CHAPTER XIII.

REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA.

1840-1865.

PRESIDENT RIVERA PAZ—CARRERA'S COURSE—PRETENDED SEDITION—DISSOLUTION OF THE ASSEMBLY—A CONSEJO CONSTITUYENTE CREATED—CARRERA BECOMES PRESIDENT—ATTEMPT AGAINST HIS LIFE—REVOLT OF MONTERROSA—CARRERA'S DESPOTISM—THE REPUBLIC ESTABLISHED—RELATIONS WITH OTHER POWERS—REVOLUTION OF THE MOUNTAIN—CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY CONVENED—CARRERA'S FORCED RESIGNATION AND EXILE—LIBERALS TRIUMPHANT—THEIR SQUABBLES AND DISINTEGRATION—THE MODERADO PARTY—REVOLUTION OF LOS ALTOS—INTRIGUES OF THE SERVILES—PRESIDENCIES OF MARTINEZ AND ESCOBAR—CAUSES OF THEIR RESIGNATIONS—PAREDES—RECALL OF CARRERA—DEEDS OF VENGEANCE—CARRERA AGAIN PRESIDENT—PARTIAL RESTORATION OF PEACE.

[Sidenote: REIGN OF DESPOTISM.]

Carrera had become so inflated by flattery that he actually believed himself able to govern upon instinct Guatemala, and even all Central America.[XIII-1] He tried to shake off aristocratic control, and showed pugnaciousness toward the assembly and the administrator of the diocese. Obedience not being in every instance given to his whims, he threatened, in August 1840, to resign the command of the troops, which he held with the rank of lieutenant-general.[XIII-2] The aristocrats were much alarmed, and the assembly, in flattering terms, declined accepting the resignation. He now appeared in the rôles of financier, political economist, and enemy of the nobles, presuming to dictate a policy for the protection of manufactures, agriculture, and other interests. His displeasure with the nobles was because he believed them hostile to the masses.[XIII-3] They managed to mollify him, and he then contented himself with issuing a long address, on the 9th of October, reiterating his anxiety for the general welfare, and remonstrating against the intrigues of his personal enemies.[XIII-4]

A reign of despotism was now established, which continued upwards of thirty years. Liberal laws were abrogated one after another, and retrogressive ones substituted, including a complete restoration to the clergy of the fueros they had been deprived of by the liberal córtes of Spain in 1820. Carrera's enmity to the assembly became more apparent from day to day. He showed it by word, and by the press.[XIII-5] He could not write a line, but others wrote for him, and printed articles appeared over his name.[XIII-6] José Francisco Barrundia had returned from his exile, and had been chosen a deputy, but he resigned on the 11th of March, 1842, giving powerful reasons for his course.[XIII-7] Indeed, Barrundia would have been out of place in a body mostly made up of ultramontane priests, self-styled nobles, and reactionists.

The treasury was so exhausted that the assembly had no means to pay its clerks. But the ecclesiastical coffers had an abundance of money from the tithes tax, and Carrera's troops had to be paid, or he would resent the neglect. This was made evident in September 1844. Rivera Paz, the president, with the utmost difficulties, managed to procure money for the pay of the soldiers from day to day; but for some reason unexplained, it did not reach them. Carrera found a way to secure his ends. He had a conference with some of his officers, and the result was that the battalion of regular troops revolted on the 20th, and sacked a number of shops, and the stalls in the market-place, getting an abundant supply and ruining several traders.[XIII-8] Carrera then gathered his soldiers in the barracks, and in order to keep up appearances, the next day without much ado or any form of trial, had six men shot.[XIII-9]

Rivera Paz, finding his position unbearable, resigned it. The assembly accepted his resignation, to take effect after his successor should be appointed, and qualify. Carrera was chosen, but declined the office. Venancio Lopez and Bernardino Lemus, appointed in the order named, followed his example. Rivera Paz had to remain as nominal head of the government, Carrera being the actual ruler, whose demands clashed with the fiery-tempered Viteri, minister of state. They had a serious quarrel, which culminated in the arrest by Carrera, on the 7th of December, 1841, of Rivera Paz, together with Viteri and his subordinates.[XIII-10] But after explanations he retired his force, and calm was restored. On the refusal of Carrera to accept the presidency resigned by Rivera Paz, December 14, 1841, the councillor Venancio Lopez was called upon to assume the office.[XIII-11] The lieutenant-general asked for a passport to leave Guatemala, his object being only to obtain more honors and money. His plan seems to have succeeded.[XIII-12] Lopez gave up the presidency, and Rivera Paz for the third time, on the 14th of May, 1842, was appointed to fill it.

