i. 678-81;

site of, removed, 1527-8, ii. 96-9; 1542, ii. 321-2; disorders in, 1530, ii. 118-19; distress at, ii. 120; church affairs at, ii. 136; cathedral of, ii. 137-8, 341-2, 668; flood, etc., at, 1541, ii. 314-18; decree of cabildo, 1543, ii. 323; prosperity of, 1650-1700, ii. 653; Gage's sketch of, ii. 654-5; office-holding in, ii. 655-6; ayuntamiento of, ii. 657; convents, etc., of, ii. 645; earthquakes at, 1702-17, ii. 707-8.

Santiago del Príncipe, founding of, 1570, ii. 388.

Santillan, Fiscal P. de M., imprisonment, etc., of, 1669, ii. 658.

Santo Domingo, founding of, i. 179; gold-hunting near, i. 252; sovereign tribunal at, 1511, i. 269; audiencia of, establd., 1526, i. 269-70; captured by Drake, 1586, ii. 420.

Santo Tomás, colonization at, iii. 589-90.

Serna, Capt. H. de la, explorations of, ii. 246.

Serviles, Guat., party, iii. 69; attitude of, iii. 85; downfall of, iii. 100; plot of, 1831, iii. 113-14; disturbances created by, iii. 123-4; league with Carrera, iii. 140-1; elections, iii. 150-1; persecution of, iii. 152-3.

Sharp, Capt. B., raid on Santa María, 1680, ii. 520-8; further operations, ii. 533, 541-2; trial of, ii. 542.

Silva, Doña B. de, mention of, ii. 344.

Simon, P., works of, ii. 61.

Sinacam, King, Alvarado's meeting with, 1524, i. 652-3; capture, etc., of, i. 661-2; ii. 92-5.

Sinibaldi, A., provis. president of Guat., 1885, iii. 449-50.

Santo Tomás de Castilla, founding of, ii. 650; Dutch raid on, 1607, ii. 651; abandoned, ii. 651.

Saravia, J. M., minister of state, 1842, iii. 217; capture of, iii. 219-20; death, iii. 220-1; biog., iii. 221.

Sawkins, Capt., raid on Santa María, 1680, ii. 523-5; naval combat off Pan., ii. 535-7; reply to gov., ii. 538-9; death of, ii. 539.

Schlessinger, L., envoy to C. R., 1855, iii. 342; defeat of, 1856, iii. 343-4.

Schöner, J., map of, 1520, i. 137.

Scots' Colony, the, 1695-1700, ii. 570-9.

Seals, Cent. Amer., iii. 71; Salv., iii. 301.

Segovia, N. de, campaign of, 1712, ii. 703-4.

Sensenti, treaty of, 1845, iii. 206.

Slavery, Indian and African, i. 253-66; in Pan., ii. 232-3; in Hond., ii. 233-4, 302; in Guat., ii. 234-6; in Vera Paz, ii. 355.

Soberanis, R. de, gov. of Yuc., etc., 1695, ii. 688, 691.

Society, mediæval, in Spain, i. 15-57.

Soconuscans, subjugation of, 1524, i. 628.

Soconusco, church affairs in, ii. 335, 372.

Solares, Gen. G., invasion of Salv., 1876, iii. 403-4; coöperation with Granados, iii. 420-2.

Solis, J. D. de, voyages of, i. 131, 289.

Soltero, B. G., bishop of Guat., 1650, ii. 664-5.

Sosa, J. de, exped. to Veragua, 1535-6, ii. 65-73.

Sosa, Lope de, capt.-gen. of Castilla del Oro, 1517, i. 460; arrival at Antigua, i. 472; death, 1520, i. 472-3.

Soto, B., president of C. R., 1885, iii. 390-1; biog., iii. 390.

Soto, F. de, exped. of, 1538, i. 151.

Soto, H. de, joins Pedrarias' exped., 1514, i. 391; exped. against Urracá, i. 504; encounter with Gonzalez, i. 519-20; dispute with Córdoba, i. 586; journey to Natá, i. 586-7; conquest of Peru, ii. 20-5.

Soto, M. A., president of Hond., 1876-83, iii. 463-8; quarrel with Barrios, 1883, iii. 467-8.

Sotomayor, A. de, gov. of Pan., 1601, ii. 464.

Soto-Mayor, V., works of, ii. 761.

South Sea, discov. of, 1513, i. 364-8; Balboa takes possession of, i. 370-3.

Spain, origin of inhabitants, i. 5-7; the Iberian element in, i. 5-6, 15-16; the Celtic, i. 5-6, 15-17; the Phœnician, i. 5-6, 16-17; the Roman, i. 6-7, 15-16; the Gothic, etc., i. 6-7, 16-18; the Moorish, i. 7-10, 16-19; language of, i. 7-9; greatness of, 1474-1516, i. 11; decadence, i. 11-12; climate, i. 14-15; inquisition in, i. 32; slavery in, i. 33; sumptuary laws, i. 55-7; voyages of Columbus, i. 157-82; title to new world, i. 166-8; extension of new world privileges, i. 183-4; currency of, 1475-1525, i. 192-3; administr. of the Indies, 1492-1526, i. 247-85; colonization of Tierra Firme, i. 290-2; effect of Balboa's discov., i. 386; colonial policy, i. 514-15, 597-8; ii. 251-2; commercial policy, ii. 391-3; war with England, 1739-44, ii. 588-93; 1769-80, ii. 608-11; treaties with England, 1670-1721, ii. 598-600; 1783, ii. 606; affairs in, iii. 1-4; measures for protection against, iii. 105-6; C. R. boundary question, iii. 235-6; treaty with Nic., iii. 253; exped. of, 1815, iii. 496-7.

Spaniards, race elements and evolution, i. 15-19; character, i. 12-24, 29-32, 57-8; castes, etc., i. 25-6; occupations, i. 26-7; pastimes, i. 34-5, 49-50; dwellings, i. 35-9; markets, etc., i. 37; women, i. 39, 51-4; dress, i. 39-45; religion, i. 45; food, etc., i. 45-8; hospitality, i. 49; treatment, etc., of women, i. 51-4.

Squier, E. G., biog., iii. 261-2; works of, iii. 262-3.

Sterling, Vice-admiral C., mention of, iii. 494-5.

Stevens, H., 'Historical and Geographical Notes,' i. 70.

Stout, P. F., 'Nicaragua,' iii. 247.

Strangeways, T., 'Sketch of the Mosquito Shore,' iii. 247.

Swan, Capt., raids off coast of South Amer., 1684-5, ii. 549-50; capture of Leon, ii. 554.

T

Tabira, J. de, factor at Antigua, 1514, i. 390; exped. of, 1515, i. 407.

Tobaga, island, Pedrarias at, 1519, i. 467; pirates at, 1680, ii. 538.

Tacuxcalco, battle of, 1524, i. 673-4.

Tacuylula, Alvarado at, 1524, i. 667.

Tafur, Licentiate, mention of, ii. 7.

Talamanca, revolt in, 1610, ii. 445-6; Maldonado's exped. to, 1660, ii. 446; Franciscans in, ii. 447; attempted subjugation of, ii. 617-20.

Talavera, B. de, piracy of, i. 300; execution, 1510, i. 301.

Tapia, G. de, capture, etc., of, 1550, ii. 282.

Tarragona, Maestre de Campo, execution of, 1554, ii. 425.

Tatahuitlapan, Cortés at, 1524, i. 544-5.

Tataracherubi, Cacique, Badajoz' dealings with, 1515, i. 413-14.

Tayasal, pueblo, Cortés at, i. 559-61.

Tecum Umam, King, defeat of, 1524, i. 639-41.

Tegucigalpa, missionary labors in, ii. 642-3.

Tegucigalpa, city, capital of Hond., 1880, iii. 465; description of, iii. 571.

Tehuantepec, city, Alvarado's reception at, 1524, i. 627.

Tehuantepec, isthmus, project for canal, iii. 693-4.

Telegraphs, in Cent. Amer., iii. 708-9.

Tenango, captured by Tzendales, 1712, ii. 698.

Tenciz, pueblo, Cortés at, 1525, i. 564.

Teoca, Cacique, encounter with Balboa, 1513, i. 378.

Teotilac, Cortés at, 1524, i. 550-7.

Terci, J., gov. of C. R., 1785, ii. 622.

Terminos, bay of, buccaneer settlement at, ii. 623.

Ternaux-Compans, H., works of, i. 200; ii. 759.

Tetlepanquetzal, execution of, 1524, i. 551-4.

Thévenot, M., 'Relation de Divers Voyages,' ii. 744.

Thevet, A., works of, ii. 233.

Thiel, Bishop, mention of, iii. 389; expulsion, etc., of, iii. 635.

Tiac, Cortés at, 1524, i. 558.

Tierra Firme, name, i. 290-1; proposed colonization of, i. 290-2; partition of, i. 294; subject to viceroy of Peru, 1571, ii. 400-1.

Tiger Island, British seizure of, 1849, iii. 318.

Tizapetlan, Cortés at, 1524, i. 549-50.

Tlascaltecs, enslavement of, ii. 234.

Toledo, M. de, claim of, ii. 64.

Tologalpa, missionary labors in, ii. 447-50.

Tolosa, Father D. de, martyrdom of, 1549, ii. 356.

Tonalá, battle of, 1524, i. 628.

Torre, Friar T. de la, mention of, ii. 345; provincial, ii. 376.

Torres, Friar J. de, mention of, ii. 133.

Tortuga, freebooters at, ii. 453-4.

Totonagua, Cacique, surprised by Badajoz, 1515, i. 413.

Totonicapan, natives muster at, 1524, i. 633.

Townley, Capt., joins Davis' freebooters, 1685, ii. 550-1; capture of Leon, ii. 554; of Granada, 1686, ii. 557-9; surprise of Los Santos, ii. 561; defeat of, ii. 561; death, ii. 561.

Treasure fleet, regulations, etc., for, ii. 468-9, 473.

Treaties, Anglo-Spanish, 1670-1721, ii. 598-600; 1783, ii. 606; 1786, ii. 632-4; of Zatoca, 1844, iii. 196-7; Chinameca, 1845, iii. 203-4; Sensenti, 1845, iii. 206; San Jose, 1858, iii. 232-3; Clayton-Bulwer, 1850, iii. 252; Zeledon-Wyke, 1860, iii. 253; of Santa Ana, 1876, iii. 406.

Triana, R. de, mention of, i. 160.

Triunfo de la Cruz, founding of, 1524, i. 520, 527.

Trota, Cacique, exped. against, 1527, i. 509-10.

Trujillo, founding of, 1525, i. 535; Cortés at, 1525-6, i. 571-82; Mendez' revolt at, 1531, ii. 150-3; destitution at, ii. 155-6; partial abandonment of, ii. 156, 289; demands of colonists, ii. 159-60; raid on, 1596, ii. 639; 1643, 1797, ii. 645; description of, ii. 639; capture of, 1820, iii. 24-5; British occupation of, 1849, iii. 317.

Tubanamá, Cacique, captured by Balboa, 1513, i. 381-2.

Tuero, J. N., deputy to córtes, iii. 26.

Tumaco, Cacique, meeting with Balboa, 1513, i. 375-7.

Tumbez, Pizarro at, 1532, ii. 18.

Tuxpan, Cortés at, 1522, i. 624.

Tuzulutlan, see Vera Paz.

Tzendales, revolt of the, 1712-13, ii. 696-705.

U

Ubilla, Don F. A. de, bishop of Chiap., 1592, ii. 373.

Ugarte y Saravia, A. de, bishop of Guat., 1630-41, ii. 664.

Ulloa, A. de, 'Noticias Americanas,' ii. 760-1.

Ulloa, F. de, exped. of, 1539, i. 152.

United States, Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 1850, iii. 252; difficulty with Nic., iii. 254-5; with New Gran., 1855, iii. 519; 1856-7, iii. 520-2; treaty with New Gran., 1846, iii. 700-1.

United States of Colombia, organized, 1860, iii. 529; govt of, centralized, 1885, iii. 558.

Uraga, Gen. L., operations of, 1876, iii. 403.

Urbina, Col J. de M., gov. of Pan., 1803, iii. 489.

Urracá, Cacique, exped. against, i. 504-5; attack on Natá, i. 506; conflict with Pedrarias, i. 507-8; capture, etc., of, 509; death, 510.

Urrutia, C., capt.-gen., 1818, iii. 23; rule, iii. 23-32.

Ursua, M., enterprise of, 1692, ii. 681-2; Soberanis' opposition to, ii. 688, 691; campaigns of, 1697-9, ii. 691-5.

Ursua, P. de, campaign of, ii. 387-8.

Uspantan, exped. against, 1529, ii. 108-10; capture of, 1530, ii. 112-30.

Utatlan, description of, i. 643-5; burning of, 1524, i. 649-50.

V

Vaena, J., labors of, in Tegucigalpa, ii. 642-3; martyrdom of, ii. 643.

Vallarino, J., biog., iii. 513.

Valderas, Friar, mission to Spain, ii. 346.

Valderrábano, A. de, execution of, 1517, i. 457-9.

Valderrama, F. de, gov. of C. R., ii. 621.

Valdivia, Regidor, mission to Española, 1511, i. 342; fate of, i. 349-50.

Valdivieso, A. de, bishop of Nic., 1544, ii. 179-80; biog., ii. 179; feud with Contreras, ii. 180-3; dispute with the audiencia of the Confines, 1545, ii. 303-7; assassination of, 1550, ii. 276.

Valencia, Capt.-gen. P. de O., campaign of, ii. 388.

Valenzuela, joins Espinosa, i. 425; exped. of, 1516, i. 426.

Valladolid, junta at, 1541, ii. 239-40.

Valle, J. del, leader of gazistas, iii. 26; biog., iii. 26-7; death of, iii. 121.

Valtonado, B., bishop of Nic., 1621, ii. 443.

Valverde, G. de, president of Guat., 1578-89, ii. 380-1.

Valverde, V. de, conquest of Peru, ii. 27-9, 37-8.

Vara, R. de la, archbishop of Guat., iii. 29.

Vargas, Capt. A de, exped. of, 1527, i. 509-10.

Varnhagen, F. A. de, 'Le Premier Voyage de Amerigo Vespucci,' i. 70.

Vasco y Orosco, J., gov. of Pan., 1764, ii. 584.

Vasconcelos, D., defeat of, 1850, iii. 279-80; president of Salv., iii. 294-9.

Vazquez, F., works of, ii. 142-3, 736-7.

Vela, Viceroy V. N., measures of, in Pan., 1544, ii. 242-3; arrival in Peru, 1544, ii. 252; revolt against, ii. 252-3; death of, 1546, ii. 254.

Velasco, D. F. de, gov. of Castilla del Oro, 1616, ii. 471.

Velasco, J. D. de, exped. of, 1695, ii. 682-5; 1696, ii. 686.

Vera Paz, pacification of, ii. 348-54; slavery, etc., in, ii. 355; church affairs in, ii. 374; colonization in, iii. 122-3, 589.

Vera y Villaquiran, D. O. de, exped. of, 1646-8, ii. 677-9.

Veragua, Columbus' explorations, etc., in, 1503, i. 218-31; quibian of, i. 219-28; colony founded in, i. 221-2; abandoned, i. 229-30; Nicuesa's exped. to, 1509-10, i. 302-8; description of, ii. 63; Gutierrez' exped. to, 1535-6, ii. 65-73; secession of, 1840, iii. 515.

Verdelete, E., labors in Tologalpa, ii. 448-50; martyrdom, 1612, ii. 450.

Verdugo, M., arrest, etc., of, ii. 261-2; invasion of Pan., 1545, ii. 262-3; defeat of, ii. 263-4; rebuked by Gasca, ii. 269.

Vernon, Capt. E., exped. of, 1739-42, ii. 588-93.

Verrazano, G., exped. of, 1524, i. 140-1.

Verveer, Gen., mediation of, iii. 98.

Vespucci, A., voyages of, i. 99-107, 112-13, 117-18.

Vetancur, Don R. V., gov. of Yuc., ii. 631; exped. to Belize, ii. 631-2.

Vetancur, Father de S. J., founds Bethlehemite order in Guat., ii. 666.

Vila, Gen. R. S., president of Pan., 1885, iii. 549-50, 559.

Villa Hermosa, Marqués de, gov. of Pan., 1730-5, ii. 583-4.

Villa de Nicaragua, revolt at, 1812, iii. 14.

Villa Real, see Ciudad Real.

Villa Rocha, Marqués de, gov. of Pan., 1708, ii. 582.

Villacorta, J. V., jefe of Salv., 1824, iii. 166-7.

Villalpando, B. de, bishop of Guat., 1564, ii. 375-8.

Villanueva, battle of, 1838, iii. 135-6.

Villar, A. del, prosecution of conspirators, iii. 18-19.

Villaseñor, Col V., defection of, 1842, iii. 216-17; execution, iii. 221-2.

Villasis, Friar S. de, mission of, 1646, ii. 677-8.

Viteri, Bishop, mention of, iii. 190, 193, 202; revolution of, 1842, iii. 289; intrigues of, iii. 291-3.

Vivero, R. de, gov. of Castilla del Oro, ii. 472.

Votan, tradition of, ii. 213.

'Voyage Pittoresque,' ii. 754-5.

'Voyages round the World,' ii. 752.

'Voyages and Adventures of Capt. Barth. Sharp,' ii. 568.

Voyages of discovery, early, i. 68-154.

W

Wafer, 'A New Voyage,' ii. 569.

Walckenaer, C. A., works of, ii. 749.

Walker, W., campaign in Nic., 1855-6, iii. 328-46; biog., iii. 329; plan of exped., iii. 343; president of Nic., iii. 350; surrender, iii. 360-1; second exped. to Nic., iii. 363; exped. to Hond., iii. 363; execution, 1860, iii. 364.

Wappäus, J. G., 'Geographie und Statestif,' iii. 709.

Warner, T., exped. of, 1625, ii. 453.

Weatherhead, W. D., works of, iii. 502.

Wells, W. V., works of, iii. 323.

Wheeler, Amer. minister, relations with, discontinued, 1855, iii. 340.

'World Displayed,' ii. 250.

X

Xalpatlahua, Peñol, capture, ii. 82-3.

Xatruch, Gen., invasion of Hond., 1871, iii. 455-6.

Xelahuh, city, Alvarado's occupation of, 1524, i. 638; battle of, i. 639-41.

Xequiqel, river, named, 1524, i. 636.

