CHAPTER XXV.

DIVERS PHASES OF SELF-GOVERNMENT.

1819-1863.

PANAMÁ CONGRESS—PROVINCIAL ORGANIZATIONS—ALZURU'S REBELLION AND EXECUTION—SECESSION FROM COLOMBIA AND REINCORPORATION—DIFFERENCES WITH FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS—CRIME RAMPANT—SUMMARY TREATMENT OF CRIMINALS—RIOTS AND MASSACRE OF FOREIGN PASSENGERS—ATTEMPTS TO ROB TREASURE TRAINS—NEUTRALITY TREATIES—ESTABLISHMENT OF FEDERAL SYSTEM—PANAMÁ AS A STATE—REVOLUTIONARY ERA BEGINS—A SUCCESSION OF GOVERNORS—SEDITIOUS CHARACTER OF THE NEGRO POPULATION—REVOLUTION AGAINST GOVERNOR GUARDIA AND HIS DEATH—ANOTHER POLITICAL ORGANIZATION—ESTADO SOBERANO DE PANAMÁ—LIBERAL PARTY IN FULL CONTROL—STRINGENT MEASURES.

[Sidenote: PANAMÁ CONGRESS OF NATIONS.]

Owing to its geographical position, Panamá was selected as the place of meeting of a congress of American states, called at the suggestion of Bolívar, the liberator of South America, in 1822, for the purpose, as it was understood, of devising measures to counteract the menacing plans of the so-called holy alliance of European monarchs.[XXV-1] The government of the United States being invited to send representatives agreed to do so, and did appoint plenipotentiaries, declining, however, to bind itself to any course of action, but to remain a passive witness of the proceedings, so long as the executive and congress should be in ignorance of the real aims and tendencies of that assembly. Its representatives did not take any part in the deliberations.[XXV-2] England, which had recognized the independence of Colombia in 1824, and Holland, having been likewise invited to be present by commissioners, partly complied, but refrained from participating in the work of the congress.[XXV-3]

The congress assembled on the 22d of June, 1826, the only American nations therein represented being Colombia, Central America, Peru, and Mexico.[XXV-4] Chile had reluctantly promised her attendance, but failed to comply, owing to civil war. Buenos Aires refused her coöperation. Without waiting for further arrivals, the commissioners present entered into certain covenants, establishing the contingent of land and naval forces each nation was to contribute to the projected league; and likewise agreeing upon the points to be submitted to the acceptance of the several allies. Some not very practical propositions were agreed to.[XXV-5] Bolívar was displeased at the course of affairs, and disappointed at the failure of a plan which, if realized, would have been his crown of glory.[XXV-6] He thereupon turned his attention to other objects.

The congress then adjourned to meet again at Tacubaya in Mexico. This step was attributed to the influence of the Mexican plenipotentiary Michelena, who, it has been said, had in view to secure his country's predominance in America.[XXV-7] It was also resolved at the adjournment that the legations should divide themselves, one member from each going to report to his government what had been done, and the others repairing at once to Mexico. The ministers of Colombia and Central America, after waiting two years in vain for the ratification by Mexico of the treaties, had finally to depart, deeply regretting the dissolution of a body upon which Spanish America had centred her hopes, and the enlightened world had so long fixed its attention.[XXV-8]

[Sidenote: PANAMÁ AND VERAGUA.]

A congress held in Angostura,[XXV-9] in December 1819, under the presidency of Simon Bolívar, constituted the republic of Colombia, with the former viceroyalty of Nueva Granada, including Ecuador, and the captain-generalcy of Caracas or Venezuela. One of its departments was the Isthmus divided into two provinces, namely, Panamá, which embraced the region of Darien, and Veragua.[XXV-10]

The secession of Venezuela after some years having brought on the disruption of Colombia, a convention assembled at Bogotá[XXV-11] in 1831 organized the Estado de la Nueva Granada with the central provinces, those of the Isthmus forming a section of the new organization.[XXV-12] The new state was divided into provinces, under governors who received their appointments from the general government.[XXV-13] The decree was dated November 21, 1831. The new constitution, sanctioned by the convention on the 29th of February, 1832, was published in Panamá on the 28th of April.[XXV-14] Each province was subdivided into departments.[XXV-15]

Civil war broke out in 1831. Colonel Alzuru, who had arrived from Guayaquil with troops, by the instigation of some prominent men, rose in arms in Panamá to detach the provinces from Nueva Granada. On the news reaching Bogotá, the national government despatched Colonel Tomás Herrera with a force to quell the rebellion; and upon his approaching the city, the more prominent families fled to the island of Tabogá. Those who had prompted Alzuru's act now forsook him, and rendered aid to Herrera, with all the information they possessed. The rebels were attacked on their way to La Chorrera, while crossing marshy ground, and defeated. Alzuru was taken prisoner, tried by court-martial, and shot in the cathedral plaza of Panamá.

