CHAPTER XXIII.

POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.

1867-1885.

PRESIDENT FERNANDO GUZMAN—INSURRECTION—MISCONDUCT OF PRIESTS—DEFEATS OF THE INSURGENTS—FOREIGN MEDIATION—GENEROSITY OF THE GOVERNMENT—PRESIDENT VICENTE QUADRA—INCEPTION OF THE JESUITS—AIMS OF PARTIES—INTERNAL AND FOREIGN COMPLICATIONS—COSTA RICA'S HOSTILITY AND TINOCO'S INVASION—PRESIDENTS CHAMORRO AND ZAVALA—MORE POLITICAL TROUBLES—JESUITS THE PROMOTERS—THEIR EXPULSION—PEACE RESTORED—PROGRESS OF THE COUNTRY—PRESIDENT ADAN CÁRDENAS—RESISTANCE TO PRESIDENT BARRIOS' PLAN OF FORCED RECONSTRUCTION.

The administration of President Fernando Guzman entered upon its duties on the 1st of March, 1867, under good auspices. Peace reigned, the country was prosperous, and the public treasury equally so.[XXIII-1] This was the first time that the government could lay so flattering a picture before the nation. Guzman pledged himself to use his best endeavors to consolidate republican institutions.[XXIII-2] He promised further to pursue a conciliatory policy, and this was received with joy throughout the land, a policy which was initiated on the same day of his inauguration with an amnesty to all citizens undergoing prosecution or punishment for political offences. Those in exile were invited to return to their homes; among them was Máximo Jerez, who had been sojourning in Costa Rica, and accepted the pardon. The bishop of the diocese was apprised of the president's desire for continued harmony between the civil and ecclesiastical jurisdictions, which was responded to in the same spirit by the prelate. There was then every prospect of a long peace. At the opening of the congressional session, January 25, 1869, the president made a cheering report, and it was believed that the course of the government was generally well received; but when it was proposed in congress to vote an approval of it, some remarks were made in the senate which the president was displeased at, and he tendered his resignation of the executive office on the 19th of March.[XXIII-3] Congress unanimously refused to accept it. The session lasted fifty-seven days, coming to an end March 22d, and in the course of it several laws were enacted to benefit agriculture and commerce; but on the other hand, congress was accused of having too lavishly voted pensions to military men.

[Sidenote: REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT.]

The public peace was disturbed by a revolutionary movement June 26th, when a party of men calling themselves liberals assaulted and captured the barracks at Leon. The chief leaders of this revolution were Máximo Jerez, Ex-president Martinez,[XXIII-4] Hilario Oliva, and Pascasio Bermudez.[XXIII-5] On the following day they organized a provisional government, Jerez being its chief, with unlimited powers to overthrow the existing authorities, and implant the liberal principles set forth in the plan accompanying his proclamation of the same date.[XXIII-6] The next step was to levy a contribution of $62,000 in Leon, and then to occupy the port of Realejo. Jerez installed the government on the 29th with Buenaventura Selva as minister-general, but on the same day transferred the supreme authority to Francisco Baca, retaining himself the chief command of the forces.[XXIII-7]

The government at Managua adopted stringent measures to quell the revolt.[XXIII-8] A number of the clergy having taken a prominent part in it, promoting discord and animosity against the government, some parish priests abandoning their flocks and taking up arms, and even upholding principles not acceptable to their church,[XXIII-9] superadded to which were their consorting with gamblers and drunkards, and shedding blood, the bishop's attention was called to all that on the 12th of August, with a request that he should check such violations of the constitution of the country, of canonical law, and of the concordat with the pope.[XXIII-10] But he returned no answer. Both he and his vicar-general were in Leon and could not be ignorant of such doings, and yet, whether from apathy, negligence, or complicity, tolerated them.[XXIII-11]

[Sidenote: CHURCH AND STATE.]