[Sidenote: SANGUINARY POLITICS.]

The assembly adjourned on the 4th of November, 1843, to meet again on the 1st of April, 1844. But Carrera had resolved to suppress it, and pretending an intended seditious movement at Pinula, he had the supposed rebels fired upon, and the criminal farce ended with a simulated capitulation at Guadalupe on the 11th of March, 1844, by which the assembly was set aside, and a council of government was to take its place.[XIII-13] The assembly was convoked, ratified its own dishonor, gave the government full power to regulate administrative affairs, and decreed its own dissolution.[XIII-14] The decree convoking members for the new council[XIII-15] was issued on the 26th of April, and it was formally installed on the 8th of December, having among its members a number of liberals. Rivera Paz resigned the presidency,[XIII-16] and Carrera was chosen his successor, assuming on the 11th of December an office that he had virtually controlled since the 13th of April, 1839. At the election of justices of the supreme court, the nobles were defeated.[XIII-17] The consejo, or congreso, as it had begun to call itself, became an object of bitter enmity on the part of the aristocrats and serviles; and Carrera's overthrow was also contemplated by them, pretending coöperation with the liberals for its accomplishment. The plan fell through before maturity, owing to distrust between the leaders of the two parties. Carrera was informed of his danger by the confession of a dying man, but never penetrated to the sources of the plot.[XIII-18] During Carrera's absence from the capital on furlough in February 1845, Joaquin Duran occupying the executive chair, a revolt took place, headed by Monterrosa and an officer named Mendez, but not being seconded by the people, they entered into a capitulation with Duran to leave the city, on his solemnly pledging them that they would not be molested. They accordingly went out on the 5th as promised, and on the next day Sotero Carrera, A. Solares, and Vicente Cruz entered at the head of their respective forces. Carrera arrived afterward, and was received in triumph.[XIII-19]

[Sidenote: CONSTITUTION AND CONGRESS.]

At the expiration of his furlough Carrera reassumed the reins of government. Joaquin Duran resigned the portfolio of treasury and war, being succeeded by Brigadier Gerónimo Paiz. The state was now virtually under the control of a triumvirate composed of Rafael and Sotero Carrera, and Paiz.[XIII-20] The subsequent resignation of Minister Nájera and appointment of José Antonio Azmitia inspired a little confidence.[XIII-21] The constituent congress passed liberal laws, and issued a new constitution on the 16th of September, 1845, that did not suit the aristocrats, and they made it an object of ridicule and contempt.[XIII-22] The congress closed its session on the 21st of the same month. Carrera had obtained another leave of absence, and Brigadier Vicente Cruz, the vice-president chosen by congress, assumed the executive office.[XIII-23] The aristocrats kept a strict watch on Cruz, and breathed more freely when Carrera with his ministers Paiz and Azmitia were again at the head of the government. The succeeding congress on the 1st of February, 1846, rejected the constitution framed the previous year, and authorized the government to call another constituent congress. This was the result, not only of aristocratic intrigue, but of violent threats on the part of Carrera and his minions against all attempting to sanction the act of the 'desorganizadores' to undermine his power.[XIII-24]

Carrera and Paiz, aided by Sotero Carrera, corregidor of La Antigua, now ruled supreme. Citizens had no protection unless they approved of every act. During the funeral services of Archbishop Casaus a plot was made to assassinate Carrera, which failed, and the conspirators were seized and tried. Those who had powerful friends were sent into exile; the rest had to perish in the damp dungeons of the fort.[XIII-25]

* * * * *

Guatemala, in view of the political change resulting from the dissolution of the federal compact, decreed by her assembly, on the 14th of November, 1843, a new coat of arms for the state.[XIII-26] On the 6th of April, 1857, the government was empowered to make in the coat of arms such changes as it might deem judicious, but preserving the inscription, Guatimalæ Respublica sub Dei Optimi Maximi protectione. The change was decreed on the 31st of May, 1858.[XIII-27] A law of March 14, 1851, confirmed in that of May 31, 1858, establishes the national flag.[XIII-28]

The national independence of Guatemala was erelong recognized by foreign powers, with which she opened diplomatic relations and made treaties.[XIII-29] The formal recognition by Spain took place in the treaty of May 29, 1863, subsequently ratified by both governments. Guatemala has endeavored to maintain friendly relations with all. With the United States they have been quite cordial. During Carrera's rule his government gave recognition to the imperial régime of Maximilian in Mexico.[XIII-30] During the South American struggle between Chile on one side, and Peru and Bolivia on the other, Guatemala maintained herself neutral. She accepted in 1881 the invitation of the United States government to be represented at a proposed American congress to be held in Washington, but which did not take place. In that same year, owing to the maltreatment of a French citizen, a difficulty arose with France, but it was amicably settled, the French flag being saluted, and a pecuniary compensation allowed by Guatemala.[XIII-31]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: REVOLUTION AND ROBBERY.]

