CHAPTER XIV.

REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR.

1839-1865.

MALESPIN'S ACTS—LINDO'S COUP D'ETAT AND DEPOSAL—JEFE GUZMAN—REVOLT AT SANTA ANA—PRESIDENT AGUILAR—THE BISHOP EXPELLED—VITERI'S ALLIANCE WITH MALESPIN AND HONDURAN OLIGARCHS—PRESIDENT VASCONCELOS—BRITISH HOSTILITIES—SALVADOR'S RELATIONS WITH FOREIGN POWERS—SAN MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION—DESTRUCTION OF SAN SALVADOR—PRESIDENT CAMPO—CAMPAIGN AGAINST WALKER IN NICARAGUA—ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REPUBLIC—SANTIN'S OVERTHROW—PRESIDENCY OF GERARDO BARRIOS—WAR OF SALVADOR AND HONDURAS AGAINST GUATEMALA AND NICARAGUA—THE LATTER VICTORIOUS—BARRIOS' FLIGHT—RESTORATION OF PEACE—DUEÑAS AS PRESIDENT—BARRIOS' SUBSEQUENT RETURN—HIS CAPTURE AND SURRENDER BY NICARAGUA—HIS EXECUTION IN SAN SALVADOR.

The constituent assembly of Salvador, installed at Zacatecoluca on the 1st of August, 1839, after a recess reopened its session on the 2d of January, 1841, and on the 4th there was laid before it an address, signed by Colonel Francisco Malespin, as comandante general, and his officers who took part in the revolt of September 20th, spoken of elsewhere. In the document they disclaimed hostility to Jefe Cañas or his minister, or any intent to override the laws, asserting that they were, on the contrary, actuated by a strong desire to give security to the state, and save themselves from impending destruction.[XIV-1] This address was regarded by the liberals as a threat, inasmuch as Malespin with the garrison had wrongfully assumed a right to deliberate upon public affairs.

Norberto Ramirez, now jefe of Salvador by the grace of Malespin, could no longer brook that officer's interference, and resigned,[XIV-2] Juan Lindo being called to succeed him on the 7th of January. The assembly and chief magistrate of the state were both now under the sword of Malespin, which in its turn was controlled by Carrera of Guatemala. That body, on the 30th of January, 1841, passed an act to call the state in future República del Salvador.[XIV-3] The second constitution of Salvador was adopted on the 18th of February.[XIV-4] Under it the legislature had two chambers. Lindo, the jefe, had a most unpleasant position, believing himself surrounded by conspirators. Counting on Malespin's support, on the 6th of November, 1841, with a coup d'etat he dissolved the chambers, because among its members were some friends of Morazan.[XIV-5] His act caused much indignation in several towns, and on the 13th of January, 1842, three senators, namely, J. V. Nuila, Lupario Vides, and Antonio José Cañas, at San Vicente, resolved to restore constitutional order. The legislative body in consequence assembled there, and made a stirring address to the people, embodying the policy they intended to pursue.[XIV-6] Lindo tried to justify his act of November 6th, but failed, and Senator Escolástico Marin was called to temporarily occupy the executive chair,[XIV-7] with authority to establish the state capital where most expedient.[XIV-8] The government continued for the time being in San Vicente, and the people were called upon to choose a president of the state.

[Sidenote: ARCE, MARIN, GUZMAN.]

Marin held the executive authority a few days only. He had been preceded by Pedro Arce, and was succeeded by Juan José Guzman. The difficulties of the state had not come to an end. Guzman favored the conservative element, as shown in his decree of June 3, 1842, issued after hearing that Morazan was in Costa Rica, to cut off all relations with that state.[XIV-9] He left the executive office in July, and resumed its duties again in September, declaring in a proclamation that he would deal mercilessly with disturbers of the public peace.