Xicaques, missionary labors among the, 1667-98, ii. 643-4.

Xumay, outbreak at, 1529, ii. 107-8.

Y

Yucatan, Valdivia's shipwreck, etc., off, 1512, i. 350; buccaneers in, ii. 622-3; British usurpation in, iii. 315; population, iii. 316; products, iii. 316-17.

Z

Zacaha, fortifications of, i. 633.

Zacatepecs, revolt of the, 152, i. 692-5; 1527, ii. 88-91.

Zacatula, ship-building at, 1522, i. 623.

Zaclunes, revolt of the, 1624, ii. 676.

Zatoca, treaty of, 1844, iii. 196-7.

Zakuléu, capture of, 1525, i. 700-2.

Zaldívar, R., president of Salv., 1876-84, iii. 406-11; biog., iii. 406-7; negotiations with Barrios, iii. 446-7.

Zamora, A. C., bishop of C. R., 1884, iii. 635.

Zamora, J., revolt of, 1826, iii. 179-80.

Zamudio, M., gov. of Castilla del Oro, 1511, i. 335; cruelty to Nicuesa, i. 335-6; outdone by Balboa, i. 339-40.

Zapata y Sandoval, J., bishop of Guat., 1621-30, ii. 664.

Zapotitlan, capture of, 1524, i. 629-31.

Zavala, Gen. J., president of Nic., 1879-83, iii. 482-5.

Zavala, Gen. V., operations of, 1856, iii. 353-6; disturbances caused by, iii. 361-2; revolt in favor of, 1869, iii. 416-17.

Zelaya, G., jefe of Hond., 1827, iii. 162.

Zeledon-Wyke treaty, 1860, iii. 253.

Zeno, chart of, 1390, i. 82.

Zepeda, Father, explorations of, 1750-1, ii. 613-14.

Zepeda, J., jefe of Nic., 1835, iii. 177.

Zipangu, fabled realm of, i. 160-1.

Zorita, Oidor, measures of, in Guat., 1555, ii. 359.

Zuazo, Licentiate, despatch to Cortés, i. 572-3.

Zubiaur, P. de, exped. of, 1695, ii. 690.

Zutugils, subjugation, 1524, i. 657-60.

FOOTNOTES

[I-1] See _History of Mexico_, this series. The masses of the people were kept in utter ignorance, to be used, if necessary, as the blind tools of the ruling oligarchy. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 6.

[I-2] I have told in my _History of Mexico_ how Cárlos IV. was forced to abdicate, and his son Fernando raised to the throne.

[I-3] There were the governor, archbishop, oidores of the real audiencia, Marqués de Aycinena, high officials of the treasury, dean and chapter of the archdiocese, alcaldes and regidores of the 'muy noble ayuntamiento,' officers of the university, prelates of the religious orders, prior and consuls of the real consulado, intendente of Comayagua, temporarily sojourning in the city, secretary of the audiencia, commandant of the artillery, and colonels of the militia regiments. _Diario Méx._, ix. 316-18; _Guat. por Fern. VII._, 2-6, 83-94; _Saravia_, _Manif._

[I-4] His last position in Europe had been that of teniente de rey of Palma, in the island of Majorca. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 273.

[I-5] _Guat. por Fern. VII._, 50. In 1866 their descendants were living in Guatemala.

[I-6] Dec. 13, 1808.

[I-7] The acts were performed with great solemnity and magnificence, the people manifesting much joy. This evidence of loyalty was warmly acknowledged, May 27, 1809, by the Junta Suprema Gubernativa of Spain, sitting at Seville and acting for the imprisoned king. Most glowing descriptions of the ceremonies appear in _Diario Méx._, xi. 279-80; _Guat. por Fern. VII._, 7-82, 94-101, 158-9.

[I-8] 'No son propiamente colonias, ó factorías, como los de otras naciones, sino una parte esencial é integrante de la Monarquía Española.' _Guat. por Fern. VII._, 163-6; _Dublan_ and _Lozano_, _Leg. Mex._, i. 326-7.

[I-9] Ayuntamientos of head towns were to choose three honorable and competent men, from among whom each ayuntamiento had to draw by lot one elector, whose name, country, age, profession, and political and moral qualifications must be at once made known to the president of the audiencia. After the names of all the nominees were in his possession, he, jointly with the electors, had to select by secret ballot three candidates of the highest recognized character and ability, out of which three the audiencia, presided over by the governor-general, was to choose the deputy, to whom all the ayuntamientos must forthwith send their powers and instructions. The deputy, duly provided with means to journey decorously, was required to embark for Spain, his yearly pay being fixed at $6,000. _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, i. 291-2. A later order of Oct. 6, 1809, required the deputy to be a native of Spanish America and a resident of the province choosing him; he was not to be the holder of any of the chief offices therein, such as governor, intendente, oidor, etc., nor a debtor to the royal treasury. The right of election was also given to minor ayuntamientos; and for the choice by plurality from among the candidates of cities a board was constituted, with two members of the audiencia, two canons, and two citizens named by the ayuntamiento. _Guat. por Fern. VII._, 165-6.

[I-10] His competitors were José de Aycinena and Lieut-col Antonio Juarros.

[I-11] He was not to give assent to the transfer of the Spanish dominions to any foreign power; the nation's rights must be upheld at all hazards; and the last drop of blood shed for the catholic religion, and for king and country.

[I-12] Feb. 14 and June 26, 1810. _Diario Méx._, xiii. 549-51.

[I-13] The American suplentes were lawyers or ecclesiastics seeking preferment at court, or military officers with a long residence there. _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, iii., ap. 4; _Bustamante_, _Defensa_, 16; _Dispos. Varias_, ii. fol. 10; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, viii. 450-1. The second named proxy in Nov. 1811 gave up his seat to the regularly chosen deputy. _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1811, 93.

[I-14] October 15, 1810. _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, iii. 10; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, viii. 458-9.

[I-15] Installed June 9, 1810. Its first members were the Spaniards José Mendez, an artillery officer, Oidor Joaquin Bernardo Campuzano, and Auditor de Guerra Joaquin Ibañez. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 5.

[I-16] Saravia died like a soldier, and his fate was deplored even by the enemies of his cause. _Hist. Mex._, iv. 486, this series. The Mexican writer Bustamante, who was not prone to praise Spanish officers, said of Saravia, 'hombre de bien, humano, religioso, de un corazon recto, digno de mejor fortuna.' _Cuadro Hist._, ii. 217; _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, iii. 325. He was accused, however, though it is believed the charge was slanderous, of having connived at smuggling by the treasury officials. The charge appears in _Cancelada_, _Tel. Mex._, 107-9.

[I-17] One was a cruise round the world under Malaspina, being the next in rank and commanding the corvette _Atrevida_. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii., adv. ix.; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 6; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, vi. 134; viii. 569; _Los Anales_, Sept. 1872, 30; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, 1874, ap. 1.

[I-18] These were restrictions enforced by the crown against agriculture, mining, fisheries, manufactures, and commerce, despotism of rulers, and disregard of the merits of Americans, in keeping them out of public offices. See _Hist. Mex._, iv. 441-67, this series.

[I-19] In the first half of the 18th century.

[I-20] In the matter of appointments to office, an early royal order prescribed that American descendants of Spaniards should have the preference for the position of curate; and yet, during the last thirty years, the most lucrative curacies were given to European Spaniards. Of the 170 viceroys that ruled in America, four only were of American birth, and those were reared or educated in Spain. Out of 602 captain-generals, governors, and presidents, only 14 were Americans. Of 982 bishops and archbishops, 703 were Europeans, and 279 Creoles. Most of the latter were nominated in early times, when Europeans were few, navigation difficult, and mitres afforded more work than money. _Guerra_, _Rev. N. Esp._, i. 278-85.

[I-21] We are assured that Antonio Larrazábal, a clergyman, Antonio Juarros, and José M. Peinado were the chief authors of the instructions for Central American deputies in Spain. The Central American deputies whose names were appended to the constitution were: Larrazábal for Guatemala; José Ignacio Ávila for Salvador; José Francisco Morejon for Honduras; José Antonio Lopez de la Plata for Nicaragua; and Florencio Castillo for Costa Rica. _Córtes_, _Col. Dec._, ii. 158-62; iii. 201-2; _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1813, xvii. 240; _Pap. Var._, ccx. no. 1, 109-17; _Const. Polít. Monarq._, 1-134. Larrazábal ably defended in the córtes the rights of the Americans, specially of the aborigines, and above all, the national sovereignty. For this, after Fernando VII. returned to Spain in 1814, he was denounced by the absolutists, Conde de Torre Muzquiz and Marqués de Mata Florida, and confined in a fort in Spain. Pineda de Mont, in _Guat. Recop. Leyes_, iii. 348.

[I-22] _Méx._, _Col. Ley. Fund._, 34-91.

[I-23] The junta preparatoria, Nov. 12, 1812, designated only 12 deputies to the Spanish córtes from Central America (Chiapas included), based on the inaccurate census of 1778, which gave the whole country—with 101,506 for Chiapas—949,015 inhabitants in 881 towns. It was fixed that the 12 provinces of Guatemala, Chimaltenango, Quezaltenango, Ciudad Real de Chiapas, Vera Paz, San Salvador, San Miguel, Chiquimula, Sonsonate, Leon, Costa Rica, and Comayagua should each choose one deputy; and Guatemala, Ciudad Real, Leon, and Comayagua the four suplentes. Only two diputaciones provinciales were at first established, one in Guatemala and one in Leon. _Córtes_, _Act. ord._, i. 1813, Oct. 12, 62; _Mendez_, _Mem. in Pap. Var._, ccxv. no. 17, 16-17; _Conder's Mex. and Guat._, ii. 310; _Modern Traveller's Mex. and Guat._, ii. 309-10. Later, under the constitutional régime, Chiapas was represented in the Spanish córtes, and had a diputacion provincial. _Larrainzar_, _Discurso_, 12. In 1812 a census was formed to ascertain how many deputies Chiapas should have in the córtes. Pineda, in _Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin_, iii. 400.

[I-24] Quezaltenango had already, by its ayuntamiento of Aug. 12, 1812, expressed approval of the provisions of the instrument, promising loyal obedience to it. In Honduras Gov. Juan Antonio Tornos granted leave for the erection of a monument in the plaza of Comayagua, which was carried out. _Córtes_, _Diario_, ii., March 17, 18, 1822.

[I-25] Some authors give the 19th as the date of this defeat. _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, iii. 343-4; _Bustamante_, _Cuad. Hist._, ii. 269-73; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, ix. 9-10, 110-11. The last-named authority asserts that Dambrini again invaded and took the town of Tehuantepec, February 1814. During the revolutionary wars of Mexico, Chiapas, owing to her isolated position, was not a seat of war; and even when Morelos' troops from Oajaca visited Tonalá, as above stated, there was no resistance. This country enjoyed peace during the struggle in New Spain. _Larrainzar_, _Chiapas_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin_, iii. 100.

[I-26] Letters were constantly sent to the Spanish government, and to private persons, which were published in the newspapers friendly to the Spanish cause, representing the independents as banditti and murderers, and the Spaniards as exemplars of moderation. It was the emissaries of Bonaparte who had induced the Americans to rebel, they said. Trumped-up miracles and punishments from heaven, anathemas, and every means suggested by foul fanaticism were used to make the friends of freedom odious. Archbishop Casaus granted 80 days' indulgences to Guatemalans not participating in the revolutionary movements of Mexico. _Puerto_, _Convite_, pt iii., 2-3.

[I-27] The invitations sent the people of San Miguel to coöperate were burned in the plaza by the hands of the public executioner. Nor were these towns left without the usual cheap reward of monarchs. San Miguel received the title of 'muy noble y leal;' San Vicente was made a city, which title was confirmed Jan. 15, 1812. According to Juarros, _Guat._ (Lond. ed., 1823), 257, many noble families dwelt in the place, and among its founders were some descendants of Gonzalo and Jorge Alvarado, brothers of Pedro, the conqueror. Santa Ana was raised to the rank of villa. The parish priests of the several places were promoted to be canons of the chapter of Guatemala. _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1812, xiv. 38, 167; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 8.

[I-28] The archbishop sent priests to preach against the insurgents. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 9. Bustamante, _Cuadro Hist._, ii. 270, says that the whole country would have been driven into rebellion but for the advice of the able secretary of government, Alejandro Ramirez.

[I-29] Aycinena was, on the 7th of Feb., 1812, made by the Spanish córtes a councillor of state, and in Aug. 1813, entered upon his duties at Cádiz. _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1812, xvi. 16; 1813, xxii. 216. According to Zamacois, the appointment was made only after the adoption of the constitution; it is possible that the appointment was then renewed or confirmed. _Hist. Méj._, viii. 557; _Ayon_, _Apuntes_, 15-16; _Rev. Cent. Am._, 2-3; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Feb. 11, 1875; _Valois_, _Mex._, 213-16.

[I-30] In 1813 he was elected a deputy to the Spanish córtes, but declined the position on account of ill health. _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1813, xxii. 216.

[I-31] A person writing from Guatemala, and referring to a document issued August 1811, in secret session held in London by 33 Spanish Americans, after registering his disapproval of its purpose, positively asserted that the masses were well disposed, fond of peace, and respectful to authority, if some agent of Satan did not turn their heads and make them believe they were superior beings, who needed no ruler over them. _Cancelada_, _Tel. Mex._, 438.

[I-32] Before the attack the city was visited by Father Benito Soto, as pacificator and commissioner from the bishop governor. He tried to fulfil his mission without degrading his countrymen; but seeing the object of the war was to crush liberal Americans, he made common cause with the Granadinos. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 11-12. Ayon, _Apuntes_, 17, gives the attack as occurring in August, which is an error.

[I-33] Miguel Lacayo, Telésforo and Juan Argüello, Manuel Antonio de la Cerda, Joaquin Chamorro, Juan Cerda, Francisco Cordero, José D. Espinosa, Leon Molina, Cleto Bendaña, Vicente Castillo, Gregorio Robledo, Gregorio Bracamonte, Juan D. Robledo, Francisco Gomez, and Manuel Parrilla were to suffer death. Among those sentenced to hard labor for life were Juan Espinosa, the adelantado of Costa Rica, Diego Montiel, and Pio Argüello. _Ayon_, _Apuntes_, 17-18; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 12-14; _Rev. Cent. Am._, 3.

[I-34] One of them, Manuel Antonio de la Cerda, refused to accept the pardon unless coupled with leave to prefer charges against Bustamante. But an influential friend of the general's prevented its being granted, and Cerda, to get out of the country, escaped on a vessel bound to Sweden; thence he went to Cuba, and lived there several years under an assumed name. _Los Anales_, Sept. 1, 1872, 30. The noted Nicaraguan statesman, Tomás Ayon, justly bewails the seeming ingratitude of some of his country's writers in saying that Nicaragua's independence had cost nothing. The history of that period, 1811-21, it is true, records no bloody fields, no brilliant feats of arms; but it presents an array of victims to the cause, of men who sacrificed their lives, liberty, and fortunes to secure their country's freedom; and these sacrifices, Ayon claims, should be remembered, and the sufferers' memory held in reverence. _Apuntes_, 18. Squier, in _Travels_, ii. 378, speaks of a suppressed revolution in Leon in 1815, giving that city the whole credit of the first impulse to liberal sentiment in Central America. There was no such movement in that year, and he probably had reference to that of 1811, though to Salvador certainly belongs the honor of the first attempt for independence. _Pim's Gate of the Pac._, 38, prints the same error.

[I-35] More empty rewards for Leon. In 1812 the córtes acceded to the bishop's petition for the creation of a university in this town. It was long delayed, however. The ayuntamiento had conferred on it the title of 'muy noble y leal;' and that of Nueva Segovia was similarly honored. The dean of Nicaragua was much commended in the córtes, Aug. 1813, for his loyal and judicious conduct. _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1811-12, xi. 198; 1813, xvii. 247, xxi. 45-6; _Córtes_, _Col. Dec._, ii. 47-8, iii. 177; _Juarros_, _Guat._ (Lond. ed., 1823), 335-8; _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 227; _Conder's Mex. and Guat._, ii. 309. Bishop Jerez had written the captain-general a warm letter on behalf of the Leonese, for whom he had a special predilection, and said, 'Si me desterrasen un Leones dejo de ser obispo.' _Perez_, _Biog. Sacasa_, 7.

[I-36] This bitterness originated bloody wars, and did much harm to Nicaragua. _Rev. Cent. Am._, 3; _Ayon_, _Apuntes_, 15, 18-19; _Registro Ofic._, Nov. 21, 1846, 381.

[I-37] The $43,538 went on the ship _Venganza_ to Cádiz, and the arrival was announced, Feb. 15, 1813, to the córtes by the deputies of Guatemala. _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1813, xvii. 239-40.

[I-38] Marure, on the authority of the _Gaceta de Guatemala_, xiii. no. 112, and xiv. no. 191, assures us that nearly one and a half million dollars had been remitted by Central America to Spain, from donations and other sources, to cancel royal warrants. _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 18. This work, that I have occasion to quote so often, bears the title _Bosquejo Histórico de las Revoluciones de Centro América desde 1811 hasta 1834_. Its author, Alejandro Marure, who was a professor of history and geography in the university of Guatemala, and otherwise a prominent citizen, issued in Guatemala his 1st volume, sm. 4to, 295 pp., with designs on the frontispiece, in 1837; containing events to 1826 only. The publication of the other two volumes, it is understood, he was obliged to withhold by order of his government. Montúfar, _Reseña, Hist. Cent. Am._, i., preface pp. iii. and iv., tells us the circulation of the 2d vol. was not allowed; 'un solemne auto de fé devoró la edicion entera.' One copy escaped, however, from which another edition was printed in later years. It scathes the so-called conservative party, more properly entitled to the appellations of fanatical and servile, for the infamous acts of its men that for many years misgoverned the country. Its contents have been fully used by Montúfar. The 3d volume has not been published, and the author's heirs long refused to allow any one to see the manuscript. This work furnishes an interesting account of political affairs in Guatemala from the first attempt at separation from the mother country in 1811 to its accomplishment in 1821, from an American standpoint; the intrigues by which Central America was yoked to Iturbide's Mexican empire, and subsequent events culminating in the second and final enforcement of independence, followed by the organization of the federal government; rupture between Guatemala and the general government, and victory of the latter; church and military affairs; intrigues of parties; authorities being freely quoted to sustain statements. The author does not enter into much detail on military operations, but is quite full in his description of party workings, which affords a clear understanding of their antagonistic interests. Under the title of _Efemérides de los hechos notables ... de Centro América_, the same writer gave to the press at Guatemala, in 1844, a 12mo of 77 pp., furnishing a very brief synopsis of the chief events that occurred from 1821 to 1842, with tabular lists; quite useful as a chronology.

