CHAPTER XXI.

RENEWED EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY.

1873-1885.

PRESIDENT BARRIOS OF GUATEMALA—END OF REACTIONARY WAR—GUATEMALAN PROGRESS—WAR WITH SALVADOR AND HONDURAS—BARRIOS' SUCCESSES AND GENEROSITY TO THE VANQUISHED—CONSTITUTIONAL RÉGIME IN GUATEMALA—BARRIOS' REËLECTIONS—HIS VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES—PEACEFUL EFFORT TO UNITE CENTRAL AMERICA—RESORT TO ARMS—ALLIANCE OF GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS—BARRIOS ATTACKS SALVADOR—HIS DEFEAT AND DEATH—HIS PLAN ABANDONED—M. L. BARILLAS, PROVISIONAL PRESIDENT OF GUATEMALA—RESTORATION OF PEACE.

Justo Rufino Barrios, now president of the republic by the popular choice, was born about 1834 in San Márcos, department of Quezaltenango. He received his education in Guatemala, and fitted himself for a notary public, and received his commission as such; but it does not appear that he performed notarial duties.[XXI-1] He was of about middle height, and rather light complexion, with a cold, distant look, and plain and unassuming in his dress. His manners were brusque, unrefined, and unconventional, as if it were easier for him to despise good manners than to acquire them. However, after a while they become more polished. Without any claim to enlightenment, or to a knowledge of public affairs,[XXI-2] it is not too much to say that he possessed natural talents, a far-reaching mind, and a disposition to labor unremittingly for the welfare of his country, though at the same time looking after his own aggrandizement. His energy of character and iron will have been generally recognized. Whatever his enemies may say, the fact stands that his country owes him much; for example, liberal institutions, internal peace, and with them the advancement of intellectual pursuits, industries, and wealth.[XXI-3]

The cause of education was fostered as it had never been before, efforts being constantly made to elevate the lower classes;[XXI-4] and the country was endowed with many of the improvements of the age, like the railroad and the telegraph. Acts of despotism and brutality without number have been rightly imputed to Barrios,[XXI-5] some well founded, but most of them inventions of his enemies, among whom were of course the would-be oligarchs and the priests, together with their fanatical followers. Still, it must be said that his government was one in which fear of the sword was constantly holding its opponents in check.[XXI-6]

[Sidenote: COSTLY INSULT.]

The efforts of the reactionists to regain the upper-hand were finally defeated in the latter end of the year, when an amnesty was granted to the remnants of rebels in Santa Rosa and elsewhere.[XXI-7] In the following year an outrageous act was perpetrated by a military officer, bringing upon his government a serious complication with a foreign power. Colonel Gonzalez, a native of Spain, who had been intrusted with the responsible command at the port of San José, for some disagreement with the British vice-consul, had him seized and beaten as a common criminal in the most barbarous manner. Realizing, on the next morning, the responsibility he had incurred, he tried to escape on the American mail steamship, but his infamous conduct had preceded him, and he was driven away. Both he and his accomplice, Bulnes, were promptly arrested, tried, and sentenced to undergo heavy penalties.[XXI-8] The British government demanded prompt reparation of the insult, which Barrios unhesitatingly acceded to. Guatemala saluted the British flag at San José with every mark of respect,[XXI-9] and was mulcted in the sum of $50,000, which she paid.[XXI-10]

The government had another foreign difficulty on its hands in 1875, resulting from a hasty recognition of the independence of Cuba on the 6th of April. In August, Commodore E. Butler, of the Spanish royal navy, arrived at Guatemala, bearing a note from Conde de Valmaseda, captain-general of the island, to President Barrios, demanding satisfaction. It was finally agreed[XXI-11] that Guatemala would at once accredit a minister at Madrid to discuss the subject and arrange it satisfactorily. This was done, and the difficulty was amicably settled.[XXI-12]

[Sidenote: FURTHER HOSTILITIES.]

