CHAPTER VI.

CIVIL WAR.

1829-1838.

REVOLUTION IN HONDURAS—CONSERVATIVES INVADE THE STATE—SECOND GENERAL ELECTIONS—FRANCISCO MORAZAN CHOSEN PRESIDENT—PLOTS OF THE SERVILES—ARCE'S INVASION FROM MEXICO—OCCUPATION OF HONDURAS PORTS BY EXILED REBELS—SPANISH FLAG HOISTED IN OMOA, AND AID FROM CUBA—SALVADORAN AUTHORITIES IN REBELLION—THIRD GENERAL ELECTIONS—MORAZAN REËLECTED—FAILURE OF COLONIZATION PLANS—RAVAGES OF CHOLERA—INDIAN REVOLT UNDER CARRERA—HIS EARLY LIFE.

It is difficult for us to realize how long it takes and how hard it is for progressive man to throw away the fetters, temporal and spiritual, which in times past he stupidly forged for himself. Intellectual light breaking in on our old savagism finally tells us that the hurtful manifestations of nature are not the chastisements of offended deity; and then we wonder how we could have been so stupid so long, with our pope-worship and king-worship, and our servility to their satellites. Then when we first gain our liberty we know not what to do with it. We feel lost without the harness, the reins, the whip and spur. The people of Central America, high or low, knew little at this juncture of self-government. In times past they had observed that rulership consisted largely of personal wranglings for place, from king and pope down to the lowest aspirant; of wars, political and ecclesiastical, brother against brother, priests and people butchering and burning as if the great object of religion and civilization was to preserve upon this earth as long as possible the hell which we all hope in one way or another to escape hereafter.

Note further in regard to Central America the strange union of widely distinct classes in their efforts to sacrifice the country for self. Though from somewhat different motives, we see join hands the highest and the lowest, a self-styled aristocracy and the ignorant rabble, aided by the priests who would not see their power slip from them in the general overturnings, all spending their energies and blood in the direction of utter destruction for themselves, their families, and their country. Fortunately there were others at hand whose ideas of self-government were different; who earnestly desired that this new plant of liberty—a boon which had so unexpectedly dropped down to them from heaven—should have in their midst a healthy growth, in spite of ignorance, ambition, or superstition.

[Sidenote: TROUBLES IN HONDURAS.]

The legislative assembly of Honduras, pursuant to the proscriptive law enacted by the federal congress in August 1829, issued a decree of expulsion, and the government of the state transmitted to Guatemala a list of those who had come within its provisions.[VI-1] Some exiles from Honduras and other states of Central America went to Belize to carry on their plots from that quarter, and soon caused a sedition in the department of Olancho. The vice-jefe, Vijil, used his best endeavors to bring the seditious to terms peaceably, but failed.[VI-2] It became necessary then to resort to force, and Lieutenant-colonel Terrelonge was authorized to move his troops from Trujillo against Olancho. The state of Guatemala was also requested to send its force stationed in Chiquimula to Gracias, for the purpose of aiding in the preservation of order. The assembly of Guatemala, on the 24th of November, 1829, directed that 500 men, subject to the orders of the chief of the state, should repair at once to Honduras and quell the insurrection. The wording of the decree caused a disagreement between the president of the republic and Jefe Molina. The latter insisted that the 500 men to be sent to Honduras should be under his orders. President Barrundia could not accede to it, because the command of a military force operating out of the state belonged by law to the federal government,[VI-3] and through his minister of war, Nicolás Espinosa, applied to the Guatemalan legislature for a change in the decree. Espinosa's communication caused much sensation, and the assembly repealed the act of November 24th, and in its stead provided that the money needed to muster in and equip 500 men should be furnished the general government out of the state treasury.

