CHAPTER XIX.

DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR.

1865-1885.

RULE OF PRESIDENT DUEÑAS—HIS CONSERVATISM—QUARREL WITH HONDURAS—THE LATTER ALLIED WITH SALVADORAN LIBERALS—BATTLE OF SANTA ANA—DUEÑAS DEPOSED—HIS IMPEACHMENT, RELEASE, AND TEMPORARY EXILE—SANTIAGO GONZALEZ PROVISIONAL PRESIDENT—GONZALEZ ELECTED CHIEF MAGISTRATE—GUATEMALA AND SALVADOR AT WAR WITH HONDURAS—MURDER OF VICE-PRESIDENT MENDEZ—EARTHQUAKES—PRESIDENT VALLE—TROUBLE WITH GUATEMALA—EXEUNT VALLE AND GONZALEZ—ZALDÍVAR'S LONG RULE—CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES—ALLIANCE WITH NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA—RESISTANCE TO BARRIOS' PLAN OF CONQUEST—SALVADOR VICTORIOUS—RESTORED PEACE—ZALDÍVAR ELIMINATED—REVOLUTION—F. MENENDEZ MADE PRESIDENT.

[Sidenote: PRESIDENT DUEÑAS.]

Francisco Dueñas, called to preside over the destinies of Salvador in 1865, by the grace of President Carrera of Guatemala, was a member of the legal profession, and had already figured in public affairs. He was from early youth destined for the cloister, and in due time took the vows as a Dominican. But being of an ardent temperament, he came after a while to think himself adapted for a political leader rather than to serve God under a monk's habit.[XIX-1] He accordingly entered the political field, and soon attained prominence. In 1845 he was a minister of state, and had previously been a deputy to the federal congress, wherein for lack of eloquence he made no display; but in committees and private conversations with his colleagues, he often managed to have his ideas accepted. He was one of the deputies who voted against the fatal decree leaving the states free to constitute themselves. He was then a friend of Central American nationality, and often defended it almost as warmly as Barrundia. Pretending to follow public opinion, he was affiliated with the liberals. But his chief aim was even then the furtherance of his own political advancement. Thus we see him join the oligarchic clique, and ally himself with Carrera of Guatemala, from which time he discountenanced every attempt to restore true democracy. The republic became one in name only, for his government was personal and absolute.[XIX-2] With the aid of the oligarchs he managed to sustain himself for years, the country enjoying peace and material prosperity, for which, as well as for his not neglecting public education, he should have some credit.[XIX-3]

In December 1868, he was elected president for the next term, and public affairs continued in a nominal condition for some time, the most friendly relations being maintained with foreign powers, and specially with the other Central American states. But in the latter part of 1870 serious differences occurred with the government of Honduras, the latter imputing to Salvador marked favors to Honduran and Nicaraguan refugees, who were constantly plotting to overthrow the administration of President Medina. At last the Honduran government accredited two commissioners, namely Céleo Arias, and Teodoro Aguiluz, in San Salvador, with the view of settling those differences, if possible, in a friendly manner. Salvador on her part named Rafael Zaldívar her commissioner to treat with them, and their conferences began on the 16th of January, 1871, but they led to no satisfactory result.[XIX-4] At the fourth and last conference, on the 21st of January, the Honduran commissioners, after protesting against Salvador's course in rejecting their demands, proposed as a last resort to preserve friendship—in view of the fact that all hope of arriving at an understanding had disappeared, as confidence between the two governments no longer existed—that the legislatures of both states should be convoked to meet on the 12th of March, and the two presidents, Medina and Dueñas, resign their offices. After which elections for chief magistrates should be held, with the express condition that during those elections both Medina and Dueñas should reside out of their countries. Four days having elapsed without any answer having been returned to that proposition, the Honduran commissioners on the 25th renewed their protest, declared the conferences closed, and demanded their passports. However, after this, Zaldívar signified to them an acceptance of the proposal concerning the resignation. This inspired some hope that peace might yet be consolidated. But it proved to be a vain hope; for the government of Honduras on the 7th of February suspended all treaty stipulations between the two republics, and Salvador despatched in the same month a body of troops to invade her neighbor's territory;[XIX-5] in consequence of which President Medina on the 5th of March declared war against Salvador, or rather against Dueñas' government.[XIX-6]

[Sidenote: HOSTILITIES WITH HONDURAS.]