[Sidenote: REPUBLIC OF PANAMÁ.]

General José Fábrega restored order in Veragua, and made it known to the general government on the 30th of August.[XXV-16] The garrison at Panamá, together with Tomás Herrera, the comandante general, assured the president of the Nueva Granada convention of their unswerving fealty.[XXV-17] Later, in March 1832, an attempt was made by two subalterns[XXV-18] to induce the sergeants of their battalion to join them in a conspiracy for upsetting the government. The two officers were tried and executed, and two of the sergeants sent into exile. Chaos reigned throughout the republic in 1840; then came revolution. The chief men of Panamá met in a junta and resolved to detach the Isthmus and form an independent republic. Cárlos Icaza, the governor, who was a Panameño, signified his acquiescence, and the proclamation of independence was made, Tomás Herrera assuming by appointment of the junta the office of jefe superior, on the 18th of November, 1840.[XXV-19] On the 21st the governor of Veragua, Cárlos Fábrega, was asked to join the movement; but he answered from Santiago on the 29th declining;[XXV-20] whereupon Herrera issued addresses, on the 5th and 11th of December, announcing his march with troops to Veragua.[XXV-21] The expedition, however, marched only a part of the distance, the people of Veragua submitting to the force of necessity. The independence existed de facto nearly two years. In 1841 Tomás Herrera and Cárlos de Icaza were chosen president and vice-president, respectively, of the ephemeral republic. Mariano Arosemena, secretary of foreign affairs, despatched Pedro de Obarrio as a special commissioner to the government of Costa Rica to notify it of the organization of the state of the Isthmus, and apply for its formal recognition.[XXV-22] During this period of independence, persons and property were protected, and commerce was liberally encouraged.[XXV-23]

The government had carefully avoided the commission of any act of hostility against Nueva Granada; but the time came when news reached Panamá that the government of Bogotá was fitting out a force to bring the Isthmus into subjection. Whereupon the officers of the British chargé d'affaires at Bogotá were asked to obtain the consent of Nueva Granada to receive a commissioner in the interest of peace.[XXV-24] But the other parts of Nueva Granada having become pacified in the course of 1841, two commissioners came from the general government, and the people of Panamá, being convinced of the folly of resistance, peacefully submitted.[XXV-25] Herrera so managed that he was appointed governor of the restored province.[XXV-26] The constitutional reforms of 1842 and 1843 tended to reëstablish good understanding between the provinces, and Panamá again appeared satisfied with the connection.[XXV-27]

[Sidenote: PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUÍ.]

The Canton de Alange, detached from Veragua, and the districts of David, Dolega, San Pablo, and Alange, were on the 24th of July, 1849, formed into a separate province under the name of Provincia de Chiriquí, with its governor and assembly of seven members.[XXV-28] This organization continued several years, though the province subsequently took the name of Fábrega, and so continued until August 1851, when it resumed the former name of Chiriquí.[XXV-29] The territory which in early days was embraced in the province of Veragua appeared in August 1851 divided into three provinces, each having a governor and legislature; namely, Chiriquí, Veragua, and Azuero.[XXV-30] This new arrangement lasted only till April 30, 1855, when the province of Azuero was suppressed.[XXV-31]

The district, or as it was called, Canton de Bocas del Toro, was organized by decree of the government of Chiriquí or Fábrega, with a jefe político at its head. But a law of the republic[XXV-32] formed into a canton or district the territories of San Andrés, Darien, and San Martin. Another law of April 12, 1851, applied the former one to Bocas del Toro.[XXV-33]

* * * * *

Owing to grievances complained of by foreigners against acts of the officials on the Isthmus, the relations of the national government with foreign powers have been at times complicated. The first difficulty arose from the arrest in 1836 of Russell, the British vice-consul, and led to the blockade of the whole Atlantic coast of the republic, which finally compelled Nueva Granada to submit to such terms as the British commander chose to impose.[XXV-34] Another trouble with the British government resulted from a certain claim of one Mackintosh, which for a time interrupted diplomatic relations in 1856.[XXV-35]

[Sidenote: RAN RUNNELS' ISTHMUS GUARD.]