Morazan, jefe of Honduras, and general-in-chief of the Central American forces, had marched with a division upon the departments of Olancho and Opoteca, and to him were despatched the troops newly raised in Guatemala. Colonel Vicente Dominguez was one of the chief promoters of the revolution of Honduras.[VI-4] Morazan's military reputation made easy his road to victory. He encountered no great difficulties. The year 1830 was inaugurated with new triumphs. The Olancho rebels surrendered to him at Las Vueltas del Ocote, and on the 21st of January solemnly bound themselves to recognize and obey the government.[VI-5] Morazan next, on the 19th of February, routed the insurrectionists of Opoteca.[VI-6] Morazan, after pacifying Honduras, intended marching into Nicaragua, if political measures should prove insufficient to establish regularity there. He first despatched Dionisio Herrera to the seat of Nicaraguan differences, who fulfilled his trust with zeal, and Morazan had no need of going to the state. Herrera had been chosen jefe, and was duly inducted in his office on the 12th of May.

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[Sidenote: REVOLT AND ELECTION.]

The time for renewing the supreme federal authority having arrived, elections were held throughout the republic. Congress opened its session with due solemnity on the 27th of March, 1830. The supreme court of justice was likewise installed.[VI-7] The election of president of the republic had been also made. Morazan, José Francisco Barrundia, José del Valle, Antonio Rivera Cabezas, and Pedro Molina obtained votes; but by far the largest number of them had been polled for Morazan and Valle.[VI-8]

The votes were counted in June. Morazan had the largest number; but in order to ascertain if the election had been legal, it was necessary first to declare if the basis was to be the number of votes which the citizens of the republic had the right to poll, or that of the votes actually given and counted. If the former, there had been no popular election, and congress had to decide the point between Morazan and Valle; in the latter case, Morazan had been popularly elected.[VI-9]

[Sidenote: MORAZAN PRESIDENT.]

The congress consisted for the most part of friends of Morazan, and he was declared president. He made a triumphal entry into Guatemala on the 14th of September, and should have been inaugurated on the 15th; but it was decided that Barrundia should turn over to him the executive office on the 16th, in the midst of the festivities of national independence. This was done by Barrundia with that republican simplicity which had ever characterized the man. All the states sent their congratulations to Morazan, and to Barrundia for the good judgment and success of his administration.[VI-10] Mariano Prado, the distinguished citizen of Salvador, who did such good service to the liberal cause as vice-jefe of that state during the campaign that ended in April 1829, was elected vice-president.

One of Barrundia's measures that did him honor was his saving the island of Roatan to Central America. The British had driven away the few inhabitants and small garrison and taken possession.[VI-11] Barrundia made energetic though courteous remonstrances, and the island was restored after Morazan had become president.

The country now required peace. Morazan exerted himself to foster education and national industry. Agriculture and trade began to revive; but it was not to be continued long, for the demon of political strife was let loose again. The servile party, though defeated, had not remained inactive. In 1831 it prepared a plot for the destruction of the liberals, which had ramifications everywhere. Arce was to invade the republic from Mexico through Soconusco. Dominguez was to occupy Honduras with elements gathered for the purpose at Belize. Meantime, Ramon Guzman seized the fort at Omoa with 200 negroes.[VI-12] Arce effected his invasion with about 100 men, exiled and discontented Central Americans,[VI-13] and was defeated at Escuintla de Soconusco, on the 24th of February, 1832, by the forces under General Raoul. He succeeded in escaping with a few men into Mexico again.[VI-14] Guzman, being hard pressed at Omoa by the government troops under Colonel Terrelonge, hoisted the Spanish flag over the fort, and despatched, on the 10th of August, the schooner _Ejecutivo_, whose name had been now changed to _General Dominguez_, to ask assistance from the captain-general of Cuba, offering himself and those with him as subjects of the Spanish king. But the vessel was captured on her return with supplies, and the rebel garrison surrendered on the 12th of September, after a siege of five months.[VI-15] Almost at the same time that Omoa was seized by the rebels, the port of Trujillo was occupied by Vicente Dominguez, who had in his company Pedro Gonzalez.[VI-16] The Central Americans had two armed schooners at Izabal, besides two national vessels under Terrelonge, and an armed schooner at Belize. Duplessis, a Frenchman, commanding the national vessel _Fénix_, was captured by Dominguez, taken to Omoa, and shot in the plaza.[VI-17]