On the 8th of April the official journal gave to the public a decree appointing Pedro Molina, Alejandro Marure, and J. M. Urruela a committee to frame a constitution for the new republic,[XIII-32] a project of which they presented in due time; but, though conservative, the government would not adopt it.[XIII-33] The self-styled nobles were delighted with their republic, and made it appear in the official paper that the people in the departments were equally so. But a scarcity of breadstuffs, attributed by many to the contrivances of monopolists, created disturbances in some districts, alarming the government. Certain taxes were temporarily removed, and other measures were adopted to alleviate the distress.[XIII-34]

In May there was a revolutionary movement in Sacatepequez.[XIII-35] Robbery and murder became of frequent occurrence in several departments. The government saw a serious revolution at hand, and made efforts to meet it. It tried, however, to show that the public peace was not disturbed.[XIII-36] All measures to check the revolution were unavailing, and the policy of the rulers of Salvador made the condition of affairs more alarming to Carrera and his supporters. Their political opponents now thought the overthrow of the tyrant was not far distant. His counsellors advised him to call a constituent congress, and provisionally place the executive office in the hands of Vice-president Cruz, to which he acceded. The decree for summoning the congress was issued, and Cruz assumed the presidency on the 25th of January.[XIII-37] Nájera and Azmitia retired, which indicated a change of policy. This greatly exercised the reactionists, and the ayuntamiento of Guatemala, on the 4th of February, urgently begged Carrera to resume his office, whereupon Cruz threw it up, and the former took the chair at once. He organized a new cabinet,[XIII-38] the personnel of which was a challenge to the whole liberal party, which thereby was roused to action. The first act of the government was to revoke the decree calling the constituent assembly. All hope of reform was now given up.

The revolution went on, and notwithstanding occasional reverses made much headway, Serapio Cruz, a brother of the vice-president, and an estimable man and experienced soldier, taking sides with the mountaineers. The government was sinking under the weight of its depravity; and yet in those moments of despair, it struck a blow at its opponents. Molina was arrested on the 10th of May. A similar order was issued against Barrundia, but he escaped the clutches of the sbirri, first giving the government his mind in the _Album_, which publication was of course suppressed.[XIII-39] Together with Molina were conveyed to the fort José Marino Vidaurre and the printer Luciano Luna. An order of the court of first instance, issued at the petition of Molina's wife, was treated with contempt by Palomo Valdez, acting comandante of the department, who merely said that Molina had been imprisoned upon a verbal order of the president. The prisoners, were released after some time of suffering in the dungeons of the fort. The _Gaceta_ repeatedly contained abusive remarks against the republicans of France, The French consul demanded a retraction, and not being heeded, struck his flag and discontinued relations with the government.[XIII-40]

[Sidenote: POLITICAL UNREST.]

The position of the government was daily becoming more untenable, when it concluded to call a constituent assembly, to begin its labors on the 15th of August.[XIII-41] A scandalous occurrence took place a few days before the installation of the assembly, when the comandante, Palomo Valdez, violently arrested the deputy M. Pineda de Mont, who was released at the demand of that body, but the perpetrator of the act went unpunished.

Carrera made known his intention to resign[XIII-42] on the installation of the assembly, and the insurgent chief Francisco Carrillo tendered his submission to that body. The liberals could not expect to elect any candidate of their own, and the reactionists, though having a working majority in the assembly, from motives of policy abstained from presenting one of their party; but they finally fixed upon a political nonentity, who was known to be in accord with Nufio and the revolutionists of Chiquimula, named Juan Antonio Martinez,[XIII-43] believing that though a liberal he would not be antagonistic to their interests. The assembly was installed on the 15th of August with Pedro Molina presiding, when Carrera sent in three documents, one of which was his resignation,[XIII-44] which was accepted, no attempt being made to detain him, as it was the general desire that he should leave the country.[XIII-45] Martinez was appointed his successor.[XIII-46] The new president kept Carrera's officers in their commands.[XIII-47] His appointment did not satisfy the chiefs of the revolution,[XIII-48] and through commissioners they made known their demands, dated August 27th, in 18 articles.[XIII-49] The government rejected them, but in a decree requiring their submission offered certain terms, which in their turn were not accepted, and the war went on.

[Sidenote: POLITICAL PARTIES.]

