CHAPTER XII.

REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA.

1838-1855.

STATE GOVERNMENT—DIRECTOR BUITRAGO'S CONSERVATISM—BRITISH AGGRESSION—DIRECTOR SANDOVAL'S RULE—INTERNAL TROUBLES—GUERRERO'S ADMINISTRATION—THE MOSQUITO KINGDOM—ITS ORIGIN AND HISTORY—BUBBLES—BRITISH PRETENSIONS—SEIZURE OF SAN JUAN DEL NORTE—DIPLOMATIC COMPLICATIONS—CLAYTON-BULWER TREATY—NICARAGUA RECOVERS HER OWN—RELATIONS WITH FOREIGN POWERS—AN AMERICAN WAR SHIP BOMBARDS SAN JUAN DEL NORTE—PINEDA'S GOVERNMENT—ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REPUBLIC—PARTY DISSENSION—LEGITIMISTS VERSUS DEMOCRATS—CHAMORRO AND CASTELLON—CIVIL WAR—DEATH OF CHAMORRO—ESTRADA SUCCEEDS HIM.

Little, if anything, has been said in this history of the internal affairs of Nicaragua since 1838. Under her first constitution, that of 1826, the chief executive officer of the state was called jefe del estado, and his term of office was for four years. The second organic law, promulgated in 1838, gave that functionary the title of director supremo, limiting his tenure of office to two years. Pablo Buitrago seems to have been the first director called upon to enforce the constitution of 1838.[XII-1] He was declared by the chambers, on the 4th of March, 1841, to have been constitutionally chosen. His first step was to remove from the office of ministro general Francisco Castellon, who held it ad interim under appointment by Patricio Rivas,[XII-2] calling to succeed him Simon Orozco, whom he could more easily control.

[Sidenote: BUITRAGO, OROZCO, PEREZ.]

Buitrago treated a communication from Morazan, sent him from San Miguel, with contumely; and afterward, when the ex-president, as jefe of Costa Rica, accredited near him two commissioners, he declined to receive them.[XII-3] His course won him commendation from the rulers of Guatemala.[XII-4] His term of office came to an end on the 1st of April, 1843, and he was temporarily succeeded by Juan de Dios Orozco. The official press asserted that the election for director had been made with perfect freedom. But no candidate having received the requisite number of votes, the assembly chose Manuel Perez to fill the position.[XII-5] The state was at peace,[XII-6] but was not to enjoy that benefit long. In a previous chapter I have spoken of the desolating war waged within her borders by the tyrants of Salvador and Honduras. She was, moreover, harassed by the intemperate demands for British claimants made by Chatfield, the ally of the aristocrats of Guatemala, who went so far as to dictate to Nicaragua how to recognize and pay these claims.[XII-7] The assembly then authorized the executive to arrange the matter in the best way possible, and Castellon, the ministro general, proposed to Chatfield to submit the disputed claims to arbitration, naming Bishop Viteri as the Nicaraguan arbitrator. Finally, a legation was despatched to London, Castellon being the minister and Máximo Jerez the secretary.[XII-8] The British authorities resolved, however, to use coercion in order to force a settlement of the claims, the corvette _Daphne_ blockading the port of Realejo in August 1846; and the government, being without funds to meet such demands at once, had to pledge the revenue from the tobacco monopoly during the next four years.

Leon, after its terrible conflict with the forces of Salvador and Honduras, aided by Nicaraguan allies, was in a shattered condition, and most of the families dwelling therein were in mourning, and reduced to indigence. Muñoz, who so efficiently coöperated to that result, had secured the coveted reward, the command in chief of the western department. The seat of government was at San Fernando, and Blas Antonio Saenz assumed the executive duties on the 20th of January, 1845.[XII-9] Under the sword of Muñoz the elections for director supremo were effected, and José Leon Sandoval obtained a plurality vote.[XII-10] He was declared duly elected on the 4th of April. The assembly passed several important measures.[XII-11]

[Sidenote: REVOLUTION UPON REVOLUTION.]

