CHAPTER XXIV.

INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS.

1801-1822.

ADMINISTRATION UNDER SPAIN—INFLUENCE OF EVENTS IN EUROPE AND SPANISH AMERICA ON THE ISTHMUS—HOSTILITIES IN NUEVA GRANADA—CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT—GENERAL HORE'S MEASURES TO HOLD THE ISTHMUS FOR SPAIN—MACGREGOR'S INSURGENT EXPEDITION AT PORTOBELLO—REËSTABLISHMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION—CAPTAIN-GENERAL MURGEON'S RULE—THE ISTHMUS IS DECLARED INDEPENDENT—ITS INCORPORATION WITH COLOMBIA—JOSÉ FÁBREGA IN TEMPORARY COMMAND—JOSÉ MARÍA CARREÑO APPOINTED INTENDENTE AND COMANDANTE GENERAL—ABOLITION OF AFRICAN SLAVERY.

The intimate relations of the Panamá Isthmus with Central America, and indeed with the whole Pacific coast, led me in the first instance to give its history; and in continuation of that purpose, I herewith carry on the narrative of events in that quarter, although in the later political partition Panamá is not classed among the Central American states.

* * * * *

We have seen in a preceding volume how Panamá, formerly the entrepôt for the trade of Spain with her South American colonies on the Pacific, in the course of the eighteenth century descended from her lofty position, and became veiled in obscurity, until the name of the once famous Castilla del Oro is well-nigh consigned to the pages of modern mythology. The events of the following century, which so beneficially changed the political condition of most of the American provinces, only tended to impoverish the Isthmus. However, its important geographical position, making it a bridge between the two great oceans, brought back for a time the old prosperity, notably by reason of the discovery of gold in California, the building of a railway, and the much-discussed project of an interoceanic ship canal.

[Sidenote: UNDER THE VICEROYS.]

The Isthmus was enjoying in 1801 its usual tranquillity under the rule of the Spanish viceroy at Santa Fé de Bogotá, Pedro de Mendinueta y Muzquiz, as well as under the more immediate one of Brigadier Antonio Narvaez y la Torre, the governor and comandante general. He was in 1803 promoted to mariscal de campo, and relieved on the 15th of March the same year, by Colonel Juan de Márcos Urbina, who at his death in 1805 was succeeded[XXIV-1] by Brigadier Juan A. de la Mata. The latter is represented to have been a man of estimable character, and as he was both respected and liked, he found during his term but little difficulty to rule the three provinces of Portobello, Veragua, and Darien, and the partidos of Natá and Alange, into which this region had been divided.[XXIV-2] Pursuant to the customary policy of Spain, an asesor, or legal adviser, was appointed to consult with him, while the military functions of the governor, in case of his being prevented, were assumed by another substitute, also nominated beforehand, with the title of teniente de rey.

The judicial organization was equal to those of other Spanish colonies; matters of little importance were decided by the ordinary alcaldes or the city councils, and only appeals were brought before the courts of Bogotá.[XXIV-3] There was also an extensive financial department, comprising the custom-houses of Portobello, Chagres, and Panamá, a general treasury with its dependent offices and the different administrations of customs and monopolies belonging to the crown. But their product was not sufficient to cover the expenses of the provinces, with their numerous officials and a permanent military force,[XXIV-4] required as garrisons for Portobello, Chagres, and Panamá, all of which places were then fortified, and temporarily financial subventions from Peru became necessary. The reason was the decline of commerce which involved a corresponding neglect of husbandry, and other branches, agriculture producing only what was required for home consumption. Stock-raising, for which the soil of Veragua was so well adapted, decreased; and mining in Portobello and Darien was scarcely worthy of mention. Such a depressing state of affairs could but have a degenerating influence on the inhabitants, which, if not fostered by the government, at least was allowed to go on without an effort to check it. Education was at a low ebb everywhere; in the capital there was one primary school and a Latin class. Nearly all books not of a certain religious character[XXIV-5] were forbidden, intercourse with foreigners was hindered, and the diffusion of liberal ideas was effectually repressed. The facility of obtaining the few means of subsistence required in such a climate contributed to produce that state of indolence which characterized the inhabitants at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Most of their time was spent in bull-fights, gambling, and religious performances, there being more than one hundred holidays in the year. The regular clergy, as in other parts of Spanish America, had always been powerful in Panamá, and possessed, notwithstanding the decadence of the country, a number of establishments independent from those belonging to the bishopric.[XXIV-6]

[Sidenote: HAPPY DAYS.]