Colonel Nufio had made an arrangement with commissioners Dueñas and Angulo of Salvador for the organization of Los Altos as a separate state. This roused the aristocrats, and their spokesman, Andreu, made such broad statements in the chamber that the president accused him of falsehood, and closed the discussion. The affair widened the breach among the liberals. Luis Molina now organized a third party, that took the name of moderado, most of whose members were from the liberal party and the latter was left an almost insignificant minority. The aristocratic party, albeit divided in appearance, was really united.[XIII-50] They were disquieted, however, by the attitude of Salvador in upholding the independence of Los Altos, which had been organized as a state;[XIII-51] but did not despair of breaking up the friendship between the liberals and the government of Salvador.[XIII-52] The aristocrats set themselves to work to have a motion made by a liberal in the assembly for the confirmation of Carrera's decree of March 21, 1847, to create the republic of Guatemala. Such an act on the part of the liberals would alienate from them the support of the Salvadorans, and reduce them to a nullity. And yet Barrundia made the motion,[XIII-53] and it was received with a shout of applause, and passed on the 14th of September, with only two negative votes.[XIII-54] This ratification was hailed with ringing of bells and salvos of artillery.

[Sidenote: DEATH OF VICENTE CRUZ.]

The revolutionists of Los Altos being defeated at San Andrés,[XIII-55] were obliged to submit, but the situation of the government was made precarious by the defeat of Nufio by the brothers Cruz, who approached the capital.[XIII-56] Unable to negotiate peace, Martinez resigned the executive office, and José Bernardo Escobar succeeded him on the 28th of November.[XIII-57] The new president found all his plans antagonized by the aristocrats and moderados, and the clergy especially mistrusted him and his ministers.[XIII-58] He might easily have dissolved the assembly, but the act would have been repugnant to his principles. He concluded to retire, but his resignation was not accepted.[XIII-59] Vicente Cruz demanded the surrender of the capital, offering security for life and property, a few persons only excepted.[XIII-60] The negotiations for peace having failed, Escobar a second time sent in his resignation, and it was accepted, with marked disrespect on the part of the serviles and moderados.[XIII-61] Manuel Tejada was chosen president on the 30th of December, and declined the honor. Mariano Paredes was then appointed, on the 1st of January, 1849, and took the oath which had been prepared by Paredes, but he soon perjured himself, following explicitly the advice of Luis Batres, and thus becoming a tool of the aristocrats to bring back Carrera to power.[XIII-62] Arrangements were made with the mountaineers, under which Brigadier Vicente Cruz, having recognized the government, entered Guatemala on the 9th of February.[XIII-63] It was noticed, however, that Serapio Cruz and other chiefs remained outside. The men of Agustin Perez afterward committed several murders, and Vicente Cruz went against and defeated them on the 20th of March, but while engaged in the pursuit was struck by a bullet in the chest and fell dead.[XIII-64]

Carrera was known to be on the frontier, and Batres undertook to obtain the assent of the chiefs of the mountain for his return. Not all of them assented, however, Serapio Cruz issuing a very significant manifesto. General Agustin Guzman, the loyal liberal leader, well understood Batres' aims, and having a force at Huehuetenango made a move on Quezaltenango, defeating a large party of Indians, on the way, at San Bartolome. This move further complicated affairs, and Batres resolved to get rid of him by subterfuge.[XIII-65] There were constant skirmishes on the frontier, Carrera having under him a considerable number of Indians.[XIII-66] He finally reached Quezaltenango, and the assembly empowered the government to institute measures for an active campaign.[XIII-67] On the 13th of April, just ten years after the occupation of Guatemala by Carrera, his second entry had been announced. Paredes swore to defend the city against Carrera,[XIII-68] which oath he never intended to keep. Major Victor Zavala, corregidor and comandante of Suchitepequez, made common cause with Carrera.[XIII-69] Paredes, by the advice of Luis Batres and against the wishes of the liberal and moderado leaders, opened negotiations with Carrera, which resulted in the submission of the latter and his forces at Quezaltenango, whereupon it was decreed that all hostilities against him were to cease; the order forbidding his return was revoked, his rank of lieutenant-general was restored, and finally he was given the command-in-chief of the army. The compact between the oligarchy and barbarism was consummated.[XIII-70] He assumed the command on the 8th of August, and on that date and the 18th he issued proclamations conveying his purpose of restoring peace and order, and assuring the people that he was free from hatred.[XIII-71] But the work of vengeance soon began. Efforts were made to convene the assembly with the object in view of arresting the liberal deputies who voted for Carrera's proscription in 1848,[XIII-72] but many of them had fled, and only those remaining were confined in the fort by Carrera's order without remonstrance on the part of the president. It is also said that some persons were shot. Such of the prisoners as did not crave Carrera's pardon were forced to leave the country.[XIII-73]

[Sidenote: THE WAR OF 1850.]