[I-39] Among the implicated were a number of military officers whose role was to win over the troops, and gain possession of their arms.

[I-40] The plan was to seize Bustamante, Auditor de Guerra Ibañez, Archbishop Casaus, and all the high military officers; after which the Granadan prisoners were to be liberated, and the country's independence proclaimed. The royal officials chose to add that the parties had harbored 'incendiary and horrible schemes of plunder and devastation.'

[I-41] _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 16; _Romero_, _Bosq. Hist._, 42; _Mem. Hist. Cent. Am._, 2, 3.

[I-42] Julian Ibarra, Andrés Dardon, Manuel de San José, Manuel Yot. The names of the other six do not appear. _Pineda de Mont_, in _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, iii. 347-8; _Rodriguez_, _Problema Hist._, in _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, 1875, Apr. 1 and May 23. The author of _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 7, who was evidently blinded by prejudice against Barrundia and against the cause, says that the latter lost credit for being mixed up in the Betlen affair with 'hombres sin luces, sin crédito, y sin costumbres;' and forfeited the character for firmness he had held in public estimation by needlessly petitioning for a pardon when he had not been imprisoned, and could at any time have left the country without risk. Lorenzo Montúfar, a statesman and writer, tells us, in rebuttal, that these men were of good intelligence and position; that Barrundia's peril was imminent all the time of his concealment, and as only Spanish vessels visited the ports, it would have been risky to attempt escape upon one of them. Moreover, it was impossible to foresee when independence would be attained. Under the circumstances, Barrundia had to ask for pardon when he could get it. _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, Sept. 2, 1854. Villar, the prosecuting officer, became notorious in 1817 for cruelties and wanton murders of unfortunate inhabitants of Petén-Itzá, when he was commandant there. _Fajardo_, _Inf. al Min. de Rel._, Campeche, 1828, sm. 4to, 17 pp.

[I-43] He was the father of Alejandro Marure, born in Guatemala, and one who had attained a respectable rank in letters, at a very early age, in his country. At the time he began to figure in its political affairs he was a master of philosophy. _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 14-15.

[I-44] Arce began to figure in the rebellion of 1811. After the organization of the federal régime he was the first constitutional president of the republic. _Rev. Cent. Am._, 3; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, 1875, Feb. 13.

[I-45] In disregard of the rank and standing of the 'excelentísima diputacion,' he would append only his media firma, or surname, to its decrees and documents, when he should have used his name and surname—a serious breach of etiquette in those times.

[I-46] The chamber now had but a short time to live. Manuel Micheo had presented his credentials in Jan. 1814, and been admitted to his seat as deputy from Chimaltenango, Guatemala. Luis Aguirre's claim to admission was referred back on the petition of citizens of Chiquimula for his election to be declared null. _Córtes_, _Act. ord._, 1814, Jan. 21, i. 487, March 20, ii. 121.

[I-47] Several accusations had been preferred hitherto against Bustamante; all remained unheeded, so far as it ever became known. One more was that of Juan Argüello of Granada, in Nicaragua, who charged the governor with unjust treatment of him in 1814, and demanded his trial and punishment. This case was before the córtes Oct. 20, 1820. But as the second constitutional epoch was so short-lived, Argüello's demand for justice had no better result than preceding ones. A memorial of the ayuntamiento of Guatemala, on the political condition of the province, expressing fear that the harshness extended to men for political opinions might lead to evil consequences, and asking for the pardon of prisoners, was presented March 24, 1814, to the córtes. It was referred to a committee, and that was all the action taken, till the king in 1817 granted an amnesty. _Córtes_, _Act. ord._, March 24, 1814, ii. 152; _Id._, _Diario_, Oct. 20, 1820, ix. 4.

[I-48] Concluded Dec. 11, 1813.

[I-49] Upon the news of the king's acts becoming known in Guatemala, the archbishop and his clergy, and the other authorities, offered thanks to God for his release and restoration to the throne. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii., adv. xii.

[I-50] The pope lent his support with an encyclical letter of Aug. 15, 1814, against freemasonry and other secret societies, which was published June 2, 1815. All persons affiliating in such organizations were required to sever their connection with them. _Fern. VII._, _Decretos_, 27-32.

[II-1] A native of Habana, Cuba. He had filled several high offices, the last being that of governor of Santo Domingo. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii., adv. ix.-x.; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Apr. 1, 1875, 4.

[II-2] Convulsions of nature had been constantly occurring in Quezaltenango during two months, which greatly alarmed the population. On the 17th of Jan., 1818, a hill on the south of the town burst open and threw out enormous quantities of ashes, covering the whole country, even to the distance of 35 leagues, and flames were occasionally seen. _Cózar_, _Carta_, in _Noticioso Gen._, March 16, 1818, 4.

[II-3] The Spanish official account published by the government of Guatemala, May 1 and 13, 1820, and copied in the _Gaceta_ of Mex. of June 17th, same year, has it that the attempt resulted in the discomfiture of the assailants.

[II-4] The commander's ship hoisted a flag with two blue bars and a white one between them showing an escutcheon.

[II-5] The Spanish official account sets the enemy's casualties at 40 killed and wounded on shore; those on board could not be ascertained. The Spanish loss is given at one killed and two wounded.

[II-6] _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1820, ii. 19; Apr. 30, 1821, extra, xvi. 15-16; _Id._, _Act. Púb._, i., June 26, 1820, 6; Aug. 2, 1820, 2.

[II-7] A congratulatory address from the newly created corporation was received with marks of satisfaction. _Córtes_, _Diario_, June 17, 1821, xxii. 6.

[II-8] From the ecclesiastic state, Juan José Batres and José María Álvarez, with Pedro Ruiz de Bustamante for a substitute. From the secular class, Pedro Molina, José Barrundia, and Lic. Venancio Lopez. Secular substitutes, licenciados Francisco Javier Barrutia, Felipe Neri del Barrio. _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1820, ii. 228-9.

[II-9] A native of Choluteca, in Honduras. _Rev. Cent. Am._, 1. He was auditor de guerra. Valle was undoubtedly an able man; a speech of his on equality before the law is spoken of with high commendation. _Observ. de la Rep. Mex._, ii., Oct. 3, 1827, 128-33. Subsequently was a deputy to the imperial congress of Mexico, and when Iturbide was on the eve of succumbing under the blows of the republicans, he appointed Valle his minister of state, which office ceased with the fall of the empire. Valle returned to Guatemala and figured prominently in the government. In 1826-29 he was a federal deputy, and died on the 2d of March, 1834, soon after being elected president of the republic. The assembly on the 21st of March of the same year decreed honors to his memory. _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, iii. 338-9, 348. Salvador did the same in April. A likeness of Valle is given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist. Cent. Am._, ii. 160. Valle had been honored with the friendship of Bentham and other European savans; and he was a member of the French Academy of Sciences. _Marure_, _Efemérides_, 35.

[II-10] The same man who afterward appointed himself bishop of Salvador. _Suarez y Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._, 386.

[II-11] They cajoled the artisans with the promise of checking the trade with Belize, and of prohibiting the importation of foreign manufactures.

[II-12] He was born in Guatemala on the 29th of Apr., 1777; studied humanities under Father Goicoechea, one of the lights of his time, and received his diploma of a licentiate of medicine and surgery at the age of 22; served in Nicaragua as surgeon of the batallon fijo early in the century, and returned with it to his native city in 1811. He afterward filled the position of professor of medicine in the university. The degree of doctor was given him in 1817, and the office of protomédico, or head physician of the province of Guatemala. _Salv._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 12, 1854.

[II-13] He adjured all to free themselves from party influences, and to give their suffrages only to men who had their country's interests at heart. He demanded of all citizens to love their country, to be true to the constitution, and to respect the legitimate authorities.

[II-14] _Urrutia_, _Modelo_, 2-3. Constant complaints had been made to the national government since 1813 against the foreign trade. The regulations of 1778 had been made to appear advantageous to Spain and her American colonies. Foreign trade was declared a means of corruption which placed arms in the hands of Spain's foes. In the report now before me, the mechanics of the country are represented as hostile to the foreign trade. _Arrillaga_, _Informe_, in _Cedulario_, 66-7.

[II-15] The latter had three suffragans—Leon, Comayagua, and Ciudad Real de Chiapas. It had also 20 vicars, 161 curacies in 424 towns, 85 valleys, 23 doctrinas under missionaries, of which 16 were in charge of Dominicans, 4 of Franciscans, and 3 of the order of Mercy.

[II-16] Deputy José Mariano Mendez, from Sonsonate, gave the province of Guatemala 116 leagues from the Pacific to Santo Tomás, and a width of 100 leagues in some parts, and less in others, with two cities and about 294 towns. _Mem._, 12-13, 20; _Memoria del estado político y eclesiástico de la capitanía general de Guatemala_, Mad., 1821, sm. 4to, 30 pp., gives data on the economical, political, and ecclesiastical condition of Central America in general, and of each of the divisions or provinces, including Chiapas in particular, and proposing to the Spanish government reforms deemed advisable.

[II-17] A native of Habana, at which university he received the degree of doctor. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 296-7.

[II-18] He consecrated in his cathedral, on the 12th of Sept., 1802, the treasurer of the diocese, the licentiate of theology, Ambrosio Llano, as bishop of Ciudad Real de Chiapas.

[II-19] He had been bishop of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, in Peru. At the time of his death he was 55 years old. The remains were interred in the cathedral. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 297; _Diario Méx._, xii., Jan. 26, 1810, 104.

[II-20] He was a native of Jaca, in Aragon; took the Dominican habit in Zaragoza, and completed there his education; joined the province of Santiago in Mexico at the age of 23; became a lecturer in Porta Cœli college, and a professor in the university of Mexico, by which he was made a doctor, and by his order a maestro. On the 9th of Nov., 1806, as bishop of Rosen in partibus infidelium, he was made bishop-coadjutor of Oajaca, and consecrated on the 2d of Aug., 1807. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii., adv. p. xi.-xii.; _Córtes_, _Diario_, xviii. 395; _Puerto_, _Convite_, p. iii. 1.

[II-21] The payments were to begin no later than one year after the installation of the autonomic government. The allowance was to be increased when the condition of the two countries should become improved.

[II-22] Positive news of Iturbide's defection had not yet reached Guatemala. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 2.

[II-23] He is represented as a fickle man, one easily influenced, and likely to act under the impressions of the moment. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 21; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, 1875, Apr. 1, 4. Events showed he was a man of no settled principles or character, who proved himself, first a traitor to his king and country, and next, for self-aggrandizement, betrayed the men that in an evil hour placed their trust in him.

[II-24] This plan is described in _Hist. Mex._, iv. 709-10, this series.

[II-25] The order was a dead letter, however. Gainza evidently issued it to cover his responsibility in Madrid; at any rate, no one was arrested, and the manifesto was soon after retired, public affairs being allowed to take their course. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 4; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 21-2.

[II-26] Gainza on the 13th had exacted of all the superior military officers a renewal of their oath of fidelity to the king. _Id._, i. 23.

[II-27] The diputacion, on motion of Simeon Cañas, had acted at the instance of the ayuntamiento, whose síndico, Mariano de Aycinena, had called for an extra session to petition for immediate independence. Gainza, with the view of averting such a declaration, attended personally to preside over the meeting; but he finally submitted to the inevitable, and weakly assented to the convocation of the authorities, without first obtaining Urrutia's approbation. He thus ignored the real chief authority in the country. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 4-5; _Ayon_, _Apuntes_, 21.

[II-28] Archbishop Casaus, oidores Miguel Moreno and José Valdez, Luis Escoto, prelate of the Dominicans, Félix Lagrava, Juan Bautista Jáuregui, José Villafañe, and others of less note. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 23-7.

[II-29] The supporters of this resolution were: Canon Doctor José María Castilla, Dean Doctor Antonio García Redondo; Regente of the audiencia Francisco Vilches, oidores Miguel Larreinaga and Tomás O'Horan; deputies from the university, doctors Mariano Galvez and Serapio Sanchez; deputies from the college of lawyers, José Francisco Córdoba and Santiago Milla; Antonio Rivera Cabezas, Mariano Beltranena, J. Mariano Calderon, Rev. Doctor J. Matías Delgado, M. A. Molina, members of the diputacion provincial; Mariano and J. Antonio Larrave, Isidoro Castriciones, Pedro Arroyave, and Mariano de Aycinena, members of the ayuntamiento; Lorenzo Romaña, government secretary; Domingo Dieguez, secretary of the meeting; Friars Mariano Perez and José Antonio Taboada, prelates respectively of the Recollects and Franciscans. Some Spaniards also recorded their names in favor of such action. _Id._ The _Memorias de las Revoluciones de Centro América_ give among the members of the diputacion José Valdés, and leave out M. A. Molina, 5.

[II-30] 297 years, 3 months, and 19 days from June 24, 1524, when Pedro de Alvarado arrived with his 300 conquistadores.

[II-31] Article 2d, speaking of the congress, says: It is to decide upon the point of 'independencia general y absoluta, y fijar, en caso de acordarla, la forma de gobierno y ley fundamental que deba regir.' Marure, who gives the text of the acta, asserts that the declaration actually was for an 'independencia absoluta de Méjico y de cualquiera otra nacion;' and that Gainza, who favored annexation to Mexico, had beforehand prepared an oath to support it. _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 27, and ap. ii., iii.; _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, v. 346-8; _Ayon_, _Apuntes_, 21; _Squier's Trav._, ii. 378; _Squier's Cent. Am._, 67; _Cuevas_, _Porvenir de Méx._, 252. Another vital clause in the instrument was that the Roman catholic religion which the Central Americans had professed in past centuries, 'y profesaremos en los siglos venideros,' must be preserved 'pura é inalterable,' its ministers respected, and protected in their persons and property. The prelates of the various religious communities were invited to coöperate in behalf of peace and harmony, endeavoring to do away with personal passions. The whole proceeding was novel, this of Spanish officials, presided over by the chief agent of the king, meeting with natives of the country to decide whether Guatemala should cast off the old mother country or not. Several other things worthy of notice happened then among them. Canon Castilla, though a friend of the archbishop, his prelate, who had advocated anti-independence, favored the separation. Many of the officials declared for secession, chief among their number the gazista leader José del Valle, who held the high office of auditor de guerra. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 5-6.

[II-32] The following names appear in the acta: Gavino Gainza, Mariano de Beltranena, José Mariano Calderon, José Matías Delgado, Manuel Antonio Molina, Mariano de Larrave, Antonio de Rivera, José Antonio de Larrave, Isidoro de Valle y Castriciones, Pedro de Arroyave, Mariano de Aycinena. Secretaries, Lorenzo de Romaña, Domingo Dieguez. _Pineda de Mont_, _Recop. Ley. Guat._, i. 1-14. The news of this declaration reached Spain, and mention was made of it in the córtes Dec. 15, 1821, by Deputy Navarrete. _Córtes_, _Diario extraord._, vi., 1821, Dec. 15, 34; _Córtes_, _Diario_, viii., 1822, Feb. 12, 5; _Romero_, _Bosq. Hist._, 43-4, 66-130; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 6-9.

[II-33] This clause gave rise to much trouble afterward.

[II-34] The authorities were to be apprised of any plots against the new régime by persons becoming aware of them, or the latter would be held as aiders and abettors of treason. Carrying concealed weapons, ringing of bells other than for religious service, and injuring or destroying public or private property, under any pretext, would be severely punished. _Méx._, _Gac. Imp._, Dec. 1, 1821, 260-3.

[II-35] The additional members were Miguel de Larreinaga, José del Valle, J. Antonio Alvarado, Marqués de Aycinena, José Valdés, José M. Candina, and Antonio Robles. Domingo Dieguez and Mariano Galvez were made the secretaries. _Marure_, _Efemérides_, 59.

[II-36] The acta was signed at Gainza's house on the 16th, and the extra members were appointed. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 6.

[II-37] Ciudad Real, the capital, had in the city proper 6,000, chiefly Spaniards; the outside districts and suburbs swelled the population to 14,000. _Mazariegos_, _Mem. Hist. Chiapa_, 51. The canon of Chiapas, Mariano Robles Dominguez de Mazariegos, being the deputy from his province in the Spanish córtes in 1813, laid before the chamber an interesting memorial, which was afterward given to the press at Cádiz, in one volume, 18mo, of 71 pages, under the title of _Memoria Histórica de la Provincia de Chiapa_. He suggested means to develop the commerce of the province on its navigable rivers, and particularly with Guatemala and Vera Cruz. His recommendations were heeded, and several ports and rivers were opened to trade. _Id._, 33-4, 54-9; _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1813, xix. 392; _Noticioso Gen._, Aug. 30, 1816. Mazariegos' successor was also a clergyman, Fernando Antonio Dávila, who took his seat in November, 1813. _Córtes_, _Act. ord._, i. 275.

[II-38] From the time of the conquest there existed in all Indian towns ayuntamientos called cabildos, and composed as follows: a gobernador, who was a cacique or noble Indian, generally for life, though 'sin jurisdiccion,' appointed formally in writing by the principal executive of the province; two alcaldes; four, six, or eight regidores, according to population; and some officers called in some places mayores, and in others alguaciles, who aided the regidores, took care of the cabildos' houses, and furnished supplies to travellers going through their towns. They were elected on the first day of January of each year, and were subject to the alcalde mayor and the teniente of each town, by whom they were too frequently badly treated. _Mazariegos_, _Mem. Hist. Chiapa_, 28-29.

[II-39] In some Indian towns, so-called maestros were salaried from the community funds of the inhabitants. Such maestros could scarcely read and write, and most of them were immoral and given to drunkenness. Of course no good results could be obtained from such teachers. The Spanish córtes in 1813 decreed the adoption of measures for promoting public instruction, and on the 24th of October enacted the establishment of a university in the province. _Mazariegos_, _Mem. Hist. Chiapa_, 51-53; _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1813, xix. 392; _Id._, _Act. ord._, 1813, i. 113, 141.