On the 26th of January, 1854, the consuls of the United States, France, Great Britain, Brazil, Portugal, Denmark, Peru, and Ecuador addressed a protest to the governor of Panamá, against the neglect of his government to afford protection to passengers crossing the Isthmus, notwithstanding that each passenger was made to pay the sum of two dollars for the privilege of landing and going from one sea to the other.[XXV-36] Governor Urrutia Añino, on the 14th of February, denied the alleged neglect, as well as the right of those officials who had no recognition from the New Granadan government to address him in such a manner. He pointed to the public jail, which was full of prisoners, some already undergoing punishment, and others being tried or awaiting trial. He also reminded the consuls that only a short time had elapsed since three men were executed for crimes.[XXV-37] It was a fact, nevertheless, that the government could not cope with the situation—the Isthmus being infested with criminals from all parts of the earth, that had been drawn thereto by the prospect of plunder—in view of which a number of citizens and respectable foreigners combined in organizing the Isthmus guard, whose chief was Ran Runnels, charged with the duty of guarding the route between Panamá and Colon, and empowered to punish even with death all persons guilty of crimes. Urrutia Añino, the governor, unhesitatingly acquiesced in the arrangement.[XXV-38]

Americans had occasional misunderstandings with the authorities, a notable one occurring in 1855, when the local governor of Panamá returned unopened an official letter from the consul of the United States, who at once threatened to strike his flag; but the matter was settled amicably by the chief officers of the Isthmus.[XXV-39] A more serious affair was the demand of the state government that steamships arriving at Panamá or Colon should pay tonnage money.[XXV-40] This raised the protest of the American consul and the railway and steamship agents. The controversy was finally terminated by the executive of the republic declaring that the law under which the tonnage money was claimed had been enacted by the state of Panamá, without any right to legislate on such matters, as they were of the exclusive province of the general government.[XXV-41]

The lack of proper protection, as well as a marked spirit of hostility on the part of the lower class toward foreigners,[XXV-42] was made further evident in the riot of the fifteenth of April, 1856, when a considerable number of American passengers were killed, and others wounded, much property being also appropriated.[XXV-43]

[Sidenote: PANAMÁ RIOT.]

As might have been expected, exaggerated accounts of this affray flew far and wide. The official report, however, showed smaller figures, though bad enough—of foreigners, 15 slain and 16 wounded, of whom one died afterward; of natives, 2 killed and 13 wounded. The conduct of the police and people was certainly most blamable. The affair might, perhaps, have been averted if the authorities had shown proper energy. I will admit, however, that there was cause of provocation.[XXV-44]

Consequent on this affair, the city of Panamá, which, owing to the misgovernment of previous years, was already on the decline, had to suffer still more. Many business houses closed their doors, because the American transient passengers, who during their stay were wont to scatter gold, thenceforth remained on shore only a few minutes.[XXV-45] Much diplomatic correspondence passed between the American and New Granadan governments on the subject, the former sending a commissioner to Panamá, to investigate the circumstances,[XXV-46] and finally claiming a large indemnity. At last a convention was concluded on the 10th of September, 1857, between Secretary Cass, and General P. A. Herran, minister of New Granada, for the settlement of all claims, the latter having acknowledged the responsibility of his government for the injuries and damages caused by the riot.[XXV-47]

The relations with Americans on the Isthmus continued to be unsatisfactory for some time longer. Notwithstanding that New Granada was apparently inclined to cordiality, cases of injustice or ill treatment to American citizens often occurring, at last the president of the United States asked congress, on the 18th of February, 1859, for power to protect Americans on the Isthmus.[XXV-48] In later years Americans have seldom had any serious cause of complaint.

