CHAPTER IV.

CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION.

1822-1825.

SECESSION FROM MEXICO—ARZÚ'S CAMPAIGN—PREVARICATION OF SALVADOR—FILISOLA'S VICTORY—HIS SUBSEQUENT COURSE—LIBERAL TRIUMPH IN COSTA RICA—HONDURAS FAVORS UNION—NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE SECURED—LABORS TO ORGANIZE A NATION—THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY—PROVINCIAS UNIDAS DEL CENTRO DE AMÉRICA—ABOLITION OF AFRICAN SLAVERY—PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT—MODERADOS OR SERVILES—LIBERALES OR FIEBRES—PRINCIPLES AND AIMS OF PARTIES—MEXICAN FORCES RETIRE—SEDITIONS BEGIN—SALVADORAN FORCE IN GUATEMALA—CONFEDERACION DE CENTRO AMÉRICA—FUNDAMENTAL LAW—FINANCES—ADJOURNMENT OF THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY.

[Sidenote: DEFEAT OF ARZÚ.]

Arce's invasion of territory occupied by Guatemala afforded the latter a sufficient pretext, if any were needed, to declare war against her high-spirited and troublesome neighbor. Colonel Arzú was thereupon despatched on the 19th of March, 1822, at the head of a force, which in a few days had been increased to 1,000 men, to bring Salvador under subjection. Arzú's dilatory movements, however, defeated the object of the expedition.[IV-1] He lost two months and more waiting for reënforcements and artillery, and by indecision as to whether or not he should heed the protestations of the Salvadorans.[IV-2] The latter employed the time thus gained in fortifying their city, though short of arms to equip a sufficient garrison. Aroused at last by Gainza's positive commands, Arzú continued his march,[IV-3] and avoiding the fortifications of San Salvador, entered the city on the 3d of June, taking its defenders by surprise.[IV-4] Having now every advantage, Arzú might have made himself master of the place had he not carelessly permitted his troops to disband for purposes of plunder. The result was, that the Salvadorans had time to rally, and a street fight ensued, ending with the total discomfiture of Arzú and his force, who with the loss of their arms were driven from the city.[IV-5] Had the victors made the most of their success, they might have annihilated the invading force; but they failed to conduct the pursuit with any skill.[IV-6]

Arzú's defeat produced a deep impression in Guatemala, where such a result had been unexpected, the expedition having been fitted out with the utmost care. Fears began to be entertained that the Salvadorans might become aggressors and invade Guatemala. The friends of Mexico were therefore much pleased on hearing that the Mexican commander, Filisola, had been ordered to supersede Gainza, who was summoned to Mexico.[IV-7] With about 600 men Filisola arrived in Guatemala on the 12th of June, 1822, and ten days later took possession of the government. He inaugurated a comparatively good state of affairs; for though as a supporter of the Mexican cause, and specially of the empire, he aimed at consolidation, yet his policy was a conciliatory one.[IV-8] He endeavored to obtain the assent of Salvador to union with Mexico without resorting to force. At first his course presented a promising aspect, inasmuch as the representatives of the former apparently made little objection; and on the news of Iturbide's call to the Mexican throne, among the many congratulations received by Filisola were those of Salvador, delivered by a special deputation. But the object, as it turned out, was merely to gain time. The negotiations were continued several months, hostilities having been suspended by both belligerents, till early in September it was agreed that further negotiations should be carried on directly with the executive and congress of Mexico.[IV-9] This agreement was not carried out, however, owing to new difficulties raised by San Salvador. Filisola, who evidently would not assume the responsibility of war, referred the whole matter to Mexico for instructions. Iturbide, who had just dissolved the Mexican congress for its opposition to his plans,[IV-10] felt no inclination to permit little San Salvador to dictate the terms of union, and disallowing the armistice concluded by Filisola, ordered him to begin hostilities forthwith if unconditional submission were refused.[IV-11]

[Sidenote: FILISOLA'S CAMPAIGN.]