The political outlook at the beginning of 1876 was not such a one as promised a continuance of peace. Serious troubles were impending over three of the important sections of Central America. Barrios had brought about the assembling of a diet, which was installed in Guatemala January 15th, with the object of reorganizing the country under one government.[XXI-13] Civil war raged in Honduras, and while the diet was sitting, Barrios was moving his troops; 600 men were stationed in Esquipulas, and 1,200 more marched to Jutiapa.[XXI-14] Salvador was not slow in preparing for hostilities. On the 23d of January, however, Guatemala and Salvador agreed to disarm.[XXI-15]

It was believed in Guatemala that Enrique Palacios, and about 3,000 of her refugees sojourning in Salvador, had been wheedled and promised aid by President Gonzalez for the overthrow of Barrios, and that they were exasperated, and would insist on those promises being carried out. On the other hand, Barrios was chagrined at the failure of the diet to arrive at a conclusion in favor of consolidation.[XXI-16] He now resolved, whether with the purpose of pursuing the reorganization scheme or with that of further securing himself, or both, to change the rulers of Salvador and Honduras, replacing them with his supporters. The task in Honduras was an easier one, that country being in the throes of revolution. Salvador, as he thought, with a hostile government in Honduras, and war threatening from the side of Guatemala, must succumb. The results of his policy were as he had planned them. The fortune of war favored him,[XXI-17] and from 1876 to 1884 he could count on the resources of Guatemala, Salvador, and Honduras[XXI-18] to effect what he undertook to accomplish single-handed at another time. But this will be treated of at the proper time.

After his successful campaign, Barrios was received in triumph at his capital,[XXI-19] and erelong other honors poured upon him. Costa Rica made him a general of division of her army.[XXI-20] The constituent assembly declared him a benemérito de la patria; and the legislature of conquered Salvador voted him a sword of honor.[XXI-21] The political atmosphere, however, became cloudy immediately after the return of the forces. Barrios would have dismissed his ministers then had they not been preparing their reports to present to the constituent assembly which was to assemble in a short time.[XXI-22]

The assembly was installed on the 11th of September, 1876,[XXI-23] and passed a few acts; namely, October 19th, approved all the acts of Barrios during the time he had held the executive office, and his budget for the fiscal year from July 1, 1876, to June 30, 1877; October 23d, declared that the proper time for framing a national constitution had not yet arrived; the work was therefore postponed to a more suitable period. The presidential term for Barrios was fixed at four years from the date of the decree.[XXI-24] The change of ministers Barrios desired to make finally took place.[XXI-25]

[Sidenote: MURDEROUS PLOT.]

With the exception of an insignificant affair in Quiché, the year 1877 had nearly run itself out without any alarms or disturbances, when on the 1st of November a plot was detected in the capital, having for its objects, as appeared, to murder the president and other leading men, sack the city, and effect a general change in affairs. The persons implicated were tried by court-martial and convicted; seventeen of the chief leaders being executed in the plaza de armas, and accomplices of a lower degree sentenced to other penalties. Most of the latter were subsequently pardoned.[XXI-26]

On the 9th of November, 1878, the president issued a convocation for a constituent assembly of 71 members to meet on the 15th of March following, for the purposes of framing a national constitution, and resolving upon such matters as the government would submit to its deliberations.[XXI-27] The assembly was installed on the appointed day, and the president, whose term of appointment in 1876 had not expired, surrendered his dictatorial powers. In a lengthy message he gave a detailed account of public affairs, with the assurance that the republic was enjoying peace and prosperity.[XXI-28] For further particulars he referred to the reports of his ministers. This much-valued peace continued uninterrupted, notwithstanding the efforts of refugees in Chiapas to invade Guatemala with views hostile to the government. But they were balked by the action of Mexico at Barrios' request, in keeping the parties away from the frontier.[XXI-29] The constituent assembly adopted on the 11th of December, 1879, a new constitution for the republic, which was promulgated a few days after. It recognized the great principles of democracy and social reform, and was in harmony with the social condition and political needs of Guatemala.[XXI-30]

[Sidenote: BARRIOS DICTATOR.]

Pursuant to the requirements of the constitution, the government issued on the 13th of December, 1879, and 12th of January, 1880, decrees for the elections of president of the republic and deputies to the assembly, which took place without any disturbance. Justo Rufino Barrios was chosen, by popular suffrage, president of the republic for the term from March 1, 1880, to March 1, 1886.[XXI-31] Peace continued without interruption,[XXI-32] and the government was enabled to devote its attention to the advancement of the country's educational and material interests. Judicial and administrative reforms were introduced, and the army was reorganized, receiving marked improvements in every branch. Agriculture and commerce progressed, and the national finances had never been in so promising a condition.[XXI-33]

Barrios took advantage of this quiet to pay a visit to the United States. He landed at New Orleans, and thence repaired to Washington, where he was received with the high consideration due to the chief magistrate of a friendly nation. In other cities of the union he was also welcomed and hospitably entertained.[XXI-34] His visit was one of business rather than of pleasure, having the double object of inviting the American government, Mexico having likewise done so, to act as mediator for the final settlement of their long-pending boundary question; and also of bespeaking the influence and good offices of the same power to bring about the union of the five Central American states, in order that they might form a single republic. The first request was acceded to, and the boundary difficulty was terminated.[XXI-35] As regarded the other matter, the United States, while recognizing the wisdom of the five Central American republics becoming consolidated, declined to interfere.