The two legislative chambers were installed at San Vicente on the 17th of September, and on the 20th counted the votes for president of the state. No candidate having the requisite majority, Guzman was asked to continue provisionally in charge of the government. His inaugural address was a repetition of his manifesto of the 7th, greatly pleasing the conservatives.[XIV-10] But harmony was not long to prevail between Salvador and Guatemala. The trouble arose from the independent action of Salvador in granting an asylum to the remnants of Morazan's forces against the protests of Guatemala and Honduras, even though the final decree of admission contained some very severe clauses.[XIV-11] Another cause of dissatisfaction against Salvador was that Guzman would not muzzle the press. The independence of Guzman, and the disposition shown by Malespin not to be at all times a facile instrument of the aristocrats, prompted the latter to promote an insurrection of the volcaneños of Santa Ana for their overthrow.[XIV-12] Salvador, though under the pressure of aristocratic control, still had a leaven of progression that made itself felt. The publication of _El Amigo del Pueblo_ was an evidence of this fact. The Aycinenas, Pavon, Luis Batres, and Chatfield, unable to compete with it in the field of discussion, demanded its suppression.[XIV-13]

Guzman in his correspondence with Pavon upheld that journal, and Malespin would read it with satisfaction.[XIV-14] Guatemala resolved at least to use coercion. Carrera established his headquarters at Jutiapa to favor the volcaneños in their rebellion.[XIV-15]

[Sidenote: REVOLUTION.]

The cordial reception given in October to Colonel M. Quijans, commissioner accredited by Nicaragua to Salvador to negotiate a treaty of friendship and alliance, was displeasing to Bishop Viteri, who took advantage of Guzman's absence at San Vicente, in the latter part of that month, to bring about a quarrel between him and Malespin. The latter at this time was said to be in poor health, and the bishop often visited him, and in other ways manifested interest for him. Viteri had directed his clergy to abstain from interference in political affairs, and yet he preached against Morazan and those who had banished Archbishop Casans. The Dominican Vazquez[XIV-16] was virulent, declaring that the ecclesiastical authority would never be under the civil, and threatening the people that the priests would abandon them to suffer from plagues, epidemics, war, and famine, if they continued their iniquitous hostility to the church.[XIV-17]

The revolution was now a fact. Viteri and Malespin supported Fray Vazquez, or Fray Veneno, as he was nicknamed. Once Vazquez fulminated from the pulpit a number of diatribes against President Guzman, at the same time bestowing much praise on Carrera. The result was an order from Guzman, then at San Miguel, to bring the friar there as a prisoner. The bishop remonstrated to Malespin against the order, demanding an escort, as he wished to end the insults to the church by himself leaving the state. Malespin tried to dissuade him from his purpose, and he grew more energetic.[XIV-18] A great tumult ensued one night in the city, when Viteri, Malespin, and Vazquez received an ovation from the rabble of La Vega and San Jacinto, amid repeated cries of "Mueran los judios! mueran los herejes! mueran los impíos!"

Malespin went off to San Miguel, and had some violent correspondence with the president; the latter threatened to expose his intrigues if he did not forthwith depart from San Miguel, and then retired to his hacienda, leaving the state in the hands of Malespin.[XIV-19] Guzman's downfall was hailed with joy in Guatemala and Honduras. In Comayagua it was celebrated with salvos of artillery. After Malespin's return to San Salvador, to please the bishop several persons were banished, and the _Amigo del Pueblo_ was suppressed. The executive office, by Guzman's abandonment of it, went into the hands of Pedro Arce, the vice-president. The two chambers of the assembly opened their session on the 30th of January, 1844. No presidential candidate having a constitutional majority, the assembly chose Malespin president, and he assumed his new duties on the 5th of February, after reading before the two bodies in assembly convened a discourse on his great love for law, justice, and peace. It would have sounded well from the lips of a liberal, and it is barely possible that Malespin expressed his sentiments at that moment. But his education, his habits, and the fatal influence of the men that swayed him, constantly took him out of the right path. As he was under the control of Bishop Viteri, the country must go back to the days of obscurantism. The effects of it were soon made patent.[XIV-20]

The bishop succeeded in driving out of the state the opponents of his theocratic ideas, and in bringing about a change in the government; in fact, everything had been conceded him, and his influence was paramount. And yet he was not satisfied. He would have the Salvadorans believe him a deity, but they arrived at the conclusion that by a great fatality their first bishop had turned out to be a pernicious revolutionist.