Leaving his second officer, Colonel Codallos, in charge of the government at Guatemala, Filisola began the military operations toward the end of November, taking possession of Santa Ana and marching[IV-12] upon the city of San Salvador, after having routed several small hostile detachments which attempted to check his progress. At the same time he published the decree of the Mexican government of November 4th, making of Central America, or the former captain-generalcy of Guatemala, three comandancias generales, namely, those of Chiapas, Sacatepequez, and Costa Rica, the capitals being respectively Ciudad Real, Nueva Guatemala, and Leon in Nicaragua.[IV-13] The government of San Salvador was in a precarious situation; although disposing of an army whose numerical force and equipment were not inferior to Filisola's, yet it had neither discipline nor experienced officers. The few encounters which had already taken place between the two forces had made it evident that the Salvadorans could not cope with Filisola's military skill. Under the circumstances, the authorities of San Salvador resolved upon incorporation with Mexico, and demanded that Filisola should proceed no farther. They declined to inform him of the terms under which they would submit to annexation, though offering to lay them before the congress in Mexico. They based this action on the ground that if their purpose became known in Salvador a revolution would certainly follow.[IV-14]

The Mexican commander paid no heed to these ambiguous statements, which he considered devices to gain time, and continued his march.[IV-15]

[Sidenote: FALL OF ITURBIDE.]

It was at this critical moment that the congress of San Salvador, carried away by hatred to Guatemala and Mexico, resolved upon a singular step. On the 2d of December, 1822, the act of incorporation with Mexico was repealed, and the state was placed under the protectorate of the Anglo-American states, as an integral portion thereof. Solemn protests were made in the name of that republic against Filisola's hostile acts. A member of the congress, Juan Manuel Rodriguez, was commissioned to make known the incorporation to the government of the United States.[IV-16] For a short time it seems that hopes were entertained of an armed protection on the part of the northern republic in favor of the new acquisition; but soon the folly of such expectations became apparent. Filisola disregarded the protests,[IV-17] and after several victorious encounters, routed the Salvadorans under Arce at Mejicanos,[IV-18] and entered the city of San Salvador without further opposition on the 9th of February, 1823. Filisola fulfilled the promise he had made the preceding day to the ayuntamiento, that he would respect all rights, and not treat the town as a conquered country. The only Salvadoran force remaining was compelled, on the 21st of February, to surrender at Gualcince, a town on the other side of the Lempa River.[IV-19] This was the end of the war.[IV-20] Arce, who departed for the United States, wrote Filisola from Belize a letter full of firmness and dignity, meanwhile thanking him for his humane conduct. Delgado remained at his hacienda. The local authorities swore allegiance to the Mexican empire. Filisola now returned to Guatemala,[IV-21] where he arrived about the 6th or 7th of March. He had already received the news of the movement in Mexico resulting in the overthrow of Iturbide. It was this that hastened his return to Guatemala, and induced him to adopt a course opposed to his last instructions from Mexico. Granada, in Nicaragua, had not been reduced to obedience. Governor Gonzalez Saravia had asked for troops to accomplish it, but Filisola declined to employ coercion; and after informing him and Juan Fernandez Lindo, governor of Honduras,[IV-22] as well as other officials in the provinces, of the state of affairs in Mexico, assured them that he would take no important step without first obtaining their assent. Indeed, after he convinced himself that the imperial government had fallen never to rise again, he arrived at the conclusion that he had no right to keep annexed to Mexico the Central American provinces; as the annexation had been made solely, as claimed by Mexico and her supporters, for the sake of securing stability to their government, and the respect which would be afforded it from a long distance by a great and wealthy country. All this prestige had disappeared, owing to the revolution at Casa Mata in Mexico,[IV-23] the paper money, and other arrangements made by Iturbide with reference to these provinces.

Being asked to summon a congress of all the provinces of Central America, he complied, issuing a decree on the 29th of March, 1823, with the view of carrying out the acta of September 15, 1821, which had been annulled by the incorporation of the country with Mexico. This was tantamount to a recognition of the independence of Central America from Mexico.[IV-24] His decree was hailed with joy by the party friendly to absolute independence. The Mexican or imperialist party was vanquished, and the people were ready to take an active part in the coming elections. Peace was not only temporarily restored in Guatemala and Salvador, but in Nicaragua and Costa Rica party struggles were brought to a close.