Thus all was lethargy in Panamá while the new viceroy of New Granada, Antonio Amar y Borbon, quietly assumed the government at Bogotá. Few of the inhabitants of the Isthmus had a clear understanding of the political convulsions that had taken place in France and in the United States. The masses were totally indifferent to and suffered little from the policy of the government, which carefully suppressed all information about the countries where anti-monarchical principles prevailed. The course pursued by the crown in this respect was as fruitless as was another effort made at the time to revive trade by reëstablishing on January 20, 1803, the casa de contratacion de Indias. The hope of Panamá again becoming the great entrepôt for all ports on the Pacific was not realized. Not a single vessel came from Spain during the year; and open trade with foreign countries being unlawful, smuggling was resorted to by the merchants of Panamá and Jamaica, their rendezvous being generally in the neighborhood of Chagres, where English vessels transferred their cargoes to small boats, which took the goods on shore.[XXIV-7] This trade was continued, even in 1804, after Spain had declared war against England, an event which otherwise caused much excitement on the Isthmus. But the people, instead of preparing for defence, contented themselves with invoking the Lord of hosts for favor to the Spanish arms, and for relief of their own distress, or in other words, their laziness.[XXIV-8]

The government and priesthood, acting in accord, thus kept most of the population under control; and it was only in 1808 that liberal ideas began to have expression in the province, and this was due altogether to foreign influence. The government of the mother country, having declared the American possessions to be no longer colonies, but integral parts of the monarchy, their people having the same rights as the people of Spain[XXIV-9]—although the declaration of the córtes to this effect was not generally known or appreciated, to the intelligent, its significance was fully understood. The movements for independence made in other provinces could no longer be concealed from the people, and the idea rapidly gained ground that Spanish domination of America was approaching its end. This greatly exacerbated the ill feeling always existing, though only to a limited extent on the Isthmus, between the Spaniards and the native Panameños.[XXIV-10]

In connection with it, a system of espionage was established by the rulers, the discussion of politics was discountenanced, and the holding of meetings forbidden. But this policy was without effect; the liberty to trade with Jamaica, granted in 1809 with a view to appease the discontent of the Isthmians, invigorated not only their commercial but also their political life.[XXIV-11] Newspapers from Jamaica were occasionally received, and the contract with an enlightened people gave rise to new ideas.

[Sidenote: REVOLUTIONARY WAR.]

In New Granada the first resistance occurred at Cartagena, where the governor, Francisco Montes, opposed the establishment of a diputacion provincial, and assumed an attitude hostile to the liberal cabildo. He made his report to the viceroy, but before any redress could be made he was arrested on June 14, 1810, and sent away to Habana.[XXIV-12] Hardly one month later a similar movement broke out at Bogotá, where several previous plans to overthrow the viceregal authority had failed;[XXIV-13] but the agitation being continued, on the 20th of July a trifling incident[XXIV-14] sufficed to cause an outbreak. Three days later the viceroy was imprisoned and the government placed in charge of a junta.[XXIV-15] The revolutionary movement in Bogotá as in Cartagena did not at the time purpose to break wholly with Spain; its real object was to obtain an autonomic government without ignoring the supremacy of that of the mother country.[XXIV-16] It was with such intent that both juntas extended invitations to all the provinces of New Granada to meet in congress and discuss the form of government to be adopted. The governor of Panamá declined to take part, and endeavored to persuade the people of the Isthmus that there was no need for such a revolution.[XXIV-17] That the absence of the Panameños from the congress, which met early in 1811, had not been of their own choice, was not a secret to that body; and when the fundamental act of the federation was passed, it contained a clause binding all those represented in the congress to labor for the freedom of the other provinces which were still under Spanish control.[XXIV-18]