[II-40] The cathedral chapter was composed of four dignitaries, one simple canon, six choir chaplains. The revenue of the diocese was limited. The number of its parishes was forty-seven, which included the eleven of the capital and suburbs. _Mazariegos_, _Mem. Hist. Chiapa_, 48. From 1819 to 1836, according to Larrainzar, religious, educational, and general affairs had attained much improvement. In the diocese there were, besides the cathedral, three convents of friars and one of nuns; a hospital, founded by Bishop Juan Álvarez de Toledo; an ecclesiastic college, founded by Bishop Bravo de la Serna; primary schools and a university. Since 1819 existed the Sociedad de Amigos del País, to develop agriculture, industry, and learning. The inhabitants of the capital were quite cultured. _Discurso_, 17-18. In 1813 the Spanish córtes, among other measures for the benefit of Chiapas, decreed that the friars of Guatemala should undertake the conversion of the Indians of Palenque. _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1813, xix. 392.

[II-41] Soconusco cacao being considered the best of America, some loads of it were sent every year to Spain for the use of the royal family.

[II-42] On the 20th of Dec., 1817, he congratulated the viceroy of Mexico on the triumphs of the royal arms. The capture of Mina and other successes were enthusiastically celebrated in Ciudad Real. _Noticioso Gen._, Feb. 14, 1818, 4; _Gaz. de Méx._, 1818, ix. 141-2.

[II-43] The bishop of Chiapas, Salvador San Martin, incurred the wrath of the córtes, when he was acting as deputy from Porto Rico, for his support of the royal decree of 1814, that overthrew the national constitution. San Martin was dead when Chiapas followed the example of Mexico in 1821. _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, v. 344; _Méx._, _Gaceta Imp._, i. 11, 173.

[II-44] In Ciudad Real, Iturbide was called 'padre salvador de la religion y de la patria.' _Id._, 10-12.

[II-45] The act of independence was signed by Juan N. Batres, José Ignacio Larrainzar, José Diego Lara, Julio José Flores, José Nicolás Osuna, Estévan Gordillo, and Lic. José Vives.

[II-46] Soon after this act that desire began to assume proportions. _Larrainzar_, _Notic. Hist. Soconusco_, 28.

[II-47] For particulars on the final separation of Chiapas, and incorporation as a state of the Mexican confederation, see _Hist. Mex._, v. 22-4, this series. The clergyman Pedro Solórzano was the agent appointed under the resolution referred to in the text, and he accordingly repaired to the city of Mexico. _Larrainzar_, _Notic. Hist. Soconusco_, 29; _Méx._, _Gaceta Imp._, i. 169-73, 270-1, 319-23, 337-9.

[III-1] They were Lorenzo Romaña, who was made colonel of the battalion of regulars, superseding the Spaniard Félix Lagrava, and Manuel Arzú, who obtained the command of the artillery, with the same rank. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 28.

[III-2] A writer of the opposite party asserts that the practice caused much confusion, arising from ignorance. The populace abused the privilege, and had finally to be excluded from the chamber. The same author speaks disparagingly of the three leaders. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 7. It is said of them that they often addressed from the gallery petitions to the junta, demanded removals of officials, and had disputes with its members or with Gainza. I have already given some account of Barrundia and Molina. Córdoba had suffered imprisonment and prosecution for being concerned in the revolutionary movements of 1811.

[III-3] 'Acorde al fin en sus sentimientos, se reunió últimamente en la opinion que debió siempre ser el vínculo estrecho de su voluntad. Así consta del testimonio que acompaño á V. E.' The last sentence must refer to a copy of the acta de independencia. _Mex._, _Gaceta Imp._, i. 60-2. And yet, another journal of Mexico, alluding to that letter, after erroneously giving the writer's name as Gabriel Quinia, actually asserted its contents to be that Guatemala, like Chiapas, had submitted to Mexico, party spirit having been powerless to disturb the peace or general will of the inhabitants! _Méx._, _Noticioso Gen._, Oct. 19, 1821.

[III-4] Decree of Sept 20, 1821.

[III-5] Decrees of Sept. 26 and 27, 1821. They were given two months' extra pay. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 6-7.

[III-6] This act was effected amidst great enthusiasm, and rejoicing at its accomplishment without bloodshed. Persons then residing in the city who had favored the movement had their names inserted in a book. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 27-30.

[III-7] Another committee was to count the population in order to apportion the deputies to congress. _Gracias_, _Cuad. Estad._, 28.

[III-8] Before the news reached Spain of the change in Guatemala, Deputy Milla spoke, on the 18th of Nov., in the córtes of the insufficiency of Spanish bottoms for the transportation of American produce, and demanded the privilege of using foreign vessels therefor. He alluded also to the inability of the royal navy to protect Spanish merchantmen, in proof of which he stated the fact that five vessels had been carried off by insurgent privateers from Nicaraguan ports. _Córtes_, _Diario Extraord._, Nov. 18, 1821, iv. 12-13.

[III-9] Men who had relations with Delgado, one of the junta in Guatemala. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 9-10.

[III-10] Delgado assumed authority on his arrival at Santa Ana, and used it effectively, though without violence. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 36-7. The extent of the province of Salvador was 50 leagues long and 30 wide; it was divided into the partidos of Santa Ana, San Salvador, San Vicente, and San Miguel, with three cities, five villas, and 140 pueblos. _Mendez_, _Mem._, 9-10. The following were the signers of independence: Pedro Barriere, Casimiro García Valdeavellano, José Ignacio Saldaña, José Rosi, Millan Bustos, Gerónimo de Ajuria, Francisco del Duque, Santiago Rosi, Trinidad Estupinian, Juan B. de Otonto, Francisco Ignacio de Urrutia, Narciso Ortega, and Pedro Miguel Lopez, secretary. _Ruiz_, _Calend. Salv._, 67-8; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Jan. 26, 1875, 5; _Bustamante_, _Cuad. Hist._, vi., no. 187, 1-29; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 2, 9-10. Alaman has it that Delgado seized the government by a revolution in 1822. _Hist. Méj._, v. 474-5.

[III-11] In the Spanish córtes, March 29, 1813, was read and passed to a committee a petition of the ayuntamiento of Comayagua, objecting to the limited scope of the decree of May 24, 1812, which authorized the establishment of only two diputaciones in the whole of Guatemala, and asked for one in Comayagua with Omoa, Trujillo, and the partido of Tegucigalpa, and that of San Miguel in Salvador, within its jurisdiction, which would give the new diputacion a territory of 140 leagues from N. to S., and as many from E. to W. _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1813, xviii. 61. I have no evidence as to when Honduras was granted the diputacion, but the fact appears that it had such a corporation in September 1821. The province was larger than Nicaragua, and divided into the partidos of Comayagua and Tegucigalpa, and the nine sub-delegations of Gracias á Dios, San Pedro Zula, Tencoa, Yoro, Olanchito, Olancho Viejo, Tegucigalpa, Choluteca, and Trujillo, having within it the ports of Omoa, Puerto Caballos, Puerto Sal, Triunfo de la Cruz, Trujillo, and Cartago. The bishopric of Comayagua embraced the whole intendencia, with 35 parishes, one mission, and 145 churches. _Mendez_, _Mem._, 8, 21. In 1821 there lived in Trujillo about 2,500 Caribs, the original inhabitants of Saint Vincent, later occupying the island of Roatan, whence they removed to Trujillo. They were a rather industrious, honest people. _Coggeshall's Voy._, 2d ser., 161-3.

[III-12] Omoa by Captain Bernardo Caballero, P. Pedro Brito, and others, who seized and imprisoned the commandant, Antonio Prado. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 35.

[III-13] The junta in Guatemala passed an act on the 11th of Dec. to reward the villa of Tegucigalpa, raising it to the rank of a city, and bestowing on its ayuntamiento the title of 'patriótico.' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 35.

[III-14] As a matter of fact, ill feeling had always existed in the provinces against the capital. This hatred was intensified by the respective intendentes in forwarding their ambitious purposes. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 2. Lieut-col Miguel Gonzalez Saravia, son of the old lieut-gen. shot in Oajaca, was the gov.-intendente of Nicaragua since 1818. Naturally he hated the independents for his father's execution. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 34; _Ayon_, _Apuntes_, 22; _Juarros_, _Guat._ (Lond. ed. 1823), 337-8.

[III-15] They would remain independent of the Spanish crown, they said, until the clouds disappeared. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 8; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 34; _Ayon_, _Apuntes_, 22; _Suarez y Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._, 387; _Bustamante_, _Cuad. Hist._, vi., no. 187, 1-29; _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, v. 346-8; _Wells' Hond._, 468. Tomás Ayon, _Apuntes sobre algunos de los acontecimientos políticos de Nicaragua_, Leon, 1875, 8vo, 50 pp., gives a few important memoranda on the political events of Nicaragua in 1811-24, in a clear, concise, and apparently impartial manner.

[III-16] Saravia kept up a sort of underhanded war against Granada, obstructing her relations with Guatemala. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 35. The extent of the province of Nicaragua was 85 leagues long by 75 wide; detaching Nicoya, there were four partidos, Leon, Realejo, Sutiaba, and Matagalpa, with 88 towns in all. _Mendez_, _Mem._, 7. According to Miguel G. Saravia, _Bosquejo político estadístico de Nicaragua_, its population in 1813 was of 149,751, a very imperfect census. _Squier's States Cent. Am._, 50. The bishopric of Leon comprised all the intendencia of Costa Rica, with 40 parishes, 3 missions, and 88 churches. _Mendez_, _Mem._, 20. A considerable military force had been, since 1796, kept at San Juan del Norte; and in 1821 additional defences were erected, by government order of May 2d. This force was expelled after the declaration of independence by the patriots. _Squier's Trav._, i. 83.

[III-17] On the 11th of Nov. he answered in similar terms the diputacion at Comayagua. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 44-6.

[III-18] Its members were to be chosen by electors appointed by the ayuntamientos supporting the Granada régime. These members to choose every month from their own number the president. _Perez_, _Biog. Sacasa_, 5-6. _Perez, Jerónimo_, _Biografía del coronel Don Crisanto Sacasa_, 1875, fol., 18 pp., furnishes important data on the origin and life of a man who figured prominently and honorably in the affairs of Nicaragua from 1821 to his death in 1824. In connection with them appear several official letters on events during the period between secession from Spain and annexation to Mexico.

[III-19] The people acted prudently; they could but reap trouble from the political complications. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 2; _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa Rica_, 4-5, 17-18; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, May 23, 1875; _Lond. Geog. Soc._, vi. 135.

[III-20] It had, from the time of the conquest, a civil and military government of its own, but under dependence of the audiencia and captain-generalcy at Guatemala. In matters ecclesiastic and financial it had been under Leon. _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa Rica_, 92; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 2. The Spanish constitution gave it, together with Nicoya, a diputacion provincial. _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 54. In 1812 the province had 22 towns—12 of Indians and 10 of white and black men—besides farms, large estates, etc. The extent in 1821 was 160 by 60 leagues. The cities were Cartago and Esparza; the villas, San José de Ujarráz, Villa Vieja, and Villa Hermosa; the villages, Espíritu Santo, Pueblo Nuevo, Escasu, Alajuela, Bagasses, Las Cañas, Barba, San Fernando, and the Indian towns and settlements; adding Nicoya and Guanacaste, there would be 27 towns. The population was computed at between 60,000 and 70,000, besides the three nations of heathen Indians in the mountains and northern coasts, and known respectively as indios de la Talamanca, indios del norte, and indios Mosquitos, all quite numerous. _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1813, xix. 404-5. In 1813 the deputy from Costa Rica in the Spanish córtes petitioned for a bishopric; but at the time of the separation the matter had not been acted on. _Mendez_, _Mem._, 7.

[III-21] Juan de Dios Mayorga and the provincial of la Merced, Fray Luis García, were selected for Comayagua; the prelate of the Franciscans, Fray José Antonio Taboada, for Leon; the prebendado José María Castilla, Pedro Molina, and José Francisco Barrundia, for Mexico. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 37-9.

[III-22] Some of them asked for titles, decorations, and other rewards for their services in harnessing their country to Mexico's imperial car. _El Progreso_, Apr. 11, 1850. The organ of the empire spoke of the chimerical ideas of the republicans and federalists, adding that the opposition to them was large, and to be found in the officials, the higher classes, and indeed all sensible persons, who well knew how small was the number of the educated among them. It claimed that the journals published in Guatemala expressed the views of only a few deluded men, whose ranks were becoming thinner every day. That same organ had given to the public certain letters from the ayuntamiento of Comitan, in Chiapas, objecting to the 2d art. of the Guatemalan acta of Sept. 15th, on the ground that the country had no resources to sustain a separate government, which had been evident since the yearly allowance of $12,000 ceased; superadded to which, they said, the safety of Mexico might be imperilled should Spain at some future time recover possession of Cent. Am., which the latter, if independent, could not prevent, and vindicate her authority over the former. _Méx._, _Gaceta Imp._, i., Nov. 24 and Dec. 8, 1821, 202-7, 281-2.

[III-23] Dated Oct. 19th, and brought by José de Oñate.

[III-24] 'Guatemala no debia quedar independiente de Méjico, sino formar ... un gran imperio bajo el plan de Iguala, y tratados de Córdoba: que Guatemala se hallaba todavía impotente para gobernarse por sí misma, y que podría ser por lo mismo objeto de la ambicion extranjera.' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 39-41. The aristocrats, now sure of Iturbide's aid, grew bolder in their plotting. _Squier's Trav._, ii. 378; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 35-9. Iturbide directed the conde de la Cadena, on the 20th of Nov., to write very courteously to Mariano de Aycinena, who was well connected and had addressed a communication to the liberator. _Bustamante_, _Cuad. Hist._, vi., no. 187, 28; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 20-2, 35-9.

[III-25] The circular directed the ayuntamientos to read at a public sitting Iturbide's letter, and express their opinion upon each point embraced in his proposal. Their answers as to whether they wanted annexation at once, or to await the action of congress, were to be in Guatemala city on or before the 31st of Dec., 1821. _Petén-Itzá_, _Manif. de la Just._, 2. This circular was drawn up by Valle. The elections for members of the congress that had been called to meet in February were to be made as formerly directed. In Guatemala the votes of heads of families were taken at each house by municipal agents in the presence of a notary public, and duly registered. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 10-11; _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, v. 475-6.

[III-26] The exile of Barrundia, Molina, and others was demanded by Pedro Arroyave, síndico of the ayuntamiento. Gainza was suspected of inciting certain imperialists to prefer charges against these parties.

[III-27] A number of republicans, when acclaiming their principles near San José church, were fired upon by an armed force patrolling the town with the alcalde Mariano Larrave, and two killed outright, Mariano Bedoya and Remigio Maida. Several were wounded; some arrests were made. _Salv._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 12, 1854; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 41-2, 47; _Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog._, app., i. 342; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 157.

[III-28] _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i., ap. v.; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 11; _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, v. 474.

[III-29] His arguments were not founded on fact. Subsequent events proved it. Men of greater weight than Gainza, such as Mora, Pecchio, and Zavala, have since contradicted his assertions. Zavala said that Guatemala gained nothing by the union, and that it had resources of its own to exist as an independent nation. He added that the provinces viewed with dislike the course of the aristocrats at the capital. It could not be otherwise. Where was the advantage of a connection with the city of Mexico, which was almost inaccessible to them? But the rich men of Guatemala would have it, regardless of consequences. _Ensayo Hist. Revol. Mex._, i. 186-7.

[III-30] See _Hist. Mex._, iv. 710, 728-9, this series.

[III-31] The junta had on the 3d indicated to Iturbide that its duty was to annex the country to Mexico; 'como ya se le indicó en oficio de tres del corriente.' Other reasons were given by it for the action taken, the chief one being the necessity of preserving the country's entirety and repose, which had been in danger of a rupture. The names affixed to the manifesto are: Gavino Gainza, Marqués de Aycinena, Miguel de Larreinaga, José del Valle, Mariano de Beltranena, Miguel Antonio Molina, Antonio Rivera, José Mariano Calderon, José Antonio Alvarado, Angel Mª. Candina, Eusebio Castillo, José Valdés; José Domingo Dieguez and Mariano Galvez, secretaries. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 14-16; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i., ap. iv.-vi.; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 18-23, 40-2; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 8-9, 11; _Bustamante_, _Cuad. Hist._, vi., no. 187, 1-29; _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, v. 476; _Suarez y Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._, 386-7; _Lastarría_, in _La América_, 249; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Feb. 13, 1875, 4, and March 28, 1876, 603; _Rivera_, _Hist. Jalapa_, ii. 218; _Squier's Trav._, i. 383: _Kewen's Nic._ and _Walker_, MS., 33-6; _Romero_, _Bosq. Hist._, 103-6.

[III-32] 'Las ideas de prosperidad, objeto de la independencia, van á substituirse á los partidos ominosos ... neutralizar las tentativas del poder arbitrario y de los movimientos populares.' _Gainza_, _Manifiesto_, _Gaceta Gob. Guadal._, 1822, March 2, 302-4; _Méx._, _Gaceta Imp._, ii. 657-9; _Kewen_, _Nic. and Walker_, MS., 30-6.

[III-33] He now gives himself a long list of titles, viz.: knight of justice of the sacred religion of St John of Jerusalem; lieutenant-general by acclamation of the independent army of Guatemala; decorated with the banda nacional; her captain-general; inspector-general of all her arms; superior political chief, intendent-general, and president of the junta provisional consultiva. _Méx._, _Gaceta Imp._, i. 557-9; _Gaceta Gob. Guadal._, March 2, 1822, 304.

[III-34] Only two months earlier the diputaciones of Comayagua and Leon were told that neither the junta consultiva nor any other body then existing had any such power.

[III-35] It was rumored, and doubtless believed by the people, that a formidable force was on the way—5,000 men—which Central America in its present divided condition could not resist; hence the premature submission with an apparent good grace. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 10-11.

[III-36] _Gaceta Imp._, i. 162-3. According to Bustamante, _Cuad. Hist._, vi., no. 187, 1-29, the party in favor of absolute independence in Guatemala sustained itself till a Mexican force was sent, and it was by this means the absorption was effected. The force had not arrived, but was certainly expected. Luis G. Cuevas, a Mexican senator, tells us that the people of Cent. Am. were mostly very enthusiastic for Iturbide, and at the same time anxious to rid themselves of the liberal party, whose members he calls an unbridled set of demagogues. Moreover, they wanted to belong to a nation having so much credit abroad, and such large resources to aid them. _Porvenir de Méx._, 252.

[III-37] Conde de la Cadena was first in command, but he resigned it on account of sickness. _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, v. 474-8; _Suarez y Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._, 387-8; _Filisola á la Junta Soberana_, note 3.