In Granada, Ordoñez had continued committing many outrages.[IV-25] He had successfully repulsed Saravia, who had come against him from Leon. The latter was in the act of preparing another expedition, when Filisola's decree was promulgated, and he was summoned to Guatemala. Nicaragua subsequently constituted a junta gubernativa of its own.[IV-26]

In Costa Rica, Saravia, with the aid of Bishop Jerez, attempted to force the province into the union with Mexico, and with that view endeavored to overthrow the provincial government established at Cartago. A conspiracy was planned there, and its authors, seconded in Ciudad Vieja, openly espoused the cause of Iturbide on the 29th of March. The men of the liberal party fled to San José, and after strengthening their ranks there and at Alajuela, attacked the imperialists on the field of Las Lagunas, near Cartago, and defeated them.[IV-27] The town had to surrender, and was occupied by the victorious independents, but the seat of government remained in San José.[IV-28]

In Honduras, the provincial assembly resolved on the 10th of May to enter into the union with the other provinces of Central America, with the view of constituting an independent nation.[IV-29]

[Sidenote: SEPARATION FROM MEXICO.]

Central America then, after a fifteen months' connection with Mexico, was again in the same position it had occupied at the time of separation from Spain. No advantages had been derived from that union; but, on the contrary, numerous heavy taxes had exhausted the country, though the treasury was invariably empty. The whole country was suffering from other consequences of the internal wars, in the form of abuses on the part of unscrupulous political parties and military chiefs; none worse, however, than the military sway imposed by Mexico.[IV-30] There have not been wanting those who believe the separation from the northern republic was a false step.[IV-31] The people had for centuries lived under the same superior government, subject only to the Spanish crown. Then followed a period when they often faced one another as foes. Now they were invited to sit side by side and discuss measures for the benefit of the great family to which they all belonged. The elections were conducted with enthusiasm on the part of the republicans, the field having been left to them by the imperialists.[IV-32]

Congress assembled on the 24th of June, 1823,[IV-33] under the presidency of José Matías Delgado,[IV-34] the installation being graced by the presence of Filisola and the municipal council of the city.[IV-35]

On the 2d of July following it assumed the name of Asamblea Nacional Constituyente. The body was in session nineteen months, closing its labors on the 23d of January, 1825. Its work was momentous, having to organize a government imbued with the prevailing liberal spirit; to improve the imperilled finances; to establish relations with foreign powers; and, what was of the highest importance, to bring unity out of chaos. The first step toward the accomplishment of these purposes was taken on the 1st of July, 1823, with the adoption of the ordinance which declared the provinces of the former captain-generalcy of Guatemala to be free and independent states, confederated into a nation under the name of Provincias Unidas del Centro de América.[IV-36] Inasmuch as a considerable number of representatives had not arrived on that date, the ordinance was subsequently ratified on the 1st of October.[IV-37] The new confederation was recognized by Mexico only a little more than a year after.[IV-38]

[Sidenote: ORGANIZATION.]

Shortly after independence was proclaimed, a division of the powers of government into three branches was resolved on; namely, the legislative, to be vested in the asamblea; the executive, composed of three members, to be elected by and to be subject to that body; and the judicial, to be exercised by the existing courts.[IV-39] The executive, as then constituted, was to be merely provisional, and until a fundamental code should give it a permanent organization. The public debt was recognized; the catholic religion was declared to be that of the state; and freedom of the press decreed.

From the moment that the choice of the executive occupied the attention of the assembly a division of parties became manifest. The friends of absolute independence formed a large majority; those of the former Mejicanistas were few in number. The larger portion of the deputies was composed of the best men of the country, whatever their party affiliations, and their intentions were upright. Those of moderate views from all sections formed themselves into one party, and went by the name of moderados; their opponents applying to them the epithets of servil and aristócrata.[IV-40] The radicals formed another organization, and were called fiebres and liberales, their enemies also giving them the appellation of anarquistas.

The liberal party advocated the establishment of a federal republic, and as a rule was guided by a liberal patriotism, and a desire to see the abolishment of unjust privileges and antiquated vices in the government. Its opponents, in favor of a centralized government and the continuation of the old fueros, struggled against the restrictions that were being put to the influence of Guatemala. Nevertheless, a liberal spirit predominated for a time, and three well-known liberals were chosen to constitute the executive authority, namely, Manuel José Arce,[IV-41] Doctor Pedro Molina, and Juan Vicente Villacorta.[IV-42] It must be acknowledged that this government was not a strong one, the only man of superior talent in it being Molina, and he had little experience wherewith to found a republic and manage its affairs at such a critical period.

