ii. 169, it is positively stated that Morgan, fearing the

Spaniards might surprise him by night, caused the city to be fired. In _Archenholtz' Hist. Pirates_, 143, the blame is also laid to Morgan's charge. On the other hand, in the president's despatch, translated in _Sharp's Voyages_, 156, it is admitted that the city was fired by slaves and by some of the inhabitants. It is acknowledged by all these writers that the freebooters attempted to stay the conflagration. There seems no good reason why Morgan, who had now at his disposal 28 pieces of artillery, should have feared an attack from the Spaniards, or why he should commit an act which destroyed his chance of receiving a ransom. In _Robles_, _Documentos para la Historia de Méjico_, série i. tom. ii. 117, it is mentioned that a letter from the president of Panamá, dated April 3, 1671, nearly six weeks after Morgan's departure, was received in Mexico in December of that year. The letter confirms the intercepted despatch in many particulars, and adds that when the city was burned the buccaneers 'found themselves without provisions and supplies, and on that account did not carry out their main intention, which was to pass to Portobello by land, besiege it with vessels by sea, and capture it by blockade, and that they brought with them in anticipation a boy whom they styled the prince, and intended to crown king of Tierra Firme.'

[XXVIII‑21] _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Flib._, ii. 171. The ingots of gold and silver were of course in transit for Spain, and had been placed on board the galleon for safe keeping.

[XXVIII‑22] In _Hist. Bucaniers_, 152, it is stated that he was then hung up by the private parts, and flogged in that position.

[XXVIII‑23] All the leading authorities agree that the prisoners were subjected to excruciating torture. The author of _Sharp's Voyages_ makes an attempt to clear Morgan's character, and to throw ridicule on the story of these atrocities. The work was published in London in 1684, a few years after Morgan was knighted by Charles II. The writer collected his materials in part from inquiry among the buccaneers themselves, and may therefore be worthy of credence in some matters of detail; but the fact that 16 out of 20 pages of preface are taken up with a sorry effort 'to rescue the Honour of that incomparable Souldier and Seaman,' while the narrative of the raid on Panamá occupies but 20 out of 170 pages, seems to show the purpose for which it was written.

[XXVIII‑24] 'Quatre cent quarante-trois mille deux cens livres, comptant l'argent rompu à dix piastres la livre.' _Exquemelin_, in _Hist. Flib._, ii. 191. In pages 197-8 of the same volume there is an explanation of the manner in which Morgan contrived to secrete a large quantity of precious stones. The buccaneers may have believed that such an amount of plunder had been obtained, though its real value was probably less than one third of what they supposed it to be. In _Sharp's Voyages_, 143, the worth of the spoils is stated at £30,000, a sum almost insufficient to defray the expenses that Morgan must have incurred in obtaining his title from Charles II. There are no reliable data on this point.

[XXIX‑1] 'It is beautified with a great many fair Churches and Religious Houses.' _Dampier's Voy._, i. 178-9. So in _Drake's Univ. Col. Voy._, 63, and _Coreal_, _Voy._, i. 92.

[XXIX‑2] Under command of captains Harris and Sawkins. _Ringrose's Voyage_, 2.

[XXIX‑3] The foundation of the friendship between the natives of Darien and the buccaneers was laid by Captain Wright while cruising off the Samballas about 1665. In that year Wright made captive a lad who, in 1679, when the captain was again in those parts, convinced his people that Englishmen hated Spaniards, and would therefore prove useful allies. In proof of their friendly disposition toward the Indians, he instanced the kind treatment he had received. The natives then boarded the privateer; and being judiciously treated, an agreement was made permitting the English to cross this territory to the South Sea. _Dampier's Voyage_, i. 181-3.

[XXIX‑4] The buccaneers had just captured a packet conveying letters to Portobello, some of which were addressed to Panamá merchants from their correspondents in Spain. These letters alluded to a prophecy at that time current: 'That there would be English Privateers that Year in the West Indies, who would make such great Discoveries, as to open a Door into the South Seas.' This was interpreted by the captors to mean a passage overland through the territory of the Indians, and this interpretation coinciding with the invitation of the natives prompted them to undertake a march on Panamá. _Dampier's Voyage_, i. 180-1.

[XXIX‑5] Andrés was styled the 'emperor of Darien,' the magnate to whose service the freebooters now claimed to belong. These chieftains at one time ruled a large tract about the gulf of Darien; but had been straitened in their boundaries by the Spaniards, with whom they waged continual war. _Sharp's Voyage_, 2.

[XXIX‑6] 'Over a Bay.' _Ringrose's Voy._, 4. 'By the side of a bay.' _Burney's Discov. South Sea_, iv. 91. 'En doen over een Inham van byna een Mijl in de lengte.' _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Boecaniers_, 148.

[XXIX‑7] Ringrose speaks of this monarch with intense gravity, marred by no trace of irony. Probably this was the first crowned head with whom he had been on intimate terms.

[XXIX‑8] Ringrose calls the beast a 'Tygre,' _Voy._, 8; but it was more probably a jaguar, or a tiger-cat. It is true there may have been risk in using fire-arms, but why could not the Indians have killed it with their arrows?

[XXIX‑9] An anonymous authority states that the smaller party reached the rendezvous on April 12th, and seeing their friends had not arrived, held a whispered consultation among themselves. Andrés, on observing this, despatched a canoe up the smaller branch of the river, which soon returned with two canoes of the larger body, who all arrived next day. _Sharp's Voy._, 7-8.

[XXIX‑10] Sharp speaks of the peccary as the 'Warre,' and describes it as a wild animal somewhat resembling the hog in appearance and flavor, but 'the Navels of these kind of animals grew on their backs.' _Sharp's Voy._, 4, in _Hacke_, _Coll._ There is, however, no doubt that it was the peccary. Pascual de Andagoya mentions it, falling into the error common to old writers as regards the 'navel' on the back. _Andagoya_, _Narr._, 17. It is also noticed by Acosta, _Hist. Ind._, lib. iv. cap. xxxviii., and Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. iv. De Rochfort speaks of it under the name of 'Javaris.' _Hist. Nat. des Isles Antilles_, 138 (ed. 1665). In Costa Rica the animal is still vulgarly known as the 'warré,' though the name is not found in print, and I have therefore adopted phonetic English spelling, which agrees with that of Captain Sharp.

[XXIX‑11] Exquemelin thus relates the incident referred to: 'Hier vonden en verlosten we d'oudste Dogter van de Konink van Darien (van wien hier boven is gewag gemaakt), die zo't scheen door een van de Soldaten van't Guarnizoen met geweld uyt haar Vaders Huys was weg genomen; en zwanger by hem was.' _Hist. Boecaniers_, 153.

[XXIX‑12] The affair is not noticed by Sharp. It seems probable that desire for vengeance might induce the father and grandfather, Antonio and Andrés, to exaggerate the wealth of Santa María.

[XXIX‑13] This massacre is not mentioned by Sharp, but he places the Spanish loss at about 70 in killed and wounded, which would perhaps include those murdered by the Indians. _Journal_, 6; in _Hacke's Coll._

[XXIX‑14] It is stated that disappointment of their booty rendered the rovers more blood-thirsty than usual, 'for though they were faintly opposed, and lost not a man, 26 Spaniards were killed, and 16 wounded in the assault, and many others were deliberately butchered in the woods, subsequent to the surrender by the Indians.' _United Service Journal, 1837_, pt. ii. 316.