[Sidenote: BARRIOS RESTLESS.]

Barrios made a flying visit to Europe, and returned by way of the United States, embarking at San Francisco, California, for his country, where he arrived early in November 1882.[XXI-36] On the 29th of December he laid before the legislative assembly, then sitting in extra session, his resignation of the executive office, pleading the precarious state of his health, which demanded rest and special care. He said that the constitutional régime being restored and consolidated, his further services might be dispensed with. He considered the occasion a propitious one for a change in the chief magistrate.[XXI-37]

Barrios' act caused much anxiety to his friends,[XXI-38] but the assembly, while appreciating his motives, declined to accept the resignation, alluding to the alarm the news of it had created among the people. It did not seem to concur with him on the point of internal peace being secure, apprehension existing against reactionary projects which might arrest the progress of the past few years. The chamber promised, however, to devise some means of conciliating the demands of his health with the need of his services.[XXI-39] It was understood that if the project of the union of the states, then engaging the attention of their governments, should be carried out, the measure to be suggested by the assembly would be granting him a leave of absence. The decision of the legislature was received with great satisfaction by the people. Barrios accepted it, and on the 6th of January, 1883, in an address to the people, announced his resumption of the presidency, though only for a short time.[XXI-40]

Meanwhile the scheme of Central American reconstruction had not been neglected. Barrios at an early day renewed negotiations with that object in view. Salvador and Honduras seemed to be in full accord with his plan; but Nicaragua and Costa Rica had failed to see the practicability of its realization. Delfino Sanchez, a Guatemalan commissioner, and Salvador Gallegos, minister of foreign affairs of Salvador, together visited Honduras, whose president, ministers, and influential citizens renewed assurances of concerted action. They next repaired to Nicaragua, and then to Costa Rica, at both of which places they met with cordial receptions, and their propositions were attentively considered, leading them to expect a successful result to their joint mission.[XXI-41] Those governments consented to accredit five delegates each to a congress, which was to sit in March 1884, either at Ahuachapan, or Santa Tecla, in Salvador, with powers limited to discuss and subscribe to the plan for a general constitution, and organic laws intended for the reorganization of Central America. Costa Rica's promise was subject to sanction by her legislature. She subsequently receded, and officially made it known to the government of Nicaragua.[XXI-42]

The project was early in 1884 as far from realization as ever. Barrios in his message of that year to the national assembly alludes to the result as a sore disappointment to him; adding that no one had dared to declare himself against the lofty idea, and yet there had been so many elements, both of personal ambition and localism, hostile to its success,[XXI-43] that the use of force would have had to be resorted to, which had formed no part of his peaceful plan, to conquer the covert and persistent opposition. But his government would not let slip any opportunity favorable to its realization, continuing meantime with its liberal institutions, laws, and general policy, to exhibit unequivocal proofs of a fraternal spirit. He soon had a falling out, however, with President Soto of Honduras, who, believing himself in peril of overthrow, or other form of revenge, at the hands of his more powerful neighbor, was charged with abandoning his slippery position, and seeking safety in a foreign land, well provided with pecuniary means to lead a luxurious life. But on this subject more particulars are given in connection with Honduras history in another chapter.

With Nicaragua a general treaty of friendship, defensive alliance, commerce, navigation, and extradition of criminals was concluded at Guatemala, December 27, 1883.[XXI-44]

[Sidenote: ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION.]

An attempt was made, with a metallic bomb, against the life of President Barrios, as he was walking in the Plaza del Teatro with the minister of war, J. Martin Barrundia, on the evening of April 13, 1884. The bomb burst, happily, failing of its object. No one was injured; but the incident served to excite alarm and indignation against the perpetrators of the crime throughout Central America. Expressions of sympathy and congratulation at the narrow escape of Barrios and his companion, came in from the diplomatic corps, and from all classes of society.[XXI-45]

The investigations made by the authorities led to the discovery of the perpetrators, and they were tried, convicted, and sentenced.[XXI-46] But the president, exercising his prerogative, granted them a full pardon on the 4th of July, and they were at once set at liberty.