In connection with the general history of Central America, I have given the principal events of Salvador down to 1845, when, under the treaty of Sensenti, after a long and exhaustive war with Honduras, the state was rid of the ominous rule of the brutal Malespin. With the discontinuance of the war there was no need of raising further loans; the military establishment was reduced to a minimum, and the authorities and people hastened to restore the constitutional régime; to which end elections of senators and deputies were at once had, in order that the assembly should meet on the 15th of January, 1846, for the term of Vice-president Joaquin Eustacio Guzman, who had charge of the executive authority, would expire on the 1st of February.[XIV-21] On this date he surrendered the office to Senator Fermin Palacios. The assembly did not meet till four days after. The presidential election did not yield a sufficient majority in favor of any one, and the assembly then appointed Eugenio Aguilar.[XIV-22] The president was a good Christian, and attended with regularity to his religious duties as a catholic; and yet Viteri called him a heretic; the reason of it being that Aguilar was a stickler for a constitutional government of the people, and the bishop was an oligarch. The latter now invented the fiction that the president had the intention of exiling him; he had the people in the wards of Candelaria, San Estévan, and Calvario told that their bishop was to be sent out of the country in the night of the 11th of July. He was believed by the simple-minded people when he assured them that Aguilar and others[XIV-23] were at the bottom of it. His report made a commotion though not quite so great a one as he had expected. Nevertheless, he made the most of it, writing to the president, on the 11th of July, that he knew of the plot to repeat with him what had been done with Archbishop Casans, in 1829.[XIV-24] Aguilar was greatly surprised, and believing that with a few words he could convince the bishop of his error, that same afternoon paid the prelate a visit. He found a large concourse of people, before whom the charge was reiterated, and no assurance to the contrary was accepted. A tumult following, the president had the chief guard-house reënforced. Fortunately, a heavy rain scattered to their homes the crowds in the streets; but a considerable number of men ran into the episcopal residence. That night, several persons representing Viteri went to the barracks and demanded Aguilar's resignation. The president meekly assured them of his willingness to retire to private life rather than be the author of any disturbance. Viteri now thought Aguilar was vanquished, but he had not counted on the determination of other Salvadorans to uphold the laws and the government. Quiet was restored for the time, and Aguilar went to his home at midnight unmolested. The next day there was much rioting, and an attempt failed to release the prisoners in the jail.[XIV-25] The rioters were finally defeated, and the bishop had nothing to show for his conduct but the blood shed at his instigation.[XIV-26] Aguilar again, after the people had upheld his authority, showed the weakness of his character in placing the executive office in the hands of Senator Palacios; which emboldened Viteri to continue his intrigues and cause further trouble. He issued a pastoral on the 16th of July, printed in his own house, which reiterated the accusation against the president, and other matters; that pastoral[XIV-27] was fatal to his views, for the people of Salvador made Aguilar resume the presidency. The president, in a long manifesto, explained his conduct, and issued a decree to enforce the articles of the penal code against ecclesiastics who made use of their ministerial office to promote political disturbances.[XIV-28] The bishop, condemned by public opinion, fled to Guatemala, and the president then on the 29th revoked a decree of Palacios of July 12th, and ordered Viteri not to return to Salvadoran territory.

[Sidenote: A WEAK EXECUTIVE.]

Peace and order prevailed after Viteri's departure, and the people again devoted themselves to their usual vocations. But the bishop managed with Malespin and the Honduran oligarchs, notwithstanding the treaty of Sensenti, to bring about a revolution in Salvador.[XIV-29] Malespin attacked Chalatenango, in Salvador, whereupon orders were given to send troops after him.[XIV-30] Viteri who had once excommunicated Malespin, and aided in his overthrow, now said that he was destined by divine providence to defend the religion and rights of the people of Salvador, which had been infamously abused and usurped by their government. Malespin preached religion, and acted like the famous king of the Huns. But his prestige was gone, and at Dulce Nombre de la Palma he met with his first reverse, when he retreated to Dulce Nombre de María, a town twelve miles from the Honduran frontier, and invited Viteri to join him; but that worthy sent him his blessing, and would not expose his person to the hazards of war. Malespin was defeated again by eight hundred men under General Nicolás Angulo, and fled into Honduras, leaving arms and ammunition. Efforts were made to induce the people of Santa Ana to join Ignacio Malespin; but the bishop's letters to rouse them availed but little. He found no favor among the volcaneños, and on his way along the coast to reach Santiago Nonualco was captured, prosecuted, and executed, with some of his accomplices.[XIV-31] Francisco Malespin was killed at San Fernando, near Honduras, the inhabitants cutting off his head, and carrying it as a trophy to San Salvador.[XIV-32] Bishop Viteri in 1847 went to reside in Nicaragua, becoming a citizen of the state, to which diocese he was subsequently translated by the pope. Nothing worthy of mention occurred within the state in 1847. The Salvador government now represented the liberal party in Central America, and devoted its attention to education, arts, and industries.