Commissioners from Honduras, Salvador, and Costa Rica exerted themselves to bring about a friendly settlement of the differences, but their efforts proved unavailing,[XXIII-12] and the forces of the opposing governments soon came to blows. The insurgents obtained some advantage in the unsuccessful attacks made in Correvientos and Chocoya or Metapa, on the 28th of July, by General Urtecho.[XXIII-13] They claimed to have again repulsed the enemy's attack under Medina against Nagarote on the 30th of August, inflicting heavy loss of men, arms, and ammunition.[XXIII-14] The official organ of the government at Managua makes no mention of this affair.

President Guzman took command of the forces in the field,[XXIII-15] leaving the executive office temporarily in charge of Senator Pedro Joaquin Chamorro. The insurgents took Jinotepe, and about the middle of September were concentrated in Masatepe, surrounded from north to south by the well-fortified and garrisoned towns of Managua, Granada, Rivas, and Nandaimé. An attempt made by them October 13th against Matagalpa proved disastrous, and they had to retreat to Leon. On the 14th they were utterly undone by Guzman at Niquinohomo. Their force, 1,500 strong, attacked Guzman at a little past one o'clock, and was repulsed with heavy losses. The next morning Guzman went in pursuit, and on approaching Jinotepe the enemy dispersed in all directions, abandoning the western department.[XXIII-16] Guzman reached Pueblo Nuevo on the 21st, and sent a proclamation on the 22d to the Leonese, assuring them that he had no desire of doing them any injury, but he must punish the men who had so unreasonably caused the desolation and misery of the past four months.[XXIII-17] However, upon a mediation being offered by General Charles N. Riotte, United States minister resident, at the request of the insurgent leaders, for a settlement of the difficulties without further bloodshed, Guzman accepted it, and the war terminated with the surrender of the rebels.[XXIII-18]

[Sidenote: PEACE AGAIN.]

The acting president, on the 29th of October, gave Guzman a vote of thanks for his services, and conferred on him the rank of general of division. After a short visit by the government and Guzman to Granada, and peace being fully restored, Guzman resumed at that place the presidential office on November 25th.[XXIII-19] On the 17th of December he decreed the reëstablishment of the constitution from the 1st of January, 1870. The national congress was installed on the 20th following, and on the 22d gave vote of thanks to Guzman.[XXIII-20] Nothing worthy of particular notice occurred this year, except the election of president for the next term, Vicente Quadra having been the candidate favored with the requisite majority of votes. He took possession of the office on the 1st of March, 1871.[XXIII-21] Congress being about to close its session, the executive in a special message, March 30th, called its attention to important affairs demanding prompt measures. The treasury was exhausted, and the government needed resources to meet its obligations. It also should be clothed with powers and means to face the complications that might arise from the disturbed relations of Salvador with Honduras. But congress suspended the session for twenty days, though not without having first authorized the president to raise loans for covering the more pressing needs of the treasury, and empowered him to act as he might think best on behalf of the honor and interests of the country during the recess.[XXIII-22] In the war between the above-named states, Nicaragua maintained the strictest neutrality, and had the good fortune to escape being mixed up in that trouble.

The country being at peace, both at home and abroad, the government was enabled to devote its whole attention to the finances, which were in an unsatisfactory state, owing to a marked decrease of the revenues in the two last fiscal years.[XXIII-23] The general situation, if not good, was nevertheless far from discouraging. But a new element was now ushered in, which was destined to become erelong an agent of disturbance. I refer to the coming of seventy members of the society of Jesus, who on their expulsion from Guatemala landed unopposed at Realejo, and journeyed to Leon, where a portion of the inhabitants gave them a warm reception. Discussions ensued; some were in favor of giving the new-comers convents, turning over to them public education, and allowing them every privilege as they had had at their late field; others demanded that they should be sent away. The government took no action, other than permitting them to remain, and they soon ingratiated themselves with the masses.[XXIII-24]

[Sidenote: PARTIES AND PRINCIPLES.]