Peace had not been restored. Disturbances were breaking out in several parts. There were revolutionary movements in Managua, and the government sent thither Ponciano Corral to make an investigation, and quell the sedition. His report brought about the imprisonment of several citizens.[XII-12] Manifestations in favor of Cabañas at Rivas were put down with an iron hand. On the 24th of June there was a revolt at Leon, which Muñoz quelled, and the government had its authors confined in San Juan del Norte.[XII-13] The executive had proclaimed neutrality in the contest between the government of Salvador and Malespin, who was sustained by Honduras; and though he concluded with Salvador at San Fernando a treaty of peace, friendship, and alliance, he also entered into a similar one with Honduras.[XII-14] The latter treaty was intended to be a reality, and it is undeniable that Nicaragua was a faithful ally and coöperator of Honduras down to the treaty of Sensenti. The treaty with Salvador was not made in good faith on the part of Nicaragua.

The town of Chinandega was, in the latter part of July, captured by 200 revolutionists under José M. Valle, alias El Chelon,[XII-15] who had come with sixty or eighty men on a schooner from La Union, and landed at Cosigüina.[XII-16] On the 26th Muñoz was attacked in Leon, but defeated his assailants.[XII-17] The government abandoned San Fernando and went to Managua.[XII-18] Muñoz, victorious again at Chichigalpa, marched on Chinandega, which he occupied without opposition; but having to return to Leon, the insurgents retook it. He came back with a large force on the 16th of August, and reoccupied the place.[XII-19] Sandoval had, on the 9th, forbidden the men who accompanied Morazan to Costa Rica from entering Nicaraguan soil. A ministerial crisis occurred at this time, Rocha and César resigning their portfolios, which were given to Máximo Jerez and Buitrago.[XII-20] Their tenure was necessarily short, and they were superseded in the latter part of the year by Fruto Chamorro and José Guerrero, the latter being almost immediately succeeded by Lino César. This new arrangement gave the director an homogeneous cabinet. The government was now a decidedly conservative one.

The revolution came to an end in the latter part of September 1845, an amnesty being issued excepting only the chief leaders, and persons guilty of common crimes.[XII-21]

[Sidenote: SANDOVAL AND MORALES.]

This short truce enabled Sandoval to pay an official visit to the several districts. In Chinandega the inhabitants having abandoned their homes, he issued orders to bring them back.[XII-22] The government was levying heavy taxes. The citizens of Leon, Chinandega, El Viejo, and other places, who were the victims of the self-styled "ejército protector de la paz," were compelled to support the régime which had its being out of the destruction of the first-named town. It is, therefore, not a matter of surprise that the people of many towns went off to the woods. The insurrection broke out again, Valle appearing in Segovia, and reëntering Chinandega on the 26th of November. The amnesty decree was thereupon revoked.[XII-23] The state of Honduras took part in the war, sending an army under Guardiola to the aid of Sandoval. The insurgents were defeated first by Muñoz, and soon after by Guardiola, who occupied Chinandega.[XII-24] At the end of the campaign Muñoz signified a desire to leave the state, and asked for a passport; but the government replied with words of fulsome praise that his services could not be spared.[XII-25] This was precisely what Muñoz had fished for.[XII-26]

Efforts were made by Buitrago and others to prevail on Sandoval to call the chambers of 1846 to sit in Leon, but he objected to the proposition. The assembly met first in San Fernando June 7, 1846, and on the 14th of August sanctioned every past act of the government.[XII-27] At a later date it removed to Managua, and adjourned leaving much unfinished business, for which it was summoned to an extra session,[XII-28] and after doing what was required of it, retired on the 18th of December.

The end of Sandoval's term was approaching, and elections for supremo director took place. The assembly met again on the 12th of March, 1847, and Senator Miguel R. Morales assumed the executive. Minister Salinas in his annual report made a number of suggestions to the chambers; namely, an amendment of the constitution in the direction styled by the conservatives, "moderado y de órden;" good relations with the pope, and cordial friendship with the priests; public instruction based upon the requirements of the council of Trent. The office of supremo director passed, on the 6th of April, into the hands of José Guerrero, who had been chosen for the constitutional term.[XII-29] Acceding to the repeated petitions of the people of the western department, Guerrero decreed[XII-30] to make Leon the residence of the government, and the transfer was effected July 20th, the people of that city greeting the director and his officials with joy. The assembly, however, preferred to sit at Managua, and did so on the 3d of September.[XII-31]

The country stood in need of a new constitution, but this could not be framed at the present time, because the whole attention of the government and people was absorbed by the questions with Great Britain, which were a menace to Nicaraguan territory, and even to the independence of all Central America. These difficulties were connected with the possession of the territory known as the Mosquito Coast, or Mosquitia. The Spanish authorities to the last moment of their rule over Central America acted in a manner indicative of Spain's claim of full sovereignty over that territory, disallowing the pretended right of the Zambo chief who under British protection had been dubbed King of Mosquitia.[XII-32]

[Sidenote: THE MOSQUITO COAST.]