[Sidenote: PRESIDENT VASCONCELOS.]

The presidential term under the constitution being only of two years, elections were orderly effected, and the assembly opened its session on the 25th of January, 1848. Doroteo Vasconcelos was the popular choice for the presidential term of 1848, and entered upon his duties on the 7th of February, 1848.[XIV-33] In a conciliatory address he eschewed all spirit of partisanship, tendering to all his fellow-citizens peace, justice, and union.[XIV-34] For all that, the oligarchs abhorred him. Indeed, his government and Carrera's could not exist so near each other. The aristocrats well knew he was not to be won over to their side, as well as the difficulties they must work against to undermine his popularity. But they looked for early success from internal dissension and other sources.[XIV-35] Aguilar's administration had refused to recognize the republic of Guatemala, and Vasconcelos' could do no less.[XIV-36]

The territory was twice invaded by troops of Guatemala in pursuit of insurgents, against which Vasconcelos remonstrated, and satisfaction was given and accepted with good grace. He was observing a policy of expectancy, albeit on his guard. Guatemala was then in the throes of revolution from which he expected to see the Central American nation spring into a second life; but he was mistaken in the means he employed. A few proclamations, written in Guatemala by well-known persons, and appearing in the name of Francisco Carrillo, spoke of the independence of Los Altos as the aim of a revolution such as Vasconcelos wanted.[XIV-37] Not that he expected to see an absolute equality of the state, but that there should not be such differences as existed under the constitution of 1824. He believed himself supported, and steadily marched on upon a path that led to his ruin, carrying down with him the whole liberal party of Central America.

Vasconcelos labored for a federation of three states—Guatemala, Salvador, and Los Altos—which once consolidated, Nicaragua and Honduras would doubtlessly join, and later on attract Costa Rica to do the same. This idea had no opposition before the revolution of August 1848, in Guatemala. Vasconcelos received many offers of support to prosecute his plan. He accordingly instructed Dueñas and General Angulo to enter into arrangements with General Nufio of Chiquimula, and made every possible effort to force Carrera's resignation on the 15th of August, 1848; but some of the liberals of Guatemala, after ridding themselves of Carrera, neglected Vasconcelos. Dueñas was sent there with ample powers for the organization of a republic of Central America, but he was slighted, and accomplished nothing. During his stay in Guatemala, a decree was enacted on the 14th of September, 1848, according to which that state was declared a sovereign nation and independent republic.[XIV-38] Vasconcelos, with all his liberalism, and placed as he was at the head of a liberty-loving democratic people, was still under the influence of the old colonial traditions. He as well as his people looked with admiration at the greatness of the United States of America, but lacked the courage to emulate their example. The United States had no official church, but Salvador recognized one. Licenciado Ignacio Gomez was despatched to Rome to negotiate the recall of Bishop Viteri, the appointment of another prelate, and the conclusion of a concordat.[XIV-39] His mission was so far successful that on the 3d of July, 1848, Tomás Miguel Pineda y Zaldaña was preconizated as bishop of Antigona in partibus infidelium, and given the administration of the diocese of Salvador, with the right of succession. The news of this appointment was received with joy, and Vasconcelos erroneously expected to have a support in the new prelate,[XIV-40] when there was more likelihood of his coinciding with Pavon and his confrères. Indeed, Zaldaña, from his greater wariness, was a more dangerous man than Viteri.

The legislative chambers met on the 5th of February, 1849. The president's term would end with the beginning of 1850, and there could be no reëlection under the constitution.[XIV-41] But Vasconcelos' friends insisted on his being reëlected, necessitating an amendment of the fundamental law, and in spite of opposition obtained an act of the assembly permitting the reëlection.[XIV-42] This was an unfortunate move, as it divided the liberal party, and encouraged Dueñas, who wanted the presidency, and was not scrupulous as to the means of attaining it, to redouble his manœuvres, even though he must call to his aid Carrera and Luis Batres.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: BRITISH INTERMEDDLING.]