A constantly increasing coolness between the government and Filisola became intensified when the deputies from Costa Rica and Nicaragua refused to occupy their seats in the assembly while a Mexican army had virtual sway over the capital. Complaints also came from various quarters, of abuses committed by the Mexican soldiers,[IV-43] and demands were made for their departure. Some time elapsed in discussions and negotiations, partly because of difficulty in raising the needed funds. But finally, all obstacles being removed, Filisola departed with his force on the 3d of August, 1823, leaving behind him a good name, which was little affected by charges preferred against him at a later date.[IV-44]

The liberals now were at greater liberty to carry out their plans, which involved, among other things, the disappearance of old practices, including titles and compellations,[IV-45] not even the hackneyed 'don' escaping the general reformatory tendency.[IV-46] A coat of arms was likewise decreed, showing the national name in golden letters,[IV-47] as also a flag, the latter consisting of three horizontal stripes, the middle one being white, with the national coat of arms about half-way from the mast, and the other two blue.

[Sidenote: DECREES OF THE GOVERNMENT.]

Among other decrees enacted by the assembly in 1823, the following are worthy of mention: One of August 21st, to annul all acts of the late imperial government affecting Central America; one of August 26th, declaring the 15th of September to be the national anniversary, and how it was to be observed—this decree was reiterated by the legislative assembly on the 15th of October, 1834; one of October 27th, directing the Central American deputies—those of Chiapas excepted—to withdraw from the Mexican congress; and one of November 15th, to form a general census.[IV-48]

[Sidenote: ARIZA'S REVOLT.]

Another measure adopted was that which authorized the executive to dismiss without formality all officials having their appointments from the Spanish or Mexican governments. Little discretion was shown in this, and discontent resulted, which was made manifest in the opposition met with by every measure of the government, even such as were generally recognized to be of public utility. Financial and military affairs were in the worst possible condition. To improve the former was a difficult task, the expenses being greater than during the colonial period, and several branches of revenue, which formerly yielded considerable resources, having disappeared with the old dependence.[IV-49] As to the army, the greater part of it had been disbanded, and only one battalion of the regular force and a few bodies of militia formed the entire defensive power of the republic. The government was almost at the mercy of a handful of men, and it was not long before they exhibited their lack of discipline and loyalty. The soldiers had for some time past shown dissatisfaction at the neglect of the government to pay them their dues. Under the circumstances, it was rather easy to prevail on them to revolt, and it was done, the leader being Captain Rafael Ariza y Torres.[IV-50] The authorities, though aware of his machinations, had taken no decisive measures to defeat them,[IV-51] other than commissioning Ignacio Larrazábal to make an investigation. Ariza, fearing that delay might cause the failure of his plan, in the evening of the 13th of September assumed the title of commander-in-chief of the forces; and the next morning[IV-52] volleys of musketry and other manifestations apprised the alarmed inhabitants of the insurrection. A scene of excitement ensued. The assembly hastily met, and amidst the confusion a messenger came from Ariza to assure the chamber of his loyal disposition toward the government, and to add in explanation that the position of commander had been forced upon him by the troops. The messenger was peremptorily ordered to retire without receiving any answer. A number of enthusiastic citizens assailed a portion of Ariza's men, only to be driven back to the university building, where the assembly held its sittings. A show of defence was made there,[IV-53] to enable the assemblymen to seek safety in flight. Few of their number remained. Negotiations were then begun to prevent the commission of outrages by the mutinous soldiers,[IV-54] and the government finally gave way, and conferred on Ariza the title of commander-in-chief; he thereupon took the official oath on that day. The concession was made only to gain time, hopes being entertained that the auxiliaries summoned from the surrounding country and other states would soon arrive.

The rebellious captain had in the mean time begun to realize his awkward position. Assuming a submissive tone, he protested his readiness to obey the government; whereupon he was commanded to leave the city and retire to Antigua, where his force dispersed before any coercive action on the part of the government and its allies became necessary. Ariza himself escaped by flight the punishment which his reckless behavior deserved.[IV-55]

But the difficulties were not yet over. The feeble conduct of the government, and the humiliating concessions it had made to the rebel, reflected so much discredit that the labors of the moderado party for the election of a new executive now gave promise of fruitful results.[IV-56] On the 4th of October congress reassembled, and the same day Villacorta, Molina, and Rivera tendered their resignations, which were accepted; and in their stead, on the 4th of October, Manuel José Arce was again elected, together with José del Valle and Tomás O'Horan,[IV-57] and as substitutes for the two first, then absent, José Santiago Milla and Villacorta, the same person who had resigned.[IV-58] The new government found at once its attention engrossed by the troublesome situation, which had arisen from the coming of a Salvadoran force, called to help against the revolting soldiers. Although forbidden to approach the city, and ordered to return home, it refused to comply,[IV-59] and on the 12th of October entered the city of Guatemala, all remonstrances to the contrary having proved unavailing. The Salvadorans occupied the capital three weeks, during which rumors were rife of their plans to pillage the place in retaliation of Guatemalan troops having occupied San Salvador the previous year. Brawls and fights between them and soldiers from other provinces were of daily occurrence.