Barrios, who had been visiting the western departments, returned to the capital on September 13th, having with him as national guests the presidents of Salvador and Honduras with their suites, and Tomás Ayon, representing the chief magistrate of Nicaragua, who had been unable to respond in person to the invitation of the government of Guatemala, and be present with the others at the inauguration of the southern railroad.[XXI-47] The visit of these personages lasted till the termination of the festivities, when they took their departure the 21st; Barrios and his ministers accompanying them as far as Port San José.

The scheme of Central American unification was never lost sight of. Barrios had been watching for a propitious opportunity, and early in 1885 resolved to initiate it. He accordingly issued, on the 28th of February, a decree wherein, after explaining in a long preamble the advantages which would accrue to all concerned from his action, he proclaimed, in accord with the legislative assembly of Guatemala, the consolidation of the five states into one republic, and the manner of effecting it.[XXI-48] He likewise made a manifesto to the people of Central America at large, assuring them that he was not prompted by personal ambition, or the desire of holding power, for he had had abundant experience of its bitterness.[XXI-49]

The president of Honduras on the 7th of March telegraphed to Guatemala the resolutions adopted that same day by the state assembly in favor of Central American consolidation.[XXI-50]

[Sidenote: DIVERSIFIED OPINIONS.]

The people of Guatemala and Honduras seemed to be generally disposed to support their governments. But it proved to be otherwise in Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, though many citizens of the three states favored the initiative of Guatemala. The administration of Salvador having failed to second the movement, Barrios' passionate temper was roused. He wrote President Zaldívar that, relying upon the assurances of Salvador and Honduras,[XXI-51] he had launched his decree of February 28th, and as he had not shown the proper disposition to fulfil his pledges, the government of Guatemala would employ its abundant resources to force compliance;[XXI-52] for he was resolved to carry out his enterprise at all hazards. He announced at the same time the appointment of Francisco Menendez, a Salvadoran general of division, to command the western departments of the latter republic,[XXI-53] with instructions to raise over them the standard of Central America, and expressed the hope that Zaldívar would not permit obstacles to be thrown in that officer's way. Zaldívar telegraphed him on the 9th to await the visit of their mutual friends, Menendez and Avilez, and not act hastily, nor look upon him as a foe, for he had no wish to be one. Barrios then concluded to wait for the coming of those commissioners.[XXI-54]

[Sidenote: COERCION CONDEMNED.]

The decree of February 28th, which was now raising such a political storm, had been officially communicated to the foreign diplomatic and consular corps on the 6th of March. The German minister was the first to answer it; he seemed to commend the effort about to be made. The other representatives acknowledged its receipt in more or less expressive terms. The Spanish minister endeavored, however, though unofficially, to dissuade Barrios from carrying out his plan without the concurrence of the other states. His effort, he said, was to avert bloodshed. Barrios was indisposed to brook this interference, returning on the 10th a haughty reply to the effect that the question of Central American unification was not an international one, and solely concerned the people of Central America. He therefore requested him to discontinue his officious intervention, and finally added, that if Zaldívar fulfilled his engagements, paying attention only to the wishes of patriotic citizens, there would be no bloodshed. The minister then went to Guatemala, and wrote an explanatory letter, closing his interference, to which Barrios replied that, being engaged with other important affairs, he could not give his letter all the attention it demanded; but he was glad the discussion had been brought to an end. The government of Mexico, to which the Guatemalan minister, Francisco Anguiano, had made known Barrios' action, replied through its minister of foreign affairs, Ignacio Mariscal, disapproving of the movement, and signifying its intention to provide for the defence of Mexico's frontiers and interests.[XXI-55]

The government of the United States also looked with disfavor on the plan of forcible organization, promptly ordering naval forces to the Central American coasts for the protection of American interests. The Nicaraguan congress had, on the 8th of March, resolved to reject the union decreed by Guatemala, and to energetically oppose what they called Barrios' attempt to impose his will, and to constitute himself a dictator over Central America. The executive was accordingly empowered to make provision, singly or conjointly with other states, for national defence at whatever sacrifice. The government of Costa Rica adopted a similar course, the executive being clothed with extraordinary powers.[XXI-56]

[Sidenote: DEATH OF BARRIOS.]