Toward the end of the year rumors of an impending revolution were rife. There was no cause for it. Quadra's administration certainly was deserving of public support.[XXIII-25] But it seemed the fashion of Nicaragua either to be on the eve of or in the throes of revolution, or at least to talk of one.[XXIII-26] At the present time there were three political parties, and a club aspiring to that rank. The party in power was called by some of its members liberal conservador, and by others republicano. This party had a large following of well-to-do and sedate citizens. It had no monarchical, aristocratic, or theocratic tendencies; on the contrary, its principles were liberal and progressive, but it moved slowly, from fear of disturbing peace and order. Another party was formed, of men who at one time used to call themselves democrats, but had lately taken a conservative for a leader, become associated with the clergy, and adopted the name of moderado. The third party, hardly entitled to the rank, was made up of young men anxious for the greatest development of liberty and progress. Its members were scattered, or affiliated with other parties. Then there was the club, composed of a few hot-heads who insisted on being the mountain, and parodying the French Jacobins of 1793. The fears of revolution were on the increase in the first part of 1872. The self-styled moderados of the five states were working together in Leon, the native clergy and the jesuits being the common centre of the revolutionary propaganda, and the government of President Medina of Honduras encouraging them.

The congressional elections took place in October with much agitation and disturbance in several localities.[XXIII-27] There was considerable independence exhibited by the voters. The liberal conservatives obtained a working majority, and high hopes were entertained from the congress which was to sit on the 1st of January, 1873.

The year 1872 was a happy one for Nicaragua. Not only was peace consolidated, but party animosity greatly decreased. Trade and agriculture yielded good results; the public administration was much improved; the treasury also felt easy, and public credit was restored. Congress assembled on the appointed day, and the president's message contained an encouraging report. He said that the rights of citizens had been respected, and an asylum allowed to the refugees of other states, including the jesuits.[XXIII-28] He labored to impress upon the representatives the necessity of providing means to increase the revenue; but nothing had been done at the end of February, and the president saw, besides, that notwithstanding his moderate, impartial, and conciliatory policy, a considerable portion of the citizens refused to lend him their coöperation. In view of all this, and of his advanced age and ill health, he tendered his resignation on the 1st of March, setting forth the reasons for his doing so; but the chambers refused to accept it.[XXIII-29] Congress adjourned on the 20th of March to continue its labors in 1874. Several important laws had been passed, for which the legislature deserved credit. On the other hand, it was blamed for a lavish bestowal of pensions, and for an excessive number of pardons and other favors to criminals. The jesuit question was resolved February 12th in favor of permitting the priests to remain.[XXIII-30]

[Sidenote: PRESIDENT QUADRA.]

The relations with Costa Rica were most unsatisfactory, and the government took action to meet any possible emergency. Pursuant to its decree of August 28th, congress assembled September 16th, when President Quadra's message made known that events had taken place calling for an abandonment of the policy he had hitherto pursued of absolute abstention from interference in the affairs of the other Central American states.[XXIII-31] His administration reported the intrigues of President Guardia of Costa Rica with discontented Nicaraguans for its overthrow. It was generally believed that a disturbance of the public peace was impending, and that Costa Rican money had circulated among the men concerned in the plot.[XXIII-32] These men, some of whom were officers in the service of Nicaragua, concealed themselves, and a number of them went to Costa Rica to tender their services to the enemy of their country. Meantime a body of armed men raised by the reactionary party of Central America made its appearance in Honduras, which alarmed the governments of Guatemala and Salvador. These powers represented to Nicaragua the movements to be unquestionably the work of Costa Rica, proposing an alliance against the latter.[XXIII-33] A defensive alliance was concluded on the 26th of August, the plenipotentiaries being Anselmo H. Rivas and B. Carazo. This treaty was approved by the three governments.[XXIII-34] It contained, besides, two other clauses; namely, the allied powers were to endeavor to bring about a settlement of the boundary question between Nicaragua and Costa Rica, and coöperate toward the reorganization of Central America under a single government.[XXIII-35]