[XXIX‑15] _Ringrose's Voy._, 11; _Sharp_, _Journal_, 7, in _Hacke's Coll._; _Burney's Discov. South Sea_, iv. 96.

[XXIX‑16] The term _piragua_ is here applied to a large canoe frequently carrying a mast and sails, and quite different from a common 'dug-out.' The buccaneers frequently called this boat a bark.

[XXIX‑17] 'It pleased God, that with extream danger even to those that rescued them, they were all saved. It being a certain truth that those who are born to be hang'd shall never be drown'd, it proving so with us, one of our Company being hang'd at _Jamaica_ on _Port Royal_; And we were very near it here in _London_.' _Sharp's Voyage_, 11.

[XXIX‑18] Sharp says 14 days. _Journal_, 10, in _Hacke's Coll._

[XXIX‑19] _Bucaniers of Amer._, ii.; _Ringrose's Voy._, 20-1. The last-named author gives the number of the crew as 137. Hacke, _Col. Voy._, ii. 10, and Sharp, _Voyage_, 12, say 130 men.

[XXIX‑20] See _Burney's Discov. South Sea_, iv. 98.

[XXIX‑21] _Hacke's Col. Voy._ Sharp reached Chepillo Island April 23d, but one authority states that the fleet and the bark parted company at this date.

[XXIX‑22] _Bucaniers of Amer._, ii.; _Ringrose's Voy._, 21-2. One man killed and five wounded according to _Hacke's Col. Voy._, ii. 10.

[XXIX‑23] According to _Bucaniers of Amer._, ii.; _Ringrose's Voy._, 22, all the prisoners escaped except one. But Sharp's statement that his men reported to him 'that there were dead People lying on the Ground, which made them conjecture our Men had had a Fight with the Spaniards,' _Hacke's Col. Voy._, ii. 12; _Sharp's Voy._, 12, disproves Ringrose's version, which glosses over this atrocity.

[XXIX‑24] The city of Panamá was usually garrisoned by 300 regular troops and 1,100 militia, but when the buccaneers arrived in the bay most of their soldiers were absent from the city, and the people were in the utmost consternation, having only some twelve hours' notice of the impending attack. The best of the soldiers remaining were placed on board the squadron, so it seems highly probable that if the pirates had landed instead of engaging the war-ships they might have gained possession of the place. _Bucaniers of Amer._, ii.; _Ringrose's Voy._, 28-9.

[XXIX‑25] _Id._, 25-6. Another account of this battle differs somewhat from the above: 'We boarded one of them, and carried her; so with her we took the second; and the third had certainly run the same fate, had not she scoured away in time.' _Sharp's Voyage_, 13-14.

[XXIX‑26] 'We had eleven Men Killed right out, and thirty-four more Wounded dangerously.' _Id._, 14. Sharp also gives the same numbers, _Hacke's Col. Voy._, ii. 12. Ringrose says their loss was 18 killed and 22 wounded, two of the latter dying afterward, one of whom was 'Captain Peter Harris, a brave and stout soldier ... born in the County of Kent.' _Bucaniers of Amer._, ii. 27. Burney says '18 were killed, and above 30 wounded,' _Hist. Bucc._, 99; as also _United Service Jour., 1837_, pt. ii. 316.

[XXIX‑27] The ships captured in the action were also burned later.

[XXIX‑28] The crew of this vessel had captured another bark, and dismantling the old one and putting their prisoners on board of her without masts or sails turned them adrift. _Bucaniers of Amer._, ii.: _Ringrose's Voy._, 30.

[XXIX‑29] According to Sharp in _Id._, 14, and the anonymous narrator in _Sharp's Voy._, 15. Ringrose says: 'He drew off with him, to the number of Three-score and Ten of our Men.' _Bucaniers of Amer._, ii. 30.

[XXIX‑30] Sharp fixes this date at April 29th. _Hacke's Col. Voy._, 16.

[XXIX‑31] She contained 2,000 jars of wine, 50 jars of gunpowder, and 51,000 pesos according to Ringrose. _Bucaniers of Amer._, ii. 31. Sharp, who made the capture, says the ship was taken on the 26th of April, having 1,400 jars of wine and brandy, some ammunition, and 50,000 pesos, _Hacke's Col. Voy._, ii. 15.

[XXIX‑32] For 3,000 pesos. _Id._, 16.

[XXIX‑33] So close was the blockade of the city, and so great the terror inspired by the buccaneers, that the first news received at the city of Mexico affirmed that Panamá was captured, many Spaniards slain, and that the nuns and many other people had fled to the mountains. This intelligence was transmitted by the president of Guatemala, and did not reach Mexico until August 8, 1680. _Robles_, _Diario_, ii. 310.

[XXIX‑34] While there Ringrose completed a chart of the bay of Panamá and a portion of the coast, which was more correct than any in the possession of the Spaniards. _Bucaniers of Amer._, ii. 32-3. The authorities again differ with regard to the date.

[XXIX‑35] 'The Island _Quibo_ or _Cabaya_, is in lat. 7 d. 14 m. North of the Equator.' _Dampier's Voy._, i. 212. It is called by Ringrose Cayboa. _Bucaniers of Amer._, ii. 33. Its modern name is Coquimbo. In crossing thither a storm was encountered and two barks foundered, one containing 15 men and the other seven. This storm and wreck are not mentioned by the anonymous writer of _Sharp's Voy._, though Sharp himself alludes to it in _Hacke's Col. Voy._, ii. 34.

[XXIX‑36] 'They entered the river with 50 Men ... and on their way up found two vessels, which they abandoned.' _South Sea Company: A View of the Coast_, 162.

[XXIX‑37] Before quitting Taboga, where they stayed about 14 days, one of the buccaneers, a Frenchman, fled to the enemy and betrayed all his comrades' plans. The stockades were built by the Spaniards on the advice of the runaway Frenchman, _Hacke's Col. Voy._, ii. 33-4.

[XXIX‑38] Besides Sawkins two other men were killed and three more wounded, according to Ringrose. The anonymous writer in _Sharp's Voy._, 16-17, says that the failure of the enterprise was owing to the 'Rashness and Want of conduct' of Sawkins, who rushed to the assault before one fourth of the men had landed, being a man that nothing upon Earth could terrifie.'

[XXIX‑39] As 'a Man who was as Valiant and Couragious as any could be, and likewise next to Capt. Sharp, the best beloved of all our Company, or the most Part thereof.' _Bucaniers of Amer._, ii. 33-4. Sharp was not a general favorite among the buccaneers. Burney says that 'Ringrose was not in England when his narrative was published; and advantage was taken of his absence to interpolate in it some impudent passages in commendation of Sharp's valor.' He goes on to say that in the MS. of Ringrose's Journal, preserved in the Sloane Collection, British Museum, the passage quoted concerning Sawkins' character runs: 'Captain Sawkins was a valiant and generous spirited man, and beloved above any other we ever had among us, which he well deserved.' _Burney's Discov. South Sea_, iv. 104-5. The inference suggested by Burney, therefore, is that Sharp, or somebody in his interest, foisted in the passages characterized as 'impudent.'

[XXIX‑40] According to Ringrose, page 35, who would have joined them but for the dangers of the journey, 63 men left. loc. cit. Those who departed numbered about 70, while 146 remained with Capt. Sharp. _Hacke's Col. Voy._, ii. 35. 'In this mutiny 75 more of our Men left us, and returned over Land as they came, delivering up their commissions to our Emperour.' _Sharp's Voy._, 17.