In 1849, Salvador became involved in a quarrel with the British chargé d'affaires, Chatfield, resulting from alleged claims preferred by him with his usual haughtiness, on behalf of fellow-subjects of his. Vasconcelos' government looked on these claims as unjust, and refused them recognition. Chatfield then caused the blockading by a naval force of La Union, the port from which Salvador derived the greater portion of her revenue.[XIV-43] Unable to resist, her government agreed on the 12th of November, 1849, to acknowledge the indebtedness, and make provision for its payment. The blockade was then raised.[XIV-44] But this did not end the disagreements between Chatfield and the Salvador government. On the 6th of August he made peremptory demands,[XIV-45] coupled with a menace that if not complied with at once the coasts of the state would be blockaded by British war ships then coming to act under his instructions. The government of Salvador did not comply with the demands,[XIV-46] and on the 16th of October port La Union was blockaded by the British ship _Champion_, whose commander notified the authorities that if within ten days full satisfaction were not given for the insults to the British flag, the blockade would be extended to the whole coast, another vessel being despatched to Acajutla to enforce it. No satisfaction having been given as demanded, that menace was carried out. The difficulties remained unsettled in the latter part of February 1851, though the British war vessels had retired.[XIV-47] But they were subsequently arranged in an amicable manner. With the exception of these troubles, and the repeated differences with the other states of Central America, Salvador has maintained friendly relations with foreign powers, most of which have treaties with her on terms satisfactory to all concerned.[XIV-48]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: MULTIPLIED HOSTILITIES.]

Vasconcelos was not more successful in preserving peace within the state than in forcing Guatemala to abandon the policy she had adopted of maintaining an absolute autonomy. In his invasion of that neighbor's territory early in 1851, as we have seen in the previous chapter, he was worsted, which roused popular indignation against him, followed by a revolt, and his deposal by congress.[XIV-49] On the 1st of March, the substitute, J. F. Quiroz, was called to occupy the executive chair, and did so.[XIV-50] The president for the constitutional term 1852-3 was Francisco Dueñas, who succeeded in settling the differences existing between Salvador and Guatemala.

A serious disagreement having occurred between Salvador and Honduras, leading to hostilities, the government of Guatemala, then at war with Honduras, despatched a force to Ahuachapan in aid of Dueñas, who apprehended an invasion.[XIV-51] Toward the end of this term José María de San Martin was chosen for the next. The state now returned in peace to its interior affairs, adopting important improvements.[XIV-52] There were not wanting, however, some attempts to disturb the public peace, which were fortunately defeated. But the country became at that time the victim of other calamities, such as cholera, scarcity of food resulting from a visitation of locusts, and an earthquake which destroyed San Salvador on the 16th of April, 1854,[XIV-53] in consequence of which the capital was removed to Cojutepeque, where it remained for some time.

Rafael Campo and Francisco Dueñas were elected president and vice-president, respectively, for the ensuing term of 1856-7; and the latter being in charge of the executive office in January 1856, in Campo's absence, fitted out a contingent of troops to aid Nicaragua in her struggle with Walker's filibusters. Campo despatched reënforcements in 1857, the Salvador forces being under command of General Gerardo Barrios, who, according to Perez, never went beyond Leon,[XIV-54] but undertook to arrange the internal affairs of Nicaragua, convoking a junta de notables, which proclaimed Juan Sacasa president. This had no effect, however.

The state had, in 1856, constituted itself as a free and independent nation, under the name of República del Salvador.[XIV-55] This act was confirmed March 19, 1864, by the national constituent congress.

[Sidenote: CAMPO AND BARRIOS.]