Dominguez' vanguard reached Yoro on the 7th of March, 1832, and was defeated at Tercales on the 9th, and again at Olanchito. He fled to Trujillo, leaving behind 200 muskets, other arms, some money, and other things.[VI-18] He then transferred himself to Omoa, and with 600 men, on the 26th of March, attacked the government troops at Jaitique, being defeated. He was again routed at Opoteca, pursued in all directions, captured, and taken to Comayagua, where he was put to death on the 14th of September.[VI-19] The rebel plot thus defeated was a formidable one. Archbishop Casaus from Habana moved his clergy. Bishop Fray Luis García of Chiapas favored Ex-president Arce, whose friends confidently asserted that he also had the support of the Mexican government.[VI-20] Arce's plans were also in combination with the jefe of Salvador, José María Cornejo.[VI-21] The fallen party would not admit that they had been vanquished, that their principles were antiquated and repugnant to the people; they still believed that a reaction was not only possible, but right and natural.

[Sidenote: HONDURAS AND SALVADOR.]

Cornejo's intrigues led to a disturbance of the peace in Salvador. The state assembly had been installed in February 1831, and the tendencies of its members elect, together with Cornejo's workings, had awakened mistrust among the liberals of Guatemala. The assembly of the latter state directed the executive, in congratulating the Salvador assembly upon its installation, to remind it of the necessity of harmony and of upholding liberal principles.[VI-22]

On the news of the invasion of Honduras, already described, reaching Guatemala, Morazan decided to establish his headquarters in San Salvador as a more convenient centre for future operations. His relations with the authorities of Salvador were anything but harmonious; neither could they be harmonious under the circumstances. Mariano Galvez, jefe of Guatemala,[VI-23] desiring to avoid conflicts, despatched Colonel Nicolás Espinosa with letters to Cornejo, advising him that his agent was instructed to use his best offices to settle the differences between him and Morazan. Espinosa, when near Atiquizaya, heard that orders for his arrest had been issued, and therefore went back. Galvez became justly indignant at the conduct of Cornejo's agents.

[Sidenote: SALVADOR SECEDES.]

The president of the republic started from Guatemala on the 29th of December, 1831, accompanied by his ministers, and journeyed toward San Salvador without any military force other than his body-guard; consequently Cornejo had no cause to apprehend any sudden blow at his authority.[VI-24] Nevertheless, on the 6th of January, 1832, Cornejo broke out in open rebellion, commanding the national executive, then at Santa Ana, to quit the state forthwith or he would be driven away. Morazan, having no means of resistance, obeyed. This insult to the republic was followed next day, January 7, 1832, by an act declaring the suspension of the federal compact and the secession of the state of Salvador. Congress then empowered the executive to repel invasions. The jefe of Guatemala admitted the obligation of his state to aid the general government with all its means.[VI-25] The assembly of Nicaragua, backed by the jefe Dionisio Herrera, who was a stanch friend and supporter of Morazan, passed an act disallowing the legitimacy of the Salvador authorities and their acts, and providing means to support the federal government.[VI-26]

Costa Rica, through her minister of state, Joaquin Bernardo Calvo, in a note from San José of March 3, 1832, to the government of Guatemala, signified her readiness to support the laws, and with that end to place at the disposal of the federal executive all the aid in her power. A Guatemalan force was stationed on the frontier of Salvador, first under Colonel Cárlos Salazar, and afterward under Colonel Juan Prem, a distinguished officer of the campaign of 1829. Even now Galvez hoped to avert war, sending commissioners to confer with Cornejo at Ahuachapan. The latter received them, and appointed his own to continue the conferences; but they were suddenly brought to an end without results.[VI-27] Further efforts on behalf of peace were useless; the contest had to be decided by war.[VI-28]

Morazan with a force of Salvador and Honduras men marched from the river Lempa to Portillo. Cornejo had 600 men in Jocoro of the department of San Miguel. The latter were signally defeated on the 14th of March, losing 500 men in killed, wounded, and prisoners.[VI-29] This was soon followed by pronunciamientos in several departments against Cornejo and in favor of Morazan. The latter lost no time in marching upon San Salvador, which he took by assault on the 28th of March, notwithstanding the obstinate resistance of Cornejo and the garrison, the assailing force being made up of Nicaraguans and Hondurans.[VI-30] The state authorities were deposed, sent to Guatemala under a guard, and subsequently tried by a special court created ex post facto, with the name of jurado nacional.[VI-31] Morazan then assumed control of Salvador until constitutional authorities should be reorganized.[VI-32] This step, illegal as it was, gave dissatisfaction, not in Salvador alone, but in the other states, which subsequently seceded from the union; and though later retractions took place, it may be said that the confederation was dissolved at this period.[VI-33]