[XXIX‑41] One John Cox took command of Cook's ship, the _Mayflower_, with a company of 40 men. _Sharp's Voy._, 17-18. Sharp does not mention Cox at this time.

[XXIX‑42] Ringrose's ship had been burned for her iron.

[XXIX‑43] The reason of the mutiny was that Captain Sharp had now some 3,000 pesos, and wished to return home immediately. Two-thirds of the crew, however, had no money left, having gambled it all away, and they were in no mind to return; so they supported the claims of Watling against Sharp. _Sharp's Voy._, 49. 'While we lay at the isle of John Fernando, Captain Sharp was by general consent, displaced from being Commander; the Company being not satisfied either with his Courage or Behavior.' _Dampier's Voyage_, introd., p.v. The story of the mutiny, without any detail, is found in _Drake's Univ. Col. Voy._, 56. Sharp says the conspiracy against him was mainly the doing of John Cox, whom he had appointed to a separate command under him for old acquaintance's sake. _Hacke's Col. Voy._, ii. 45-46.

[XXIX‑44] After Watling's death, 'a great number of the meaner sort' wished Sharp once more elected commander, but the more experienced and able men were not satisfied and would not consent. The difference of opinion became so great that it was determined to put the matter to the vote; the majority keeping the ship, and the minority taking the long-boat and canoes, and going where they wished. Captain Sharp's party being in the majority, Dampier joined the smaller body, and taking their share of provisions, etc., they sailed for the Isthmus. _Dampier's Voyage_, introd., pp. v.-vi.

[XXIX‑45] Sharp asserts that he was unanimously restored to his command after the death of Watling, and does not mention the mutiny. _Hacke's Col. Voy._, 48.

[XXIX‑46] He carried off also several persons of both sexes, who were afterward ransomed for 1,000 pesos. _Haya_, _Inform. al Rey_, MS., 12; _Nueva Esp., Breve Resum._, MS., ii. 385. Juarros, _Guat._, i. 58, mentions that Esparza had been previously sacked by a French corsair in 1670. It was again attacked by pirates in 1686 or 1688, when it was abandoned by its inhabitants, who retired to the valleys of Bagaces and Landecho. _Haya_ and _Nueva Esp._, ut supra.

[XXIX‑47] Their name inspired such dread that the new viceroy of Peru dared not sail from Panamá to his government in a ship of 25 guns, but waited for the arrival of the armada from the south. _Bucaniers of Amer._, ii. 136.

[XXIX‑48] Las Casas, in his _Relation of the Spanish Voyages and Cruelties in the West Indies_, 217, distinctly lays down the principle that 'the Spaniards had no Title to the Americans, as their Subjects, by right of Inheritance, Purchase, or Conquest.' _Darien_, _Defence of the Scots Settlement_, 5.

[XXIX‑49] Ringrose expressly stated that they acted throughout without any commission. _Bucaniers of Amer._, ii.; _Ringrose's Voy._, 178, and _Burney's Discov. South Sea_, iv. 123. Burney says: 'From the defectiveness of the evidence produced, they escaped conviction.' _Id._, iv. 123. Three of Sharp's men were tried at Jamaica, and one was hanged. The narrator said this man was 'wheedled into an open confession: the other two stood it out, and escaped for want of witnesses to prove the fact against them.' _Id._, iv. 124. See also, for the execution of this man, _Sharp's Voy._, ii. One of the principal charges was the capture of the _Rosario_, and killing her captain and another man: 'but it was proved,' says the author of the anonymous narrative, who was one of the men brought to trial, 'that the Spaniards fired at us first, and it was judged that we ought to defend ourselves.' _Id._, iv. 123-124.

[XXX‑1] They numbered 44 Europeans, one Spanish Indian, and two Mosquito Indians.

[XXX‑2] There were, moreover, two ships, one carrying 20 guns and 200 men, and the other ten guns and 150 men, cruising in the bay between the gulf and Gorgona. _Dampier's Voy._, i. 6.

[XXX‑3] Dampier strongly urged his comrades to run for the river Congo, three leagues distant, and ascend it to the limit of tide-water, but could not persuade them of the existence of a large river so near, 'but they would land somewhere, they did not know how, where, nor when.' _Id._, 7.

[XXX‑4] This landing was effected May 1, 1681. _Id._

[XXX‑5] They here learned that they were not more than three miles from the Congo. _Id._, 12.

[XXX‑6] 'One of our men being tired gave us the slip.' _Id._

[XXX‑7] It was only by bringing female influence to bear that they gained the Indian's assistance. His wife was presented with a 'Sky-coloured Petticoat,' and soon overcame his obduracy. _Id._, 13.

[XXX‑8] When they forded it the last time the tallest men stood in the deepest part and helped over the sick and those of smaller stature, so that all got over with the exception of two who had lagged behind. Dampier carried his journal and other writings in a large joint of bamboo, the ends being closed with wax. _Id._, 15-16.

[XXX‑9] The two men left behind, afterward, when they rejoined their comrades, stated that they found him lying dead in a creek with the money still on his back, but they did not take it, being intent on finding their way out of the country. _Id._, 17.

[XXX‑10] Here Doctor Wafer and four others, including the two stragglers, stayed behind. They rejoined their comrades, however, some months later. _Id._, 19, 24; _Wafer's Voy._, 4-43.

[XXX‑11] One day they crossed the same stream 22 times in a march of nine miles. _Dampier's Voy._, i. 19.

[XXX‑12] For two days they were entirely without food. On the third 'we got Macaw-berries ... wherewith we satisfied ourselves this day though coursly.' _Id._, 20. These berries were probably the fruit of the great Macaw-tree, acrocomia sclerocarpa.

[XXX‑13] One of the Samballas group which extends about 20 leagues from Point Samballas to Golden Island. These islands had, since 1679, been a favorite place for careening, and so had become a rendezvous for privateers, many of them being named after captains of vessels, as in the case of La Sound Key. _Id._, 22-3.

[XXX‑14] Davis, according to Exquemelin, was born in Jamaica. _Bucaniers of Amer._, 49. Lussan, in _Id._, 26, states that he was a Fleming. The first author gives a brief narrative, without date, of a bold raid made by this buccaneer into Nicaragua from the Atlantic side. In this enterprise he must have passed up the San Juan River, on the banks of which the pirates, 80 in number, concealed themselves by day, and rowed during the night. What city it was they attacked is not clear, but the booty obtained was more than 50,000 pesos.

[XXX‑15] Davis left to the cacique a bark half full of flour as a reward for his services. Eaton departed on the 2d of September, having taken on board 400 sacks of flour. _Id._, 129; _Drake's Col. Voy._, 59.

[XXX‑16] So named according to report by the Spaniards, from the fact that Drake there divided among his men the silver with which one of his prizes was laden. _Dampier's Voy._, 132. It was also called Drake Island.

[XXX‑17] Lussan gives an account different from that of Dampier. He states that an engineer on board Swan's ship told him that she belonged to the duke of York and had been sent out to take a plan of those parts, and that Swan falling in with Davis was compelled to join him because 'il aima mieux ceder au Forban que d'en être pris.' _Journal du Voy._, 64-5.

[XXX‑18] One was captured while hunting, and the other was one of Captain Harris' men who had been left on the Santa María River the year before. _Dampier's Voy._, 177-8, 186-7.

