iii. 179, it is stated that Drake had with him 100 English

besides the negroes. This is clearly a mistake, for the evidence is conclusive that he left Plymouth with only 73 men, and he could have had little chance to recruit his force except from the cimarrones; though, as remarked by the author of _Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier_, 59, he may have been reënforced from the vessels which he met with off the coast.

[XXIII‑8] The cimarrones carried two different kinds of weapons, one being an arrow pointed with iron, fish-bone, or hard wood for use against the Spaniards, the other a javelin with an iron head varying from a pound and a half to one ounce in weight, to serve in the pursuit of game, the metal being highly tempered and sharp enough to pierce deep into the flesh of a stag or wild boar. _Burton's English Heroe_, 43-4. See also _Life and Voy. of Drake_, 37-8.

[XXIII‑9] The author of _Selection of Curious Voy._, iv. 15, states that Drake arrived at the summit of this mountain ten days after leaving the town of the cimarrones. According to other authorities the time was seven days.

[XXIII‑10] 'The ladies of Panama used to imploy hunters and fowlers to take the curious fowls in that countrey, by whom they might be discovered.' _Burton's English Heroe_, 49.

[XXIII‑11] The treasure was forwarded from Panamá to Cruces at night to avoid the heat encountered by day in the open country lying between.

[XXIII‑12] Venta Cruz according to _Burton's Life of Drake_, 18, _Burton's English Heroe_, and _Life and Voy. of Drake_, 42, and Venta de Cruzes in the map confronting p. 1 in _Dampier's Voy._ Probably both are identical with Cruces, or Cruzes as it is spelled in the map on p. 137 of _Esquemelin_, _Hist. Bucaniers_, in which no such place as Venta Cruz is mentioned. Juan Lopez in the map before mentioned calls the place San Francisco de Cruces.

[XXIII‑13] Two horse-loads of silver, according to Clark and Burton; but it was more probably base metal containing about enough silver to make it worth the freight.

[XXIII‑14] The trains were frequently attacked by cimarrones. 'From _Venta Cruz_ to _Nombre de Dios_ they go always with their Treasure by day through the cool fresh Woods, unless the _Symerons_ happily make them sweat for fear, as oft happens, and therefore their Recoes (a name applied to mules and muleteers travelling in company) are guarded with Souldiers.' _Burton's English Heroe_, 49. See also _Life and Voy. of Drake_, 42.

[XXIII‑15] In _Burton's English Heroe_, 56, 57, it is stated that at Nombre de Dios parturition was usually followed in a few days by the death of the infant, but that children born at Cruces, reared there till six years of age, and then brought to Nombre de Dios, usually enjoyed good health. See also _Life and Voy. of Drake_, 47.

[XXIII‑16] Lopez Vaz, in _Hakluyt_, _Voy._, iii. 770, states that five or seven merchants were slain, and that the town was set on fire, property being destroyed to the value of more than 200,000 ducats. If this did occur it was doubtless the work of the cimarrones, but there is no mention of it in other authorities.

[XXIII‑17] In _Burton's English Heroe_, 70, and in _Life and Voy. of Drake_, 57, it is stated that they sat up to the waist in water and that each wave drenched them up to the arm-pits. To steer and sail a raft under such circumstances, even if they escaped being washed overboard, was certainly a remarkable feat of navigation.

[XXIII‑18] There is some confusion in the narrative of the old chroniclers at this point. In _Clark's Life of Drake_, 20, it is related that a 'frigot' which sailed with the expedition to the rio Francisco, was ordered to lie off the mouth of the river, while on account of shoal water the men ascended the stream in pinnaces; but for what purpose the voyage on the raft, if this were the case, and why leave the vessel in so exposed a position? In _Burton's English Heroe_, 66, it is stated that the ship was left at (sent back to) the Cabezas, and, page 71, that when Drake fell in with his pinnaces his men 'sayled back to their Frigot and from thence directly to their Ships;' but according to this authority both ships and 'frigot' were already at the Cabezas, where they lay secure from the Spanish cruisers.