Congress closed the session on the 15th of October, and shortly after the government was apprised of the departure from Puntarenas, Costa Rica, on the vessel named _Tigre_, of an expedition of Nicaraguans under Tinoco bound to Nicaragua.[XXIII-36] The expedition landed on the 3d of November, not in Nicaraguan territory, but in San Bernardo, a small port of Honduras. Nicaragua at once sent a force to the frontier, and Minister Delgadillo started for Honduras to obtain permission from the government to pursue the invaders within her limits, which being granted, the Nicaraguans marched from Somotillo into Honduras, and acting in accord with another force from Salvador, the invaders abandoned Corpus, and repaired to Tegucigalpa, where Tinoco capitulated.[XXIII-37] The Nicaraguan government's force then returned home.[XXIII-38]

The elections for president and members of congress took place within the last three months of 1874 under no hindrance, and without any serious disturbance of the peace.[XXIII-39] Quadra's message of January 13, 1875, announced that public confidence in a continued peace was not yet fully restored; but a disposition to work and maintain order was taking deep root among the masses.[XXIII-40]

[Sidenote: PRESIDENT CHAMORRO.]

Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, the elect of the people for the next presidential term, was inducted into office on the 1st of March, 1875.[XXIII-41] Quadra returned with alacrity to private life. The new administration soon had to deal with seditious attempts which had been prepared during Quadra's rule. One of Chamorro's first acts was to issue an unconditional pardon to the parties implicated, hoping that it would bring the government's opponents to a better feeling. But the result was quite different; for they began a series of plots, and it then became necessary to issue, on the 17th of November, 1875, a decree of expulsion and of partial banishments. This quieted the country, and peace would have become consolidated but for the opportunities afforded the agitators in the neighboring states to start another conflagration. Costa Rica became the asylum of the discontented of Nicaragua, who took advantage of the interrupted relations between the two governments to promote a war that might give them the control of affairs in their country.

Costa Rica suspended diplomatic and commercial relations with Nicaragua; but the latter concluded not to decree a suspension of trade, with the view of not injuring innocent persons. No actual war existed, but it might break out at any moment, in view of Costa Rica's menacing attitude.[XXIII-42] At last the government found itself threatened from various quarters. It then called on all patriotic citizens for new sacrifices, to which they responded with enthusiasm.[XXIII-43] Martial law was proclaimed, and the president assumed personal command of the forces, the executive office being temporarily placed in charge of Senator Pedro Balladares. When the danger of war had passed, the decree of martial law was repealed.[XXIII-44] Elections for supreme and local authorities took place without hindrance and in good order. But the country suffered severely from natural causes.[XXIII-45]

Peace reigned during the last two years of Chamorro's rule, which enabled him to devote his attention to the advancement of the country's interests. Notwithstanding the past difficulties, the national finances had attained a better organization, and the national credit was on a higher plane. The people showed a growing disposition to employ themselves in the arts of peace, their civil and political rights being fully respected by the authorities. Friendly relations existed with foreign powers, and no complications were apprehended with the neighbors.[XXIII-46] The elections for president, deputies, and senators were effected at the usual time, the government abstaining from all interference. General Joaquin Zavala, having been the popular choice for chief magistrate, took possession of his office with the customary formalities on the 1st of March, 1879, promising to follow the conciliatory policy of his predecessor. He congratulated the representatives on the stability which the republic was evidently arriving at.[XXIII-47]

[Sidenote: PEACE AND PROGRESS.]

Congress closed the session on the 1st of April. The results of its three months' labors were quite important.[XXIII-48] Though acting with independence, the utmost harmony prevailed in its relations with the executive. At the opening of the next legislative session in January 1881, the president made known that peace had been undisturbed both at home and abroad, and there was no cause to apprehend any immediate change. As far as the government's scanty means permitted, works of public utility had been fostered.[XXIII-49] Public education made considerable progress. The finances were duly attended to, and a few reforms introduced.[XXIII-50] The president congratulated the nation on the fact that all had been accomplished with the ordinary revenues. The public credit stood higher than ever. The foreign debt had been cancelled, and the internal, which amounted to $1,600,000, reduced to one half this sum.[XXIII-51] Congress adjourned March 6th. Several important measures were introduced and discussed, but left for completion in the following year.[XXIII-52]

[Sidenote: JESUIT DISTURBANCES.]