It seemed, however, as if Panamá was more distant than ever from gaining her independence. Early in 1812 a new viceroy, Benito Perez, arrived, and being unable to get to Bogotá, established his residence on the Isthmus,[XXIV-19] where the audiencia and other offices were also established. Thus Panamá became temporarily the capital of New Granada, an honor little cherished at that time by the friends of independence. Perceiving the unsafe condition of the government, the new viceroy took steps to increase his military force. Upon his request, three men-of-war were sent from Cuba and a battalion of soldiers from Spain, part of which reënforcements were despatched to Santa Marta, then at war with Cartagena. The latter place was blockaded, and being hard pressed for supplies, the insurgents despatched two commissioners with the avowed object of treating with the viceroy for an armistice. The project was favored by the vice-admiral of the English squadron at Jamaica, Charles Sterling, who guaranteed the commissioners a safe return. They arrived at Panamá in October 1812, and at once began pretended negotiations, their real purpose being to gain time for the besieged town, obtain if possible a suspension of hostilities, and ascertain the feeling of the population. But some correspondence intercepted by the governor of Santa Marta,[XXIV-20] and forwarded to Viceroy Perez, apprised the latter, who at once had the commissioners arrested and brought to trial. They would have been severely dealt with but for the timely interference of Sterling, who energetically demanded their release, which the viceroy at last acceded to, returning them to Cartagena. They had meantime become satisfied that the intelligent part of the population strongly favored the emancipation, and that the new governor, Cárlos Meyner,[XXIV-21] could not prevent any effort for independence. The only opposition to be feared would be from the viceroy and the chief officers of the garrison, most of whom were loyal and energetic. But fortune seemed to smile on the revolutionary party; several vessels with troops and military supplies despatched by Perez to the relief of Santa Marta, then besieged by the insurgents, fell into the hands of the latter, and the viceroy himself was removed from his position by the government in Spain.[XXIV-22] His successor was the mariscal de campo, Francisco Montalvo, who with some reënforcements furnished by the government of Cuba proceeded from Habana directly to Santa Marta, where he arrived in May 1813, and forthwith began to push the military operations against the revolutionists of Cartagena.

[Sidenote: THE VICEREGAL PARTY.]

The natives of Panamá rejoiced on hearing of the establishment of the viceregal seat at Santa Marta, and for obvious reasons. The danger was removed that Panamá might become the theatre of a bloody war, and on the other hand, there would be less difficulty in working for the emancipation of the province. The cause of independence gained more and more sympathy; and when toward the close of 1813 it was proposed to form a confederation, comprising New Granada, Quito, Venezuela, and Tierra Firme, the idea was eagerly embraced by the patriotic party on the Isthmus. The friends of independence gradually became bolder; they openly manifested their dislike of Spanish rule at parties and in public songs, and induced the cabildo to demand and obtain from the government at Cádiz the removal of the bishop,[XXIV-23] and the transfer of the officials of the audiencia, then in Panamá, to other places. But the latter met with opposition from the senior oidor, Joaquin Carrion, who well understood the workings of the patriotic party, and disregarding the protestations of the city council, continued alone to exercise the jurisdiction of the audiencia till 1816. Strange though it may appear, and perhaps owing to the listlessness Panamá had thus far exhibited, when revolution prevailed everywhere else, the city came to be looked upon by the government in Spain as most loyal; whereupon the córtes resolved to reward it, establishing there a diputacion provincial,[XXIV-24] which did not then come to pass, for only one month later King Fernando suppressed all such bodies, together with the constitution of 1812.[XXIV-25]

Unwilling to relinquish her hold on the American colonies, Spain, early in 1815, fitted out an expedition comprising sixty-five large and several smaller transport vessels, convoyed by the line-of-battle ship _San Pedro Alcantara_ of seventy-four guns and several frigates; the total number of sailors, soldiers, and marines being 15,000,[XXIV-26] all well provided with artillery and supplies, the soldiers being veterans of the war against Napoleon's army.

[Sidenote: GOVERNOR HORE.]