A British agent claimed some years afterward that the relations of the Spanish and Mosquitian authorities had been in 1807, and even before, such as are held between independent powers.[XII-33] The so-called king of Mosquitia claimed sovereignty over an extent of country 340 miles long from north to south, and about 235 miles in breadth. He also claimed the district of Talamanca in Costa Rica, and that of Chiriquí in Panamá.[XII-34] The British authorities maintained a sort of protectorate over these Indians, occasionally sending presents to their chiefs.[XII-35]

[Sidenote: KING GEORGE FREDERICK.]

George Frederick and his half-brother Robert, like their father George, who was killed in 1800, were of mixed negro and Indian blood. They were first taken to Belize to receive some education,[XII-36] and next to Jamaica, where they were the objects of some attention on the part of Lord Albemarle, the governor-general. George Frederick's education was an indifferent one. In 1815 he was back in Belize to be crowned there at his own request, Chaplain Armstrong performing the ceremony, and his chiefs taking the oath of allegiance in regular form.[XII-37] He was then proclaimed king of the Mosquito shore and nation, and a British war vessel conveyed him and his chiefs to Gracias á Dios.[XII-38] It seems that kingly life afforded him little or no satisfaction. Aware of his lack of qualifications, and fully sensible that he could not retrieve himself from vicious habits, especially from the bottle, which soon controlled him, his heart failed him, and his life became embittered.[XII-39] The British government at first manifested a friendly interest, sending him presents, and Chaplain Armstrong his advice; but the latter was disregarded by the king and his chief minister, who often remarked that a present of rum would be more welcome. The instruction on government was beyond his understanding, and looked on as falsehood. Such was the effect of his West India education in civilization. It has been asserted that he was murdered in 1824.[XII-40] Robert, his brother, succeeded, and was deposed, his successor being James, descended from an older branch of the family,[XII-41] who took the name of George Frederick. Mosquito annals do not record what became of him. The next king was Robert Charles Frederick, who believing himself a real monarch, for and in consideration of abundant contributions of rum, to which he was much addicted, began to make large grants of land, some of which carried with them the rights of absolute sovereignty. Most of these grants were afterward cancelled, and the king was taken by the British authorities to Belize, and kept under control. He died there, leaving, in a so-called last will, dated in February 1840, to Superintendent Macdonald the regency of his dominions during the minority of his heir, the princess Inez Ann Frederick.[XII-42] Macdonald, whether as such regent or as an officer of the British crown, appointed his private secretary, Patrick Walker, to reside at Blewfields, and have charge of the affairs of Mosquitia; since which time the shore began to assume much importance, at least in a political sense. Walker established a council of state, and soon opened a dispute about boundaries with the Central American states, giving rise to grave questions which occupied the attention of other governments, and of which I will treat later.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: COLONIZATION FAILURES.]

Several attempts were made since the early days of the present century to colonize the Mosquito shore, for which large tracts of land were granted. Among the most important was one made to the Scotchman Sir Gregor MacGregor,[XII-43] who soon after started a wild project, which later was known as the Poyais bubble, and ended, about 1823, disastrously for the dupes who had been drawn into it.[XII-44] In 1839 the British Central America Land Company of London made another experiment on the same place where MacGregor had tried his, and it ended in failure.[XII-45] A German colony named Carlsruhe, near Blewfields, which was started about 1844, had to be abandoned in 1849 after losing about two thirds of the emigrants.

