CHAPTER II.

INDEPENDENCE ACHIEVED.

1818-1821.

PRESIDENT CÁRLOS URRUTIA—HIS LIBERAL VIEWS—COLOMBIAN ASSAULTS—SPANISH CONSTITUTION RESTORED—THE GAZISTAS, OR BACOS—THE CACOS—JOSÉ DEL VALLE—PEDRO MOLINA—LIBERAL INSTITUTIONS—EXTENT OF THE POLITICAL GOVERNMENT—ECCLESIASTICAL ADMINISTRATION—WORK OF AMERICAN DEPUTIES—PARTY EXCITEMENT IN GUATEMALA—URRUTIA DELEGATES HIS POWERS—SUBSTITUTE PRESIDENT GAVINO GAINZA—CHIAPAS AND HER GOVERNMENT—SHE SECEDES FROM SPAIN AND JOINS THE MEXICAN EMPIRE—GUATEMALA DECLARES FOR INDEPENDENCE—JUNTA GUBERNATIVA—CONVOCATION OF A CONGRESS.

Successor to Bustamante in the position of governor, president, and captain-general, in March 1818, was Lieutenant-general Cárlos Urrutia,[II-1] knight grand cross of the military order of San Hermenegildo, which entitled him to be called excelentísimo señor. It was a difficult position. The country was at peace, it is true, but a political volcano was at work, and no one could foretell when the upheaval of revolution might occur,[II-2] letting loose the elements of destruction, as had happened in other parts of Spanish America. However, another constitutional term under the Spanish monarch was about being inaugurated, and this fact helped to bring on definitive results.

Urrutia was a man of experience, with a well-balanced mind, whose political opinions leaned to the side of progress. He would have been well adapted to guide the course of events in Central America had it not been for the infirmities of old age. Guatemala, being as yet under the sway of Spain, was open to attack from the enemies of that government, or at least, to such action as they might adopt in aid of the disaffected portion of the people to secure their country's independence. The latter was the plan of the Colombian insurgents in fitting out a combined sea and land expedition to operate against the ports of Omoa and Trujillo in 1820.[II-3]

[Sidenote: ATTACK ON TRUJILLO.]

On the 21st of April the watch-tower at Capiro, in Trujillo, announced the approach of a Colombian flotilla of small vessels from the windward. The garrison, commanded by José M. Palomar, at once made preparations for emergencies. The flotilla, consisting of two brigantines, four large and as many small schooners, one felucca, and one sloop, under Commodore Aury, sailed in at two o'clock,[II-4] and despatched a boat to shore to demand the surrender of the place within one hour. Nothing further was done on that day, however; but early the next morning the flotilla moved toward the mouth of the Guaimoreto, and after reconnoitering the defences, opened a bombardment with ball and grape-shot on the intrenchment and demolished it, which compelled the defenders to fall back. The assailants landed 400 men and 15 horses, and advanced against the garrison, meeting with a repulse at the fourth parapet. The garrison retreated to the fifth line, at which the enemy was a second time driven back. The vessels fired broadside upon broadside on the shore batteries, which were warmly returned. The bombardment was kept up from nine A. M. till two P. M., when the flotilla retired out of reach of the batteries. A portion of the land force then attempted to enter the town by the rear of it, but was detected and compelled to retire. Early in the morning of the 23d, the invading troops returned to the vessels, leaving their horses; and soon afterward the flotilla put to sea, each vessel firing a broadside, on passing Point Castilla, against the watch-tower. During the night of the 24th the Colombian vessels dropped out of sight.[II-5] On the 25th the flotilla appeared off Omoa, and for several days was making attempts to effect a landing, which being unsuccessful, it retired on the 6th of May, after setting fire to the larger brig, which had been damaged by the fire from the town.

* * * * *

Fernando VII., under compulsion, restored the constitution of 1812 throughout his dominions. On the 9th of March, 1820, he swore to support it, and the next day issued a manifesto conveying an apology for having set it aside in 1814, and giving plausible reasons for his present change of mind. On the 11th of April he issued another manifesto, addressed to the people of America, expressing sorrow at not having sooner reinstated the constitutional government. In another decree of April 15th he restores to full force and vigor all decrees of the córtes, both the extraordinary and ordinary, for the better government and progress of the provinces in America.