The apprehensions felt by a large number of citizens of serious troubles from the presence of the jesuits were realized in May 1881. On the 6th there was an Indian insurrection in Matagalpa, accompanied with considerable bloodshed, and the jesuits were said to be the instigators.[XXIII-53] Twenty members of the order residing in that place were arrested and taken under guard to Granada. A still more alarming revolt took place in Leon. At the opening of the Instituto de Occidente, an educational establishment under the special protection of the national authorities, Professor J. Leonard, from Spain, made certain remarks, at which the jesuit fathers took umbrage.[XXIII-54] They, together with a certain Apolonio Orozco, accused Leonard and Calderon of being free-thinkers and assailants of religion. The forty or fifty fathers living in Leon took the matter in hand energetically, and in two days there was hardly a person in the place who had not been told that the religion of their fathers was imperilled by the propaganda of the free-thinkers of the instituto. Relying on the support of a fanatical rabble, they assumed a bold attitude, and demanded prompt action on the part of Bishop Ulloa y Larios. But the latter would not uphold them. This greatly exasperated them. Meantime the rabble became seditious. Parties of armed men intrenched themselves in the old Recoleccion convent, and laboring under the excitement produced by the speeches of their leaders and the free use of rum, they resisted the troops engaged in an effort to preserve order, eight or ten being killed, and many more wounded. The mob retreated to the Recoleccion, resolved to continue the fight, defying the local authorities, who, in fact, did not show much disposition to put them down, the prefect being a friend of the jesuits. The commander of the forces was an aged soldier, who could not do much active service. However, he captured the two chief leaders, Bermudez and Duvon, and sent them to Managua, where they were imprisoned. The supreme government adopted prompt measures, despatched troops to Leon, who brought the rebels under subjection, and then expelled the jesuits from the country.[XXIII-55] It was believed that the real object of those movements was to overthrow Zavala and place Pedro Balladares in the executive chair. The question for a time seemed to be who should rule—the government or the jesuits. Zavala's energy settled it.

In July 1882 there was a slight rebellion in Gracias á Dios, and later disturbances in Matagalpa, Telica, and Subtiaba; but though causing some expense, because the government had to station a strong force there during a considerable time, public works were not thereby interrupted. The president, in his message to congress at the inception of 1883, expressed himself as gratified with the report he had to make, and retained the most perfect confidence in the future progress and prosperity of the republic. His successor, Adan Cárdenas,[XXIII-56] elected by popular suffrage, was placed in possession of the office on the 1st of March, 1883.[XXIII-57] Congress adjourned on the 12th of March. The new government issued a decree pardoning all who were concerned in the revolutionary disturbances at Matagalpa and Leon in 1881 and 1882.

The question of reconstructing the republic of Central America was now being considered by the five governments.[XXIII-58] Nicaragua was at peace and progressing both morally and materially. It must be confessed, however, that priestcraft and bigotry still reigned almost supreme. The country had suffered, however, during the last two years from epidemics and other causes.[XXIII-59]

[Sidenote: DISCOMFITED REVOLUTIONISTS.]

On the receipt at Managua in March 1885 of information respecting the resolution of the assembly of Guatemala to effect the reconstruction of Central America by force, and the order of President J. Rufino Barrios, styling himself general-in-chief of the Central American forces, the people became greatly excited, manifesting a resolution to oppose Barrios' schemes with all their might. The government entered into an alliance offensive and defensive with Salvador and Costa Rica to provide for their mutual defence against Barrios, and troops were organized, President Cárdenas taking command of the Nicaraguan forces in the field, first calling Pedro Joaquin Chamorro to temporarily occupy the executive office.[XXIII-60] Nicaragua at once despatched 500 men to the aid of Salvador, and prepared 500 or 600 more.[XXIII-61] After the defeat and death of Barrios, the scheme of forcible reconstruction was abandoned by Guatemala, and peace being restored, Nicaragua returned to her normal condition. In the latter part of 1885, however, a movement was made with the view of overthrowing Cárdenas. A party of revolutionists, calling themselves liberals, landed at Nancital; but being unable to effect their purpose, took refuge in Honduras, where they were disarmed.[XXIII-62]