The liberal party took advantage of the situation to adopt active measures for the overthrow of despotism, and the restoration of democratic principles. General Santiago Gonzalez, who had been called to head a movement, made an address to the people, which produced a great excitement. Dueñas tried to strengthen himself by means of a so-called plebiscite, but this only served to show that a revolution was impending. Gonzalez applied for aid to the government of Honduras,[XIX-7] which, being then on the point of waging war against Dueñas, was prevailed on to place under command of that officer the forces he had organized to invade Salvador through Sensuntepeque. With his Salvadorans and Honduran allies Gonzalez made himself master of the departments of Santa Ana and Sonsonate,[XIX-8] from which he could procure abundant supplies. The government forces, which had been kept in suspense, not knowing which would be the invaders' objective point, attacked them at Santa Ana, and after four days' hard fighting, though much superior in numbers, were utterly routed on the 10th of April, with heavy casualties; the main army was put to flight, and the reserve forsook their standard.[XIX-9] Gonzalez was then proclaimed provisional president, and Dueñas' government collapsed, he, together with Tomás Martinez, ex-president of Nicaragua, who commanded in chief the government's army, and others, seeking a place of safety in the United States legation, then in charge of General A. T. A. Torbert, minister resident. The next day Gonzalez and his army marched into the capital amid the most enthusiastic acclamations. His first step was to protect the person of Dueñas against possible violence from his exasperated enemies, among whom were the friends of the never-forgotten Gerardo Barrios, whom Dueñas had caused to be shot in cold blood, and to obtain his surrender that he might answer before the nation for his alleged illegal acts.[XIX-10] Both Dueñas and Martinez were surrendered to the provisional government on its giving a pledge that their lives would not be imperilled. The surrender of Dueñas was made on the 20th of April, with his own acquiescence; he was then transferred as a state prisoner to the military school building.[XIX-11] Martinez was released and permitted to leave the republic.[XIX-12]

Ex-president Dueñas was, on the 13th of April, 1872, declared by the senate legally deposed, and amenable to the laws for acts of usurpation. Murders, among which was reckoned the execution of Ex-president Barrios, unjustifiable executions, and imprisonments of citizens, incendiarism, misappropriation of public moneys, and other misdemeanors. It was further ordered that the accused should be turned over to the jurisdiction of the courts for trial, pursuant to article 71 of the constitution.[XIX-13] In July of the same year, while the constitution was in suspense, during a temporary internal disturbance, the supreme court set him at liberty, which caused much agitation in Salvador. He left the country after giving bonds in $100,000 that he would not land in any port of Central America. He went to and remained in Europe some time, then returned to America, residing a while in New York, and afterward in San Francisco, California. Subsequently he was permitted free access to his country, and was treated with high consideration both in Salvador and Guatemala.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: NEW CONSTITUTION.]

The constituent assembly, which had been convoked by the provisional government, was installed July 28, 1871, and began its labors on the 31st, when the provisional president gave an account of his official acts, all of which were legalized at once.[XIX-14] The following persons were, in the order named, designated to take charge of the executive, provisionally, in the event of disability of Gonzalez; namely, Rafael Campo, Manuel Gallardo, and Cruz Ulloa.

On the 16th of October, the assembly adopted a new fundamental law in twelve titles, which may be said to have been in perfect accord with democratic principles.[XIX-15] This constitution was amended on the 9th of November, 1872, in a few particulars by a constituent assembly, the presidential term being made of four years instead of two. He could neither be reëlected for the next immediate term, nor act as president even a single day beyond the time for which he was chosen.[XIX-16] This same assembly in 1872 enacted several secondary laws of importance, to wit: on freedom of the press; trial by jury in criminal and libel cases; use of martial law; elections by universal suffrage; public instruction; codification of the laws in force since 1821; and appropriation of private property for great public uses.

The presidential election under the new charter of 1871 resulted in Gonzalez, the provisional president, being chosen the constitutional chief magistrate, his term to begin on the 1st of February the following year. The amendment to the constitution of November 9, 1872, extended it to February 1, 1876.