Meantime, the federal congress had continued its sessions, striving to promote the welfare of the country by a liberal policy. Among the acts adopted at this time, and deserving special mention, was that of May 2, 1832, abolishing the exclusiveness of the Roman religion, and recognizing freedom of conscience and of worship.[VI-34] This law, though practically of little effect, inasmuch as there were but few foreigners in the country, showed that a spirit of toleration was gaining ground. Another important measure was the adoption of Livingston's Louisiana code, and trial by jury. This form of trial was not understood by the people, and fortunately fell into disuse.

[Sidenote: ELEMENTS OF DISUNION.]

Notwithstanding the acts of disunion passed by the several states, there was no serious disturbance during the remainder of 1832 or in 1833. In the middle of the latter year[VI-35] congress adjourned, and there were fair prospects of peace. Indeed, the liberals had been made to see the folly of disunion. The states, relinquishing their antagonisms, quietly returned to the confederacy. The federal government, on the 20th of April, 1833, convoked a new congress to adjust differences. But now a new element of discord appeared. This was the jealousy felt by the smaller states toward Guatemala, which being larger in extent and population, naturally had a corresponding influence in the national congress.[VI-36] These states demanded an equal voice in that body, and insisted that this right should be recognized before proceeding to the elections.[VI-37] Guatemala, heeding the anxiety of the liberal leaders, assented to the demand. Some of the states proceeded with their elections, but it soon became obvious that the plan of compromise could not be satisfactory or permanent, and it was dropped. The proposed congress accordingly did not meet.[VI-38]

Rumors were current for some time in 1833 of an intended invasion of Salvador by Arce, by sea from Acapulco,[VI-39] but they proved to be unfounded. The federal government transferred its seat on the 5th of February, 1834,[VI-40] first to Sonsonate, and later to San Salvador, which for the time being quieted the jealous feeling of the several states against Guatemala. But after a few weeks the dissensions between the federal and state governments, of so frequent occurrence when the former was in Guatemala, were renewed in San Salvador. On the 23d of June, 1834, a fight took place between troops of the two parties, and the affair ended in another overthrow of the local authorities,[VI-41] who were proscribed under ex post facto laws.[VI-42] The state government went first into the hands of General Salazar, who called himself jefe provisorio, and afterward into those of the vice-president of the republic. Neither had any legal authority in the premises. This state of affairs caused dissatisfaction in Salvador. Political disturbances were also experienced in other states. The flame of discord was fanned everywhere by the oligarchs, who found their task made easier by the extreme religious liberalism of the ruling party. Their influence was felt when, on the 7th of February, 1835, after San Salvador, together with a few surrounding towns, was constituted a federal district,[VI-43] a new constitution, based on the former one of 1824, was generally rejected.[VI-44]

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[Sidenote: ELECTION AND DEATH OF VALLE.]

Elections for supreme authorities of the republic were decreed on the 2d of June, 1838. The end of Morazan's term was approaching, and his popularity was to be again put to the test. There was really but one man that could compete with him, José del Valle, who was leading a retired life devoted to scientific and political studies; but his reputation was a national one, eminently Central American, and a large portion of the people summoned him to rulership. He was elected, but died before the certificates of election were opened.