The original plan had been to send both fleet and army to Montevideo, but subsequently it was considered more urgent to regain possession of Venezuela and New Granada, and to strengthen the forces on the Isthmus.[XXIV-27] The general-in-chief was Mariscal de campo Pablo Morillo, a brave man of firm character, who, in nine years, had risen from sergeant to general. Soon afterward more forces were sent out from Spain to coöperate with those of Morillo, after which they were to be stationed at Panamá. Their commander, Alejandro de Hore, was appointed governor. Military supplies were also sent to equip troops for a campaign in Peru. The expectations of the Isthmians were now almost beyond the possibility of realization. It made but little difference that a part of Hore's force fell into the hands of the insurgents of Cartagena,[XXIV-28] and that Hore himself barely escaped with the auxiliaries that Morillo could furnish almost at any time; he was always able to maintain the Spanish régime on the Isthmus. No sooner, indeed, had he arrived at Panamá and established the government on a military basis,[XXIV-29] than he displayed his harsh, despotic character.[XXIV-30] An extensive system of espionage was organized, and it is said that Hore treated the members of the patriotic party "according to their proclivities for independence, always availing himself of some false pretext to strike." Much as the Isthmians suffered under his iron rule, their anxiety became greater when it was said that Morillo was on his way to Panamá to place the city in a state of defence; fortunately it proved to be a false alarm.

Hore was a partisan of absolute authority; but when it suited his purposes he would support liberal ideas and policies. Thus we see him coöperating with the people of Panamá in opposing the reinstatement of the jesuits.[XXIV-31] He did not like priestly interference in state affairs. The governor also manifested a strong inclination to foster trade with foreigners, and it is said that he never refused to honor, with his acceptance, such gifts as the smugglers awarded him.

[Sidenote: ENGLISH EXPEDITION.]

Early in 1819, news arrived that a formidable expedition had been prepared in England by friends of the insurgent cause, and was on its way to America, intended to wrest the Isthmus from Spanish domination. The rumor proved well founded. A former officer of the revolutionists, one Gregor MacGregor, together with José María del Real, the agent in London of the "United Provinces of New Granada," had, with the aid of some English merchants, fitted out an expedition,[XXIV-32] which, consisting of three ships, carrying 417 fighting men, sailed from Gravesend on the 18th of December, 1818, and in the following February cast anchor off Aux Cayes in Hayti. Here they were joined by two other vessels, and together they continued the voyage to San Andrés, the rendezvous, of which, on the 4th of April, 1819, they took formal possession in the name of the United Provinces. Four days after, the squadron appeared off Portobello and captured the place, meeting with scarcely any resistance. Governor Hore had expected the landing at Chagres, and made preparation to meet the invaders.[XXIV-33] Most of the troops were forthwith landed, and the town having been almost entirely deserted, the soldiers found ready quarters, and garrisons were placed in the forts, and the batteries were manned. MacGregor issued a high-sounding bulletin, in which he set forth that "the first division of the army of New Granada had won immarcesible glory." Detachments were sent out to reconnoitre, and no hostile force being discovered, the march to Chagres and Panamá, was spoken of as if neither nature nor the Spaniards would offer any obstacles.[XXIV-34] Two exiles from New Granada, José Elías Lopez and Joaquin Vargas Besga, who had accompanied the expedition, were made governor and vice-governor respectively. After a te deum, and a few days time, the inhabitants of the town who had returned to their homes were harangued to induce them to take up arms against the Spanish yoke. About 100 men, mostly colored, responded to the appeal and enlisted, forming the nucleus of a regiment called América Libre, which, under the command of some foreign officers, was to be the advanced guard on the march to Panamá. The scheme proved a failure, for soon these same free Americans disbanded or deserted, most of them joining the enemy.

The condition and general discipline of the invading force were far from satisfactory. The men clamored for their pay, and there being no money in the military chest, the people were called upon to furnish funds, which caused them to again leave the place. Sickness also broke out among the troops, several of the officers and men becoming victims of the climate. Discipline was neglected, and all semblance of order disappeared. The soldiers sold their ammunition and effects for liquor.[XXIV-35] This same carelessness prevailed even when toward the end of April news came of the near approach of Spanish forces from Panamá. It seems that as soon as Hore heard of the loss of Portobello he concentrated his forces, and with about 500 men marched across the Isthmus, bent upon expelling the invaders. Taking a route different from the usual one, and favored by the carelessness of the English and the thick forests surrounding Portobello, Hore arrived near the town unperceived on the 29th of April.