The climate of the coast is moist, hotter than in the interior, and not as healthy. The greater part of the soil is fertile, and it may be said that the country possesses many natural elements of wealth.[XII-46] Blewfields, the capital of Mosquitia, is on the river and lagoon of the same name. In the latter part of 1847 Blewfields and its dependencies had 599 inhabitants, of which 111 were white and 488 black,[XII-47] in two villages, the larger, Blewfields, having 78 houses, and the lesser, Carlsruhe, 16. Few of the houses were built of boards. One of this kind was then occupied by Walker, the British agent and consul-general, with whom the sovereign resided.[XII-48]

* * * * *

On the 12th of August, 1841, Macdonald, superintendent of Belize, came to San Juan del Norte on the frigate _Tweed_, bringing with him the so-called king of the Mosquitos or Moscos. At the same time an armed sloop, under the Mosquito flag and commanded by Peter Shepherd, entered the port. The comandante and revenue officer, Lieutenant-colonel Quijano, went to see the commanding officers at Shepherd's house, but was not received, on the plea that both the king and superintendent were unwell. An official letter from him was left unanswered. At last, the superintendent's secretary, together with the captain of the frigate and the king's secretary, called on Quijano and told him that on the following day his letter would be answered, requiring his recognition of the Mosquito king as the ally of her Britannic Majesty. Quijano refused, and his visitors retired. He reiterated his refusal in a letter to the superintendent, and in the name of his government solemnly protested against his pretension, as well as against the insults inflicted on his country.[XII-49] He was finally notified that if he interfered with any British or Mosquito subject, both he and his government would be held responsible.[XII-50]

[Sidenote: BRITISH INTERFERENCE.]

The demands and insults of the British officers continued until the 15th, when they seized Quijano and carried him on board the frigate, intending to take him to Belize.[XII-51] The Nicaraguan government, in a note to British Vice-consul Foster, denounced the acts of the British officials at San Juan as high-handed, accusing Macdonald of usurping the name of her Britannic Majesty in supposing her to be an ally of the so-called Mosquito king.[XII-52] The whole American continent became indignant at the British proceedings in San Juan. There was one exception, however, which must be classified as vile. Ferrera, jefe of Honduras, under the influence of the servile element of Guatemala, allied with Chatfield, recognized the Mosquito nation.[XII-53]

Chatfield informed Nicaragua that the whole Central American territory lying between Cape Gracias á Dios and the mouth of the San Juan River belonged to the Mosquito king, without prejudice to other rights the king might have south of the San Juan.[XII-54] In January 1848 two British war vessels occupied the port of San Juan without resistance, replacing the Nicaraguan officials by Englishmen as servants of the Mosquito king, after doing which they sailed away; but no sooner had the intelligence reached the interior than a force was despatched to San Juan, which reoccupied the place and sent to the capital as prisoners the intruders.[XII-55] Whereupon the British returned in force in March 1848, and defeated the Nicaraguan detachment. Hostilities being further prosecuted, the Nicaraguans had to succumb before the superior power of their foe, and consented to an armistice, providing that they would not disturb San Juan, or attempt to reoccupy the port, pending the negotiations which must follow on these events.[XII-56]

[Sidenote: TREATIES.]

Nicaragua, by her ablest diplomates, defended her rights to the disputed territory both in Europe and America, without obtaining a satisfactory result, until the fears of Central Americans for the independence of their country were brought to an end by the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, otherwise called the Ship Canal convention, concluded at Washington between the United States and Great Britain on the 19th of April, 1850, by the first article of which neither power could occupy, fortify, colonize, nor exercise dominion over Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito Coast, or any other portion of Central American territory, nor make use of a protectorate in any form.[XII-57] Thus was this vexed question terminated, England resigning all her claims to the Mosquito Coast, and by a subsequent treaty concluded at Managua on the 28th of January, 1860, known as the Zeledon-Wyke treaty, ceded to Nicaragua the protectorate absolutely.[XII-58] Since then Nicaragua has subjected the Mosquito Coast to a prefecto.[XII-59] Nevertheless, it is understood that the Indian reserve is still ruled by a chief chosen by the natives, assisted by a council, which assembles at Blewfields; but subject to the supreme authority of the Nicaraguan government.