The difference in the principles underlying the policy of the rulers of Guatemala and Salvador, and the bitter animosity existing between them, brought about a war in 1850, in which Salvador, Honduras, and the democrats of Nicaragua were allied against Guatemala.[XIII-74] President Vasconcelos invaded Guatemala,[XIII-75] at the head of an allied force of Salvadorans, Hondurans, and Nicaraguans, but seems to have met with a signal defeat at the hands of an inferior force under Carrera, near Arada, in Chiquimula, on the 2d of February, which compelled a precipitate retreat into Salvadoran territory.[XIII-76] Carrera then marched across the line and established his headquarters in Santa Ana. This move demanded vigorous measures on the part of Salvador for self-defence.[XIII-77]

Carrera wrote the government of Salvador February 22d, that, understanding it wished to make peace, but hesitated to propose it because of the presence of Guatemalan troops in Salvador, he would recross the line, starting on the next day.[XIII-78] Yet the war continued, until a definitive treaty of peace between Guatemala and Salvador was concluded at Guatemala on the 17th of August, 1853, and ratified by Guatemala on the 14th of September.[XIII-79]

The civil strife raging in Guatemala led to differences with Honduras, whose government was accused of favoring the rebels of the mountain. Recriminations and border raids ensued, which culminated in a three years' war between the two countries, Guatemala aiding Guardiola and other enemies of Cabañas, the president of Honduras, in their attempts to overthrow the latter.[XIII-80] At last a treaty was concluded at Guatemala on the 13th of February, 1856, which the government of Guatemala ratified on the 5th of April.[XIII-81]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: REORGANIZATION OF GOVERNMENT.]

The victorious aristocrats now saw their opportunity to reorganize the government under a system more in accordance with their ideas; that is to say, investing the executive with power to crush revolution. Paredes summoned the constituent assembly which had been called by Carrera's decree of May 24, 1848, and it was installed on the 16th of August, 1851. This body on the 19th of October adopted a new constitution under the title of Acta Constitutiva de la República de Guatemala, containing 18 articles.[XIII-82] Another decree regulated the election of representatives of the church and other corporations in the national congress.[XIII-83]

[Sidenote: CARRERA REX.]

The constituent assembly having by the 18th article of the acta reserved to itself the right of choosing the president for the constitutional term from January 1, 1852, to January 1, 1856, chose the only possible candidate, Rafael Carrera,[XIII-84] who on the appointed day assumed the executive office. His reputation for courage, respect for the church, and other circumstances secured a firm support to his administration. On the 21st of October, 1854, Carrera was proclaimed by a general junta of superior authorities president for life,[XIII-85] and the house of representatives on the 29th of January, 1855, passed an act exempting the president from all responsibility for the acts of his government, and devolving it on his ministers.[XIII-86] This change was a near approach to the monarchical system, for which Carrera was supposed to have a decided penchant.[XIII-87] Notwithstanding the strong power thus placed in his hands, a revolt at Quezaltenango the next year almost overthrew him, requiring the use of all his forces to defeat it, at the expense of much disaster and a large number of executions. It was only by great efforts that he succeeded, after so many years of warfare, in quieting the revolted mountaineers. This was accomplished only after peace had been signed with Honduras. His strong supporters, Manuel Francisco Pavon and Luis Batres, died, the former in 1855, and the latter in 1862.[XIII-88]

From this time, peace being finally restored, with only occasional and partial disturbances, the régime established with Carrera at its head was generally acquiesced in. The republic took an active part in the campaign against William Walker and his filibusters in Nicaragua. The services rendered by its forces will appear in the description of the operations of that campaign in a separate chapter.

The year 1863 was inaugurated with another bloody war with Salvador, the details and consequences of which will be treated elsewhere. It is sufficient to say here that Guatemalan arms were successful, and Carrera's power became still more consolidated, and its supremacy was felt over the rest of Central America. He ruled the country uninterruptedly till his death early in April 1865. The highest honors, civic, military, and ecclesiastic, were paid to his remains.[XIII-89] Carrera died in the full conviction that he had been the instrument of providence in saving society and good order in Guatemala. He had been so assured by his supporters, and had come to believe it, in the face of the fact that he had been guilty of heinous crimes and was notoriously immoral.[XIII-90] So die those who pass hence from the murderer's gallows under the banner of the cross, and with priestly consolation.