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The death of Valle occurred on the 2d of March, 1834. The highest honors were paid to his memory.[VI-45] This untoward event necessitated another election to carry out the decree of June 1833, and José Francisco Barrundia having declined to be a candidate, Morazan encountered no opposition and was reëlected.[VI-46] For the office of vice-president, no one having obtained the constitutional number of votes, congress, on the 2d of June, 1834, chose from among candidates having forty votes and upward José Gregorio Salazar, to be inducted in office on the 16th. Mariano Prado, the former vice-president, had been as such at the head of the federal executive authority in 1831; but he was chosen jefe of the state of Salvador, and took charge of that office on the 25th of July following. The vice-presidency and the office of a state jefe were incompatible. He chose the latter, and was most unfortunate in the discharge of its duties. There being then no vice-president, José Gregorio Salazar had charge of the executive in 1834 as the senior senator, Morazan having for a time, and with the permission of the senate, absented himself. Upon being elected on the 2d of June, Salazar continued in charge, and it was by his order that the federal authorities transferred themselves to the city of Santa Ana during San Martin's insurrection against the national government. The day after the inauguration of Morazan for the second presidential term, congress closed its session.[VI-47]

No important event affecting the confederation occurred during the remainder of 1835, but the atmosphere was filled with folly and misrule, foreboding the storm which was to make of Central America for many a day the theatre of the bloodiest of civil wars.

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It has been shown that the party in power pursued in general a liberal policy—too liberal, in fact, as later events proved. In view of the tardy development of the country in the old way, inducements were offered for foreign immigration, and an English company was organized for the purpose of fostering colonization in the department of Vera Paz.[VI-48] Settlers were sent out, and several hundred thousand dollars expended, but the scheme failed because of unskilful and dishonest management.[VI-49] Nevertheless, the servile party turned this incident to account, filling the minds of the lower classes, especially the Indians, with prejudice against the government, which it accused of an intent to exterminate the native population by throwing open the country to foreign influence, religion, and administration of justice. The innovations in this last respect had, more than anything else, imbittered the natives, and on the 6th of March led to an outbreak at Ostuncalco, where the Indians had become irritated at being compelled to work at the construction of prisons.[VI-50] An armed force was sent to quell the disturbance, out of which the judges and some officials had great difficulty to escape with life.

[Sidenote: REVOLT AND CHOLERA.]

Scarcely was this trouble over when a worse one stole in—the cholera. The scourge began its ravages in Central America early in 1837,[VI-51] and soon spread throughout the towns of the republic. The governments of the different states, and notably that of Guatemala, used the utmost efforts to relieve suffering. Physicians and medical students, provided with medicines, were despatched to the several districts. But their efforts were largely frustrated by the opposition of the servile party, which never ceased its work even in these days of awful distress. Determined to bring to an end the influence of the liberals, the servile party hesitated at nothing. All means to that end were made available. The priests made the ignorant masses believe that the waters had been poisoned in order to destroy the natives and make way for foreigners.[VI-52] Their deviltry was crowned with success. The low murmurs of hatred soon swelled to loud cries of vengeance against the government and foreign residents. Several physicians became the victims of popular fury, being put to death with cruel tortures.[VI-53] Others barely escaped death. The greatest violence was in the district of Mita, where it assumed the form of a general insurrection. The government despatched a body of troops to dissolve a large assemblage of insurrectionists. The instructions were to use gentle means to allay the disturbance, resorting to force only in case of necessity. The magistrate of the district, having imprudently left the strong body of infantry behind, had no sooner attempted to explain his mission than the mob fell upon him and his guard of forty dragoons, killing a number of them and putting the rest to flight. This was on the 9th of June.[VI-54] The leader of the mob on this occasion was Rafael Carrera, a mixed-breed, who now for the first time, at the age of twenty-one, possibly a few years older, appeared on the stage, to become afterward the bitterest foe of the liberal party, and eventually the dictator of the country.

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[Sidenote: RAFAEL CARRERA.]

Rafael Carrera was a native of Guatemala, of Indian descent, of a violent, irascible, and uncommunicative disposition, base-born, ignorant, though gifted with talents, bold, determined, and persevering. From common servant he became a pig-driver, and while such obtained much influence among the lower class of Indians—an influence which was due no less to his blood connections and the force of circumstances than to his bravery and capabilities.[VI-55]

Carrera was at first a mere tool of the priests, and seemed to have been a believer of the lies they had circulated. After he became powerful, they and their allies, the so-called nobles, humored his idiosyncrasies, and often had to put up with his insults and abuse. He had upon them the heel of insane revolt.[VI-56]