* * * * *

Nicaragua, as soon as she assumed the position of an independent nation, hastened to open friendly relations with other powers.[XII-60] Spain made with the republic July 25, 1850, a treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation, the first and second articles of which fully recognize Nicaragua's independence.[XII-61] Early efforts were made to arrange ecclesiastical affairs with the papal see, a concordat being finally concluded at Rome November 2, 1861.[XII-62]

With the other Central American states Nicaragua made treaties, which underwent from time to time alterations, as circumstances seemed to demand for her own or the general defence. Several of these will be made apparent in the course of my narrative. Nicaragua has endeavored to maintain cordial relations with her neighbors.[XII-63] The republic entered into friendly diplomatic relations with the powers of Europe and America, most of them having treaties of amity, commerce, and extradition of criminals. Its relations with the United States have generally been intimate, made so by considerations of neighborhood, business interests, and similarity of institutions, as well as by a mutual desire to forward the construction of a ship canal across Nicaraguan territory. They have been disturbed at times, however, while Nicaragua was a transit route between the eastern states of the American union, and during the execution of schemes of American filibusters, such as those of Kinney and Walker.

[Sidenote: ARBITRARY ACTS.]

While the Mosquito question was pending between Nicaragua and Great Britain, circumstances were hastening a practical solution of it. An American company, acting under a Nicaraguan charter, opened a transit route for passengers through the state, beginning at San Juan del Norte, which place rapidly filled up with emigrants from the United States, who becoming numerically predominant, met in a primary capacity and organized an independent government.[XII-64] After an indiscreet attempt on the part of a British commander to levy duties on an American steamer, which was disavowed by his government, the British protectorate over San Juan at last virtually ceased. The town and port remained under the direct control of the inhabitants, most of whom were Americans, as a free city.[XII-65] The prosperity of the place was retarded by a dispute with the persons into whose hands the transit had fallen, which produced bitter feeling, and resulted in alleged insults to Solon Borland, United States minister to Nicaragua, whose belligerent instincts carried him away to interfere in matters which were foreign to his office. The sloop of war _Cyane_, Commander Hollins, was despatched by the American government to look into the case. Hollins assumed a hostile attitude,[XII-66] made arrogant demands, and the latter not being complied with, he bombarded the town on the 13th of July, 1854, and landing a party of marines, burned it to the ground.[XII-67] This act has been generally condemned. The American government hardly contemplated it; but not having punished Commander Hollins, it must bear the odium. Notwithstanding these difficulties, peaceable relations were not disturbed.[XII-68] Nicaragua also has treaties with Belgium, Italy, France, England, Peru, and other nations.[XII-69]

A squabble occurred in 1876 at Leon, in which the German consul and a Nicaraguan citizen were concerned, giving rise to a conflict between the German and Nicaraguan governments, the former making of it a casus belli, and demanding, backed by a naval force, a considerable sum of money.[XII-70]

* * * * *

The political situation in the interior of Nicaragua, during the winter, of 1848-9, was anything but satisfactory to the lovers of peace. Parties were again venting their animosities. The leader Bernabé Somoza captured Rivas, and afterward became notorious for deeds of cruelty and robbery. Director Norberto Ramirez[XII-71] despatched there a strong force under J. T. Muñoz. Somoza was defeated and captured at San Jorge on the 14th of June.[XII-72] Ramirez was succeeded by José Laureano Pineda in 1851,[XII-73] against whom a revolt broke out August 4, 1851, having J. Trinidad Muñoz for its leader. Pineda and his ministers Francisco Castellon and F. Diaz Zapata were arrested. The plan failed, however. Leon, Muñoz' headquarters, was taken by government forces assisted by troops from Honduras, and Muñoz surrendered.[XII-74] On the expiration of Pineda's term in 1853, Chamorro became chief of the state, having been elected by the suffrages of the moderados. The new director was a well-meaning man, and hoped by pursuing a moderate course to allay party bickerings. But his political opponents, together with a portion of the military element, did not permit him to develop his policy in peace.

The legislative assembly rejected, April 30, 1853, a provisional constitution which had been framed and published by the national constituent assembly on the 13th of October, 1852,[XII-75] and at the same time declared the state to be independent and sovereign. This was followed on the 28th of February, 1854, by another decree of the state constituent assembly assuming for the state the title of República de Nicaragua, and giving its executive the name of president.[XII-76] The coat of arms and flag of the new republic were decreed April 21, 1854.[XII-77]

[Sidenote: CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY.]