[XXIII‑19] Drake made many other captures, the recital of which would be wearisome to the reader. According to _Burton_ more than 200 vessels of from 10 to 120 tons traded at that time between Cartagena and Nombre de Dios. Most of these, he tells us, the English captured, and some of them twice or thrice. Clark makes no mention of this; but the author of _Voy. Hist. round World_, i. 44, states that the English took more than 100 vessels of all sizes.

[XXIII‑20] _Hakluyt's Voy._, iii. 526-28.

[XXIII‑21] During the voyage Drake touched at the bay which still bears his name under the Punta de los Reyes on the coast of California. Here he spent five weeks, smoked native tobacco with the Indians, and took possession of the country, calling it New Albion.

[XXIII‑22] 'Which was Monday in the iust and ordinary reckoning of those that had stayed at home in one place or countrie, but in our computation was the Lords day or Sonday.' _Drake's World Encompassed_, 162.

[XXIII‑23] The vessel was afterward broken up, and a chair, made from some of the timber, was presented to the university library of Oxford by Charles II. Here the poet Cowley sat enthroned and drank a cup of wine, taking occasion to deliver himself thereupon of some vile verse, concluding with the lines (addressed to the chair):

'The Streights of Time too narrow are for thee, Launch forth into an undiscovered Sea, And steer the endless course of vast Eternity, Take for thy Sail this Verse, and for thy Pilot me.'

One can almost wish that the chair had taken him at his word, for the good ship deserved a better fate.

[XXIII‑24] Although Drake had lost nearly one third of his forces, there was probably some further reason for his abandoning the expedition after such feeble effort. His conduct contrasts strangely with the untiring persistence which he displayed in other enterprises. Possibly he had received orders to return to England, for it will be remembered that, in 1587, the Spanish armada was ready to sail, and that its departure was delayed till the following year by Drake's bold dash at the harbor of Cádiz, during which he destroyed about one hundred vessels.

[XXIII‑25] In 1585, a few days after Robert Lane, who was left in charge of the colony, had caused it to be abandoned through faint-heartedness, a vessel despatched by Raleigh, laden with stores, arrived at the deserted settlement. _Bancroft's United States_, i. 102, 103. 'These men who were thus brought back,' says William Camden, 'were the first that I know of that brought into England that Indian plant which they call tabacca and nicotia, or tobacco, which they used against crudities, being taught it by the Indians. Certainly from that time forward, it began to grow into great request, and to be sold at an high rate, which, in a short time, many men everywhere, some for wantonness, some for health sake, with insatiable desire and greediness, sucked in the stinking smoke thereof through an earthen pipe, which presently they blew out again at their nostrils; insomuch that tobacco-shops are now as ordinary in most towns, as tap-houses and taverns.' _Barrow's Life of Drake_, 207, 208.

[XXIII‑26] Hawkins, now between 75 and 80 years of age, was a wealthy merchant and ship-owner, had seen 48 years of hard service, mainly at sea, and held the title of vice-admiral. It does not appear, therefore, what he had to gain by taking part in such an expedition. His promotion seems rather due to influence obtained through inherited wealth than to any remarkable qualities as a commander. Appointed by the queen to cruise off the coast of Spain in company with Frobisher, at the head of a strong and well-appointed squadron, he returned without taking a single prize. Thereupon he wrote a letter of apology to his sovereign in which he excused himself by using the quotation, 'Paul planteth and Apollos watereth, but God giveth the increase.' On reading it Elizabeth exclaimed, 'God's death! This fool went out a soldier and is come home a divine.'

[XXIII‑27] Named Baskerfield in _Burton's English Heroe_, 199.

[XXIII‑28] Elizabeth of England it will be remembered levied taxes without much heed to the voice of her parliament.

[XXIII‑29] The shot which carried away Drake's chair wounded three of his officers, who were seated at his table. Hawkins died of sickness while the fleet lay off Puerto Rico.