Finally, the three republics of Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica appealed to the governments of the United States and Mexico to interfere on their behalf against Barrios' projects. Mexico responded at once. President Diaz notified Barrios on the 10th by telegraph, that the governments and people of those three republics had rejected his scheme, which had, moreover, produced an impression on the Mexican people, demanding on the part of their government the assumption of an attitude suitable to an emergency by which the independence and autonomy of nations of this continent had been menaced. Barrios telegraphed back that his answer would go by mail. He afterward issued an address to the Mexican nation, of a friendly nature.[XXI-57] But the die was cast. War was now unavoidable. The three opposing governments, for their mutual protection, entered on the 22d of March into an alliance offensive and defensive,[XXI-58] and took active measures to give effect to the union. Guatemala on her part, and her ally Honduras, had not been slow in their preparations for the impending strife. Regardless of all opposition, Barrios was still bent upon his difficult task, and for its accomplishment marched an army into Salvadoran territory. The events of this campaign are given in another chapter, in connection with the history of Salvador, where the fighting took place. Let it suffice to say here that the invaders met with disaster, and Barrios lost his life, fighting heroically, on the 2d of April.[XXI-59] His remains were rescued, it is said at the cost of twenty lives, and conveyed to Guatemala, where they were interred with civic and military honors. His widow, Francisca Aparicio de Barrios, and their seven children, being escorted to the port of San José by a military guard, embarked for San Francisco, accompanied by friends. They afterward transferred themselves and their belongings to New York, where Señora Barrios established her residence, it being understood that the family has been left amply provided with pecuniary means.[XXI-60]

Upon the news reaching Guatemala of the disasters which had befallen the army operating in Salvador, and of the death of the president, the legislative assembly, and the provisional president, Alejandro Sinibaldi,[XXI-61] in accord with it, revoked on the 3d of April the decree of February 28th. Subsequently, through the mediation of the diplomatic corps, preliminaries of peace were agreed to, but not before the president of Salvador had signified an unwillingness to treat with Sinibaldi and Barrios' ministers. The former then surrendered the executive office to the second designado, Manuel Lisandro Barillas, and the ministers retired with him.

The new government on the 15th of April restored peace with Salvador and her allies Nicaragua and Costa Rica.[XXI-62] All treaty stipulations existing between Guatemala and Salvador on the 28th of February last were also restored, to remain in force until a new treaty should be concluded.[XXI-63] An amnesty was granted to all Guatemalans who took part in the late president's movement, and to all Guatemalans who were absent for political offences committed six months prior to the aforesaid date; the government signifying its intention of making the amnesty general as soon as circumstances would permit.[XXI-64] With the change of ruler diplomatic relations were reëstablished with the government of Mexico.[XXI-65]

[Sidenote: PEACE AT LAST.]

The cabinet of Salvador now proposed to the other four republics the meeting of a congress of plenipotentiaries on the 15th of May at Santa Tecla, with the object of reconstructing Central America as one republic, or at least of adopting measures conducive to that end. President Zaldívar then signified his intention of resigning his office on the assembling of congress, and as soon as it should have arrived at some resolution on the scheme. Guatemala deemed it premature. Nicaragua declined. Honduras accepted the proposition. The government of Costa Rica, though her magistrate was clothed with ample powers, did not feel justified in entering into such an arrangement without first obtaining the assent of congress, which was not then in session, and would not be for some time.[XXI-66]

Peace and quiet being generally reëstablished, martial law was removed, the country placed under the rule of the constitution, a general amnesty decreed, and a constituent congress convoked.[XXI-67] Congress assembled on the 24th of August, the acting president manifesting much confidence in its wisdom to accomplish much good to the country. But it does not appear that after a long session, it accomplished any thing worth recording.[XXI-68]

The election took place on the 22d of November, Barillas being chosen president by a unanimous vote of the electoral college. Colonel Vicente Castañeda, a deputy, was elected vice-president.[XXI-69] Barillas was quite the opposite of Barrios in some respects. He was a man of the kindest and most benevolent instincts, who would rather suffer wrong than do wrong. The discontented were not long in taking advantage of his clemency to create disturbance. A number of generals and others were detected in a diabolical plot, intended to murder Barillas and destroy the foreigners. The parties implicated were arrested, and surrendered to the courts, the president refusing to interfere.

The ministers were requested to resign their portfolios, which were intrusted to the following persons, all young men of recognized abilities and progressive ideas, namely: A. Lazo Arriaga, of foreign relations; Abel Cruz, of government and justice; Escobar, of the treasury and public credit; Cárlos Herrera, a son of the late Manuel M. Herrera, one of Barrios' best assistants, minister of fomento; and Manuel Valle, journalist, poet, and orator, minister of public instruction.