[Sidenote: CALAMITOUS TIMES.]

The political relations of the governments of Salvador and Guatemala with Honduras had, early in 1872, become so unfriendly that a war was unavoidable. Salvadoran and Guatemala forces invaded Honduras, and were successful in their operations, the details of which will be given in connection with the history of the latter country.[XIX-17] President Gonzalez and his victorious army on their return to San Salvador in June received an ovation. Subsequent events demanded the despatch of more troops to Honduras, which, together with Guatemala's, completed the work of the first campaign. The government also felt compelled to exile a number of persons who were manifestly conspiring for the destruction of the liberal régime.[XIX-18] The ministers addressed an exposé to the constituent congress, which had been in session since September 27th, reviewing the policy of the administration, and submitting for its sanction the late war measures, at variance with the constitution. All the acts of the president were subsequently approved by congress.[XIX-19]

The only other event of 1872 worthy of mention was the murder of the vice-president, Manuel Mendez, on the night of the 1st of September, in the public street,[XIX-20] by a man named Juan Melendez. At first it was supposed that the act might have been prompted by other motives than personal revenge; the latter proved, however, to be the real cause. The assassin fled into Honduras, but was finally discovered and surrendered to Salvador, where he was tried and executed.[XIX-21]

The year 1873 in its first part was a calamitous one for Salvador. A series of earthquakes caused destruction in many places, specially on the 19th of March, ruining the capital for the eighth time in its history. The national congress, after approving the government's acts to the date of closing its session, left the country to devote its best energies in repairing the havoc of that catastrophe. The rest of the year and 1874 formed, indeed, a period not only of restoration but of marked progress in every respect. National industries went on developing, public instruction, under the fostering care of the authorities, was constantly being spread among the masses, and the financial condition had become much improved. Peace reigned at home, and the relations with foreign powers were on an amicable footing; cordiality seemed to preside over those with the other Central American states. The future, at the inception of 1875, promised concord and good-will as well as undisturbed progressiveness.[XIX-22] But these expectations were not realized. The public peace was disturbed on two occasions; the first, by the Indians of Dolores Izalco, who, because of a dispute with the authorities anent their community lands, rose in arms, and on March 14th assaulted the garrison of the city of Izalco, to be repulsed with considerable loss. Their head men were arrested and imprisoned some months, until, promising good behavior in the future, they were released.[XIX-23] The other affair was a more serious one, calling for energetic action on the part of the military power. An armed mob of reactionists and religious fanatics, led by one Tinoco and a clergyman named José Manuel Palacios, on the 20th of June, fell upon the city of San Miguel, slaying the small garrison, together with the comandante general, Felipe Espinosa, and several citizens, sacking the business houses, and burning down a portion of the town. Such deeds of blood, robbery, and incendiarism as those of the 20th to the 24th had seldom been witnessed in Central America. Troops arrived from La Union, and the Honduran port of Amapala, on the 24th, and the malefactors fled, but not before about thirty of their number, including Father Palacios, were taken prisoners. A considerable part of the stolen goods was recovered. Reënforcements followed, and the department was secured from further molestation. President Gonzalez was at San Miguel on the 27th.[XIX-24]

On the other hand, a sanguinary and disastrous war with Guatemala caused an entire change in the administration.

The general assembly had, on the 1st of March, convoked the people to elect on the first Sunday of December a president and vice-president for the second constitutional term to begin February 1, 1876, and end February 1, 1880. Andrés Valle was chosen president, and Santiago Gonzalez, vice-president. The latter offered his resignation, but the assembly did not accept it. They were inducted into office on the appointed date. But previous to this, Guatemala having assumed a menacing attitude, congress decreed that in the event of the president going to the field at the head of the army, Valle, then a senator, should act in his stead, pro tempore. On the same date a forced loan of $500,000 was also ordered to be raised.

[Sidenote: PENDING HOSTILITIES.]