The question of neutrality of the Isthmus has occasionally been on the tapis. A case in point occurred in 1864, during the sectional war in the United States, when a number of southern confederates went on board the American steamer _Salvador_ at Panamá, with the purpose of seizing her at sea, and turning her—as she had guns on board—into a confederate cruiser, to be used in capturing the first treasure steamer from California. The men engaged in the enterprise were themselves arrested at sea on the _Salvador_,[XXV-49] by an American war vessel. The admiral, Pearson, asked the government of Panamá for permission to send the prisoners overland to Colon, where they might be embarked for New York. The request was refused;[XXV-50] in consequence of which the prisoners were sent to San Francisco.[XXV-51]

At the commencement of the French intervention in Mexico, the legislature of Panamá asked the general government of Colombia to allow no French troops to pass over the Isthmus. The United States government was not called upon to aid this policy. In the autumn of 1864 a body of French marines arrived at Colon to cross to the Pacific and replace invalids of the fleet on the Mexican coast. The president of Panamá refused them a pass, and asked the railroad company not to transport them. The French officers argued that American and English troops had on several occasions been allowed to cross. It so happened that at this time some American soldiers arrived and crossed over to the Pacific under a permit previously granted by the former president of the state. The French then alleging the so-called 'most-favored-nation' clause also crossed over.[XXV-52]

[Sidenote: ISTHMUS ROBBERIES.]

With other nations occasional misunderstandings have taken place, but in no instance did they lead to serious complications.[XXV-53] Minor riots, attended with more or less killing and wounding of foreigners, had occurred in 1850 and in 1851, both on the Atlantic and Pacific sides.[XXV-54] The gold-dust train from California was thrice assailed by robbers, while crossing from sea to sea, without success. The last attempt was in September 1851, by Americans, several of whom were captured.[XXV-55]

* * * * *

Whilst the Isthmus was under the direct rule of the national government, peace and quiet reigned. The few political commotions that occurred at long intervals had no effect detrimental to public morals, nor to the obedience paid by the people to the authorities. It is a fact that when, upon the discovery of the gold placers in California, the large influx of foreigners first arrived, they were surprised at the extraordinary prestige the authorities enjoyed, and at the blind obedience paid to their mandates.[XXV-56] Bayonets were not necessary to enforce order. This was owing to the harmony then existing between the government and the clergy.[XXV-57] And throughout the land for sixteen years from 1840, peace prevailed, save certain disturbances in the provinces of Azuero and Veragua in July 1854.[XXV-58]

[Sidenote: PANAMÁ A STATE.]

Nevertheless, the white population of Panamá had been for some time past discontented with the general government, and a desire had sprung up to get rid of a yoke which was deemed oppressive. The supreme authorities at Bogotá were not unaware of this, and whether prompted by the fear of losing the territory, or by a sentiment of justice, or by both, concluded to allow the Isthmians the privilege of controlling their local affairs, which was hailed with joy by all classes. An additional clause to the national constitution was then enacted by the New Granadan congress, on the 27th of February, 1855, by which Panamá was made a state, and a member of the confederation with the four provinces of Panamá, Azuero, Chiriquí, and Veragua,[XXV-59] its western boundary being such as might come to be fixed upon by treaty with Costa Rica.[XXV-60] A constituent assembly of 31 members was convoked March 13th by the national executive, to meet at Panamá on the 15th of July to constitute the state. The assembly was presided over by Francisco Fábrega, and on the 18th passed an act for the provisional organization of the state. Justo Arosemena, being chosen jefe superior provisorio, took possession of office at once, and appointed Cárlos Icaza Arosemena government secretary.[XXV-61] The city of Panamá was declared to be the capital, and residence of the superior authorities of the state.

The constitution of the now entitled Estado de Panamá was promulgated on the 17th of September, 1855. It was a liberal instrument, including freedom of religion. The executive authority was vested in a governor, who was to assume the office on the 1st of October of the following year, and hold it two years. A vice-governor and two designados were also to be elected by popular vote, to take charge of affairs should the governor die or be otherwise disenabled to discharge his duties. In the absence or inability of all the elect, then the superior civil authority of the capital was to act as governor.[XXV-62] A misunderstanding having occurred between the jefe superior and the assembly, the former resigned his office on the 28th of September, and having insisted on his resignation being accepted, Francisco Fábrega, who had been elected vice-governor on the 22d, was inducted into the executive office on the 4th of October.[XXV-63]

Notwithstanding the hopes of a bright future, from this time the Isthmus was the theatre of almost perpetual political trouble, and revolution became chronic, preventing any possible advancement. In 1856 there was a stormy electoral campaign,[XXV-64] that culminated in a coup d'etat, for which the responsibility must be about equally divided between the executive, Francisco Fábrega, and the demagogues.[XXV-65]

[Sidenote: DISPUTED ELECTION.]