On the same day a vessel with supplies and provisions for the invaders had arrived from Jamaica, an event which was gayly celebrated in the town. In the evening the alcalde and some priests took part in the carousals, which were kept up to a late hour, with a complete neglect of duty on the part of the officers. At six o'clock next morning one division of Hore's troops, under the command of Lieutenant-colonel José de Santa Cruz, surprised the soldiers and took the town, killing all who came in their way. Among the slain were the newly appointed governor, Lopez, and many of the officers, who perished either at their quarters or while attempting to reach the fort. MacGregor leaped over the balcony of the government house, ran to the beach, and thence swam to one of his vessels. Unsuccessful attacks were made on the forts, though the beseiged were unable to use the unwieldy guns, unsupported as they were by the vessels, which made no preparation to aid them. The Spaniards were not disposed to storm the forts, but knowing that the garrisons had suffered severely, they demanded their surrender. This was refused; and notwithstanding the cowardly conduct of some of the officers, the negotiations might have been broken off, but the soldiers declined further to fight. A capitulation was then entered into, under which the invaders, after delivering up their arms, were to retain their baggage and reëmbark to go whither they chose. At this juncture, orders came from MacGregor not to surrender, giving assurance that the ships would soon be ready to open upon the Spaniards. But the surrender had already been made, and the men, about 340 in all, had been disarmed and marched to the main plaza, where, instead of being permitted to go their way, they were declared prisoners, to be conveyed as convicts to Panamá.[XXIV-36] On learning the result, the gallant MacGregor, from whose coming the New Granadinos had expected so much put to sea, leaving his companions to their fate.[XXIV-37]

[Sidenote: FAILURE OF THE EXPEDITION.]

The matter did not end at Portobello, however. Hore despatched his prisoners to Panamá on the 2d of May, and reported his achievement to Viceroy Sámano, who commanded that the prisoners, none excepted, should be shot.[XXIV-38] But for some reason Hore did not carry out the order. The prisoners were, nevertheless, subjected to cruel treatment, being kept in chain-gangs at work on the fortifications, roads, and streets, which, added to the ravages of the deadly climate, soon reduced their numbers. Several of the officers were shot afterward at Cana in Darien on the pretext of their having attempted to escape.[XXIV-39] When after seventeen months of suffering the release of the survivors was ordered on September 20, 1820, only 121 remained,[XXIV-40] who were at an early day taken to Chagres, whence they embarked for Jamaica.

Important events had meantime taken place in Spain, by which constitutional régime was restored. A change in the government of the Isthmus soon followed, the people for the first time being called upon to exercise the right of suffrage.[XXIV-41] The newly organized ayuntamiento[XXIV-42] was composed of men well disposed toward independence. The change of system curtailing Hore's powers so preyed upon his mind that he died.[XXIV-43] This was a serious loss to the Spanish cause, whose interests the deceased had ever been ready to uphold by fair or foul means.

[Sidenote: COMING OF SÁMANO.]

Brigadier Pedro Ruiz de Porras, who succeeded Hore in the military command, if not a partisan of independence, was a friend of constitutional government. The civil governor, or gefe político, Pedro Aguilar, showed so much indifference that little opposition was feared from him. The new cabildo demanded the installation of a diputacion provincial, the election of a deputy to the Spanish córtes, and other measures provided for in the national constitution.[XXIV-44] These demands were not, however, complied with. The independent party saw the necessity of close relations with their friends outside of Panamá, and developed them, without disregarding the precautions demanded by the presence of a strong hostile garrison in their midst. They were now greatly hindered by the sudden appearance in Panamá, of Viceroy Sámano, who came by way of Jamaica. His object was to establish his government on the Isthmus, which the cabildo and constitutionalists opposed on the ground of his having forfeited the viceregal office by a refusal to take the oath to support the constitution. He had been detained several days at Las Cruces, but the military party proved the stronger, and admitted him into the city. His coming caused general uneasiness,[XXIV-45] as he was known to be a man of bad temper. However, as he met with no further opposition, and as his health was precarious, he limited himself to levying a forced loan.[XXIV-46]