The difficulties arose from a supposed understanding of President Gonzalez with Guatemalan refugees in Salvador, and the government of Ponciano Leiva in Honduras, with the ulterior object of bringing about the downfall of Barrios. The latter alleged also that Gonzalez intended to uphold with his forces the government of Leiva, which, according to him, was entirely unpopular, because of its subserviency to Salvador. This intervention was deemed not only an attack against Honduran autonomy, but a menace to Guatemala. Gonzalez was notified that if he persisted in that course, Guatemala would then interfere in favor of General Medina, who was then trying to overthrow Leiva. The result of this attitude was a renewed assurance by Gonzalez of friendly feeling, and a proposition to hold a verbal conference on Honduran affairs, which Barrios accepted, and such a conference was held now with President Valle at Chingo, and a convention was signed on the 15th of February, under which Marco Aurelio Soto, an Honduran by birth, was to undertake the pacification of his country, backed by equal forces of Guatemala and Honduras.[XIX-25] Barrios contended that, though Valle was president, Gonzalez was the real power in Salvador, whom he accused in a public manifesto of hypocrisy and treachery. Angry words continued, the two nations being now armed for the conflict, till they agreed to disband their forces. Both governments claimed to have done so, imputing to the other a wilful neglect of its obligation. The probability is, that, distrusting one another, they merely pretended compliance, keeping their troops ready for action. Barrios sent 1,500 men into Honduras, and came himself with a force to threaten Salvador on the west, and actually invaded the latter without a previous declaration of war. At last, on the 20th of March, José María Samayoa, minister of war in charge of the executive of Guatemala, formally declared all official relations with Salvador at an end, and then again on the 27th, alleging that Salvadoran troops had invaded Guatemala, decreed the existence of war, giving Barrios unlimited power to make such uses of this declaration as befitted the dignity of Guatemala.[XIX-26] The government of Salvador on the 26th of March decreed the treaty of amity and alliance concluded with Guatemala January 24, 1872, to be no longer in force.[XIX-27]

[Sidenote: THE WRATH OF BARRIOS.]

Barrios' plan for the campaign was to assail Salvador on the west direct from Guatemala with an army under his personal command, and at the same time by a movement from Honduras under General Gregorio Solares on the eastern departments of San Miguel and La Union.

The Mexican general, Lopez Uraga, adjutant-general of Barrios, was stationed with a garrison at Jutiapa to guard the army supplies. At this time the Salvadorans unsuccessfully attacked an isolated position on the frontier, which roused the ire of Barrios. He then directed Uraga to move the supplies to Chingo, whence he started himself to the invasion of Salvador. Solares had not yet been heard from. He had first of all to get Medina and Leiva out of the way in Honduras. The Guatemalan president then marched to the Coco hacienda, and hearing that Chalchuapa was abandoned, occupied it at once. The Salvadorans had their headquarters at Santa Ana. The armies which were to encounter each other on the field of battle were the most numerous Central America had ever seen. Barrios with 8,000 or 9,000 men laid siege of Ahuachapan. Uraga stationed himself at Chalchuapa with about 1,500, and Chingo was left with a handful of men.[XIX-28]

The Guatemalans who have occupied Apaneca were driven away, and on returning thereto encountered the Salvadorans on the 15th of April, and after a fight lasting from eight in the morning till nightfall, were routed, and pursued as far as Atiquizaya, sustaining heavy losses.[XIX-29]

Meantime the belligerent armies in the east were not idle. Solares after hard fighting from the 17th to the 19th of April won a signal and decisive victory at Pasaquina over the Salvadorans commanded by generals Brioso, Delgado, Sanchez, and Espinosa; the results of which were that he obtained control of the departments of San Miguel and La Union, menacing those of San Vicente and Usulutan, and even the official residence of President Valle; thus depriving the government of large resources, and disheartening the army of Gonzalez in Ahuachapan and Santa Ana.[XIX-30] After this victory, Solares being reënforced, the Salvadorans, now reduced to 800 or 900, precipitately retreated to San Miguel, but by desertions on the march dwindled down to less than 200. The defence of San Miguel became impossible, and Solares occupied it, as well as La Union. There being insufficient elements to defend San Vicente, the government ordered the scattered garrisons to concentrate at the capital.

[Sidenote: CONVENTION AND TREATY.]