[III-38] Squier, _Guat._, 580-1, has it 700.

[III-39] The 3d. It was installed March 29, 1822. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 47; _Id._, _Efemérides_, 5.

[III-40] Among them were José del Valle, Juan de Dios Mayorga, and Marcial Zebadúa. _Zavala_, _Ensayo Hist. Rev. Mex._, i. 187. Suarez y Navarro says that Mayorga had a secret mission from Salvador near the Mexican government. _Hist. Méj._, 387.

[III-41] _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 11-12. The province was ruled by a junta gubernativa, one of whose members was Antonio José Cañas, one of the most distinguished among Cent. Americans. He soon after became the second in command of the 'batallon fijo,' organized to resist Iturbide's pretensions. _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Feb. 13 and 19, 1875.

[III-42] Gainza had meantime stationed troops in Sonsonate, a town which hitherto belonged to the province of Guatemala proper, and afterward became a part of Salvador.

[III-43] _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 12-13.

[III-44] The rest of the province had accepted that arrangement. Gov. Tinoco had made himself master of Omoa, but a revolution released it from his grasp. His authority over Trujillo ceased about the middle of January 1822. _Id._, 7-9.

[III-45] The inhabitants were influenced to that course by Canon Nicolás Irias and Juan Lindo. The diputacion sent Tinoco to Mexico to report the state of affairs in Honduras. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 37.

[III-46] There was, in consequence, a bitter correspondence between Saravia and Gainza. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 14.

[III-47] This man was of the lowest class; had been a common servant, and afterward an artilleryman. He was once confined in a dungeon at Trujillo, from which he escaped. When he began to figure in politics his wit made him popular with the citizens. It was said that he had some knowledge of medicine, and had written some creditable poetry. He was, however, given to cards and free-love, but abstained from the bottle. He was twice married, but left no children. _Perez_, _Biog. Sacasa_, 8; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 14; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 73-4.

[III-48] Ordoñez had Sacasa and others confined in irons in Fort San Cárlos. Public opinion accused him of being the most active instigator of hatred between the white and other races. _Id._, 74; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 14; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Feb. 19, 1875.

[IV-1] His orders were to take the city of San Salvador on or before the 5th of April. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 12.

[IV-2] They claimed that their declaration of independence did not imply hostility to Guatemala, and in support of it expressed a willingness to furnish hostages. Their representations were of no effect, however; 'habia empeño en sojuzgar á San Salvador, y á este interés se sacrificaba todo.' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 51.

[IV-3] Against Filisola's expressed wishes. That general was then in Chiapas, and had forbidden all military operations till his arrival. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 13; _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, v. 478; _Filisola á la Junta Soberana_, note 6.

[IV-4] He went in by the road sloping from the volcano to the west, from which quarter, owing to the roughness of the ground, no attack had been expected.

[IV-5] The casualties were not heavy on either side. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 12-13.

[IV-6] It was chiefly on the superiority exhibited on this occasion that Salvador subsequently based her claim to a prominent place in the councils held upon Cent. American affairs. Many of the internal wars which for a number of years ravaged the country may be traced to this pretended superiority.

[IV-7] To answer charges preferred against him. _Id._, 15; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 53, followed by _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, v. 478. Cuevas, _Porvenir de Mex._, 253-4, makes the doubtful assertion that Gainza went of his own accord. At any rate, he afterward was made a lieut-gen. of the imperial army, and an aide-de-camp of Iturbide's.

[IV-8] His proclamation of July 8, 1822, expressed his desire to be guided only by the best interests of the country. _Méx._, _Gaceta Imp._, 1822, 657-9.

[IV-9] Duly authorized agents of Salvador were to go for that purpose to Mexico in Nov. 1822; the districts of San Miguel and Santa Ana being permitted to recognize the government at Guatemala till an understanding should be arrived at in Mexico. Other clauses referred to the surrender of arms seized by Arce in Sonsonate, to the commercial interests of the two provinces, and to rules to be observed before renewing hostilities. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 56-7.

[IV-10] Oct. 31, 1822. See _Hist. Mex._, v., this series.

[IV-11] _Filisola á la Junta Soberana_, notes 9, 10.

[IV-12] His force consisted of about 2,000 men, chiefly from Guatemala, Santa Ana, San Miguel, Sonsonate, and Honduras.

[IV-13] _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 60-1; _Molina_, _Costa Rica_, 93; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 383. The decree never went into effect, however.

[IV-14] The principal conditions were: establishment in Mexico of a representative government; Salvador's absolute independence from Guatemala; participation of her delegates in framing the national constitution; continuation in office of the present incumbents; and erection of an episcopal see. For less important terms demanded on that occasion, see also _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 16-17; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 62.

[IV-15] It seems that he again asked for instructions from the emperor, who peremptorily directed him not to lose more time in negotiations. 'V. S. no es mas que un soldado que debe atacar la ciudad, posesionarse de ella y tratar á los cabecillas como perturbadores del órden.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 17. Filisola himself confirmed the above in his address to the junta soberana of Cent. Am. of June 24, 1823, note 10.

[IV-16] Squier, in his _Travels_, ii. 383-4, rather emphatically comments on this 'step expressive of sympathies and sentiments which still exist.'

[IV-17] 'With a declaration that he was not waging war on the U. S., he continued his operations.'

[IV-18] Feb. 7, 1823. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 17-18.

[IV-19] Filisola issued passports to all who wished to quit the country, and even furnished them money to leave. To the poor soldiers he afforded every facility to reach their homes.

[IV-20] It must be acknowledged that to the gallantry and constancy of the sons of this little province, Central America owed to a great extent its existence as a sovereign commonwealth. _Zavala_, _Rev. N. Esp._, i. 142. See also _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, v. 476; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 47; _Suarez y Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._, 387; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 11-12.

[IV-21] Col Felipe Codallos was appointed governor of the province.

[IV-22] Tinoco had gone to Mexico.

[IV-23] _Hist. Mex._, v., this series.

[IV-24] Filisola's course has been open to criticism. Some attributed it to a conviction that Cent. Am. could not be held as a province dependent from a republic, which was practicable as a dependence of an empire. Others have supposed that he was prompted by personal ambition. Marure, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 73, and _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 19, claim that it was the unavoidable result of the situation, which is not exactly true. With the force at his command, he might have maintained supremacy for a considerable time at least. Filisola himself said that his object had been to avert civil war. In his address of July 24, 1823, to the junta of Guatemala, he assured that body that his recognition of its sovereignty had been with the sanction of the supreme executive government of Mexico, communicated to him on the 18th of June. _Filisola á la Junta Soberana de Guat._, 1-8; _Id._, _El Ciudadano_, 16-17.

[IV-25] Among others, that of seizing, without any legal formality, the Spanish vessel _Sinacam_, whose cargo he sold to procure provisions and other supplies for his garrison. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 75; _Ayon_, _Apuntes_, 22-3.

[IV-26] It was installed at Leon on the 17th of April, 1823. _Marure_, _Efem._, 6.

[IV-27] On the 15th of April. _Marure_, _Efem._, 6.

[IV-28] Several of the conspirators were imprisoned at the capital, though only for a short time. _Molina_, _Costa Rica_, 94; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 12.

[IV-29] According to Marure, _Efemérides_, 6, reserving the liberty of recognizing anew Iturbide as the legitimate emperor, should he be again restored to the imperial throne.

[IV-30] Deputies from Cent. Am. to the Mexican congress complained of outrages committed by Filisola's soldiers, to which his attention was called to correct them by the executive of that republic.

[IV-31] Cuevas, _Porvenir de Méx._, 254-6, laments it, considering it an act injurious to Cent. America's best interests.

[IV-32] The imperialists 'se limitaron á oponerles algunas maniobras sordas, no teniendo ánimo de disputarlas á cara descubierta.' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 82-3. The independents 'contrajeron sus planes á ganar las elecciones, y á hacer odiosas las tropas mejicanas, procurando á toda costa, y por todos los medios posibles, hacerlas evacuar la república.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 20.

[IV-33] The 1st of June had been the date originally fixed upon, but some preliminary work not having been completed in time, the installation was necessarily delayed. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 83.

[IV-34] Chiapas was not represented, that province having continued detached from Cent. Am.

[IV-35] It is said that Filisola installed the congress, the Mexican troops taking part with the native ones in paying honors to the national representatives. Till the organization of an executive, the first decrees were addressed to Filisola, as superior political chief, for their execution. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 20. That body, the first as well as the most numerous, was at the same time the most enlightened that the republic ever had. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 83; _Id._, _Efem._, 7; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 16-24.

[IV-36] The full text with the names of the delegates present appears in _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. xiii.-xviii.; and _Rocha_, _Código Nic._, i. 19-23. Its principal clauses were: 'That the said provinces ... are free and independent from old Spain, from Mexico, and every other power, alike of the old and the new world, y que no son ni deben ser el patrimonio de persona ni familia alguna.' Translations into other languages may be seen in _Revue Américaine_, i. 377-97; _Democratic Rev._, i. 486-7. The act was drawn up by the deputy José Francisco Córdoba, who was a member of the committee to whom the matter had been referred. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 21.

[IV-37] _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 24-32.

[IV-38] Aug. 20, 1824. _Dublan_ and _Lozano_, _Leg. Mex._, i. 713; _Alaman_, _Mem. á las Cám._, 9.

[IV-39] Decree of July 15, 1823. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 32-3.

[IV-40] The party was mainly composed of members of the so-called noble families, Spaniards, civil and military officers, the clergy, and the most ignorant class of the population. It was therefore the most numerous. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 259.

[IV-41] As he was then in the United States, the canon Antonio de Larrazábal was to be his substitute during his absence. Larrazábal having declined the position, it was given to Antonio Rivera Cabezas. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 164-70; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 88; _Id._, _Efem._, 8; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 22.

[IV-42] The moderados wanted José Dionisio Herrera of Honduras, in the triumvirate, to avoid the undue influence Salvador would exercise, having two of her citizens in the executive, and because they considered Herrera intellectually superior to Villacorta. No one thought of José del Valle, who was then in Mexico. Cuevas, _Porvenir de Mex._, 256-7, erroneously states that the supreme authority was offered Filisola and he declined it. He declined the office of jefe político of Guatemala.

[IV-43] Just in some instances, no doubt; but it became known that Guatemalans disguised as Mexicans committed hostile acts to bring the soldiers into discredit. Filisola certainly strove to maintain order and discipline. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 89-93; _Filisola_, _El Ciudadano_, 22-8.

[IV-44] José Francisco Barrundia, of whom prominent mention is made in this history, severely attacked Filisola's course in a pamphlet, which was replied to in a small book entitled _El Ciudadano ... Vicente Filisola á José Francisco Barrundia_, Puebla, 1824, 132 p. The author defends himself, employing strong invective against his accuser, charging him with hypocrisy and cowardice. The book gives some historical data, but owing to its bitterness, must be received with caution. Filisola after that time figured as a prominent soldier of the Mexican republic in Texas, and during the war of the U. S. and Mexico in 1846-8.

[IV-45] _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 877-8.

[IV-46] Practically, the word 'don' never fell into disuse. The manner of ending official letters was changed from the former 'Dios guarde á ... muchos años,' to 'Dios, Union, Libertad.' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 94; _Id._, _Efem._, 7.

[IV-47] Decrees of the national assembly of Aug. 21 and Nov. 5, 1823. _Rocha_, _Código Nic._, i. 162; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 54-5.

[IV-48] _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 33-8, 461-3; _Méx._, _Col. Dec. Sob. Cong._, 219.

[IV-49] Even the statistics that might have served as a basis for establishing imposts were not to be found. It was said that they had all been forwarded to Mexico during the imperial rule.

[IV-50] He was offended at not being appointed commanding officer of the battalion.

[IV-51] The author of _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 23-7, accused the government of allowing the conspiracy to assume serious proportions with the view of obtaining larger powers, including that of levying forced loans.

[IV-52] The 14th and 15th had been designated to commemorate the independence.

[IV-53] A number of persons were killed and others wounded in the street fight. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 102-3. On the 10th of Jan. following those who perished in defence of the assembly were declared 'beneméritos de la patria en grado heróico.' _Id._, _Efem._, 8.

[IV-54] Marure, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 104, gives the almost incredible account that the soldiery behaved in an orderly manner.

[IV-55] His principal assistant and second in command, Manuel Estrada, was imprisoned and executed. An erroneous account of Ariza's revolt is given by Puydt and Binckum, _Colonisation_, 118-19, who place it in 1825, and assert it was effected by order of the government in Spain.

[IV-56] It found support among some of the deputies who had not been present at the election of the members of the executive. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 25.

[IV-57] The last named being a foreigner, congress repealed the law which admitted only natives to the executive power, passed July 8th, when Filisola had been proposed as a candidate. Foreigners who had rendered services to the republic were made eligible. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 107.

[IV-58] Villacorta at first declined the position, on the ground that to exercise, as a mere substitute, the functions he had just been discharging as proprietary in the office, affected his honor, 'era un paso que lastimaba su honor.' A unanimous resolution, however, of the congress, directing him to fill the office, induced him to accept it. _Id._, 107-8. It has been said of him for his final acceptance: 'Tuvo la falta de delicadeza de admitir la suplencia.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 26.

[IV-59] The Salvadoran commander alleged instructions from his government not to go back till he became convinced that the assembly could continue its labors without hindrance in the future. In Guatemala it was said that he had been prevailed on by the liberal party, somewhat displeased at the last elections for executive, not to heed the command to retire. In consequence of the events of Sept. 14th in Guatemala, the diputacion provincial at San Salvador on the 27th of Oct. assumed the powers of a junta gubernativa, and exercised them till the constituent congress of the state was installed. _Marure_, _Efem._, 8.

[IV-60] 'No sin algunos aparatos escandalosos y hostiles de parte de los salvadoreños.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 27.

[IV-61] They had been reported to the chamber by its committee on the 25th of Oct. _Marure_, _Efem._, 8.

[IV-62] The states had already constituted their governments by Sept. 1824. Chiapas was not included among the new states. Her admission was left open for such a time as she should apply for it, the belief in Cent. Am. being that the province had not voluntarily attached itself to Mexico. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 40-2, 59-62, 68, 96-7; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 27; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 120-1, 149; _La Tribuna_, ii., no. 2.

[IV-63] Marure, _Efem._, 12, gives the date as April 10th.

[IV-64] _Cent. Am._, _Informe sobre la Constituc._, 1-73, and 1-30. This constitution has been called 'el bello ideal de copiantes y teoristas que soñaron un pueblo para constituirlo, y que no conocian el país en que nacieron.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 36.

[IV-65] The asamblea, foreseeing this, had designed La Antigua as the meeting place of the local congress; but the latter at its first sittings selected for future times the capital. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 179.

[IV-66] Such as to determine the military and financial budgets, superintend the education of the people, declare war and conclude peace, and regulate the financial and commercial interests of the country. Its members were to be elected at the rate of one for every 30,000 inhabitants. _Id._, 174-5. There were 17 representatives for Guatemala, nine for Salvador, five for Honduras, six for Nicaragua, and two for Costa Rica. _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 13. Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 164, says Honduras had six representatives.

[IV-67] _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 13. Molina, _Costa Rica_, 19, criticises this organization as follows: 'Se estableció un senado nulo, un Ejecutivo impotente y un congreso absoluto.' Necessarily the greater number of representatives of Guatemala would outweigh those of the other states, and thus make the constitution only an imperfect copy of that which had originally served as a model.

[IV-68] Part of the constitution is given in _Rocha_, _Código Nic._, i. 37-9; on the following pages will be found such clauses of the old Spanish constitution as were retained under the new system. See also _Peralta_, _Costa R._, 5; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 13-5.

[IV-69] 'Se hacen libres los esclavos que de reinos extranjeros pasen á nuestros Estados, por recobrar su libertad.' _Rocha_, _Código Nic._, i. 212-13; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 217-9; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 133-5; _Id._, _Efem._, 10.

[IV-70] Holders of slaves thus emancipated were to be indemnified. We are assured that no one ever applied for such indemnification.

[IV-71] In 1840 Great Britain, would-be champion of the world's high morality, on one occasion claimed the return of some fugitive slaves from Belize, and supported the demand with the presence of a man-of-war. Notwithstanding her weakness, Central America refused to comply, on the ground that under her constitution there were no slaves in the country. _Crowe's Gospel_, 121-2; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 385-6; _Revue Américaine_, ii. 550; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 163. According to Molina, the number of slaves thus emancipated was about 1,000.

[IV-72] 'Una confederacion general que representase unida á la gran familia americana.' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 138.

[IV-73] Barclay, Herring, Richardson, & Co., whose agent was J. Bailey. _Thompson's Guat._, 266; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 143.

[IV-74] One of the conditions was that the republic should not contract for another loan within two years. It was estimated that the debt could be paid in 20 years. _Asamblea Nac._, _Decreto_, Dec. 6, 1824, in _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 144. That expectation was not realized. Details will appear in connection with the finances of the republic, elsewhere in this volume.

[IV-75] The total number of decrees passed was 137, and of orders 1186. _El Indicador de Guat._, 1825, no. 16.

[V-1] He is represented as an able man, who had formerly favored the union with Mexico, but afterward joined the liberal party, becoming one of its most prominent members. The author of _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 39-41, 46, while acknowledging his ability, says that he was 'de poca delicadeza ... de un carácter falso, y afectando una franqueza y una moderacion que no le es propia.'

[V-2] The delegates of the different states were in the following proportion: Guatemala 17, Salvador 9, Honduras and Nicaragua 6 each, Costa Rica 2. The total number being 40, and not 34 as Squier erroneously has it. _Travels_, ii. 388.

[V-3] Arce had in his favor the prestige of past services, and his sufferings in the cause of independence. Valle had the support of those who objected to Salvadoran predominance. Moreover, he had been educated in Guatemala, and had property there; from which circumstances it was surmised that he would be more in sympathy with that state and the so-called serviles. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 150; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 28-9.

[V-4] The total number of votes for the whole republic was 82, but three had been rejected by congress for various reasons. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 210-11; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 40-1.

[V-5] Salvador insisted on having an episcopal see, in order to be independent of Guatemala in ecclesiastical affairs. This was the chief question at issue. Arce promised to leave its decision to the next congress. _Arce_, _Mem._, 3. Valle really had obtained more votes than Arce, and congress defrauded him of his election. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 268.