General Belloso, Colonel Choto, and other officers of the expedition deserted in June from Leon. Barrios sent troops after them, and they were arrested in Salvador and taken as prisoners to Cojutepeque, where they told President Campo that Barrios had invited them to make a revolution against his government. They were set at liberty on the 8th. Barrios landed at La Libertad with his forces on the 6th, and marched to San Salvador, whence he wrote Campo he had occupied that place to defeat the revolutionary schemes of Belloso and Choto. Orders were sent him to dissolve the forces and go to Cojutepeque with 200 men. On the 11th Barrios, together with his officers, made a pronunciamiento to depose Campo and call Dueñas to the presidency.[XIV-56] The president on the 12th called troops to the support of his government, placed San Salvador and Cojutepeque under martial law, and declared all acts emanating from the vice-president void. But it seems that the latter refused to lend himself to Barrios' plan, but on the contrary, supported Campo.[XIV-57] Barrios himself submitted.[XIV-58]

Campo's successor was Miguel Santin del Castillo. This president's tenure of office was of short duration. In 1858 a coup d'etat of Barrios, then a senator, in which he was aided by the vice-president Guzman, his father-in-law, forced Santin to resign. Barrios subsequently obtained from the legislative assembly, sitting from January 17 to February 12, 1859, the sanction of his coup d'etat, as well as the constitutional amendments that he had not been able to carry through legally during Santin's rule, namely, to extend the presidential term from two to six years, and that of the deputies from two to four years.[XIV-59] The year 1859 was one of restlessness, engendered partly by the ungrounded fear of invasion by Santin's friends, who had taken refuge in neighboring states, and partly by Barrios' efforts to secure his own election to the presidency, in which he was successful. In August 1859 the existing disagreements between Salvador and Honduras, resulting from intrigues of refugees from the former, were brought to an end through the mediation of Guatemala.[XIV-60]

[Sidenote: INVASION OF SANTA ANA.]

The republic seemed to have attained a comparatively stable condition at the incoming of 1860. Barrios had been elected president, and recognized as such by the assembly.[XIV-61] He concluded in 1862 to hold diplomatic relations with the vice-president, who under the constitution of Honduras was entitled to occupy the executive chair of that state at the death of President Guardiola, and was favored by public opinion, although Carrera of Guatemala was upholding Medina, a usurper of the presidency. A treaty of alliance, both defensive and offensive, was entered into between Salvador and this vice-president,[XIV-62] which displeased Carrera; he demanded explanations, and they were given him.[XIV-63] The latter found an excuse to pick a quarrel with Barrios in the question with the Salvador clergy, who had been required to take an oath of allegiance to the government,[XIV-64] which they refused to do, Bishop Pineda y Zaldaña and a number of his subordinates repairing to Guatemala, where they were honorably received. Barrios was accused in the official journal of setting aside the conservative policy promised at his inauguration.[XIV-65] An expedition, under Colonel Saenz, believed to have been aided by Carrera, invaded Santa Ana at the cry of Viva la religion! Viva el obispo! and took the city, but were soon driven away by the citizens. Carrera disclaimed any connection with this affair. Some time after came Máximo Jerez, as minister of Nicaragua, proposing a plan of national union for Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, with the intention of inviting Guatemala and Costa Rica to join them; but the project failed because of the refusal of Honduras to enter into the arrangement. Carrera had meantime dissuaded President Martinez of Nicaragua from the scheme.

The Guatemalan government was preparing for war against Salvador, and succeeded in winning the coöperation of Martinez.[XIV-66] Honduras, being an ally of Salvador, Florencio Xatruch was assisted by Carrera to make a revolt in several departments against the government of Honduras. Salvador tried to avert hostilities. Friends of peace, among them the American and British representatives, mediated, but all was of no avail.[XIV-67]

[Sidenote: OFFICE-SEEKERS WAR.]