The condition of the army of the west was not much better. There were in Ahuachapan about 2,600 men, and in Santa Ana hardly 3,500. The former was greatly decreased by constant fighting during the holy week, and on the day after easter hardly exceeded 900 demoralized troops. An unsuccessful attempt was made against Chalchuapa. A few days later Salvadoran commissioners visited Barrios' headquarters, as he was, it is averred, on the point of raising the siege of Ahuachapan.[XIX-31] He then marched to Atiquizaya, and the next day to Chalchuapa, where the negotiations for peace were held,[XIX-32] which resulted in a convention, preliminary to a treaty of peace, concluded on the 25th of April, ratified the next day, and coupled with the condition sine qua non of a complete change in the personnel of the Salvadoran government.[XIX-33]

Under the preliminary convention of April 25th, Rafael Zaldívar was chosen provisional president, and on the 1st of May appointed his cabinet.[XIX-34] A definitive treaty of peace, friendship, and alliance, offensive and defensive, was signed at Santa Ana May 8th,[XIX-35] in which Honduras joined on the 27th of May. General Gonzalez had meantime repaired on board the British war ship _Amethyst_ at La Libertad, transferring himself afterward to the American mail steamship _Costa Rica_, on which he left Central America.

Pursuant to the 6th clause of the convention of April 25th, the people were called upon to choose, on the first Sunday of June, a president and vice-president, as well as representatives to the legislative assembly, the latter to meet at San Salvador on the 1st of July. This clause having been duly carried out, the Guatemalan forces withdrew from Salvador, in accordance with the 7th.[XIX-36] The elections took place, the national congress being installed July 3d, and Rafael Zaldívar declared to have been duly chosen constitutional president to continue the term from February 1, 1876, to February 1, 1880. He was accordingly inducted into office on the 19th of July.

* * * * *

Rafael Zaldívar had previously served in both houses of congress, in the cabinet, and filled several diplomatic missions, notably that of minister plenipotentiary in Berlin.[XIX-37] On his return he became President Dueñas' right-hand man and supporter. He was president of the last general assembly at the time of Dueñas' downfall, and considering his life in danger, he concealed himself, and finally escaped out of the country.[XIX-38] After this he lived in exile about five years.[XIX-39]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: CONSTITUTIONAL CONGRESS.]

The new administration had no home or foreign complications to distract its attention from the usual routine of duties, and progress was soon noticeable in every branch of industry as well as of the public service. The executive, on the 3d of April, 1879, called the people to choose a constituent congress to effect reforms in the constitution of November 9, 1872. This body was duly installed June 9th, under the presidency of Teodoro Moreno; but after appointing a committee to frame a constitution, it adjourned July 2d to meet again between the 1st and 15th of January, 1880. It reassembled on the latter date, and proceeded to consider the project of a fundamental law laid before it by that committee. Some amendments were finally adopted on the 19th of February, and Zaldívar was reëlected president for the ensuing term from February 1, 1880, to February 1, 1884.

Nothing worthy of special mention occurred till the end of 1882. The constitutional congress opened its session on the 5th of January, 1883, when the president gave an encouraging account of the political situation. Peace reigned, and the people were devoted to their industrial pursuits. The relations with the other nations of the earth were cordial, Salvador, though a small power, being the recipient of respect and regard from all others. With Costa Rica the relations, interrupted since October 1879, were renewed, and with Nicaragua the most perfect understanding existed. The treaty of alliance with Guatemala and Honduras was in full force.[XIX-40]

But this happy state of things was not to last. At 2 o'clock in the morning of April 16th, a body of men armed with rifles, shot-guns, revolvers, and machetes attacked the garrison at Santa Tecla, crying Viva la religion! Viva el Doctor Gallardo! Mueran Zaldívar y Barrios! They were repulsed by the troops commanded by Colonel Matías Castro Delgado, who captured forty prisoners. The government forces went in pursuit of the others in the region of the neighboring volcano.[XIX-41] The insurrectionary movement had ramifications in other towns, namely, La Libertad, San Salvador, Santa Ana, Ahuachapan, and Sonsonate, where its authors expected to be seconded. The president at once placed the departments of San Salvador, La Libertad, and the west under martial law. This and other prompt measures prevented any further action on the part of the would-be revolutionists. Quiet having been fully restored, the decree of martial law was repealed.[XIX-42]

Another change in the constitution was made this year. The executive called a convention on the 18th of October to meet between the 15th and 20th of December, to revise the charter of February 19, 1880, adapting the fundamental institutions of the country to its present needs; and also to take cognizance of other matters which the executive would lay before it.[XIX-43]

[Sidenote: CHRONIC REVOLUTION.]