[XXIII‑30] 'On the seconde of January we returned to Nombre de Dios; our men so wearied with the ilnes of the waye, surbaited for want of shoes, and weake with theyr diet, that it would have bin a poor dayes service that we should have done upon an enimie had they been there to resist us.' _Drake's Voy._, in _Hakluyt_, _Soc. Col._, 16. 'In this march a pair of shoos were sold for thirty Shillings, and a Bisket Cake for ten Shillings, so great was their want both of Clothing and Victuals.' _Burton's English Heroe_, 205.

[XXIII‑31] In a poem by Lope de Vega styled 'Dragontea' occur these lines:

'Mirad la disventura y la ruina De aquel hombre atrevido y indomable: Mirad que triste genero de muerte Del cuerpo el alma a los infiernos vierte.'

Vega declares that Drake was poisoned by his own men. The soul of the great navigator was perhaps less sorely vexed by such slander than by the silly verses written in his praise by his own countrymen. The following occurs in _Fuller's Worthies_:

'Religio quamvis Romana resurgeret olim, Effoderet tumulum non pute, Drace, tuum, Non est quod metuas nec te combusserit ulla Posteritas, in aquâ tutus ab igne manes.'

But the sorriest doggerel of all is found in _Clark's Life of Drake_, 71:

'Great God of Prowess, Thunderbolt of War: Bellona's darling: Mars of Chivalry: Bloody Enyo's Champion, Foemens fear: Fame's stately Pharos, Mapp of Dignity: Joves Pearl, Pearls pride, Prides foe, Foes enemy: Spains Shaking Fever, Regent of Wars Thunder: Undaunted Drake, a name Importing Wonder:'

The works published by the Hakluyt Society, and the _Annales rerum Anglicarum et Hibernicarum, regnante Elizabetha_, by _William Camden_, London, 1589, probably afford the most reliable information concerning Drake's several expeditions to the West Indies, though neither are free from error. _Clark's Life and Death of Sir Francis Drake_, London, 1671, and _Burton's English Heroe_, London, 1687, are chiefly compilations, though of considerable value, inasmuch as both authors had access to sources of information not now available to the public. The latter work passed through no less than 23 editions, and yet we find the opening lines of the preface copied unblushingly from _Drake's World Encompassed_, in _Hakluyt Soc._, 5 (published originally in 1628). The _Life and Dangerous Voyages of Drake_ is borrowed mainly from _Burton_. _Barrow's Life of Drake_, London, 1843, though a recent publication, contains several copies of letters written by Drake, and was compiled in part from MSS. in the British museum, the state paper office, and the archives of Madrid.

[XXIV‑1] Six miles from the province of Nicaragua.

[XXIV‑2] These mines, which belonged to Juan de Ávila, were at the village of Jerez, or Chuluteca. _Caballon_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 7-8.

[XXIV‑3] It was the intention of the rebels to seize the ships at Realejo, and proceed thence to Panamá and Peru, following the programme laid out by the Contreras brothers. _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib. x. cap. xx.

[XXIV‑4] _Molina_, _Costa Rica_, 39-43. He takes his information from three royal cédulas dated August 1561.

[XXIV‑5] _Costa Rica_, _Carta del Cabildo_, in _Squier's MSS._, vi.

[XXIV‑6] Nicoya was annexed to Costa Rica in 1573, though the right to its possession was not finally decided until the present century.

[XXIV‑7] He had expended 10,000 pesos, as was afterward proved before the juez visitador at Santiago in 1565. _Coronado Probanza_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 485-503.

[XXIV‑8] West of the present Cartago, and north of Alajuela.

[XXIV‑9] Now written _Votos_. There is a volcano of that name north of Alajuela and west of the volcano de Barba. See map in _Molina_, _Bosquejo de Costa Rica_.

[XXIV‑10] Now probably _Aserri_. There are two villages of that name; one south of San José and the other about the same distance south-west of Cartago. See map in _Molina_.

[XXIV‑11] The entire quantity obtained thus far did not exceed 300 pesos in value. _Dávila_, _Relacion_, _in Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvi. 328-41.

[XXIV‑12] Before taking his departure he estimated the native population at 30,000 or more. Dávila places the number at only 5,000.

[XXIV‑13] _Gaztela_, _Real Titulo_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xi. 124.