It seems that Brigadier Gavino Gainza, appointed sub-inspector-general of the forces in Central America, was commissioned to bring out the royal proclamations and decrees for the reinstatement of the constitution, and of the laws which were passed under it by the córtes. There is nothing to show the precise time of his arrival in Guatemala, but it will suffice to state that the diputacion provincial was installed at the capital on the 13th of July.

At a preparatory sitting of the córtes, on the 26th of June, 1820, Juan N. San Juan and José Sacasa were present as representatives from Guatemala, and on the 2d of August Juan N. Tuero, or Fuero, presented his credentials as a deputy elected from Chiapas for the córtes of 1815-16, which body he found closed on arriving in Spain at the end of 1814.[II-6] The necessity of such a diputacion was ably discussed in the córtes on the 30th of April, 1821, by Deputy Hermosilla, seconded by Deputy Milla, both supporting the report of the committee on the subject. On the 17th of June the chamber was officially informed of the installation of the diputacion, and commended its patriotic labors.[II-7]

The 'junta suprema de censura,' created to adjudicate upon alleged offences against the law regulating the press, had, on the 9th of August, 1820, nominated, and the córtes confirmed, the members of the junta de censura for Guatemala.[II-8]

[Sidenote: BACOS AND CACOS.]

The reëstablishment of the constitutional régime under such favorable circumstances soon brought into life two great parties that for a long time bore the respective names of Gazista, or Baco, and Caco. The gazista, with José del Valle as its leader,[II-9] was made up of Spaniards and artisans. The cacos recognized as their chieftain José María Delgado.[II-10] Their party was composed of members of the nobility, and of the men calling themselves independents. This party from the first aspired to independence, and its candidates were taken from the independent wing at the election of deputies and other officials.

The gazistas, or bacos, were numerous and strong, for they had in their ranks the rulers, many wealthy merchants, and the artisans, and abundant funds at command, which were scattered without stint among the needy and ignorant, who were ready enough to sell their votes.[II-11] They likewise strengthened their influence with the lower class by means of a pretended hostility to the aristocracy, or to what from that time went by the name of 'espíritu de familia.' They won the elections, but their triumph proved to be far from a solid one.

The cacos now resolved to use every endeavor to accomplish independence. The connection with the aristocratic element was a drawback; and the absolute necessity of winning over the mechanics being recognized, a middle party was at once organized, which attached itself to the independents, and would have no connection with the nobles. This arrangement facilitated the accomplishment of the object in view.

The political struggle was now fairly inaugurated. Pedro Molina[II-12] began the publication of _El Editor Constitucional_, to defend American rights. The _Amigo de la Patria_ appeared at the same time, and often opposed Molina's radical doctrines. Urrutia, now styling himself jefe político y capitan general, made an address to the people, congratulating them and himself on the happy termination of the election in the several parishes, and giving assurances that every voter should have full liberty to cast his vote for representative in the general congress, the diputacion, and the ayuntamiento.[II-13] A portion of his address was specially devoted to artisans and laboring men, whom he warned not to allow themselves to be tampered with to the discredit of the government on the question of trade in cotton goods; for, he told them, it was a positive misconception that the government had it in view to decree freedom of foreign trade; on the contrary, it had endeavored to check illegal traffic, which had been carried on to the detriment of national interests and the royal treasury.

The measures adopted by him had to some extent corrected that evil. By making the traders pay import dues, the treasury had profited, and the people had been saved from new taxes. Formerly, English goods were paid for wholly in coin; now, only one sixth of their cost was covered with money, and the remainder with the produce of the country.[II-14]

* * * * *

The gobierno político de Guatemala had jurisdiction over the same extent of country as the metropolitan,[II-15] namely, 214 leagues from the ejidos of Motocinta on the west, and 116 leagues from Golfo Dulce on the Atlantic, to the Pacific coast.[II-16]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: ARCHBISHOPS.]

The first archbishop of Guatemala appointed by the Spanish crown in the present century was Luis Peñalver y Cárdenas,[II-17] who reached his see the 3d of June, 1802, and on the 26th took possession. During his brief incumbency he founded several rectorships, and two primary schools for girls. His sight becoming seriously affected, he relinquished the mitre, and returned to his native city, secretly departing March 1, 1806.[II-18]

Rafael de la Vara de la Madrid, Peñalver's successor, arrived in Acajutla on the 13th of December, 1807; in Guatemala city on the 4th of January, 1808; and on the 3d of February took possession of his office. In April 1809 he visited the province of Vera Paz, where he died on the 31st of December, much regretted, as he had endeared himself by his peaceable disposition and affability.[II-19]

Antonio Bergoza y Jordan, bishop of Oajaca, was nominated for the succession, but declined the position.