Free ideas had, however, gained too strong a hold to be easily suppressed by the mere opposition of the ruler, and when in 1821 a new city council was elected, the members[XXIV-47] were again liberal-minded men. They repeated the demand for the establishment of a diputacion provincial, and for the election of a deputy to the Spanish córtes; but the viceroy only returned evasive answers. Fortunately, the province was soon relieved of him, by his death, on the 3d of August, 1821.[XXIV-48] Then the press resumed a bold tone, and hopes were revived in political circles. Soon after came to succeed Sámano, the mariscal de campo Juan de la Cruz Mourgeon.[XXIV-49] He had been appointed as captain-general of New Granada only, with the promise of the office of viceroy when he should have reconquered two thirds of New Granada.[XXIV-50]

Mourgeon brought from Spain some troops, adding to their number at Puerto Cabello in Venezuela. His rule was based on principles entirely opposite to those of his predecessor, namely, on the constitution and the new organic laws of the monarchy. Members for the diputacion provincial and a deputy to the Spanish córtes were elected, and the former was installed amidst the usual demonstrations. This liberal policy permeated his whole administration; the press was protected, patriotic societies were formed, and to strengthen the ties between Spaniards and Americans a masonic lodge was founded, and offices of trust and honor were bestowed on men from both branches. Every effort was made by the new ruler to do away with the old rivalry. But it all came too late. The idea of independence had become deeply rooted, and could not be affected by the new policy, the duration of which was also uncertain. The natives of the Isthmus exhibited a remarkable circumspection, which deluded the captain-general and the Spaniards. Mourgeon felt confident of Panamá's loyalty, and still more so after José de Fábrega, a native of the Isthmus, was appointed temporary comandante of Tierra Firme;[XXIV-51] and began to think of securing his promised viceregal office by the reconquest of Quito or Ecuador. He accordingly set himself to make preparations for that undertaking; but the impoverished condition of Isthmian finances greatly hampered him. Nevertheless, though with the utmost difficulty,[XXIV-52] he fitted out a squadron, composed of the corvette _Alejandro_, and three schooners, on which he embarked two battalions of infantry, two dismounted squadrons of cavalry, and some artillerymen; and assuming personal command of the force, set sail on the 22d of October, 1821.[XXIV-53]

[Sidenote: SUB-REVOLUTION.]

This was the most propitious opportunity the friends of independence could hope for, and they lost no time in availing themselves of it. Secret meetings were held, at which they matured their plans. While thus engaged at Panamá, a revolutionary movement broke out in the villa de Los Santos, which, not being the result of any preconcerted plan, caused the greatest alarm at the capital. The outbreak had been, indeed, one which merely proclaimed independence, without pretending to establish any form of government.[XXIV-54] The governor, local authorities, and other prominent officials, after a hasty consultation, resolved upon gentle means to quell the disturbance, and commissioners were despatched at once to Los Santos to restore peace if possible.[XXIV-55] But the more impatient among the friends of independence hoped that their mission would fail, and that the spirit of sedition, known to exist throughout the Isthmus, would boldly assert itself as soon as the capital should give the signal. But this signal could not as yet be given. Both the cabildo and diputacion countenanced the revolution, and it was believed that Fábrega would not oppose a movement to free his own country; but resistance was certain from the troops of the garrison. Any sudden insurrection would, therefore, be untimely, and probably end in disaster.

New plans were devised, and it was finally resolved to undermine the military power by encouraging desertions,[XXIV-56] and at the same time to spread among the masses the scheme of independence. Four prominent citizens[XXIV-57] undertook the first task, to facilitate which a fund was raised, and were very successful. Desertions became frequent, and their number increased from day to day, till the government began to suspect the cause, but the independent agents were reticent. Measures were adopted which only partially succeeded in checking desertions. The garrison was soon so reduced that there were hardly men enough to guard the jail, hospital, and powder magazine. In the night of November 27, 1821, sixty soldiers disappeared, together with their muskets.[XXIV-58] The government now became convinced that a revolution was impending, and took measures to resist it. The few remaining troops were distributed in the most convenient places, and artillery was placed at street-crossings.