[XXIV‑14] Molina, _Bosquejo de Costa Rica_, does not even mention Coronado, but passes on from the administration of Caballon in 1560 to that of Cherino. Yet Coronado's appointment is substantiated by numerous official documents of the period, and by the narrative of _Dávila_.

[XXIV‑15] A detailed account of these instructions is given in _Costa Rica_, _Real Instruccion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 559-65.

[XXIV‑16] The personnel of this expedition is described in _Artieda_, _Costa Rica_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xv. 261-300.

[XXIV‑17] Among those present were Fray Diego de Molina, vicar; Francisco Pavon, captain; Juan Gonzalez Delgada, 'Escribano de la Gobernacion dicha Ciudad, é publico del Cabildo de ella' (meaning of the city of Artieda); Pedro de Avendano, sargento mayor; Tomás de Barahona, maestre de campo; and Diego de Zárate, alcalde ordinario. _Costa Rica_, _Acontecimiento_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 570.

[XXIV‑18] _Ponce_, _Relacion de Las Casas_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, lvii. 350.

[XXIV‑19] _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 326. Mendieta, _Hist. Ecles._, 393-4, confirms Juarros except as to date, which he places in 1550, while Vazquez, _Chron. de Gvat._, 252, gives 1560. 'Segun ... el Informe manuscripto de la fundacion de esta Provincia.'

[XXIV‑20] See _Hist. Mex._, ii. 451, this series.

[XXIV‑21] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 393-4. Vazquez, _Chron. de Gvat._, 254, makes the number six.

[XXIV‑22] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 393-4. Torquemada gives 17 as the number of convents, and 1565 as the date of the foundation of the provincia, iii. 130. Vazquez states that several convents were founded before the departure of Bienvenida for Spain, including those of San Francisco at Cartago and San Lorenzo at Esparza. _Chron. de Gvat._, 254.

[XXIV‑23] His motive for coming to Costa Rica and Nicaragua was, as given in the words of the Ill. bishop of Mantua: 'Primus huius Provintiæ (Sancti Georgii de Nicaragua) Fundator extitit Religiosissimus Pater Frater Alphonsus (Petrus) Betanzos plurium linguarum, præsertim vero Indiarum gnarus, qui molestias sibi, atque vexationes iniusté illatas ad tempus declinaturus, Goactemalicia ex Custodia cuius Alumnus erat, ad has partes, traiecit:' _Vazquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 545.

[XXIV‑24] Ogilby, 1671, _Cartago_; _Læt_, _Novvs Orbis_, 1633, _Cartago_; Jeffreys, 1776, _Carthago_; Kiepert, 1858, _Cartago_. _Cartography Pacific Coast_, MS., i. 142.

[XXIV‑25] Alonso Lopez de Cerrato, who, it will be remembered, took the residencia of Rodrigo de Contreras. See p. 183, this vol.

[XXIV‑26] Nicaragua at this time included Costa Rica, the partition not having yet taken place.

[XXIV‑27] The tribute of the natives consists of maize, wax, honey, poultry, etc., of the annual value of about 3,000 pesos. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 9.

[XXIV‑28] Authorities conflict as to the order of succession. In Alcedo the name of Vera Cruz does not occur. Calle refers to the fact without giving any date whatever. Mendieta, _Hist. Ecles._, 548, states that the appointment was made in 1551.

[XXIV‑29] Alcedo, Dávila, Juarros, and other writers of the period fail to mention Carrasco in their enumeration of the bishops of Nicaragua. We find him named only in _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._, 129, and _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 548. Icazbalceta in a note in the _Hist. Ecles._ gives Valdivieso as the first bishop of the diocese instead of Osorio.

[XXIV‑30] Gonzalo Fernandez de Córdoba, 'el Gran Capitan,' was born in Montilla in 1453. El Gran Capitan, _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 102-3.