[XXX‑19] Dampier states that a Captain Bond planned this stratagem. Bond had been abandoned by Eaton and his own pilot, Morton, and persuaded his men to go over to the Spaniards. _Id._, 189-90.

[XXX‑20] For an account of their journey see _Lussan_, _Journal du Voy._, 37 et seq.

[XXX‑21] The French captain, called by Dampier Gronet, offered Davis and Swan each a new commission, extended by the governor of Petit Guavres, who was accustomed to supply his captains with blank forms. Captain Harris accepted one. Dampier says: 'I never read any of these French Commissions while I was in these Seas, nor did I then know the import of them; but I have learnt since, that the Tenour of them is, to give a Liberty to Fish, Fowl, and Hunt.' _Dampier's Voy._, 192.

[XXX‑22] These men did not appear, though Harris was sent to the Santa María in search of them. On the 15th of March they fell in with a bark with five or six Englishmen on board commanded by Henry More. This vessel belonged to Captain Knight, who was cruising off the coast of Mexico, and, as the men said, had parted company with his ship one night. Swan, in order to promote Harris, professed to believe that the men had deserted, and deposing More, gave the command to Harris. _Id._, 197.

[XXX‑23] Divided as follows: Captain Davis' ship, 36 guns and 156 men; Captain Swan with 16 guns and 140 men; these were the only vessels that had artillery. Townley with 110 men; Harris with 100 men. These were nearly all English. Captain Grogniet with 308 men; Captain Branly with 36 men; Townley's bark with 80 men; and two tenders with a crew of eight men each. They had also a 30-ton bark converted into a fire-ship. _Id._, 208. Lussan, _Journal du Voy._, 60-1, gives the same number of vessels; with regard to the men he says: 'Ils se trouverent monter à environ onze cens hommes.'

[XXX‑24] 'First the Admiral, 48 Guns, 450 Men; the Vice-Admiral, 40 Guns, 400 Men; the Rear-Admiral, 36 Guns, 360 Men; a Ship of 24 Guns, 300 Men; one of 18 Guns, 250 Men; and one of 8 Guns, 200 Men; 2 great Fire-ships, 6 Ships only with small Arms, having 800 Men on board them all; besides 2 or 3 hundred Men in Periagoes.' This account was obtained afterward from Captain Knight, who, when off the coast of Peru, gathered the information from some captives. _Dampier's Voy._, 207-8.

[XXX‑25] Grogniet sailed away when the Spaniards came in sight. He afterward urged as an excuse that his men would not let him join in the fight. He was cashiered, but was eventually allowed to depart with his ship and men. _Id._, 208-9. Such is the English account. Lussan, however, states that because Grogniet's ship had no guns and was intercepted by a vessel carrying 28 cannon he was unable to join in the engagement. _Journal du Voy._, 85-6.

[XXX‑26] The loss of Spaniards in this engagement is not known, but Dampier makes the doubtful statement that the pirates lost only one man. _Voy._, 209. The account given by Lussan, who was on Harris' ship, differs materially from that of Dampier. He asserts that the treasure-fleet succeeded in getting to Panamá unnoticed by the buccaneers, and that seven vessels then sailed out and engaged with them, with nearly the same results as those described by Dampier. Harris' ship received above 120 common shot, and those of Davis and Swan suffered severely. _Journal du Voy._, 79-88. The difference in dates between Dampier and Lussan is explained by the fact that the French had three years before made a change of ten days in their calendar which the English government had not done. _Burney's Discov. South Sea_, iv. 177.

[XXX‑27] 'We were glad to escape them; and owed that too, in a great measure, to their want of Courage to pursue their Advantage.' _Dampier's Voy._, 209.

[XXX‑28] While thus occupied they sent a detachment against Pueblo Nuevo where Sawkins was killed in 1580. The town was easily taken, but little booty was obtained. On the 5th of July they were joined by Captain Knight, whose cruise had not been profitable. _Id._, 213-4. The descent upon Pueblo Nuevo was the cause of the defection of the Frenchmen, who still remained to the number of 130. The French thought the English took advantage of their small numbers and refused to put up with their domineering, 'quand nous vîmes qu'ils continuoient à prendre sur nous les mêmes hauteurs, nous debarquâmes cent trente François.' _Lussan_, _Journal du Voy._, 93-4.

[XXX‑29] Their force now consisted of 640 men and eight ships, under captains Davis, Swan, Townley, and Knight. Captain Harris had lost his vessel, which 'being old and rotten fell in pieces' while he was careening her. _Dampier's Voy._, 215.

[XXX‑30] According to one authority only two men were on the lookout. One of these perceived the buccaneers and hastened to the city to give warning. His story was not believed; he was arrested and it was the intention to have him publicly flogged. This occurred August 21, 1685. _Morel_, _Visita_, MS., 47-8.

[XXX‑31] 'Townley, with 80 of the briskest Men, marched before, Captain Swan with 100 Men marched next, and Captain Davis with 170 Men marched next, and Captain Knight brought up the Rear.' _Dampier's Voy._, 219.

[XXX‑32] There is a discrepancy in the account of Dampier, who states that 59 men were left with him, which would raise the number of those who left the fleet to 530, without counting the four captains.

[XXX‑33] Townley took the town at 3 P. M., Swan arrived at 4 P. M., and Davis at 5 P. M. Knight did not come up till an hour later, leaving many tired out, who afterward came straggling in. The Spaniards killed 'a stout old Grey-headed Man aged about 84, who had served under Oliver in the time of the Irish Rebellion.' He had refused to remain with the canoes, and when surrounded by the Spaniards would not accept quarter, but discharged his gun at them, 'so they shot him dead at a distance. His name was Swan; he was a very merry hearty old Man, and always used to declare he would never take Quarter.' _Id._, 219-20. According to Morel de Sta Cruz, _Visita_, MS., 48, the buccaneers entered the town at 11 A. M., opposed by only 50 men, 49 of whom fled, the remaining one fighting until disabled by many wounds.

[XXX‑34] One Smith who had dropped behind and was captured so exaggerated the numbers of the freebooters that the governor was afraid to attack them, though Smith estimated his forces at over 1,000 men. Smith was afterward exchanged for a lady of high position. _Dampier's Voy._, 220. Lussan states that the French, having arrived at the port of Realejo some months later, learned that succor had been sent from towns in Nicaragua and Salvador, and that the English freebooters 'avoient envoyé plusieurs fois offrir à ces gens de secours, le combat en raze savana, ce qu'ils avoient toujours refusé, disant qu'ils n'étoient pas encore tous ramassez.' _Journal du Voy._, 112-3.

[XXX‑35] 'Our Captains demanded 300,000 Pieces of Eight for its Ransom, and as much Provision as would victual 1,000 Men 4 months.' _Dampier's Voy._ According to _Voy._, _A New Col._, iii. 78, 30,000 pieces of eight.

[XXX‑36] Swan was accompanied by Townley with his two barks. Knight and Harris followed Davis. Dampier cast his lot with Swan 'to get some knowledge of the Northern Parts of this Continent of Mexico.' _Dampier's Voy._, 223-4. Swan after an eventful cruise on the Mexican coast steered across the Pacific homeward bound, having parted company with Townley. After enduring great privation he reached the Ladrone Islands, and thence proceeded to the Philippines, where his men mutinied, and left him with more than 40 others on the island of Mindanao. He was afterward murdered by the natives. _Id._, 375, 445-6.