[V-6] Barrundia had been elected upon Valle's refusal to accept the office, and likewise declined it. Valle protested against Arce's election as illegal, in several writings, apparently to little purpose. _El Indicador_, 1825, no. 26 et seq.; _El Liberal_, 1825, no. 7, 8; _Nulidad de la prim. elec._, passim; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 212-13; _Id._, _Efem._, 13.

[V-7] Arce, _Mem._, 4, has it April 30th, but in view of the numerous misprints in his work, the date given in the text is probably more correct. It is the one supported by _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 213; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 388; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 164. Its first president was Tomás Antonio O'Horan. This court superseded the audiencia founded in 1544 at Gracias á Dios, and transferred in 1549 to Guatemala. _Marure_, _Efem._, 14.

[V-8] It was for a defensive and offensive alliance and equal privileges of trade. It was ratified by the Cent. Am. govt Sept. 12, 1825. The full text is given in _Rocha_, _Código Nic._, i. 95-9; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. xxxviii.-xlvii. See also _Ayon_, _Consid. Lím._, 28-9; _Gaceta de Salv._, Oct. 12, 1854.

[V-9] It was therein stipulated that the citizens of both republics should enjoy all the rights granted by one or the other to the most favored nation. The same rights for political purposes were also agreed upon, that of free exercise of religion being included. All clauses of a commercial character were to be in force 12 years; the others perpetually. Privileges and rights enjoyed by the citizens of either republic were to be also allowed to those immigrating from the other. This treaty was ratified by the younger republic on the 28th of June, 1826. The text in both English and Spanish may be seen in _U. S. Govt Doc._, U. S. Acts, Cong. 19, Sess. 2, Sen. Doc. 1, i. 149-70; _Am. St. Pap._, For. Rel., v. 774-82; _Gordon's Digest of Laws_, 328-35; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. xlvii.-lxv.

[V-10] Arce's Mess., March 1, 1826, in _Repertorio Am._, i. 274-9; _Santangelo_, _Congreso Panamá_, 73-5.

[V-11] Their newspapers, _El Liberal_ and _Don Meliton_, charged him with partiality and incapacity. The latter, for its satire and ridicule, was the more formidable foe, as Arce himself acknowledges. _Mem._, 5.

[V-12] The departmental chief of Guatemala claimed that he was not under Arce's authority, but under that of the state, then residing at La Antigua. Congress empowered the executive to compel the local authorities to attend the celebration, and it was done. _Arce_, _Mem._, 8.

[V-13] The total number of decrees enacted was 92, and that of orders submitted to the executive 308. For more details, see _El Centro Americano_, 1826, 38.

[V-14] One half of the representatives of every state had to retire, according to the constitution.

[V-15] He had at first declined the connection, but afterward accepted it 'para dar rienda suelta á sus resentimientos y pasiones contra el presidente Arce.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 48.

[V-16] Text in _Repertorio Am._, i. 273-89.

[V-17] He brought letters of recommendation from Pedro Molina, who was representing Cent. Am. at Bogotá, and had a high opinion of him, as he had served under Napoleon. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 230.

[V-18] After he completed that work he was ordered to remain on the coast till further orders from the government. The congress tried in vain to prevent it.

[V-19] The reasons adduced by him in his _Mem._, 22-4, and comments on the same in _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 236-7.

[V-20] 'Este asunto se renovaba cada vez que á los diputados ministeriales convenia paralizar algun golpe contra el ejecutivo.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 51.

[V-21] The deputies of Salvador defended their course in a long argument, June 8, 1826, calling it an inevitable result of the unlawful conduct of the majority of congress. _Doc._, in _Arce_, _Mem._, 10-17.

[V-22] Restricting the archbishop's powers, and placing him to some extent under civil authority; suppressing the subventions of curates, and abolishing certain privileges the clergy had till then enjoyed; tithes were reduced, and persons under 25 years of age were not allowed to take monastic vows. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 244-5.

[V-23] The full text of the resignation is given in _Arce_, _Mem._, 25-7.

[V-24] 'Pondrá sobre las armas toda la fuerza que crea necesaria.... En caso de resistencia repelerá la fuerza con la fuerza.' _Id._, 32.

[V-25] On the ground that only Guatemala had paid such contingent, and even more, and the other states had arbitrarily eluded payments. Arce was accused, not without foundation, it seems, of allowing such discrimination.

[V-26] On September 3, 1826; the document merely stipulates a temporary suspension of hostilities, without further entering into the question. _Arce_, _Mem._, 39. It has been asserted that Espínola held a favorable position, and adds: 'A pesar de esto, capituló vergonzosamente'—a charge without much foundation, in view of the numerical superiority of the Guatemalan forces. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 52-3.

[V-27] Arce, _Mem._, 39-41, gives a lengthy account of his deliberations, and doubts whether it would or not be just, and consistent with his duties, to imprison Barrundia, all of which is at least doubtful.

[V-28] _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 53. _Crowe's Gospel_, 127, and _Squier's Travels_, ii. 395, confound the jefe with his brother José Francisco. The orders were, 'Que en el caso de resistencia obre fuertemente hasta concluir el arresto y ocupacion de las armas.' _Arce_, _Mem._, 41-2.

[V-29] This non-resistance is attributed to treachery on the part of Vera, a Mexican commanding the state forces, who subsequently entered the federal service. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 254-5.

[V-30] _Doc._, in _Arce_, _Mem._, 26.

[V-31] It is a long doc., giving details, and dwelling specially on the part Raoul had played. _Id._, 27-31.

[V-32] Comments and details on the subject in _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 255-8; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 53-4.

[V-33] 'Este desenlace hizo ridículo todo lo que antes habia parecido un golpe maestro.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 54.

[V-34] To save appearances, Arce pretended to induce his supporters to assume their positions in the chamber, but there is little doubt of its being mere sham. It has been intimated that even some liberals declined to sit, from apprehension that an investigation of Arce's conduct might lead to civil war.

[V-35] Still declaring its allegiance to the federation. _Gaz. de Méx._, Jan. 25. 1827; _Arce_, _Mem._, 51.

[V-36] The impossibility of obtaining a quorum of members chosen to the 2d congress, and impending civil war, were among the reasons assigned for his action. The elections were to be made on the basis of two deputies for every 30,000 inhabitants, and Cojutepeque in Salvador was appointed as the place of meeting. This measure was at first well received by the states, but afterward rejected in consequence of a decree of the Salvador government on the 6th of Dec., inviting the federal deputies to meet at the villa of Ahuachapan. _Marure_, _Efem._, 17; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 56.

[V-37] Oct. 11, 1826. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 273; _Corres. Fed. Mex._, Nov. 27, 1826.

[V-38] He sought refuge in the parish church, but was pursued by the crowd. His only safety lay in the pulpit, the remonstrances of the religious, and the presence of the host. The religious succeeded at times in calming the rabble, promising that Flores should be sent into exile. But Antonio Corzo, who was in the court-yard with a few poorly armed militiamen, fired a volley upon the mob, which became still more excited. The women dragged Flores from the pulpit, took him out of the temple, 'y le inmolaron en un claustro bárbara y horrorosamente.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 57-8. _Squier's Travels_, ii. 396, has it that the Indians had been infuriated by the harangues of a friar from the pulpit, and that the rabble slaughtered Flores at the very foot of the altar, literally rending his body in pieces; the apparent cause of this vindictiveness of the priests being that in the general levy of taxes for the state the property of the convents had not been spared. 'And thus was the movement started by the aristocrats, seconded by their allies, the priests.' Ex-president Morazan, referring to that catastrophe, uses these words: 'Puesto en manos de un feroz populacho, instigado por las funestas ideas que le inculcaron sus sacerdotes, pereció al pié de las imágenes de los santos, á la vista de sus inicuos jueces, y en presencia de la eucaristía, que estos cubrieran.' _Apuntes_, MS., 4. Flores had been noted for his charity to the poor, specially to the Indians, to whom he constantly gave medical aid, medicines, and other necessaries. The state assembly, after being restored in 1829, decreed honors to his memory, and ordered placed in its hall of sessions an inscription in letters of gold, as follows: 'Al inmortal Vice-jefe Ciudadano Cirilo Flores, mártir de la Libertad, sacrificado en Quezaltenango, en las aras de la ley.' In May 1831 the name of Ciudad Flores was given in his honor to the head town of the district of Peten. _Marure_, _Efem._, 17, 28.

[V-39] The liberals looked upon it as the result of an arrangement of Arce and his partisans; the latter declared it to have resulted from an accident, or rather from violent acts on the part of liberals in Quezaltenango, such as forcibly taking horses in the night from private houses and the Franciscan convent. Marure states that he thoroughly examined every document bearing on the subject, and found no evidence against Arce or his party. _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 275-85. The author of _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 58, acquits _Arce_, attributing the act to a sudden popular excitement. See also _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 15; _Crowe's Gospel_, 127-8; _Pineda_, in _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, iii. 348; _Corres. Fed. Mex._, Nov. 9, 1826; _Doc._, in _Arce_, _Mem._, 32-3.

[V-40] There was an effort toward reconciliation, the liberals offering to make concessions, and Arce favoring their proposals; but the serviles haughtily refused.

[V-41] Owing, it was said, to the publication of a pontifical bull, which, under Arce's exequatur, had been restricted to Guatemala by the archbishop, a step that Delgado supposed to have been by Arce's instigation, or at least a lack of interest on his part for San Salvador. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 60. Arce himself attributed the estrangement to party intrigues. _Mem._, 60. Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 165, assigns disputes about the erection of the bishopric as the cause of the rupture.

[V-42] Arce, _Mem._, 61, finds fault with Prado's act, when his own had been just as illegal.

[V-43] Colonel Milla invaded the state with a federal force, captured Comayagua on the 9th of May, 1827, and arrested the jefe of the state, Herrera. The whole was a wanton proceeding. _Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS., 6-9.

[V-44] The commander of the Salvadorans was unable to explain his illegal proceeding. _Doc._, in _Arce_, _Mem._, 45-6.

[V-45] Detailed accounts, with copies of the official exaggerated reports, are given in _Gaz. de Méx._, Apr. 26 till May 1 and May 22, 1827; _Marure_, _Efem._, 19; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 62-4. Decree of government of Guatemala on the subject, March 28, 1827. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 250.

[V-46] Beltranena and several of Arce's officers disapproved the retaliatory plan. Aycinena, on the contrary, favored it, though willing to abide by Arce's decision.

[V-47] Both districts had seceded from the state government of Salvador, attaching themselves to the federal cause.

[V-48] He committed the error of entertaining peace proposals, which were made only to gain time. He endeavored to explain it away on the plea of Cent. Am. brotherhood: 'Puedo yo dejar de tener un corazon Centro Americano? No es posible.' _Arce_, _Mem._, 69. On the same and following pages is a detailed account of the action, carefully worded and extolling the bravery of his Guatemalan soldiers. The official reports are in _El Sol_, Mex., July 3, 1827; _Marure_, _Efem._, 19.

[V-49] The government of Salvador had in May made peace proposals, but the federal authorities rejected them. _Docs._, in _Arce_, _Mem._, 47-57.

[V-50] It was decided in secret session of the state assembly on the 16th of Oct. that the state had a right to intervene, and if it was ignored, and treaties displeasing to the state were concluded, the latter should detach itself from the federation, and its troops continue occupying the towns they then held. Arce's letter of Oct. 17, 1827, to Brig. Cáscaras, in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 22.

[V-51] It may have been of his own seeking, for he must have seen ere this the great difficulty of conquering San Salvador with his small force, and that to continue longer in the field would only bring him into further disrepute.

[V-52] Ex-marqués de Aycinena, brother of the jefe of Guatemala, called the decree impolitic, illegal, and arbitrary. The serviles could see that it would restore the old congress, so hostile to them; and with a majority against them in both houses, they might have to resort to the dangerous expedient of driving away the senators and deputies at the point of the bayonet. It was ridiculous in them to rail against arbitrariness, when they had arbitrarily deposed Barrundia in Guatemala and Herrera in Honduras. It was arbitrary to keep the nation without a congress, which was their work. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 9, 23.

[V-53] Three brothers Merino, and a Frenchman named Soumaestra. Rafael Merino was made commander-in-chief. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 75; _Arce_, _Mem._, 77.

[V-54] Near the hill of La Trinidad the federal forces which had control of Honduras were defeated by Nicaraguans and Salvadorans under Lieut-col Remigio Diaz. _Marure_, _Efem._, 20.

[V-55] It is difficult to see how the Guatemalans could place faith on pledges so often violated; evidently given to gain time.

[V-56] This ended the second campaign between Salvadorans and Guatemalans.

[V-57] This army was to be used, first in subduing Salvador, and next Guatemala, where Arce encountered more and more opposition to his plans. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 81-2.

[V-58] The commissioners, as agreed upon, were to meet at Jutiapa. Those of the general government went there and waited several days; no Salvadorans appeared.

[V-59] The mutiny took place at Xalpatagua on the 9th of Feb. _Marure_, _Efem._, 20; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 83-5. Aycinena wrote his cousin Antonio, who was in the theatre of war, that in order to hinder all peace arrangements, measures would be resorted to that were unknown even to Machiavelli. The mutiny against Perks was evidently one of these measures.

[V-60] He alleged as a reason the unwillingness of Salvador to enter into negotiations as long as he remained at the head of affairs. _Arce_, _Mem._, 84-7. The real cause, however, was a resolution of the assembly of Guatemala demanding his resignation, and he was unable to disregard it. This course of the assembly was altogether illegal, but the time for the expiation of Arce's political sins had arrived. According to his own statement, he retired to his plantations at Santa Ana.

[V-61] This was the most bloody fight of the war of 1826-9, and opened the third campaign between Guatemala and Salvador. _Marure_, _Efem._, 21.

[V-62] Their supply of ammunition had been destroyed by fire, and their commander had received a serious contusion. This fight has been since known as the 'ataque del viérnes santo,' having taken place on good-friday, March 12, 1828. _Id._, 21.

[V-63] April 13th, action of Quelepa, in which the Salvadorans were defeated. With that victory, and another at Guascoran on the 25th of the same month, the whole department of San Miguel was brought under subjection to the federal government. June 12th, peace stipulations were signed at the house of Esquibel, Manuel F. Pavon acting for the federal government and Matías Delgado for Salvador, by which the former was to be recognized by the latter, a general diet was to meet at Santa Ana, and a federal force occupy San Salvador; but the Salvador government refused to sanction the arrangement, and the war continued with more fury than ever. Details on those preliminaries are given in _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 100-1. July 6th, battle of Gualcho, on the banks of the Lempa, in the department of San Miguel, between Hondurans and Guatemalans. The latter, under Col. Dominguez, hitherto victorious, were utterly defeated. _Marure_, _Efem._, 21-2; _El Espíritu Púb._, Jan. 18, 1829.

[V-64] Arzú had abandoned them to their fate. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 47-51.

[V-65] _Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS.; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 53-4. Thus ended disastrously for the federal forces their third invasion of Salvador territory. The actions of Gualcho and San Antonio were the first in which the great Central American soldier and statesman Francisco Morazan figured as a general. Morazan will stand in history in many respects as the best, and in all as the ablest, man that Central America had. He was born in Honduras in 1799, his father being a French creole from the W. I., and his mother of Tegucigalpa, in Honduras. His education was such as he could obtain in the country at that time; but his quickness of apprehension and thirst for knowledge soon placed him far above his countrymen. He was of an impetuous temperament, and possessed at the same time great decision and perseverance. His bearing was free and manly, and his manner frank and open. These qualities could not fail to and did secure him the love and respect of his fellow-citizens, giving him an immense influence over them. In 1824 he was already occupying the position of secretary-general of Honduras, and later was senator, and for a time acting jefe of that state; but his temperament soon made him turn his attention to martial affairs. He ever after was noted as a republican of very liberal views. _Squier's Travels_, ii. 400; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 170-1; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 17. The writer of _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 92, says that Morazan had been at one time a clerk in a notary's office at Comayagua, where he 'habia dado á conocer disposiciones muy felices, pero poco honrosas, para la imitacion de letras ó firmas.' It has been said that Morazan joined the party opposed to the existing federal government at the instigation of Pedro Molina. _Gaceta de S. Salv._, Oct. 3, 1851. A portrait of Morazan is given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 72.

[V-66] It has been asserted that he offered his services to Salvador, and was slighted, _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 97-8, which finds confirmation in Arce's own statement. _Mem._, 88-9. Squier has it that Arce went to Mexico, _Travels_, ii. 402; but this seems to be a mistake, for he was in Guatemala in 1829.

[V-67] A few days previously, on the 20th, the assembly of Guatemala decreed a renewal of all the powers of the state, with the vain purpose of removing one of the obstacles to the termination of the war. _Marure_, _Efem._, 22.

[V-68] Prado and Morazan offered peace to the Guatemalans on condition that the federal government should be fully restored. _El Espíritu Púb._, Feb. 14, 1829.

[V-69] He established his general headquarters in Ahuachapan, whence raids were constantly made into the enemy's territory.

[V-70] This took place on the 22d of Jan., 1829. The sedition, though soon quelled, rather hastened the action of Morazan with his allied Salvador and Honduras force.

[V-71] The repulse was so unimportant, however, that Morazan does not even mention it in his memoirs. _Marure_, _Efem._, 23; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 61.

[V-72] _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 123; _Marure_, _Efem._, 23, gives the 18th as the date. Morazan, _Apuntes_, MS., 14, says with reference to that defeat, 'Cerda acreditó en esta derrota su ineptitud y cobardía y el enemigo su crueldad con el asesinato de los vencidos.' After that the town was given the title of Villa de la Victoria; but later resumed its original name. This defeat was exaggerated in San Salvador, where it was reported that Morazan was besieged in La Antigua, and preparations to meet another invasion were hastily made.

[V-73] Morazan might have been besieged in La Antigua; for during his stay there he despatched a force to Quezaltenango, that should have been followed by another from Guatemala, and destroyed between the latter and the few forces that Irisarri might have brought against it in the hard roads of Istaguacan and Laja; instead of which, Irisarri retreated toward Soconusco, to be afterward undone and taken prisoner. Morazan's force occupied Los Altos, took many prisoners, levied contributions which Irisarri had failed to get from the Quezaltecs, and left the enemy powerless to recuperate. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 124; _Morazan's Memoirs_, quoted in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 63.

[V-74] March 6, 1829. The disaster occurred at San Miguelito. _Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS., 15. The place received, for that reason, the name of San Miguel Morazan. The Frenchman Raoul, now a general under Morazan, figures prominently in the military operations at this time.