The next and eighth archbishop of the diocese was Ramon Casaus y Torres, nominated by the supreme council of regency on the 30th of March, 1811; who entered the capital on the 30th of July, and being a consecrated bishop, at once began to perform episcopal functions.[II-20] His nomination was ratified by the king on the 27th of August, 1814; the papal bulls of confirmation were issued on the 15th of March, 1815, and Casaus received the pallium on the 28th of September of the same year.

* * * * *

At the sitting of the Spanish córtes on the 25th of June, 1821, the American deputies laid before that body a memorial setting forth the condition of their provinces, and the measures which, in their opinion, would lead to a definitive peace. They not only assured their Spanish colleagues that Americans were fully conscious of their rights as freemen, but also of their determination and ability to defend them; nevertheless, if those rights were respected, and justice was done, existing difficulties might be obliterated. They believed, however, that a constitutional system would be impracticable in America, unless new and efficacious measures were adopted to enable the three branches of government to act freely within their respective bounds, and likewise to make effective the responsibility of public officials for their acts. Another point upon which they laid stress was the inutility of American deputies at the Spanish córtes unless they were effectively upheld from their respective countries. They found other faults with the existing government, and declared that the solution of the great problem would be found in the establishment of autonomic governments in America.

[Sidenote: RIPE FOR INDEPENDENCE.]

Commerce between Spanish America and the mother country should be treated as internal trade, the Americans having equal rights and privileges with their brethren of Europe. The same equality in respect to civil rights and appointment to office was likewise to exist between the natives of America and Spain. If such demands were conceded, Mexico and Central America would pay to Spain ten million dollars within six years, in yearly installments from January 1, 1823, to be applied to the cancelling of the national debt. They would also allow Spain two million dollars yearly for the support of the royal navy.[II-21]

It was now too late, however, for conciliatory efforts to be successful. Events crowded upon each other, and were beyond the control even of the men who made them. Central America was at peace, but the constitutional system recently established, with its popular elections and a free press, after the spirit of nationality had gained so much ground, naturally tended to excite the public mind, emboldening the timid, and increasing the number of the friends of independence. Party spirit controlled everything; it was felt even in the domestic circle. The people were prepared and anxious for a change, when vague rumors were set afloat of renewed revolutionary efforts in Mexico.[II-22] Party leaders were of one mind on the desirability of separation. It was generally admitted that the subjection of the country to Spain could no longer be maintained. Only a few high officials and Spaniards dissented. Now was the time, if ever, for a sound head and strong hand to helm the ship of state. Urrutia, owing to age and physical ailings, was not the man for the occasion; nor was he, though opposed to the scheme of secession, able to retard it. Under the circumstances, the diputacion provincial prevailed on the jefe superior político to delegate his powers to the sub-inspector of the troops, Gavino Gainza.[II-23] This officer at first tried to stem the torrent of revolution, to act as the agent of Spain, disapproving the plan of separation, but at the same time maintained intimate relations with the independents and aided their efforts. This party publicly circulated a paper for signatures to ask Gainza to proclaim independence himself. He pretended to be indignant; and upon the receipt of the plan of Iguala, formed in Mexico by Iturbide and Guerrero,[II-24] he issued a manifesto depicting it in the blackest colors, and ordered that all who had called on him to declare independence should be prosecuted.[II-25] The independents became disgusted, but had to make the best of the situation. They then resolved to play upon his personal ambition, assuring him that for his coöperation in their plans he would be retained in command, and afterward chosen the first chief magistrate of the young nation. While he still hesitated, they despatched Cayetano Bedoya to Oajaca for military aid from General Bravo. But on the messenger's arrival at Ciudad Real de Chiapas, he found that the place had followed the example of Oajaca and Tehuantepec, accepting the plan of Iguala. This step hastened events in Guatemala, and Bedoya had no need of going farther.