[XXX‑37] 'À cause de l'excommunication qu'ils avoient eux-mêmes fulminée contre elle.' _Lussan_, _Journal du Voy._, 119.

[XXX‑38] 'Après quatre jour d'une abstinence fort étroite.' _Id._, 126.

[XXX‑39] About 20 leagues distant from Chiriquita, and about 24 leagues west of Panamá. _Id._, 88, 131.

[XXX‑40] Lussan nearly lost his life by falling with four others into an ambuscade. But he escaped unwounded, though two of the party were killed and a third lay hors de combat. The faith of this freebooter in the protection of providence is refreshing: 'je ne fus garanti du massacre,' he says, 'sans être seulement blessé, que par une protection du Ciel toute manifeste.' _Id._, 135.

[XXX‑41] During the month of February 14 died. _Id._, 143.

[XXX‑42] The pirates lost in this encounter 4 killed and 33 wounded. _Id._, 146.

[XXX‑43] 'Nous fîmes en suite des Ordonnances par lesquelles nous condamnions à perdre leur part de ce qui se prendroit en ce lieu, ceux d'entre nous qui seroient convaincus de lâcheté, de viol, d'yvroynerie, de desobeïssance, de larcin & d'être sortis du gros sans être commandez.' _Id._, 151.

[XXX‑44] According to _Morel_, _Visita_, MS., 32, and _Robles_, _Doc. Hist. Mex._, ii. 435, the sacking of Granada occurred in 1685. But Lussan's date is supported by his mention of the fact that Leon and Realejo had been sacked by the English pirates before the arrival of the French on the coast, _Journal du Voy._, 112; and Dampier states that those cities were captured in August 1685. _Voy._, 216-21.

[XXX‑45] _Lussan_, _Journal du Voy._, 154. Robles says 900 men entered Leon and Granada. _Diario_, ii. 435.

[XXX‑46] Lussan states that the people of Granada had been warned three weeks previously by the authorities of Esparza. _Journal du Voy._, 154-5.

[XXX‑47] Burney states that Granada was not regularly fortified, but had a place of arms surrounded by a wall. _Discov. South Sea_, iv. 267. Lussan says this was capable of holding 6,000 men. _Journal du Voy._, 160.

[XXX‑48] 'Ils foncerent dans la ville les yeux fermez, chantans dançans comme des gens qui vont à un festin.' _Lettre du Gouv._, in _Lussan_, _Journal du Voy._, 256.

[XXX‑49] Morel, _Visita_, etc., MS., 33, says without more loss than 13 men.

[XXX‑50] The absurdity of practical religion is reached when we find it stated on good authority that one of the principal causes of the rupture between the French and English pirates was the impiety of the latter, 'ne faisant point de scrupule, lorsqu'ils entroient dans les Eglises de couper à coups de sabre les bras des Crucifixs, & de leur tirer de coups de fusil & de pistolet, brisant & mutillant avec les mêmes armes, les image des Saints en derision du culte que nous autres François leur rendions.' _Lussan_, _Journal du Voy._, 94.

[XXX‑51] All the wealth of the city had been placed on board two ships and conveyed to an island in the lake, but the pirates having no canoes could not seize it. _Id._, 163-4.

[XXX‑52] _Id._, 162. The Spaniards believed the pirates' message a mere threat, and did not try to redeem the city. _Morel_, _Visita_, MS., 33.

[XXX‑53] Vetancurt states that this year, 1686, the English entered Granada and rifled the tomb of Bishop Alonso Bravo de Laguna, and that having stripped the ornaments from the body, which they found perfectly preserved, set fire to the cathedral, with which the prelate's remains were burned. _Menolog._, 136.

[XXX‑54] They had carried off from Granada a cannon, but were obliged to abandon it the first day owing to the oxen dying of thirst. _Lussan_, _Journal du Voy._

[XXX‑55] 'They came upon Ria Lexa unexpectedly, and made 100 of the inhabitants prisoners.' _Burney's Discov. South Sea_, iv. 269.

[XXX‑56] In all only 7,600 pesos, and this sum was divided among the crippled and wounded. _Lussan_, _Journal du Voy._, 177.

[XXX‑57] 'Qui est à trente lieües sous le vent de Panama.' _Id._, 179-80.

[XXX‑58] At San Lorenzo, near Pueblo Nuevo, 'le Commandant du lieu vint nous offrir une somme d'argent pour la rançon des prisonniers; ce que nous refusâmes, parce que nous avions beaucoup plus besoin de vivres: Nous luy dîmes que s'il ne nous en apportoit, ... qu'il n'avoit qu'à envoyer sur l'Isle y chercher leurs têtes.' _Id._, 244-5.

[XXX‑59] On one occasion a mounted Spaniard displayed his hatred for the pirates by reviling them and making grimaces at them from a safe distance. The intruders placed five men in ambush and continued their march. The unfortunate Spaniard fell into the hands of the concealed party. Lussan, with his usual flippancy when treating of barbarities, thus describes what followed: '& luy fimes faire la grimace tout de bon. On l'interrogea avec les ceremonies ordinaires, c'est à dire en luy donnant la gêne, pour sçavoir où nous étions.' _Id._, 264-5.

[XXX‑60] Grogniet died on the 2d of May following from the effect of a wound which he received at Guayaquil, where the pirates captured a large quantity of booty in merchandise, pearls, precious stones, and silver-plate. _Id._, 302, 308.

[XXX‑61] The padres persuaded them that the freebooters were not even of human form, and that they would eat them and their children. On one occasion a Spanish lady fell into the hands of Lussan, and with tears in her eyes exclaimed: 'Segnor, por l'amor de Dios no mi como' (sic). _Id._, 304-5.

[XXX‑62] They carried with them plunder in gold, silver, and jewelry, valued at £200,000. The silver was held in little esteem on account of its weight, and for an ounce of gold 80 and 100 piastres in silver were given. Many of the men had lost their share of the booty by gambling and a plot was formed by these to murder their rich companions. Lussan, however, who had accumulated in gold and precious stones about £7,000, divided his wealth among the most needy, on the condition of their returning a certain proportion to him when they arrived at their destination. _Archenholtz_, _Hist. Pir._, 218-21; _Lussan_, _Journal du Voy._, 385-6.

[XXX‑63] The sick and wounded with the baggage and horses were left with a guard in camp, with orders to fire their muskets frequently during the night that the enemy might think them all there. Lussan says there were 80 thus left in camp, but as there were only 280 in the first place, and some had died, there must have been a mistake. _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Flib._, iii. 312-4.

[XXX‑64] _Lussan_, _Journal du Voyage_, 411. Nevertheless this author rather inconsistently adds: 'Cependant touchez de compassion par la quantité de sang que nous voyons couler avec l'eau de la ravine, nous épargnâmes le reste.' This same authority, who was one of the assailants, states that the pirates had only one killed and two wounded, which statement Archenholtz, _Hist. Pir._, 226, seriously questions.

[XXX‑65] This stream is or was known by a variety of names. On different maps I find it called Rio Grande del Coco, Rio de Oro, Rio Herbias, Rio Segovia, Wank River, Yare River, and Cape River. Archenholtz remarks: 'This river, whose name does not occur in any of the historical materials we have consulted, but which appears to be the river Magdalen, derives its source from the mountains of New Segovia.' _Hist. Pir._, 230. Burney, _Discov. South Sea_, iv. 292, says: 'according to D'Anville's map ... it is called Rio de Yare. Dampier ... names it Cape River.'