[V-75] On the 15th of March. _Marure_, _Efem._, 23; _Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS., 15; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 62-3.

[V-76] The federal force that succumbed in Las Charcas was commanded by their mayor-general, Agustin Prado, not Col Pacheco, as supposed by some. The federals had no general now. Cáscaras had lost his reputation, and was distrusted by the serviles. Arzú would not take the command, or was not trusted on account of his ill success in the third invasion of Salvador. Morazan had defeated Milla, Dominguez, Aycinena, Pacheco, and Prado. _Id._, 63-4.

[V-77] The representatives were, Arbeu for Vice-president Beltranena, Pavon for Guatemala, Espinosa for Salvador, and Morazan for Honduras and Nicaragua. The last propositions of Espinosa and Morazan were the following, namely: 1st. That a provisional government should be formed in Guatemala, composed of the chief of the state Mariano Aycinena, Mariano Prado, and Morazan; 2d. That the two armies should be reduced to 1,000 men, Guatemalans and Salvadorans in equal parts; 3d. That the provisional government should be installed in Pinula, and afterward enter Guatemala with that force to give it strength and preserve order in the state; 4th. A general forgetfulness of the past. _Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS., 5, 16; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 65. It is claimed, on the other hand, that Morazan really wanted the federal vice-president and the chief of the state of Guatemala to throw up their offices, the legislative assembly and representative council to cease exercising their functions; and that of 1826, sitting at La Antigua, and which had made Zenteno chief, was also to dissolve; the supreme court of justice was to stop acting. Meantime, and until new elections took place, Morazan was to be clothed with executive, representative, and judicial powers. Under the pretext of restoring the sway of law and constitutional order, a dictatorship, emanating from a war treaty, would have been created, whose sole object was to reward the victor with an unlimited authority. The commissioners of the federal and Guatemalan governments refused to accede, and presented counter-propositions of a different nature, namely, to the effect that the existing high functionaries should resign their powers, and a provisional government be established, with one representative from each state, to govern till new elections and the restoration of the constitutional régime. There were also propositions respecting the government of the state of Guatemala. Full details in _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 125-9, 231-6, which are widely different from those in _Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS., 16. The government of Mexico, at the request of that of Guatemala, tendered its mediation on the 20th of February, but it arrived too late, and there was nothing left for it to do but to tender the hospitalities of the Mexican soil to the victims of persecution. The full correspondence is to be found in _Méx._, _Mem. Rel._, 1830, 2-3; also in _Suarez y Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._, 407-14; this authority claims that Mexican mediation might have been finally successful in restoring peace but for the opposition of the new chief of Guatemala.

[V-78] A long account of the alleged outrages of Morazan's forces appears in _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 132-3. Marure, _Efem._, 24, in referring to the capture of Guatemala, makes no mention of any such abuses.

[V-79] Morazan's answer was addressed to Gen. Aycinena, not recognizing the latter as chief of Guatemala, Juan Barrundia's term not having expired when Arce deposed him, in consequence of which act Aycinena rose to that position. The dissolved authorities of 1826 were now assembled in La Antigua, and Morazan held relations with them. Aycinena had changed his tone; he was no longer the man of the manifestoes of 1827, of the proscriptive decrees, nor of the stringent military orders of the first months of 1829. He did not now call his opponents 'un puñado de enemigos del órden, descamisados y forajidos.' _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 72-5, 79-86.

[V-80] Astaburuaga, _Cent. Am._, 18, erroneously places the surrender on the 20th. The terms of the capitulation are given in _Arce_, _Mem._, 98-4; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 76-7. Only the life and property of the inhabitants were guaranteed; the vanquished were in all else subject to the good-will of the victor. José Milla y Vidaurre, in his biographical sketch of Manuel Francisco Pavon, who figured in these events, claims that the capitulation was contrary to Aycinena's wishes, who was ready to defend the place foot by foot. Montúfar, quoted above, denies the statement, adding that it was advanced solely to make the chief of the serviles and head man of the nobles appear as a hero, and refers to the correspondence, which will show Aycinena quite anxious to accept the guarantee of life and property.

[V-81] According to Miguel García Granados, who in later years was a liberal leader and acting president of Guatemala, Arce had remained unmolested at his house in sight of the besiegers during the three days' attack. _Id._, 103.

[V-82] This was done pursuant to orders from the governments of the states. So says Morazan himself, adding that the measure was in consonance with his own views, to reduce the number of prisoners to a minimum, 'y tenia tambien por objeto poner en absoluta incapacidad de obrar á los principales jefes que habian llevado la guerra á los Estados.' _Apuntes_, MS., 16-17.

[V-83] He took charge of the provisional government at the end of April. Mariano Zenteno, who had held the position ad int., was given a vote of thanks for his patriotism and courage. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 127.

[V-84] The federal authorities alleged that their soldiers only had 431 muskets, and not 1,500, as demanded from them. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 236-9. Morazan says that soldiers were allowed to leave the city with their arms, infringing the 4th clause of the capitulation, and he could get only evasive answers. _Apuntes_, MS., 17; _Arce_, _Mem._, 58-9, 98-103, from which the conclusion will be drawn that the charges against the federal party were not unfounded. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 109-17. On this subject Morazan himself said: 'No one was put to death, or had money exacted from him by me. The capitulation was faithfully carried out, even after being annulled. Duty gave way to magnanimity, and there was no cause to regret it. Not that there was no blood to avenge, grievance to punish, and reparation to demand. Among many other victims sacrificed, there were, calling for vengeance, generals Pierzon and Merino, the one shot, without even the form of a trial, the other taken out of a Chilian vessel on which he intended to return to Guayaquil, his country, to be murdered in the city of San Miguel. There were, besides, the burning and plundering of the towns of Salvador and Honduras, which demanded a just reparation.' _Apuntes_, MS., 10, 17.

[V-85] He called them to the palace, and some of them mistaking the object of the summons made their appearance in full uniform. When all were assembled they were taken to prison and kept in confinement till July 9th, when most of them were sent out of the country. _Marure_, _Efem._, 24.

[V-86] _Marure_, _Efem._, 24.

[V-87] Among its acts was one recognizing the services of Morazan, to whom was due its reinstallation. He was voted a gold medal, with the word 'benemérito' before his name. A full-length portrait was ordered placed in the hall of sessions. The decree, however, was never carried out. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 129; _Marure_, _Efem._, 25.

[V-88] 'Son reos de alta traicion, y como tales, acreedores á la pena capital.' _Arce_, _Mem._, 108; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 151; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 130.

[V-89] The text is given in full in _Id._, 131-4; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 253-7; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 254-6.

[V-90] 'Y por lo mismo sujetos á la jurisdiccion militar de los mismos Estados.' _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 134-5.

[V-91] Crowe, _Gospel Cent. Am._, 131, erroneously asserts that all their property was confiscated.

[V-92] Arce addressed to Morazan a most virulent protest. He afterward boasted that he had bearded the tyrant. The very fact that he dared to send such a document, and did not lose his head, proves that Morazan was not a tyrant. _Arce_, _Mem._, 113-14. Antonio José Irisarri, Manuel and Juan Montúfar, protested before the assembly and government of Salvador, before the assemblies of all the states of the union, before Gen. Morazan, before all the republics of America, and before all the free people of the world. The document was drawn up by Irisarri, who was not a soldier, though a colonel of militia; the language was pure and elegant, but it was virulent and full of sophistry. Irisarri also in several publications boasted of his courage in having sent such a document. He must have known that it would not have any effect on Morazan. The latter was a generous man. The effect would have been different on Rafael Carrera, whom the serviles at a later period made their master, as well as of the whole country. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 135-6.

[V-93] Marure has it in _Efem._, 25; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 137-9.

[V-94] Portrait in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 138.

[V-95] The senate, dissolved in 1826, was reinstalled July 9th. _Marure_, _Efem._, 25.

[V-96] Arce, _Mem._, 122-3, and _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 167-9, assert that they were not even allowed to make preparations for the journey, and many had furthermore to start on foot. The decree of expatriation was not, however, issued till August 22d, and José del Valle is said to have been its author. The persons thus exiled for life were Arce and Beltranena, and their ministers, Aycinena and his secretaries, Cáscaras, Villar, and other high military officers, Spaniards not naturalized that served the usurping governments, and many other prominent officers. Others were expatriated for various terms of years. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 144-50; _Marure_, _Efem._, 26. Arce and Aycinena left Guatemala on the 7th of Sept. They were required to reside in the U. S. of Am.; embarked at Omoa for Belize, and thence went to New Orleans.

[V-97] Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 177, and Squier, _Travels_, ii. 408, speak of plots against the republic as the reason, but it was probably what the liberal party alleged.

[V-98] This step was subsequently approved by the federal congress. _Marure_, _Efem._, 25; _Rocha_, _Código Nic._, ii. 373. The friars sent away were the Dominicans, Franciscans, and Recollects. Those of the order of Mercy were not banished; they were but few, and had not been active against the liberal cause. The Bethlehemite hospitallers, who devoted their time to teaching and to the care of convalescents, were also allowed to remain. The author of _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 170, says that the exiled priests were on the passage vilely treated, for they were allowed only sailors' rations. Montúfar confesses that it is not likely that the 289 friars had the succulent viands that were usually prepared for them in their convents, nor the dainty dishes they were so often favored with from the nuns, beatas, and all the daughters of confession. As for the archbishop, he journeyed with every comfort. Juan B. Asturias, who made the inventory of his property, reported on 31st of Dec., 1829, that $218 had been paid for a saddled mule to take the archbishop to the coast; he was allowed $2,000 for the expenses of his journey, and $1,008.50 were given to the pages for conveying him and his effects. A person having all that cannot be said to be unprovided with edibles. Saint Peter would not have needed so much. _Reseña Hist._, i. 156-7.

[V-99] In June 1830 he was declared a traitor. It has been said that it was because he accepted a pension of $3,000 from the Spanish government at Habana. Archbishop Casaus was later appointed to administer the vacant see of Habana, and held the office till his death. The above-mentioned law was revoked by the constituent assembly on the 21st of June, 1839, and Casaus was restored to all his former rights, and recognized as legitimate archbishop. He was repeatedly invited to return, but never would do so. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 242-3.

[V-100] This declaration was subsequently confirmed by all the states. At a later time—Feb. 27, 1834—a further step was taken to consummate the suppression of monastic establishments, ordaining that the authorities should not retain the nuns refusing to reside in the convents where they professed. These measures continued in force till June 21, 1839, when the second constituent assembly of Guatemala repealed them, decreeing, consequently, the reëstablishment of the suppressed convents. _Marure_, _Efem._, 25.

[V-101] He had been declared elected on the 22d of Aug., 1829. Antonio Rivera Cabezas had been chosen vice-jefe. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 172-4, giving also a portrait of Molina.

[V-102] Because the number of Guatemalan representatives in the federal congress would be greatly decreased. Moreover, several of the best public buildings in the city would become national property. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 200.

[V-103] By his plan a congress representing the entire union was to wield the executive powers in foreign affairs. The scheme fell through, owing to the little interest shown by the states, and to the powerful opposition of persons holding or aspiring to federal offices, among the most prominent being Morazan. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 201-3, dwells extensively and comments on the subject.

[V-104] Full particulars in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 205-17.

[V-105] This report came from Gen. Mariano Mantilla, commanding the Colombian district of the Magdalena, dated Jan. 8, 1829, and addressed to the jefe of Nicaragua. It was a long time in getting to Guatemala, and the government and Gen. Morazan at once made preparations for the defence of the coast.

[V-106] See my _Hist. Mex._, v. 72-6.

[V-107] Under this decree some of the Spanish property was sold; but after a while, upon the receipt of favorable news from Mexico, and when there was a quasi certainty that Spain would not again make such attempts as that against Tampico, the law was revoked. But property already sold was declared to be legally disposed of, adding that the former owners should not be indemnified therefor till Spain had recognized Central American independence. The texts of both the federal and Guatemalan decrees may be seen in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 182-7.

_Memorias para la Historia de la Revolucion de Centro América. Por un Guatemalteco._ Jalapa, 1832. 16mo, 257 pp. The authorship of these memoirs was attributed by well-informed men, namely, Morazan, ex-president of Central America, and the distinguished statesman and diplomate of that country, Lorenzo Montúfar, to Manuel Montúfar, who had been chief of staff of the first president of the republic, Manuel José Arce. The work begins with the geography and political and ecclesiastical divisions of the country, accompanied with data on each of the states and territories; namely, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Poyais, Honduras, Salvador, Guatemala, and Chiapas, together with some remarks on mining and other industries, military defences, and financial condition. The political portion, as the author himself acknowledges, is loosely put together, and lacks many necessary details, which he attributes to absence from home when the first sheets went to the press. He claims, however, to have impartially and correctly narrated the events of Cent. Am. history from 1820 to 1829. This to some extent is true; nevertheless there crops out in places class-bias, particularly in describing the events from 1826 to 1829, by the ideas which prevailed in the moderado, otherwise called servile, party, in which he was affiliated and serving, and for whose acts he, like many others, was driven into exile after the defeat of that party on the field of battle.

_Manuel José Arce_, _Memoria de la Conducta Pública y Administrativa de ... durante el período de su presidencia._ Mex., 1830. 8vo, p. 140 and 63. This work purports to be a defence of his administration by the first president of the republic of Central America, against what he calls the slanders heaped upon his name by those who rebelled against the government and the nation, with documents bearing on the revolts, the whole having been prepared while the author was in exile. The book is a disconnected, disjointed patchwork, incomplete in its various records of events, and indicates, as does Arce's career, a weak character. A number of meaningless and inapt quotations from the old classics and from law-books help to confuse the narrative still more.

[VI-1] Most of them had been agents of Milla, and contributed to the overthrow of the state government. A number had moved to Guatemala, Salvador, and elsewhere. The most prominent in the list were the ex-provisor, Nicolás Irias, and Pedro Arriaga. The latter was sent out of the country from the port of Omoa. He had been Milla's chief agent and adviser, and brought about the destruction by fire of Comayagua, his native place. This will account for his hostility in after years to liberals, and for his active coöperation with the despots of Guatemala. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 190.

[VI-2] The pretext for the movement was to resist a moderate tax established by the legislature; the real object was to bring on a reaction.

[VI-3] The friendship existing between Barrundia and Molina, from the earliest period of their political life, previous to the independence, became weakened, threatening a disruption of the liberal party. The disagreement was increased by Molina's opposition to the federal government remaining in Guatemala.

[VI-4] The same who made the revolt of Xalpatagua, murdered Gen. Merino at San Miguel, and was defeated at Gualcho.

[VI-5] _Marure_, _Efem._, 26.

[VI-6] Forty-one of them, including the clergyman Antonio Rivas, were sentenced to military duty in the castle of San Felipe for five years. Father Rivas, after serving out his term, said that he was an innocent victim and a martyr of religion, and prayed upon the liberals all the maledictions of the 108th psalm. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 196.

[VI-7] Composed of the citizens Nicolás Espinosa, José Antonio Larrave, Manuel José de la Cerda, and Jacobo Rosa.

[VI-8] Barrundia did not want the position, and did not work for it. He wished Morazan to be elected. Morazan had in his favor the prestige of a victorious general. He was somewhat in the position of Bonaparte when he returned from Egypt. Valle was recognized to be the best informed man of Central America; none could compete with him in literary or scientific attainments. In politics he was always an opponent of the aristocracy, who execrated his memory, and even impudently pretended to deny his literary merits. But we have seen elsewhere that he was not, like Barrundia, an uncompromising opponent of all governments not based on democracy and republicanism. He compromised with the Mexican empire, was a deputy to the imperial congress, where he made a brilliant record, and became a minister of the emperor, who sent him to prison when he dissolved the congress. After the emperor's overthrow, Valle maintained that the provinces of Central America were free to act their own pleasure. He was a popular man, but Morazan's victorious sword eclipsed all else just then. _Id._, 268.

[VI-9] It was the same question that occurred in 1825 between Arce and Valle. The congress at that time, in order to exclude Valle, decided in favor of the former. Valle published pamphlets in favor of the latter principle, and the congress of 1830 acted upon his arguments.

[VI-10] Among the warmest were those of the legislature of Guatemala. The spokesman for the committee presenting them was Alejandro Marure.

[VI-11] This was a common course with our brethren across the Atlantic. _Marure_, _Efem._, 27; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 414.

[VI-12] This was on the 21st of Nov., at about 11 p. m.

[VI-13] _Larrainzar_, _Soconusco_, 80; _Morazan y Carrera_, MS., no. 3, 9, say troops from Mexico, which is doubtful.

[VI-14] Details on this campaign are given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 348-65.

[VI-15] The national armed schooner _Deseada_ took the _Ejecutivo_. The Spanish flags that waved over the fort and the latter vessel were dragged through the streets of Guatemala, tied to the tails of horses, on the day of the national anniversary. Ramon Guzman was executed at Omoa on the 13th of Sept., by order of Col Agustin Guzman, who commanded, Terrelonge being bedridden by a serious illness. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 377-81; _Marure_, _Efem._, 29.

[VI-16] A man who, though amenable to exile under the law of expulsion, had been pardoned at his repeated supplications.

[VI-17] Duplessis died like a hero. His execution was a murder, similar to that of Gen. Merino. Both instances served as an example of what the liberals might expect if the serviles got the upper hand again.

[VI-18] Among them were a number of rosaries and prayers to the virgin of Guadalupe, supposed to possess the power of benumbing the enemy in the fight.

[VI-19] He is said not to have shown at the hour of his execution that courage which was manifested by his victims at the scaffold.

[VI-20] It was probably unfounded; and yet the fact stands that though often requested to make Arce reside farther in the interior, the Mexican authorities never did it. Arce recruited his men, issued proclamations, and built forts undisturbed by the Chiapanec officials, who, on the other hand, exerted themselves to hinder the action of the government forces.

[VI-21] This man was a servile at heart, and undoubtedly had secret relations with the invaders; as was shown in the proclamation of Dominguez and Father Herrera, in the praises the serviles awarded him, and in his rebellion. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 334, 382.