The act of Ciudad Real, received September 13th, caused the greatest excitement in the city of Guatemala, and the government had to give way. Urged by the diputacion, Gainza summoned, on the 14th, the high officials and other notables to a meeting next day to resolve on some action responsive to the demands of the people.[II-26]

[Sidenote: GAINZA'S MEETING.]

During the night of the 14th Molina and the cacos scattered their agents throughout the wards to stir up the masses, and at the same time to awe the españolistas, or royal partisans. At 8 A. M. on the 15th a throng of independents filled the porticos, court-yard, halls, and ante-chambers of the government house. Among them and instructing the crowds were Molina, Barrundia, Basilio Porras, and other leaders. Soon after began to arrive at the government house the officials called to take part in the deliberations of the meeting, namely, two members of each corporation deputized therefor; the archbishop and prelates of the religious orders; the chief officers of the army and treasury; who, together with the diputacion provincial, and under the presidency of the acting jefe superior político, Gainza,[II-27] at once proceeded to business. After reading the declarations in Chiapas, several members briefly expressed their views. The first speaker was Valle, leader of the gazistas, who eloquently advocated independence as necessary and just, but ended advising that it should not be proclaimed till the other sections had formally declared in its favor. The motion was seconded. The anti-independents[II-28] opposed all action until final results in Mexico should be received. Every attempt at a vacillating policy was defeated by the energetic efforts of the independents, who voted for an immediate declaration of independence.[II-29] Every vote favorable to independence was received by the people with loud applause, and every one against it with groans. The popular preference became so marked and boisterous that the anti-independents, fearing for their lives, retired from the palace.

[Sidenote: PROCLAMATION OF INDEPENDENCE.]

The diputacion and ayuntamiento then, as the legitimate organs to express the public will, drew up the Acta de Independencia, which was adopted, signed, and sworn to by all the members present.[II-30] This instrument, after declaring the aspiration of Guatemalans to be a free and independent people,[II-31] invited all citizens of the provinces to choose without delay representatives, on the basis of one for every 15,000 inhabitants, to a national congress that was to meet March 1, 1822. In the mean time the Spanish laws, courts of justice, and public functionaries were to continue as heretofore. The representatives were to be chosen by the same juntas electorales that had lately, since the restoration of the constitution, elected deputies to the córtes, without excluding, as the constitution did, men of African descent from the rights of full citizenship.[II-32] The clause giving the last electoral college, with its majority of Valle's partisans, the power to choose the members of the constituent congress, is said to have been inserted in the acta by himself.[II-33]

On the 17th Gainza issued a proclamation formally placing before the people the resolutions adopted on the 15th, and enjoining on all the duty of abiding by them, and of respecting the laws and authorities recognized by them. Any attempt, by word or deed, to restore Spanish domination was declared high treason, punishable with death.[II-34] The powers of the congress would be constituent to adopt a form of government and frame the national constitution. Meantime Gainza held civil and military authority, acting with the advice of a provisional junta consultiva, formed with the diputacion provincial and seven additional members, representing respectively Leon, Comayagua, Costa Rica, Quezaltenango, Sololá, Chimaltenango, Sonsonate, and Ciudad Real.[II-35] Neither the people at large nor the meeting of the 15th created such a body. It was the creation of the men who remained behind in the hall, including Valle, who drew up the acta.[II-36] Continuing his double dealing, Gainza had issued his proclamation, on the 16th, for the election of representatives to congress. He spoke therein of the longing for independence since 1810, of the popular love for the cause which had been so forcibly sustained at the meeting of the preceding day, and concluded by inviting the whole people to approve the plan, and to appoint their deputies to complete the work.

* * * * *

Before proceeding further with the political situation at the capital of Guatemala, I will devote a little space to laying before the reader some information on one of its most important sections, namely, Chiapas. The population was computed in 1813 at over 100,000 inhabitants, of whom 70,000 were Indians; the remainder were Spaniards and mixed breeds, with a few negroes.[II-37]

As a reward for good services and generous pecuniary contributions to the nation, the Spanish córtes passed, October 29, 1813, a decree bestowing the title of city on the town of Comitan, and that of villa on those of Tusta, Tonalá, Tapachula, and Palenque.[II-38]

[Sidenote: THE SUBDELEGADOS.]