[XXX‑66] Lussan calls them piperies. They were constructed of four or five pieces of light timber lashed together with lines of the bejuco plant. _Journal du Voy._, 422.

[XXX‑67] Lussan says there were at least a hundred waterfalls, the larger ones with tremendous whirlpools. These cataracts could be passed only by portage. 'In short, the whole is so formidable, that there are none but those who have some Experience, can have right conceptions of it. But for me ... who, as long as I live, shall have my Mind filled with those Risques I have run, it's impossible I should give such an Idea hereof but what will come far short of what I have really known of them.' _Bucaniers of America_, i. 171.

[XXX‑68] Six Frenchmen concealed themselves behind the rocks and fell upon five Englishmen who were known to be well supplied with booty and massacred them. 'Nous trouvâmes mon compagnon & moy, leurs corps étendus sur le rivage.' _Lussan_, _Journal du Voy._, 430-1. The murderers escaped and their companions never saw them again.

[XXX‑69] Lussan states that they left 140 behind finishing their canoes.

[XXX‑70] Twelve leagues distant, to the east of Cape Gracias á Dios.

[XXX‑71] The English buccaneers remained for a time with the Mosquito Indians near Cape Gracias á Dios. The greater part of the Frenchmen reached the settlements, but 75 of them who went to Jamaica were imprisoned by the duke of Albemarle, the governor. On his death the following year they were released; but neither their arms nor plunder were returned to them. _Burney's Discov. South Sea_, iv. 293-4.

[XXX‑72] _Lussan_, in _Bucaniers of Amer._, iii. 180; and _Journal du Voy._, 448.

[XXXI‑1] Paterson, the son of a Dumfriesshire farmer, was born in 1658. There are no authentic records as to his early career. In _Francis' Hist. Bank of England_, and _Strain's Inter. Com._, 15, it is stated that he went out as a missionary to the West Indies and afterward joined the buccaneers. The statement is not so improbable as it may seem, for the freebooters while robbing and murdering the Catholic Spaniard imagined they were serving God, as did the Spaniard when he plundered and slaughtered the natives. Wilkes, _Hist. Oregon_, 48, says he was supposed to have been originally a South American buccaneer.

[XXXI‑2] See _Orig. Papers and Letters relating to the Scots Company_, 50.

[XXXI‑3] _Id._, 53. It will be observed that his Majesty's ministers then as to-day were not always very proficient in English grammar.

[XXXI‑4] The anonymous author of '_A Defence of the Scots Settlement at Darien_,' Edinburgh, 1699, 3. His nom de plume is Philo Caledon.

[XXXI‑5] The writer of '_A Just and Modest Vindication of the Scots Design, For the having Established a Colony at Darien_,' 1699, anon.

[XXXI‑6] In December 1698 the company granted to a council constituted from its members certain rights conferred on them by the Scotch parliament and confirmed by William IV. In _An Enquiry into the Causes of the Miscarriage of the Scots Colony_, Glasgow, 1700, anon., 67, the full text of the declaration of the council is given. This work was published in answer to a charge that the failure of the company was wholly due to the Scots themselves, and especially to the officers of the company. The English commons declared it 'false, traitorous, and scandalous,' and ordered it to be burned by the common hangman, and the author imprisoned. The Scots were no less incensed and equally clamorous for the punishment of the offender.

[XXXI‑7] English opposition and high prices compelled them to go to Amsterdam and Hamburg, where they ordered six ships with 50 guns each. _Darien_, _Enquiry_, 82. Four ships only, one of which was sold before the first expedition started. _Burney's Discov. South Sea_, iv. 362. The 17th of July 1698 the first expedition, consisting of the three ships, the _Caledonia_, the _St Andrew_, and the _Unicorn_, and two tenders, carrying about 1,200 men, left the frith of Edinburgh. Id., 363. July 26, 1698, and same number of vessels. The expedition sailed from Leith. _Winterbotham's Hist. U. S._, iv. 124; _Strain's Inter-Com._, 16. In beginning of Sept. 1699, _Seemann's Hist. Isth._ 46. The last named is evidently wrong and contradicts himself in later quotations. Winterbotham is probably correct as to date and point of departure.

[XXXI‑8] Sir William Beeston, governor of Jamaica, issued a proclamation in keeping with these instructions on the 8th of April 1699, and similar orders were issued by the governors of Barbadoes and New York. _Darien_, _Orig. Papers_, 42-6.

[XXXI‑9] Up to this time the king had partly concealed his policy. June 28, 1697, the council of the company complain to the king of the action of his resident in Hamburg. Aug. 2d, the secretary of state replies that the resident has been directed not to obstruct the company's negotiations. On the 28th of September 1697 the company's directors complain that the resident has received no such order. July 22, 1698, parliament was besought to assist in procuring from the king such action as would deter his resident at Hamburg. An inquiry by the council, Jan. 13, 1699, is answered by the secretary of state Feb. 7, 1699, requesting information about the settlement. _Darien_, _Orig. Papers_, 10, 20, 34; confirmed in _Darien_, _Enquiry_, 26-33; and in part in _Macpherson's Annals_, ii. 666.

[XXXI‑10] For full description of these people see _Native Races_, vol. i., this series.

[XXXI‑11] His reason was restored after he returned home, and he lived until 1719. Four years before his death he was awarded the sum of £18,241 as indemnity for his losses in the Darien expedition.

[XXXI‑12] Winterbotham, _Hist. U. S._, 125, gives 1698 as the date of this memorial. There is a copy of the original in _Defence, Scots Settlement_, 2, where the date is given as in the text.

[XXXI‑13] In August 1699.

[XXXI‑14] The capitulation was signed March 31, 1700.

[XXXI‑15] When news arrived in Mexico of the capitulation of the Scotch, the church bells were rung and a solemn thanksgiving observed. _Robles_, _Diario_, iii. 254.

[XXXI‑16] _Ariza_, _Darien_, MS., 18-21. In this work the career and fate of García are told.

[XXXI‑17] This information was furnished by the dean of the cathedral of Panamá.

[XXXI‑18] He died in prison at Madrid. _Alcedo_, _Dic._, iv. 45; and _Haya_, in _Datas para la Historia del Istmoa_.

[XXXI‑19] _Giro del Mondo_, 240. Captain Seeman mentions that the largest and most beautiful pearl ever found on the coast of Panamá measured three quarters of an inch in diameter, and was perfectly round. It was obtained at the Puerdes Islands. _Voy._, i. 268.

[XXXI‑20] The asiento was to last 30 years, to May 1, 1743. The contractors were to export 4,800 negroes annually and to pay to the crown of Spain 33⅓ escudos for each one; and also to advance his Catholic Majesty 200,000 escudos payable in 20 years. Should more negroes be required, 4,800 extra might be exported, for each of whom 16⅓ pesos were to be paid. Negroes carried to the windward coast were not to be sold for more than 300 pesos each, but there was no limit to price in Tierra Firme or New Spain. No other company was to be allowed to engage in this traffic, and no merchandise could be carried under penalty of confiscation. The ships of the contractors could sail from either British or Spanish Ports. _Salmon's Mod. Hist._, iii. 219-22.

[XXXI‑21] _Reales Cédulas_, MS., i. 192; _Haya_, _Informe al Rey_, 4; _Robertson's Hist. Amer._, ii. 394-9.

