public attention since the publication of this work the author felt justified in reproducing, under the title of _Honduras_, Lond., 1870, 12º, 278 pp., with a map, in a more compact and accessible form, a description of this country. With the exception of a fuller information on the route, and its alleged advantages over all others, and an appendix relating to immigration, the contents of the book have been fully treated in the bibliographical notice on the _States of Cent. Am._

_Report to the Directors of the Honduras Interoceanic Railway_, Lond., 1858, fol., 102 pp. and map. Fours years previously a preliminary report was published on this subject, and in 1857 another containing no additional information, but in the appendix were given further correspondence and the charter in full. The present work gives a complete report with all details, presenting valuable statistics, and evidences of the feasibility of the proposed railway. _Compendio de la Historia Política de Centro-América_, Paris, 1856, 12º, pp. 7-114, as the title implies, is an outline of the political history of Central America from 1821 to 1851, that is to say, a sketch of the revolution and struggle between republicans on one side and monarchists on the other, by which Central America was annexed to Mexico, and of the subsequent wars between the federalists and the oligarchs, which culminated in the destruction of the federation, and the ultimate rise to unrestricted power of the latter with Carrera as their chief as well as tool. _Translation with notes of the letter of Don Diego de Palacio (1576) to the crown of Spain on the provinces of Guatemala, San Salvador, etc._, N. Y., 1860, sq. 8º, pp. 132, is a report which in Spanish bears the title of _Carta dirigida al rey de España_, and was addressed by Palacio, a member of the royal audiencia of Guatemala, to the king, giving an account of the ancient provinces of Guazacapan, Izalco, Cuzcatlan, and Chiquimula, together with their languages, customs, and religion of their aboriginal inhabitants, and a description of the ruins of Copan. Palacio evidently collected this information by order of his sovereign, and showed himself an intelligent as well as a kindly, well-meaning man; somewhat superstitious, but less so than most men of his time. His narrative is both readable and instructive, and his description of the ruins of Copan extremely interesting, its correctness being established in after years by the accounts of Fuentes and Stephens. Squier added numerous and interesting notes, but his translation is in places open to criticism, partly for erroneous meanings given to words, and partly for a not strict adherence to the spirit of the original. The book, though a beautiful specimen of typography, is disfigured with many misprints. Besides these I have in my library numerous valuable documents in manuscript relating to Central American history, from the earliest days after the Spanish conquest, which Mr Squier gathered from various sources and never published.

_A Travers L'Amérique Centrale. Le Nicaragua et le Canal Interocéanique_, Paris, 1867, 8º, 2 vol., maps, 427 and 480 pp., by Félix Belly, who was the director-general of a French canal company for opening a Nicaragua route. He was also a chevalier and a well-known writer. To him had been intrusted the task of obtaining a charter from Nicaragua for this canal, and with this object he visited Central America in 1858, obtained the charter, and made the necessary explorations for routes and resources. The delays and uncertainty of the undertaking caused Belly to visit the country more than once, and he thus became well acquainted with its resources, people, government, and institutions generally. This information he imparts in connection with the narrative of his journey and in articles, under the respective states, given in the first volume. The second volume is wholly devoted to the interoceanic projects, and particularly to a detailed history of his own canal scheme. The style is attractive, the observations clever, and the information excellent. A second edition, a reprint, appeared in 1870. _Belly_, _Carte d'études, etc._, Paris, 1858, contains notes on the project of building a canal through Nicaragua, and the survey made for that purpose. _Félix Belly_, _Durchbruch der Americanischen Landenge. Kanal von Nicaragua. Ubersetzt von Karl Schöbel_, Paris, 1859, 8o, 103 pp., one map, is the same as _Carte d'études ..._ by Félix Belly, but enlarged with a few sketches of the country and people of Nicaragua and Costa Rica.

[XIII-1] At this time, in 1840, he could neither read nor write, and used, for appending his signature, a stamp. Later he learned to sign his name.

[XIII-2] He sent his resignation to the assembly, implying that it was condescension on his part to lay it before that body, as he owed his position directly to the votes of the people.

[XIII-3] He was wrathful at the thought that they had tendered a dictatorship to Morazan, and enlisted the Quezaltecs against himself. He did not forget Rivera Paz' proclamations calling him a bandit and an _antropófago_. He asked for the meaning of this last word, and on being told it, flew into a rage which threatened a repetition of the horrid scenes of Quezaltenango. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 512.

[XIII-4] He referred to Pavon, Batres, and Aycinena. It was evident that he then knew of Juan Fermin Aycinena's bargain in Madrid which made him marqués de Aycinena.

[XIII-5] His press was called Imprenta del Ejército. He had brought it from Quezaltenango.

[XIII-6] Several deputies, under one pretext or another, tried to resign, but only the clergyman Lorenzana was permitted to do so. _Tempsky's Journey_, 341-56. A man named Andrade slightly wounded Carrera in the evening of Aug. 8, 1841. He was murdered by the troops, and Carrera, with the assent of the govt, had the body quartered in the presence of hundreds of persons, and the pieces placed on exhibition at the city gates. The order for so doing was signed by Rivera Paz, and his minister Viteri, afterward bishop of Salvador. _Id._, 541-8; _Guat._, _Gac. Ofic._, no. 22, 86-7; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 248; _Nouv. Annales Voy._, xcii. 375; _Niles' Reg._, lxi. 177.

[XIII-7] He had promised, he said, to remain in private life. His voice would be unheeded. Without freedom or influence, he could no longer do the country any good. 'Ningun pensamiento hay aceptable en la crítica complicacion de sus negocios, y en el movimiento retrógrado que se le ha dado.' _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 528-9; _Gac. de Salv._, Oct. 12, 1854.

[XIII-8] Rivera Paz did not escape insult; but not more than Carrera deemed needful to keep him humble.

[XIII-9] The _Gaceta_, no. 173, mentioned that number. Others made it larger. The Indian chief Ricardo Catzum and others on their way to the place of execution, in loud tones declared that they had only obeyed their general's orders.

[XIII-10] Carrera had threatened Viteri with 'la fuerza,' and the latter answered that he had on his side 'la fuerza de la razon.' Carrera understood this to mean cannons and muskets, and rushing out to the plaza came back soon after with troops and artillery, surrounded the government house—then opposite the Santa Rosa church—and furiously entered the building, demanding of Rivera Paz to show him his forces. Viteri then explained the meaning of fuerza de la razon. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 536-7. Squier, _Travels_,