The regular garrison and all the inhabitants breathed more freely when at last, on the 3d of November, the unwelcome guests departed.[IV-60] The same day the auxiliary troops from Quezaltenango, who had been of good use in keeping others somewhat in check, also returned home.

[Sidenote: A CONSTITUTION.]

The labors of the assembly had been continued in the mean time, and on the 17th of December, 1823, were decreed and published the bases of the constitution for the republic,[IV-61] adopting a popular, representative, federal form of government. Each one of the five states, Guatemala, Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, which were to form the confederation of Central America, was to have the same division of powers, and with the same functions, in its internal administration, as the general government with respect to the whole republic.[IV-62]

The labors of framing the constitution lasted a year longer, and were terminated only on the 22d of November, 1824, when the fundamental law of the Central American republic was promulgated, strict obedience thereto being solemnly sworn on the 15th of April, 1825,[IV-63] and ratified by the national congress five months later, namely, on the 1st of September. While discussing the constitution, both the liberal and moderado parties used their best efforts for the adoption of their respective principles. The former triumphed, being especially strong in the provinces, whereas its antagonists resided chiefly in the capital. Although a number of good and able men were among the members of the congress, their good purposes were repeatedly balked by party spirit; and thus only an imperfect result was obtained in the constitution adopted November 22, 1824.[IV-64] It was the first effort to define the rules for the government of a country which at that time was beginning the life of an independent nation. The constitution of the United States had been taken as a model; but it had not been borne in mind that a difference existed between the people of the northern and Central American republics at the time when they respectively gained their independence. However good the intentions of the framers of the Central American constitution, they fell short of their object; for in adopting certain forms, altogether inappropriate, they also introduced contradictory clauses. No provision was made for a federal district to hold the national capital. Thus Guatemala, where the federal authorities then and afterward resided, became also the seat of the state government, and in the course of time collisions were unavoidable.[IV-65] The constitution further defined the rights of property and liberty of thought, as well as freedom of the press, and placed the chief authority of the republic in the hands of congress,[IV-66] in addition to the legislative power with which it was vested. Laws were to be enacted by the two houses forming the congress, one of which was the senate, whose members were also elected by the people, two for every state. This body acted as an executive council, with a general supervision to see that the different high officials and magistrates faithfully discharged their duties. Its president was ex officio vice-president of the republic.[IV-67] A supreme court of justice was also created, the members being, like those of congress and senate, chosen by popular vote.[IV-68]

[Sidenote: SLAVERY ABOLISHED.]

Among the most important laws enacted were those of December 31, 1823, and April 17 and 24, 1824, which emancipated all slaves, and made free slaves of other countries coming to Central America.[IV-69] The slave-trade was prohibited, under the penalty of forfeiture of the rights of citizenship.[IV-70] Of all the nations of North America, to the Central American republic belongs the honor of having first practically abolished slavery.[IV-71]

The new republic also took a deep interest in a project for the union of all the American states.[IV-72] The project failed, because of its impracticability. The particulars of this subject are given in treating of the famous Panamá congress of American nations.

The exhausted condition of the treasury appearing to be the chief impediment to all projected improvements, the remedy was looked for in a foreign loan, about $7,000,000 being borrowed on rather favorable terms from a London firm.[IV-73] The tobacco and customs revenues were pledged toward its repayment.[IV-74] It is understood that a portion of the money was applied to strengthening the fortifications, and the remainder was distributed among the states for their local requirements.

The initiation and execution of the different measures I have made mention of, and others of less magnitude, were the work of the constituent assembly, which closed its session on the 23d of January, 1825. If all its resolutions were not wise ones, allowance must be made for the many difficulties that were in the way, and a full recognition given its members of the good faith and assiduity with which they performed their work.[IV-75]