[XXXI‑22] Letters of marque were issued on July 21st, and Vernon's squadron sailed on the 20th, touching, perhaps, at Portsmouth for orders.

[XXXI‑23] The governor of the city, Francisco Martinez de Retzez, underwent bitter humiliation if we may believe Sir Edward Seaward, who was at the time a prisoner in Portobello. Seaward and his friend Captain Knight had been arrested on account of an altercation with the governor and for refusing to apologize to the king of Spain for having in the previous year released certain captives imprisoned in Portobello. Both were ill treated, and when they reported the matter to Vernon the admiral ordered the governor and themselves to appear before him. 'I have no quarrel with Don Francisco Martinez de Retzez on my own account,' said Seaward, 'but I have, and ever shall have, a quarrel with him on account of the king my master, whom he most grossly insulted by disrespectful words, in the presence of Captain Knight and myself.' 'What did he say?' asked Vernon. 'He first insulted Sir Edward Seaward, by the most insolent and contemptuous behavior,' replied the captain, 'and when I remonstrated, telling him, that he should recollect that Sir Edward Seaward was equal in rank to himself, holding honourable commissions under the king of England, he replied, "I do not consider the king of England himself equal in rank to me; for he is little better than a Dutchman." 'You damned poltroon!' roared the admiral, 'with all your long yarn of hard names, what shall I call you? Down on your marrow-bones, you scoundrel, and beg pardon of the king our master, or I'll kick you from hell to Hackney!' The don asked pardon of his late captives, but would do no more. This would not satisfy Vernon, and throwing down a guinea he grasped him by the neck and forced him into a stooping position, shouting, 'There is the king's picture! down on your knees, you blackguard, and ask forgiveness.' The governor took up the coin and exclaiming in a low tone, 'Yo he ofendido,' laid it down again. This was considered a sufficient apology. _Seaward's Narr._, edited by Jane Porter, 3d ed., London, 1841, ii. 280-1, 290-2. The work, no doubt largely fiction, purports to have been compiled from the MSS. of Seaward's diary.

[XXXI‑24] The crews of the guardas costas and other Spanish vessels in the harbor fell to plundering Portobello on the night of its capture and the inhabitants begged the admiral's protection. _Geog. and Hist. Descrip. W. Ind._, 109, London, 1741. This work gives a brief sketch of the history of Cartagena, Portobello, Vera Cruz, Habana, and San Agustin up to the beginning of 1740, with a description of each of these cities. It is claimed that the book was compiled from authentic memoirs, and as it was published less than two years after the capture of Portobello it is probably worthy of some credence, especially in matters of detail, although biassed in the main.

[XXXI‑25] _Id._, 108. In _Douglas' Summary Hist. and Pol._ (London, 1755), 46, it is stated that Vernon seized the Spanish factory and carried off goods to the value of £70,000. March y Labores, in _Hist. Marina Española_, ii. 662, says; 'No encontró allí el vencedor la riqueza que se prometia.'

[XXXI‑26] Soon after Anson left England the Spanish government despatched under Admiral Pizarro a squadron of six vessels to defeat Anson's purpose. The two armaments sighted each other near the straits of Magellan, but during the storm mentioned in the text three of the Spanish vessels were wrecked, two of the others reaching the mouth of La Plata with a loss of half their crew, and the remaining ship arriving there with a loss of 300 out of 450 men.

[XXXII‑1] For physical, social, and moral description of the Mosquitos, see _Native Races_, i. 711, this series; and of their language, _Id._, iii. 571-2, 782-90.

[XXXII‑2] Using the word navel somewhat in the sense it is applied to a portion of a shield, that is a projecting part.

[XXXII‑3] _The Mosqueto Kingdom_, written about 1699, by M. W. in _Churchill's Coll. Voy._, vi. 309 et seq., London, 1757. It is not improbable that M. W. was a buccaneer, one of those who crossed through Honduras.

[XXXII‑4] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 294 et seq., this series.

[XXXII‑5] There is a copy of this cédula and of another one dated the same year authorizing the audiencia of Guatemala to allow such a contract. _Calvo_, _Traités_, xi. 196-203.

[XXXII‑6] _Mosquitolandes_, 25. 'Since 1670 the Mosquitos have solicited the protection and sovereignty of Great Britain.' _Museo Mexicano_, 2da ép. 194.

[XXXII‑7] _Mosq. Terr., Offic. Corr._, in _Mosq. Doc._, 60-3. This treaty was ratified by the legislative assembly of Jamaica.

[XXXII‑8] _Aranz_, _Informe sobre los Mosquitos_, MS. The report is copied from the archives of the captain-general of Guatemala.

[XXXII‑9] A council was appointed of which the superintendent was president, a court of common pleas, and justices of the peace. _Mosq. Terr._, _Off. Corr._, app. iv.

[XXXII‑10] In January 1775, an embassy consisting of Young George, son of the Mosquito king, Isaac his brother, and two Mosquito chiefs, arrived in England. Their main object was to obtain redress for wrongs inflicted upon natives in the interior, whence free men were being continually carried off to the slave markets. On their return voyage they narrowly escaped capture by Spanish cruisers. After landing the passengers at Cape Gracias á Dios the vessel proceeded to her destination at Black River, and was seized while at anchor in the roadstead. _Id._

[XXXII‑11] In 1777 some of the principal settlers sent to England two assorted cargoes of sugar, rum, indigo, bark, sarsaparilla, tortoise-shell, and other articles. The sugar on board each vessel was refused admission at the customs. _Id._

[XXXII‑12] The English fleet was composed of two line-of-battle ships, six war frigates, a schooner, and two brigs. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, iii. 127.

[XXXII‑13] While the treaty was under discussion it was a vexed question whether the term Spanish or American continent should be used. It will be remembered that the surrender of Cornwallis occurred during the preceding year.

[XXXII‑14] The full text of this treaty is given in _Castellon_, _Mosq. Question_, 52-6.

[XXXII‑15] The number of English settlers, with their slaves, who left the Mosquito Coast, was 3,550. _Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol._, 2da ép., i. 393-400.

[XXXII‑16] Soon after the departure of the English, the king of the sambos and some of his chieftains proceeded to Cartagena and signified their desire to be baptized. Their request was granted, and the ceremony was performed in the cathedral by the archbishop of New Granada July 8, 1788. Missionaries were also sent to Mosquitia at their instance, but their labors were fruitless. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, iii. 151.

[XXXII‑17] After his term of office expired, Loyala went to Mexico and became a Jesuit. _Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog._, iv. 800.

[XXXII‑18] _Nic._, _Nueva Discusion_, 6-7. He is also in _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, ii. 177.

[XXXII‑19] _Relacion Punctual_, MS., 18. Pelaez says that the same name appears in the book of sentences of the audiencia, June 18, 1765, but his own allusions to the two next named make his date inadmissible, unless there was a reappointment, or Lynch was mistaken.

[XXXII‑20] He had previously governed in Comayagua, Florida, and Yucatan, and was promoted from the governorship of Nicaragua to the presidency of Guatemala. _Juarros_, _Comp._, 269.

[XXXII‑21] His name occurs as the officer in command in _Barroeta_, _Relacion sobre Mosquitos_, 5, no. 34.

[XXXII‑22] The number given in a diary of 1780, reprinted in _Nic._, _Bol. Ofic._, April 27, 1857, p. 7, is 2,500.