A constituent assembly, called on the 11th of December, 1853, to meet on the 8th of January, 1854, for the purpose of framing a constitution for the republic, was installed on the 22d of that month.[XII-78] It continued its session without interruption, and on the 7th of April assumed, for urgent cases, the powers of an ordinary legislature, enacting that, in the event of a temporary vacancy in the office of president, his duties should devolve on the member of the constituent assembly called by him to assume them. Chamorro was then chosen provisional president, to hold the office till the 1st of March, 1855. The new charter of the republic was sanctioned on the 30th of April,[XII-79] which was in force only in Granada and other towns acknowledging Chamorro's government.

[Sidenote: LONG AND BLOODY WAR.]

The opposition of the liberals culminated in an attempt at revolution in Leon, promoted by Castellon, Jerez, and Mariano Salazar. The government then residing at Managua defeated their plan for the time, and banished the leaders and a few of their influential followers.[XII-80] The exiles sought refuge in Salvador and Honduras, and with the favor of Cabañas, who was then on bad terms with Chamorro,[XII-81] obtained resources for a second attempt against the government of the latter. With a few men and a quantity of arms and ammunition, they went from Tigre Island to Realejo. The invaders were enthusiastically received, Leon, Chinandega, and immediate towns proclaiming Castellon provisional director, which office he assumed June 11, 1854.[XII-82] This was the beginning of a long and bloody war, which Salvador and Guatemala vainly tried to avert.[XII-83] Chamorro approached Leon, but finding it had declared for Castellon, retired to Granada and fortified the place, sustaining afterward an irregular siege of several months from thrice the number of his force, under Jerez, till the early part of 1855. Castellon, meantime, gained possession of the republic, Granada excepted; but the long siege of this town wrought a change in the feelings of the unstable people, and in a short time Chamorro or his party recovered Managua, Masaya, and Rivas, after a series of bloody encounters. The siege of Granada was consequently raised.[XII-84] Even Chamorro's death, which occurred at this time,[XII-85] did not favor the democrats. He was succeeded by José María Estrada. Corral was the general-in-chief of the legitimist forces, and was organizing at Masaya an army to capture Leon. The government had called the constituent assembly, which met on the 8th of April with only fourteen members, and on the 10th resolved that Estrada should retain the executive until a president should be chosen under the constitution. This greatly displeased Corral, who had expected to be called to that position. He had his headquarters in Managua, and threatened to be revenged of the men who had slighted him.[XII-86]

Meanwhile Muñoz had gone to Honduras and returned with a small division of troops, the chief command of both the democratic and Honduran forces being vested in him. By his advice Castellon appointed Rosalío Cortés and P. Aleman commissioners to ascertain the views of the legitimist chiefs with reference to peace negotiations. Estrada consented to receive Cortés, but not Aleman, and the former had interviews with him and his supporters, prevailing on them to enter into negotiations either in their official or private capacity. Muñoz had authorized Cortés to tell Corral he wished to have a direct understanding with him.[XII-87] Cortés first saw Corral, and by his advice next had interviews with Estrada, Vega, and others, all of whom showed a willingness to treat for peace, and asked him to return to Leon, which he did, touching at Managua, where Corral assured him of his disposition to come to an understanding with Muñoz.

[Sidenote: DEMOCRATS AND LEGITIMISTS.]

The situation of the democrats was improved since the return of Muñoz. That of the legitimists was not so good, but the rulers felt confident. By its moderate course the legitimist government was gaining favor in democratic towns. Estrada's confidence was increased with the arrival of two foreign ministers accredited to his government.[XII-88] By this time Corral had an efficient division at Managua. His subordinate, Colonel Tomás Martinez, who in late years became president of the republic, not only cleared Nueva Segovia of Hondurans, but also occupied the town of San Márcos in Honduras. Lieutenant-colonel Andrés Murillo obtained a victory over the democrats at Tecuaname on the 17th of May. A few days after—May 31st—Estrada's government decreed an amnesty to all soldiers, from private to sergeant inclusive, presenting themselves within twenty days.[XII-89] On the 13th of June came two men who afterward were fatal to the legitimists, Santos Guardiola, and the clergyman Manuel Alcaine. The latter was a commissioner from Salvador to both belligerents, and his efforts on behalf of peace had been favorably entertained by Castellon. Estrada listened to him, but did not accept his proposals.[XII-90] Alcaine went back to Leon, and reported that the legitimists were bent upon exterminating the democrats, and his statements were fully believed. All hope of bringing the war to an end by peaceful negotiations was now abandoned.[XII-91]