In contravention of law, the first name of the three proposed by the intendente to the president of Guatemala, for chief of each of the eleven subdelegaciones, was that of some creature of the intendente. Unfitness for the place or immorality counted for nothing if the nomination suited the proposer or the confirming power. These subdelegados, by means of their comisarios, collected the tribute and speculated with it; each being a tyrant who oppressed the Indians at his will.

Education was neglected; ignorance prevailed to such an extent that a large portion of the inhabitants did not know even the first rudiments of their religion. The poorer Spaniards and the mixed breeds were entirely without education. Indeed, in nearly three centuries, not only had the Indians not learned to speak Spanish, but the native Spaniards spoke the six Indian tongues of the province better than their own.[II-39]

Chiapas, it is well known, had been an episcopal see, with its cathedral at Ciudad Real, since the first years of the conquest.[II-40] The country is fertile and well watered. Its agricultural products were wheat—of which there was a surplus for exportation—maize, beans, rice, coffee, and cacao.[II-41] A variety of vegetables in abundance, and the fruits of all climes, could also be obtained. The maguey was extensively cultivated for pulque and aguardiente. A great deal of sugar-cane and good tobacco were grown. Indigo and cochineal were cultivated to some extent. The country had likewise excellent grazing. Cattle, sheep, goats, horses, and mules abounded. The mines of gold, silver, lead, copper, and iron were not worked, owing to the poverty of the inhabitants. The governor-intendente of Chiapas in 1817, Cárlos Castañon, as appears in the records, was a confirmed royalist.[II-42]

From the time that Iturbide proclaimed the independence of Mexico, the canons of the chapter in the diocese of Ciudad Real—bitterly hostile, like the majority of the Mexican and Central American clergy, to the reforms of the Spanish córtes respecting the church[II-43]—had been in communication with that chieftain's auditor de guerra, Fernandez Almansa, who kept them informed on the progress of the revolution. The clericals looked upon the Mexican chief as the savior of their ancient prerogatives and monopolies, and with this end in view, prepared public opinion for setting aside the authority of Fernando VII. and his córtes.[II-44]

[Sidenote: CHIAPAS ACCEPTS ITURBIDE.]

The governor-intendente, Juan N. Batres, together with the ayuntamiento of Ciudad Real, proclaimed, on the 3d of September, 1821, the separation of Chiapas from Spain, and her acceptance of Iturbide's plan of Iguala. On the 8th all the authorities and officers, civil and military, took the oath to support that act, which was administered by the governor of the diocese; after which they had high mass and a sermon in the cathedral, where the secular clergy and the people took the same oath[II-45] before the aforesaid ecclesiastic authority. The obligations assumed were to support the Roman catholic apostolic religion; to secure the independence of the empire, preserving to that end peace and union between Europeans and Americans; and to obey Fernando VII., should he adopt and swear to support the constitution to be enacted by the córtes of the Mexican empire. Chiapas was, therefore, the first province of the captain-generalcy of Guatemala to throw off the Spanish yoke; she at the same time separated herself from Guatemala, and manifested her determination to link her future with Mexico. All this was made known September 21st by the comandante-general of Oajaca to Iturbide. The example of Ciudad Real was unhesitatingly followed by the other towns in the province.

We have seen that Guatemala, at her declaration of independence, did not at once accept annexation to the Mexican empire. This course did not suit the rulers and notables of Ciudad Real, who hastened to manifest their displeasure at a meeting held September 20th, and attended by the intendente, ayuntamiento, and other official bodies, prelates, and a large number of citizens.

[Sidenote: CHIAPAS A PART OF MEXICO.]

As a matter of fact, the desire of Chiapas to be detached from Guatemala and annexed to Mexico existed with some strength even before the declaration of independence;[II-46] and Guatemala having failed to return an answer to the letter from the authorities of Chiapas, announcing her action of the 3d, this neglect had strengthened the notables of the latter in their resolution to recognize no other government than that of the Mexican empire under the treaties of Córdoba. It was also resolved at the meeting not to circulate the declaration of independence which the jefe político of Guatemala had sent. These sentiments were duly seconded by the other cities and towns.

In order to guard against any action Guatemala might take because of the course of Chiapas, at a formal session of the diputacion, presided over by the jefe político, and held on the 22d of October, it was resolved to send to Mexico a commissioner to take the necessary steps, and procure his province's separation from Guatemala, even if the latter should come to be thereafter a part of the Mexican empire.[II-47]