[XXXII‑23] Now Bartola.

[XXXII‑24] Four hundred Mosquitos, and the smugglers brought several pieces of cannon with them. _Nic._, _Bol. Ofic._, 29th April, 1857, p. 7.

[XXXII‑25] Nelson in his autobiography thus modestly states his share in the expedition: 'In January 1780 an expedition was resolved on against San Juan. I was chosen to command the sea part of it. Major Polson, who commanded, will tell you of my exertions; how I quitted my ship, carried troops in boats 100 miles up a river, which none but Spaniards, since the time of the Buccaneers, have ever ascended. It will then be told how I boarded (if I may be allowed the expression) an outpost of the enemy situated on an island in the river; that I made batteries and afterwards fought them, and that I was a principal cause of our success.'

[XXXII‑26] In 1803 Nelson writes: 'The fever which destroyed the army and navy attached to that expedition was invariably from thirty to forty days before it attacked the new comers, and I cannot give a stronger instance than that in the _Hinchinbrook_ [Nelson's ship], with a complement of 200 men, 87 took to their beds in one night.'

[XXXII‑27] Statements differ as to the losses of the British. 'This expedition cost the English 5,000 lives and £1,000,000.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 174. Three million dollars and 4,000 men. _Nic. Gac. Sup. Gob._, 92, 'Les Anglais furent obligés de se retirer honteusement après avoir perdu 4,000 hommes et dépensé plus de trois millions de piastres, selon le témoignage du colonel Hodgson.' _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 30.

[XXXII‑28] _Nic., Cor. Ist._, in _Cent. Am. Pap._, iii. 322. News of his appointment, was received in Mexico Nov. 2, 1701. _Robles_, _Diario_, iii. 332, 495. It is added that he resigned the office and no allusion is made to any promotion.

[XXXII‑29] _Alcedo_, _Dic._, iii. 325. It is simply said: 'He did not go to his diocese,' in _N. Esp., Breve Resúmen_, ii. 387; but in _Nic._, 'He was elected in 1727, and died in the city of Seville while preparing to embark.' _Correo del Istmo_, in _Cent. Am. Papers_, iii. 322.

[XXXII‑30] _Castro_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série i. tom. iv. 235-7, 239-41, 253; v. 6-7, 12-13, 39-40, 109; vi. 27. Alcedo, _Dic._, iii. 326, with his usual carelessness, says he died in 1757. In _Flores y Rivera_, _Elegios_, in _Pap. Var._, 75, it is said: 'Very warm eulogies were pronounced upon the deceased at the university of Mexico on the 29th of October 1756.'

[XXXII‑31] Not mentioning the lesser ones, 10 large volcanoes came in the following order: Tortuga, Rincon de la Vieja, Heridenda, Miravalles, Cuecualapa, Thenorio, Pelado, Buenavista, Chomes, and Aguacate. _Nouv. Annales de Voy._, cli. 9.

[XXXII‑32] Mr Squier inclines to the belief that the Guatusos are of the Aztec stock, but little more is known to-day of their origin than was the case a century ago, as they have been left almost undisturbed. In the _Cronica de Costa Rica_, Dec. 9, 1857, appears the following by an officer in the Costa Rica service: 'It is pretended that the Guatusos are descended from the colonists who fled from Esparza when that city was taken by early filibusters. Such as have chanced to see them affirm that they are white, bearded, and practise a system of military discipline.... Twice we accompanied the general of the Rio Frio with the intention of exploring the territory, but without finding a landing-place.'

[XXXII‑33] He attended a meeting of the Royal Patriotic Society of Guatemala, held on the 15th of June, 1798, and was made an honorary member. _Soc. Catálogo_, in _Pap. Var._, no. 45, p. 1.

[XXXII‑34] He was accused Feb. 4, 1704, of carrying on commerce with foreigners. He was afterward lieutenant of royal officers of the province, and then maestre de campo by decree of Aug. 31, 1716. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, ii. 172-3.

[XXXII‑35] Father Andrade, in a letter of Nov. 16, 1706, says that they gathered from Urinama 41, from Cavecar upwards of 700, from San José 336, and 150 others. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, iii. 30-1.

[XXXII‑36] Similar cédulas were issued Sept. 1, 1713; June 16, 1714; Aug. 6, 1717; Dec. 20, 1737; May 21, 1738, and afterward, showing the importance attached to the matter. _Bejarano_, _Informe sobre la Talamanca_.

[XXXII‑37] Many of them fled, others died, and the rest remained in the service of the Spaniards at and near Cartago. _Haya_, _Informe al Rey_, 15.

[XXXII‑38] Diego de la Haya Fernandez is mentioned as governor of Costa Rica on Nov. 10, 1718, and again on July 7, 1722, when his predecessors are named. There is a discrepancy even in the report of Haya himself—in the beginning it is written out in full that he took possession of the government at Cartago in 1718: 'El año pasado de mil setecientos diez y ocho tomé posesion.'

[XXXII‑39] So the governor appoints lieutenant-generals for the two cities, four judges for the neighboring valleys, and a teniente in Matina, Boruca, and Barba. There is not an escribano in all the province. _Haya_, _Informe al Rey_, 9.

[XXXII‑40] This governor's reports, and his encouragement of trade and agriculture, went far to avert the worst consequences. _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 54.

[XXXII‑41] Even this poverty-stricken country was not poor enough to escape despoiling by sambos and corsairs.

[XXXII‑42] 'During my sojourn, 1752, two notorious prisoners, after sending threats of punishment to their captors, freed themselves and disappeared. No steps were taken for their recapture, even the governor expressing relief when no more mischief was done.' _Morel de Sta. Cruz._ See also _Nic. and Costa Rica_, MS., 3-4.

[XXXII‑43] He is referred to in the _Cuaderno Historial de Misiones_. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, ii. 173. According to the same authority Navarro was governor in 1748, but according to Lynch, _Relacion Punctual_ (1757), MS., 3, Pastora was governor until he lost his life in 1756, being slain by Mosquito Indians at the mouth of the river Maya. In the reports on missions in Talamanca, brigadier Luis Diez Navarro is mentioned as the governor of Costa Rica in 1748 and Manuel Soler in 1759.

[XXXIII‑1] An account of the abandonment of this town has been given in _Hist. Mex._, this series.

[XXXIII‑2] _Peniche_, _Belice_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, 2da ép., i. 217-9; _Pelaez_, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, iii. 136, 140; _Stout's Nic._, 258. Squier, _Stat. Cent. Am._, 575-6, states that the name was also said to be derived 'from the French _balise_, a beacon.' This he is disposed to accept as correct, 'since no doubt some signal or beacon was raised here to guide the freebooters to the common rendezvous.'

[XXXIII‑3] _Peniche_, _Belice_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, 2da ép., i. 220-2. According to Martin, _Hist. West Indies_, i. 138, and Pelaez, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, ii. 140, a large force from Peten attempted to dispossess the wood-cutters of the Belize River, but intimidated by the bold front of the English, they contented themselves with building a fort on its north-west branch, which, however, was abandoned after four years' possession.

[XXXIII‑4] A portion of the colony had already arrived in 1736. _Salcedo, Carta_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, 2da ép., i. 225.

[XXXIII‑5] The date of this expedition is uncertain. Sierra, _Ojeada sobre Belice_, places it in 1727, but cites no document in support of his assertion. Ancona, _Hist. Yuc._,