[VI-22] It is understood they were jealous in Salvador of Guatemala's influence in the federal policy. Cornejo claimed that what he wanted was reforms in the national constitution. Reforms were certainly necessary, and if they had been adopted in good faith by the states, the union might have been saved. The executive had no participation in the framing of laws, either directly or indirectly; he had not the sanction of them, nor could he veto or suspend. It was the senate, as the council of the government, that sanctioned the laws. That body, elected very like the chamber of deputies, was the judge of ministers and other functionaries. It nominated the officials, and at the same time had legislative, administrative, and judicial powers. The president of the republic had no independent place of abode, and was ever at the mercy of the state where the federal government had its seat; at best, he was the object of that state's benevolent hospitality. On the other hand, he was the target of all the assaults promoted by the spirit of localism for or against that state. It was therefore evident that a federal district was a necessity; one which the states would look upon as common property, and would foster and advance.

[VI-23] Galvez' record is not clean in the eyes of many liberals. He had belonged to the imperial party, and had been leagued with the aristocracy. He was a patriot, it is true, but his patria was Guatemala; his patriotism did not embrace all Central America. Such is the opinion given of him, with his portrait, by Montúfar, in _Reseña Hist._, i. 296.

[VI-24] Besides, Cornejo had officially said that Morazan had neither supporters nor prestige in Salvador.

[VI-25] Galvez had wanted arrangements made to repel invaders, but leaving Cornejo, though he disliked his indiscreet acts, in his position. Morazan was, on the contrary, impressed with the idea that Cornejo's deposal was a necessity.

[VI-26] The act outlawed all persons who having been expelled from Nicaraguan territory should uphold the authorities of Salvador. Correspondence with the enemies of the country, or any expression, verbal or written, favoring them, were made punishable by death. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 338.

[VI-27] Cornejo had consented to negotiate, believing the force on the frontier to be controlled by Guatemala; but on ascertaining that it was under Morazan's orders, and that Galvez had merely intended a mediation without being recreant to his federal obligations, his commissioners broke off the conferences under various pretexts.

[VI-28] It was a great mistake, perhaps, not to have given the state time to reflect, when it might have gone back quietly to the union. As it was, liberals were for the first time arrayed against liberals, and the shedding of blood begat animosities that never could be healed. The serviles, of course, gladly fanned the flame.

[VI-29] In fact, they hardly made any resistance. The president's casualties were trifling. _Marure_, _Efem._, 30; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 340.

[VI-30] The following facts are taken from _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, lib. iii., chap. 14. Filisola in 1823 needed 2,000 bayonets to take San Salvador. In 1827-8, Arce, Arzú, and Montúfar failed to do it with an equal, if not a larger force. In 1832 Morazan with only 800 men made himself master of the place in less than two hours. The object of these remarks was to show that no credit should be given to Morazan's detractors in their attempts to lessen his military reputation. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 343.

[VI-31] There were 38 of them, including Cornejo and Antonio J. Cañas.

[VI-32] The new rulers, raised to power under the auspices of the victor, declared those of 1831 and the beginning of 1832 to have been illegitimate, and organized courts for the trial of treason. The decrees of June 7 and 26, and July 28, 1832, were severe; fortunately, they were not executed with the same animosity displayed in enacting them. _Marure_, _Efem._, 30.

[VI-33] Nicaragua seceded Dec. 3, 1832; Guatemala, Jan. 27, 1833; Salvador repeated her declaration on Feb. 13, 1833; Honduras and Costa Rica separated themselves, respectively, on the 19th of May and 18th of Sept., 1833. _Marure_, _Efem._, 32; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 42-3; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 20; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 184; _Crowe's Gospel_, 134; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 417.

[VI-34] 'Todos los habitantes de la república son libres para adorar á Dios segun su conciencia, y que el gobierno nacional les proteje en el ejercicio de esta libertad.' _Marure_, _Efem._, 31. José F. Barrundia is said to have effectively fathered this resolution. _Salv._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 12, 1854.

[VI-35] July 8, 1833. Barrundia's speech in closing the congress is given in _El Centro Americano_, July 11, 1833, 57-69.

[VI-36] This jealousy had developed during the states' rights agitation.

[VI-37] Guatemala rejected this convocation by an act of June 2, 1833. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 240-1. A project appeared in the _Centro Americano_ of June 11, 1833, 28-30, to terminate the question of equal numerical representation in congress for the five states. It was proposed to divide the territory into three states of about the same population each, the executive authority to be alternately held by the presidents of the three states. The plan was impracticable.

[VI-38] The adoption of such a plan by the federal congress could not be secured until July 18, 1838. The decree of convocation issued on that date was generally accepted, and yet the diet never met till March 17, 1842. _Marure_, _Efem._, 33.

[VI-39] The correspondence between the state governments for the strict vigilance on the coast of that state appears in _El Centro Americano_, Oct. 18, 1833; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 41-2.

[VI-40] Pursuant to a resolution of the national congress of June 25, 1833. As early as 1826 the government of Salvador had tried to have the federal authorities reside at least 40 leagues from Guatemala. Similar requests had been subsequently made by other states; and even in the legislature of Guatemala reiterated motions had been presented to the same effect. But the federalist party, as long as it was in the majority in congress, strenuously opposed the removal, believing that it would bring about, as it actually did, the downfall of the federal system, and the dissolution of the federal authorities. _Marure_, _Efem._, 34. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 58-9, remarks that Marure when he wrote the first two volumes of his _Bosquejo Histórico_ was a liberal; in his _Efemérides_, written later, he speaks like a conservative. The change of tone is attributed to the iron influence of the government from whom he had a salary as a professor. Lastarría, in _La América_, 250, erroneously attributes the transfer to Morazan's action to break up the influence of the oligarchical party in Guatemala.

[VI-41] The affray lasted five hours; the federal force being under Gen. Salazar, and that of Salvador under Col. José D. Castillo. _Marure_, _Efem._, 36.

[VI-42] Decree of vice-president of Sept. 1, 1834.

[VI-43] The legislature of the state had made a cession of the territory for the purpose on the 28th of Jan., 1835. On the 9th of March, 1836, the district was enlarged by the addition of Zacatecoluca. The national government had its capital in San Salvador till the 3d of May, 1839, when the assembly of San Salvador resumed possession of the whole territory that had been ceded. _Id._, 37; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 165-7. Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 187, says that the district occupied San Salvador and ten leagues of territory surrounding it. _Squier's Travels_, ii. 419; _Crowe's Gospel_, 136.

[VI-44] The opposition came not only from the serviles, but from not a few liberals. It contained many liberal and equable modifications. _Marure_, _Efem._, 37, says it did not contain 'las alteraciones sustanciales que reiteradas veces se habian propuesto por las legislaturas de los estados,' for which reason it was not accepted by the states, except Costa Rica, which expressed assent May 7, 1835. Squier, _Travels_, ii. 422, also says that only Costa Rica expressed an acceptance of the proposed constitution, adding that the opposing states wanted different, and in most cases irreconcilable, reforms. Montúfar, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 169-73, giving details, asserts that both Nicaragua and Costa Rica accepted the reforms.

[VI-45] The assembly of Guatemala decreed, after hearing several eulogistic motions, that all the state officials residing in the capital should wear the badge of mourning three days; that the bells of the churches should be tolled morning, noon, and eve of each day; that a portrait of Valle, contributed by the members of the legislature, should be placed in its hall of sessions; and that the other states should be requested to make manifestations of sorrow for the loss of their distinguished statesman and savant. Salvador, on the 9th of Apr., 1834, decreed similar honors. Marure, in his _Efemérides_, 35, bestows the highest praise on Valle. 'Perdió Centro América, con el fallecimiento del licenciado José del Valle, uno de sus mas distinguidos hijos.' This remark is followed by a sketch of Valle's career, which has been given by me elsewhere. Montúfar, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 95-9, also eulogizes Valle and gives his portrait.

[VI-46] It was so formally declared by the federal congress, Feb. 2, 1835, with the clause that he should be placed in possession of the office on the 14th. _Id._, 155-7.

[VI-47] Feb. 15, 1835. _El Correo Atlántico_, May 9, 1835.

[VI-48] The first colonists, 63 in all, arrived from London on the schooner _Mary Ann Arabella_, under a Mr Fletcher. Their settlement took the name of Abbotsville. _Marure_, _Efem._, 38.

[VI-49] Many of the immigrants died, while others returned to England or went to the West Indies, but few remaining. Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 191, makes appropriate remarks on the 'infatuation in Europeans to attempt colonizing on pestiferous shores, under a burning sun, where no native of a temperate region, not even those of the interior of the same country, can enjoy tolerable health.' See also Astaburuaga's comments on the undertaking. _Cent. Am._, 25. A glowing and favorable account of the enterprise was issued as late as 1839. See _Cent. Am., Brief Statement_, 1 _et seq._

[VI-50] On the 6th of March, 1837. _Marure_, _Efem._, 39; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 353.

[VI-51] B. Lambur, commissioned by Galvez, jefe of Guatemala, to report on the origin and progress of the disease, wrote from Aceituno April 3d: 'There can be no doubt that cholera came by way of Omoa to Gualan, thence went to Zacapa and to Esquipulas, this last-named town being the focus whence it has irradiated with such velocity to the towns at present infested.' Esquipulas is a species of Mecca which people from all parts of Central America and Mexico visit in January of each year, to worship an image of Christ, to which countless miracles have been attributed. In the _Boletin de Noticias del Cólera_ of Apr. 4, 1837, appear the following words, 'En San Sur han muerto muchos romeristas de Esquipulas.' _Id._, 351-3. The fact is, that the disease had been doing havoc in the towns near the northern coast since Feb., and gradually spread throughout the rest of the state and republic till toward the end of the year, when it abated. The first case in the city of Guatemala occurred on the 19th of April. The mortality in that city during the invasion was 819, or a little over the 44th part of the population, which was much smaller than in other less populated cities. _Marure_, _Efem._, 40. See also _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 193-4; _Salv. Diario Ofic._, Feb. 14, 1875; _Rocha_, _Código Nic._, i. 215-16; ii. 163-4.

[VI-52] _Squier's Travels_, ii. 427-8. Montúfar, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 370-2, gives copies of the documents that were circulated.

[VI-53] Such as making them swallow the contents of their medicine-chests, or pouring water down their throats till they died, a circumstance that was always looked upon as an evidence of guilt. _Crowe's Gospel_, 141. Montgomery, _Guat._, speaks of an Englishman who was nearly killed by the water torture inflicted by an enraged Indian mob.

[VI-54] On the plains of Ambelis, near Santa Rosa, accompanied with imprecations against the ley de jurados and the so-called 'envenenadores.' It was the beginning of a struggle which, in less than two years, wrought a complete change in public affairs. _Marure_, _Efem._, 41, copied by _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 353; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 428.

[VI-55] Tempsky, _Mitla_, 337, says that Carrera was born in Santa Rosa, misled probably by the circumstance that the first Indian outbreak under his lead occurred there. He was born about 1815 or 1816, and was the illegitimate offspring of Antonio Aycinena, a member of one of the chief families of Guatemala, and of Manuela Carrillo, a servant in the paternal mansion. Through the influence of the Aycinenas he was immediately after his birth adopted by one Juana Rosa Turcios, whose husband's name of Carrera the boy subsequently was given. Such is the version of the author of a manuscript written in July 1844, and entitled _Orígen de Carrera_, in _Morazan y Carrera_, no. 4, 1 _et seq._, the authenticity of which is made doubtful by some inaccuracies in other statements, the object evidently being to give Carrera's descent a little respectability. Stephens, _Cent. Am._, i. 225, says that in 1829 he was a drummer-boy, leaving the army after the capture of Guatemala by Morazan, and retiring to Mataquescuintla, where he became a pig-driver, or, as Montgomery, _Guat._, 143-4, has it, a dealer in hogs, having risen in the federal army as high as corporal. Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 195, followed by _Crowe's Gospel_, 141, and _Squier's Trav._, ii. 429, essentially confirms Stephens' statements. Belly, _Nic._, i. 75, adds that Carrera was for a time employed in the plantation of a Frenchman named Laumonier, near La Antigua. Montúfar says of him: 'Un joven como de 25 años, sin ninguna educacion, ni conocimientos de ningun género, pues no conocia siquiera el abecedario. Los primeros años de su vida los empleó, ya de sirviente doméstico, ya de apacentador de cerdos, ya de peon en los trabajos de campo.' The same authority refers to Milla's eulogies of Carrera, where the words occur, 'Carrera á pesar de su falta de educacion, y de los hábitos de la vida del campo,' which might have secured for Milla lodgings in the dungeons of the castle of Guatemala. The same writer repeats the assertion often made against the jesuit Paul, later bishop of Panamá, and raised to the position of archbishop of Bogotá, that he said at Carrera's death, in his funeral oration, that the man whose corpse was descending into the tomb was on the right side of God the father. All repentant villains are given some such post-mortem place by sympathizing ministers of the gospel.

[VI-56] In the early days they assured the Indians that he was their protecting angel Rafael, and resorted to tricks to favor the delusion. _Squier's Travels_, ii. 429-30.

[VII-1] On the 15th of June. _Marure_, _Efem._, 41. Gen. Carrascosa's report of his victory, with details, in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 356-9.

[VII-2] Among the sufferers was Carrera's wife, which circumstance, it is said, awakened in him an implacable hatred. _Stephens' Cent. Am._, i. 226; _Crowe's Gospel_, 142. Montgomery, _Guat._, 144, states that Carrera was then commanding a few men of the military cordon established because of the epidemic, which he induced to rebel.

[VII-3] The hostilities now carried on partook more of the character of highway robbery than of orthodox war, both parties being plundered; but the liberals were the greater sufferers.

[VII-4] The provisional government constituted at La Antigua placed itself under the protection of the federal authorities. _Marure_, _Efem._, 42.

[VII-5] The division was created by José Francisco Barrundia. It is said that he joined the discontented because the jefe Galvez refused him a high office for one of his relatives. _Stephens' Cent. Am._, i. 227. But looking over the correspondence that passed between them in June 1837, the conclusion is that the cause of the disagreement was not a personal one. Barrundia opposed the convocation of the assembly to an extra session, and all the decrees enacted by it. The correspondence produced much sensation. Galvez ended accusing Barrundia of having adopted, when he was president of the republic, some measures similar to those he had now censured. The most serious charge against Barrundia was his persecution of Padre Rojas, to which the former answered that the priest had been at the head of the insurgents who proclaimed the Spanish domination on the Atlantic coast, and though outlawed for that offence, was not executed. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 377-407.

[VII-6] The battalion La Concordia mutinied on the 26th of January.

[VII-7] Stephens, loc. cit., places these events in February, but he is evidently mistaken. Marure, _Efem._, 43, gives the 29th of Jan. as the date.

[VII-8] At 4 P. M. of Jan. 28, 1838. _Id._, ii. 543.

[VII-9] Galvez well knew of the relations existing between Carrera and the revolutionists of La Antigua. The convention of Guarda Viejo would have saved the situation. Had the forces of the city, consisting of 411 men, been placed under Morazan, they with those of Sacatepequez would have been too strong for Carrera, and he would not have entertained the idea that a powerful party looked to him for aid.

[VII-10] Full details appear in Gen. Carrascosa's correspondence given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 589-97.

[VII-11] Among them were Miguel García Granados, the brothers Arrivillaga, and their relations the Zepedas, together with the Barrundias.

[VII-12] He was in all this affair guided by the priests. Barrundia was accused throughout Central America of having brought about Carrera's invasion of the capital. The serviles, who were responsible for all Carrera's iniquities, have endeavored to place some of the odium on that patriot, who had nothing to do with it. Indeed, had Barrundia gone to Carrera's headquarters, he would probably have been shot. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 573; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 432.

[VII-13] The chiefs of Sacatepequez had become convinced of their inability to take the city, or even to properly besiege it.

[VII-14] Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 198, and Crowe, _Gospel_, 143, erroneously say it was on the 30th of January.

[VII-15] _Marure_, _Efem._, 43, places this event on the 2d of Feb., 1838.

[VII-16] Carrera himself is described as having on a pair of coarse frieze trousers, and a fine coat with gold embroidery belonging to Gen. Prem, which had been taken by Monreal. For a chapeau the new general wore a woman's hat with a green veil, the property of Prem's wife, who was known as La Colombiana. In lieu of decorations Carrera had on his breast a number of 'escapularios del Cármen,' symbolizing the religion he had come to protect. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 574.

[VII-17] It seems that a large portion of the men and women had never seen a city before.

[VII-18] The physician Quirino Flores, who belonged to the opposition party, and was an intimate friend of Carrascosa and Carballo, believing that his house would be a place of safety, induced the vice-president and his family to use it. It so happened that a small force of Galvez entered the house, fired upon the invaders from the windows and retired. The men fired upon were not of the force from La Antigua, but some of Carrera's savage horde, called from that time 'cachurecos,' who rushed into the house, fired upon the family, wounding one of the women and a child, and killing José Gregorio Salazar, the vice-president. Salazar was born in San Salvador in 1793, and had two brothers, Cárlos, the general, and Francisco, who as a captain was killed in action on the 23d of June, 1834. José Gregorio Salazar was one of the leaders in whom Morazan reposed the highest trust. As senator, president of the senate, jefe of Salvador, vice-president of the republic, and acting executive at such times as Morazan assumed personal command of the troops, Salazar unswervingly supported progressive principles. His portrait shows a fine and intelligent face. The murder of the vice-president, instead of calling for execration on the part of the priests, Duran, Lobo, Nicolás Arellano, Antonio Gonzalez, and others, only brought out their diatribes against the victim. _Id._, 576-9.

[VII-19] It was found at first difficult to elicit a satisfactory answer from him. The pillaging, though not officially decreed, had been carried on mostly in the houses of foreigners. Charles Savage, U. S. consul at Guatemala, has been highly praised for his intrepidity in protecting from the infuriated Indians the foreign residents and their property. _Montgomery's Guat._, 146; _Stephens' Cent. Am._, i. 233-4.

[VII-20] There being no money in the treasury, it was borrowed from private persons. _Stephens' Cent. Am._, i. 227 et seq., copied by Larenaudière, _Mexique et Guat._, 298-9. The facts appear in the records of the asamblea.

[VII-21] Had he resisted, the reënforced troops of La Antigua would in all probability have defeated his undisciplined rabble. This would not have suited Father Duran and the other priests, who expected their own triumph through Carrera's success. Those same priests aided Barrundia and Valenzuela to rid the city of himself and his men. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 584.

[VII-22] The priest who seemed to exercise the greatest influence on Carrera was named Lobo, a man of dissolute character, who always accompanied him as a sort of counsellor.

[VII-23] _Los Altos, Manif. Document._, 1-28. The federal congress ratified the separation on the 5th of June, 1838; the departments were, however, reincorporated a year after. _Marure_, _Efem._, 43; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 198; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 28. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,