A new constitution was adopted soon after, containing all the political rights recognized in the most liberal instruments of the kind, guaranteeing also the free exercise of all religions not repugnant to morality and public order.[XIX-44] President Zaldívar was reëlected and reinaugurated on the 1st of February, 1884.[XIX-45] But obtaining leave of absence to visit Europe, where his family had been some time, he turned over the executive office to the first designado, Angel Guirola, who was to hold it till his return.[XIX-46] He was again in San Salvador in August, and resumed his duties.

Another period of trouble is now again impending on Salvador. Elsewhere I give the particulars of the undertaking of Barrios, president of Guatemala, to reconstruct Central America as one republic by force of arms. It is unnecessary to do more than glance at the same here. On finding a deliberate opposition to his project on the part of the governments of Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, he placed his army in the field to support any movements in those republics toward the end he had in view. The people of Salvador responded to the call of their authorities,[XIX-47] who in a short time had about 1,800 volunteers enrolled, and relied, moreover, on the aid of the other three governments equally interested in defending their autonomy. About 12,000 men were stationed on the western frontier under the direct command of President Zaldívar, but no act of hostility was committed, out of respect for the American minister, who had been mediating, and obtained from Barrios that he would not invade Salvador if his own territory were not assailed. But this pledge went for nothing. The Guatemalans invaded Salvador March 30th, compelling the Salvadorans who had been fortifying the hacienda del Coco to abandon that position, though only after severe fighting, and retire into their fortifications of Chalchuapa.[XIX-48] The latter were assailed by the whole force of the enemy, but the garrison returned the fire with success, and gallantly met the desperate onslaught until a signal victory crowned their well-directed efforts. Barrios, the intrepid leader of the Guatemalans, lost his life, but this did not put an end to the fight for several hours yet.[XIX-49] The discomfited assailants began their retreat to the frontier at six o'clock, or a little later, in the evening, unpursued.[XIX-50]

[Sidenote: FRANCISCO MENENDEZ.]

With the friendly intervention of the foreign diplomatic corps an armistice was signed, giving time for negotiations, which culminated in a treaty of peace with Guatemala, the particulars of which are given elsewhere.[XIX-51] With Honduras[XIX-52] a treaty was concluded, with the assent of the three allies, which restored friendly relations. Zaldívar called congress to hold an extra session, and laid before it, May 4th, an account of the campaign and its results, and concluded, asking that body to accept his resignation. This was unanimously refused; nor was his subsequent request for a year's leave of absence granted. But on his declaring his intention of taking the unused time of the leave given him in 1884, that body acceded, and allowed him to be absent twelve months. On the 14th, he placed the executive authority in the hands of the second designado, General Fernando Figueroa, his minister of the treasury, who had the support of Zaldívar's friends; and on the following day departed for Europe.[XIX-53] An insurrection had already broken out in the west, promoted by political adversaries, whose leader was General Francisco Menendez. The government reported a victory over the insurgents at Armenia the 19th of May, but the revolution gained ground so rapidly that Menendez, who had been proclaimed presidente provisorio, made his triumphal entry in San Salvador on the 22d, midst the acclamations of the populace.[XIX-54] The revolution was successful, and the new government was afterward recognized by foreign powers.[XIX-55]

In August, Menendez called on the people to choose a constituent convention, and preparations were made therefor; but disturbances having occurred in several places, he prolonged his dictatorship and redeclared martial law.[XIX-56] Zaldívar was charged with improper uses of the public funds, and the government refused to recognize a certain indebtedness incurred in his administration. His property in Salvador was seized, and an attempt was made by certain persons to lay hands on some real estate of his in Costa Rica, but they were not permitted to do so.[XIX-57] Shortly after there was a rupture with Nicaragua, which did not last long, a treaty of peace being signed at Amapala in January 1886.