The day so anxiously waited for, the memorable day in the history of the Isthmus, came at last. On the 28th of November, 1821, at the call of a number of citizens, the ayuntamiento held a session, and the governor, diputacion provincial, bishop, and other chief officials were invited to take part in their deliberations. The meeting was held with open doors; people might come and go as they chose. The question was, Should or should not the Isthmus of Panamá declare its independence from Spain? A motion to that end met with approval.[XXIV-59]

[Sidenote: DECLARATION AND REORGANIZATION.]

The next subject discussed was the form of government to be adopted, which resulted in a voluntary annexation to the republic of Colombia,[XXIV-60] to whose general congress the Isthmus was to accredit a deputy. Other resolutions were passed concerning the military force in the state,[XXIV-61] and the organization of a new government, which was intrusted to the former governor, José de Fábrega, who now assumed the title, Jefe Superior del Istmo. All the civil, municipal, and ecclesiastical authorities were to continue in office, and in the same manner the existing laws were to remain in force, when not conflicting with the independence, and until a new code could be framed. Fábrega was directed to adopt measures for preserving peace, to obtain the surrender of Chagres and Portobello, and to raise a loan to meet necessary expenses. The several authorities and officials of all grades were to take the oath of allegiance, and copies of the proceedings were to be circulated, together with requests for pecuniary contributions. A special committee then drew up a formal minute of the declaration and of the resolutions passed, and amid the cheers of the multitude, the document was signed by José de Fábrega, the bishop José Higinio Duran y Martel, a number of other citizens,[XXIV-62] and the public notary José de los Santos Correoso. Thus ended the 28th of November, 1821.[XXIV-63] Two days later the support of the declaration of independence was publicly sworn to with great solemnity, and on the 1st of December a similar proclamation was made at Santiago de Veragua.[XXIV-64]

On the day, however, that the celebration occurred at Panamá, the inhabitants were thrown into consternation by the arrival of two Spanish frigates accompanied by Mourgeon's transports. It was at first feared that he had returned from Ecuador,[XXIV-65] till it was ascertained that the war ships had come in quest of the general, and the transports for reënforcements. The alarm was well founded, for the place had no means of defence. Nevertheless, the authorities made preparations for resistance, and the town soon assumed a warlike appearance. The suspense lasted six days, at the end of which the commanders of the frigates offered to surrender to the new government, the only condition required in return being that the latter should pay the wages due the crews. It will be a matter of surprise that so modest a demand was not complied with. It is true that the treasury was empty, but it does not appear that any efforts were made to procure the funds. An agreement was, however, entered into, the two commanders binding themselves not to assail the Isthmus, nor afford aid to Mourgeon, but to surrender to the government of Peru, which was done.[XXIV-66]

About the time that Panamá became free, other Spanish colonies also secured their independence. Consequently, Panamá found no difficulty to effect a union with the then republic of Colombia, whose constitution, framed in the latter part of 1821,[XXIV-67] became the political groundwork of Tierra Firme. In January, 1822, Fábrega assured the people that there was no further cause to fear Mourgeon's attacks, should he attempt them; troops in sufficient number for defence had arrived; but funds for their support were at the same time called for. However, as late as October, 1827, there were apprehensions of a Spanish invasion, and Bolívar, the president of Colombia, issued a military order for the protection of the coast.[XXIV-68] Early in February 1822, José María Carreño was appointed intendente and comandante general of the Isthmus, with a command independent from Cartagena, and Fábrega was made governor and comandante general of Alange, Veragua, and annexes.[XXIV-69] This same year Mexico received with high honors a Colombian minister, and formally recognized the independence of the republic.[XXIV-70]

[Sidenote: ABOLITION OF SLAVERY.]

The republican government, among its first acts, not only prohibited the importation of African slaves, but made provision for extinguishing slavery within its limits in the near future. Slaves were allowed to purchase their own freedom, and all children born of slave parents after the 21st of June, 1821, were declared free, the masters being required to feed, clothe, and educate them, in return for which the children were to work till their eighteenth year for the masters of their mothers.[XXIV-71] In 1850 the government redeemed, by offering compensation to the owners, all colored men and women who had not at that time attained their freedom.[XXIV-72]