The war contemplated by Carrera was unpopular in Guatemala, where the people of late years had been enjoying peace and prosperity, and feared a recurrence of the former desolations. But their ruler was prompted by a deadly animosity to Barrios, and by the fear that the alliance of the latter with Jerez would endanger conservatism, and consequently his own power. Whereupon he resolved to crush at one blow the disturber of the public peace, as Barrios was called by the oligarchs.[XIV-68] He invaded Salvador with a large force, a proclamation preceding him to inform the people that the war would be against Barrios and not themselves. He felt certain of a speedy victory, and blindly assailed Coatepeque, where Barrios was entrenched. He was repulsed with such heavy losses[XIV-69] that he had to retreat to his own capital, which he entered March 6th at the head of only 3,000 men. But this reverse did not discourage him. He fitted out another army, and started upon a second campaign that should be decisive[XIV-70] against Salvador and Honduras, the latter having espoused Barrios' cause. Meantime Martinez of Nicaragua had gained a battle at the town of San Felipe on the 29th of April, against a united force of Jerez' partisans and Salvadorans.[XIV-71] Moreover, Honduras was invaded by 800 Guatemalans under General Cerna. The Salvadoran and Honduran troops were defeated[XIV-72] by the allied Guatemalans and Nicaraguans, on the plains of Santa Rosa, which prompted revolts in the greater part of the departments of Salvador, proclaiming Dueñas provisional president, who organized a government at Sonsonate.[XIV-73] Intrigues were successfully brought into play upon several Salvadoran commanders to induce them to revolt against Barrios, and to aid his enemies.[XIV-74] One of those officers was General Santiago Gonzalez, commanding the troops at Santa Ana during Barrios' temporary absence at San Salvador. He made a pronunciamiento on the 30th of June, telling the soldiers that a similar movement had taken place the previous day at the capital, and Barrios was a prisoner, and his government dissolved. On discovering the deception some battalions escaped and joined the president at San Salvador, Gonzalez being left with a small number of troops. Carrera was now near Santa Ana, and demanded Gonzalez' surrender and recognition of Dueñas as provisional president, which, being declined, Carrera attacked and easily defeated him on the 3d of July,[XIV-75] the Salvadoran artillery and a large quantity of ammunition falling into the victor's hands. Carrera was now master of the situation,[XIV-76] and his opponent virtually without means of defence, superadded to which the influence of the clergy had turned the Indians to Carrera's side. Barrios continued his efforts, however, and held out four months at San Salvador, though closely besieged and suffering from want of food and ammunition.[XIV-77] He had refused to listen to proposals offering him the honors of war, believing that once in Carrera's hands his fate would be sealed.[XIV-78] At last further defence was impossible, and Barrios escaped out of the city early on the 26th of October, and subsequently out of the country.[XIV-79] The surrender of the city took place the same day, and on the 30th Dueñas, now placed at the head of affairs, decreed thanks and honors to Carrera and Martinez, and their respective armies.[XIV-80]

[Sidenote: DEATH OF BARRIOS.]

Barrios, having with him arms and ammunition, embarked at Panamá in 1865, on the schooner _Manuela Planas_ for La Union, to place himself at the head of a movement initiated by Cabañas in that port and San Miguel in his favor. It was only on arrival that he heard of the failure of that movement,[XIV-81] and on his return the schooner was struck by lightning in waters off Nicaragua at the Aserradores. He sent to Corinto for water and provisions, and the consequence was that a Nicaraguan force came on board and captured him. He was taken to Leon on the 30th of June.[XIV-82] The government of Salvador demanded his extradition that he might be tried, the national congress having impeached him. The result of this was a convention entered into at Leon July 14, 1865, between Gregorio Arbizú, minister of Salvador, and Pedro Zeledon, plenipotentiary for Nicaragua, by which the latter government assented to the surrender of Barrios, under the express stipulation that his life should be spared whatever might be the result of his trial.[XIV-83] But the government of Salvador, in disregard of this obligation, had Barrios sentenced to death by a court-martial, and he was executed at 4:30 in the morning of August 29th, against the remonstrances of the representative of Nicaragua. The latter could do nothing but protest, and throw the infamy of the deed upon Dueñas and his administration.

* * * * *

Bishop Zaldaña returned to his diocese at the termination of the war in the latter part of 1863, and issued a pastoral letter recommending concord and union among his flock. The provisional government called on the people to choose a constituent assembly to reorganize the government and frame a new constitution. This assembly met on the 18th of February, 1864, and on the same date sanctioned the last revolutionary movement, which deposed Barrios from the presidency, and called Dueñas to fill it. His acts to that date were approved, and he was recognized as provisional executive till a constitutional one should be elected. That body at a later date promulgated a new constitution in 104 articles, which like the fundamental charters of the other Central American states at that time was exceedingly conservative. The only religion recognized was the Roman catholic.

At the elections which took place ten months after the promulgation of the new charter, Dueñas was apparently elected president for the first constitutional term, and the constitutional congress recognized him as such. He took formal possession of the office February 1, 1865. Congress closed its session on the 21st of the same month.