The election for governor took place on the 15th of August, 1856. The white element claimed Bartolomé Calvo, a colored man from Cartagena, and a conservative in politics, to have been elected by 4,000 majority. The negroes insisted that Manuel M. Diaz, a white man, had been chosen. The declaration by the legislature as to who was the elect had not been made, as required by law, by the 15th of September. The radicals then demanded that the vice-governor, who was in their interest, should assume the executive. On the 15th of September trouble was expected against the white men, many of whom took refuge on the American sloop of war _St Mary's_.[XXV-66] Calvo was finally declared by the legislature on the 18th of September to have been constitutionally chosen for two years; and Francisco Fábrega the vice-governor.[XXV-67] If not a man of high order of talent, Calvo possessed good judgment, and he eventually succeeded in making himself respected, even by those who opposed his election. His course was moderate, and it may be said of him that he was an honest man, and his administration a successful one. The finances were improved, and public education was encouraged.[XXV-68] After serving nineteen months he resigned office and left the state.[XXV-69] Ramon Gamboa, as first designado, succeeded him for the rest of the term.

José de Obaldía was chosen by popular vote over J. M. Hurtado, the government candidate, amid a great political commotion, his election being recognized by the legislature at midnight. His term began on the 1st of October, 1858. Obaldía was one of the most talented and best informed men in the republic, and an eloquent orator. However, though a power in the tribune, he proved himself unfitted for a ruler.[XXV-70] During his term, on the 17th of April, 1859, the colored population attempted to assail the whites, and after some violence were dispersed by a force sent against them.[XXV-71] Another outbreak of the negroes against the whites took place the 27th of September, 1860, necessitating the landing of an armed force from the British ship _Clio_, which, after order was restored, returned on board.[XXV-72]

[Sidenote: ESTADO SOBERANO DE PANAMÁ.]

Governor Obaldía was succeeded by Santiago de la Guardia,[XXV-73] elected against the opposition of the liberal negro vote. In September 1860 the states of Cauca and Bolívar seceded from Nueva Granada, and formed a confederation under the name of Estados Unidos de Colombia, with General T. C. Mosquera at the head. By a clause of their agreement any other state opposing them was to be conquered and annexed. Wishing to keep Panamá neutral in the horrible struggle going on in the rest of the republic, Guardia entered into a convention on the 6th of September, 1861, with Manuel Murillo Toro, who represented those states, by which Panamá was to join the confederacy, but to take no active part in the family quarrel.[XXV-74] Early in July 1862 the state assumed the official name of Estado Soberano de Panamá, which it has retained to the present time.

This contest, out of which the liberal party came triumphant throughout the country, was known as 'la revolucion de Mosquera.' The minister of Nueva Granada in Washington, on the plea that a mere naval force could not afford security to the Isthmus transit, asked the United States to provide also a land force of 300 cavalry, but the request was not granted.[XXV-75]

[Sidenote: GOVERNOR DIAZ.]

The efforts of Guardia to keep the Isthmus out of the general turmoil were of no avail. A force of about 150 or 200 men under General Santa Coloma came from Cartagena to Colon, with the apparent purpose of enabling the governor to carry out certain liberal measures. The latter protested against such a violation of a solemn agreement; but the force insisted on coming across to Panamá, and there was no way of preventing it. In the course of a few weeks Guardia, being convinced that he was being employed as a puppet, removed himself and the capital to Santiago de Veragua. As soon as he was gone, with the connivance of Santa Coloma, a party of men, all but one of whom were of the colored race, assembled at the town hall and deposed Guardia, naming one of their own party, Manuel M. Diaz, provisional governor.[XXV-76] A few days after, on the 19th of August, in a skirmish between forces of the two factions, Governor Guardia and two or three others were killed.[XXV-77] The government continued with Diaz at the head,[XXV-78] till under the national constitution framed by the convention of Rio Negro,[XXV-79] which constituted the nation under the name of Estados Unidos de Colombia, the Isthmus became one of the federal and sovereign states. To Governor Diaz was assigned the duty of carrying out Mosquera's stringent decrees against the clergy, an account of which is given in the next chapter.