[XXIV‑31] Juarros, _Hist. Guat._, i. 278, gives 1551 as the date of appointment, and 1553 as the year when he entered on his duties. Gonzalez Dávila, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 154, endorses Juarros, but assigns no date save that he was transferred in 1574. Calle, _Mem. y Not._, 129, simply mentions Córdoba as the one who followed Valdivieso, ignoring Vera Cruz and Carrasco. Córdoba's appointment is mentioned, but without date, by Mendieta, _Hist. Ecles._, 548.

[XXIV‑32] The convent of San Pablo, at Leon, founded by Osorio, Las Casas, and their associates in 1532 (see p. 169, this vol.), belonged to the provincia of Peru, and had now become very wealthy. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 598.

[XXIV‑33] 'Los vezinos de la ciudad de Leon, hizieron grandes extremos por la ausencia de los Religiosos. Y para sacar el Padre fray Iuan de Torres la hazienda y alhajas del Conuento, tuuo necessidad de mucha maña y secreto.' _Id._, 599.

[XXIV‑34] _Id._, 599. Remesal enlarges on the injurious effects of this second desertion of the province by the Dominicans, and states (p. 620) that a cédula under date of August 1, 1558, forbade any secular priest being assigned to a place where friars of either the Franciscan or Dominican orders were stationed in the dioceses of Guatemala, Chiapas, Honduras, and Nicaragua.

[XXIV‑35] Mention is also made of Nueva Segovia, where much gold is said to have been taken out, and of Nueva Jaen, at the mouth of Lake Nicaragua, whence merchandise from Nombre de Dios was shipped to Granada in canoes. _Guatemala_, _Informe_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xv. 470-2.

[XXIV‑36] Trade had been greatly injured by the misuse of the mark of the leoncillo (little lion) which was introduced into Nicaragua with royal consent. In 1551 it was ordered that the mark be affixed only to 15 or 17 carat gold. About the same time the king was asked to extend an expiring license to melt metal, that 'la fundicion del oro é de la plata, sea al diezimo.' _Carrasco_, _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, v. 526-8.

[XXV‑1] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 513, this series.

[XXV‑2] Page 276, this volume.

[XXV‑3] _New Survey W. Indies_ (3d ed., London, 1677), 419. The author lived in the Indies between 1625 and 1637, and made, as he tells us, 9,000 pesos during these 12 years. He was an acute observer, and captious in doctrinal matters, as the following passage will show: 'Whilest this traffick was (at Portobello), it happened unto me that which I have formerly testified in my Recantation Sermon at Pauls Church, which if by that means it have not come unto the knowledge of many, I desire again to record it in this my History, that to all England it may be published; which was, that one day saying the Mass in the chief Church, after the Consecration of the bread, being with my eyes shut at that prayer, which the Church of Rome calleth the Memento for their dead, there came from behind the Altar a Mouse, which running about, came to the very bread or Wafer-god of the Papists, and taking it in his mouth ran away with it, not being perceived by any of the people who were at Mass, for that the Altar was high, by reason of the steps going up to it, and the people far beneath. But as soon as I opened my eyes to go on with my Mass, and perceived my God stolen away, I looked about the Altar, and saw the mouse running away with it.... Whereupon, not knowing what the people had seen, I turned myself unto them, and called them unto the Altar, and told them plainly that whilst I was in my Memento prayers and meditations, a Mouse had carried away the Sacrament, and that I knew not what to do unless they would help me to finde it out again.... After much searching and inquiry for the sacrilegious beast, they found at last in a hole of the wall the Sacrament half eaten up, which with great joy they took out, and as if the Ark had been brought again from the Philistins to the Israelites, so they rejoiced for their new-found God.... I observed in it the marks and signs of the teeth of the Mouse, as they are to be seen in a piece of Cheese gnawn and eaten by it.... And so Transubstantiation here in my judgement was confuted by a Mouse.' _New Survey_, 446-8.

[XXV‑4] _Id._, 420-21.

[XXV‑5] A castle with four bastions was erected, on a small rocky eminence. It was protected by a fosse and usually garrisoned by 100 men. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 52. Pelaez, _Hist. Guat._, ii. 176, says it was commenced in 1667, and Belly, _Nicaragua_, ii. 261, that the first castle was not built until 1666, and (in footnote) 'La construction du fort ne l'empêcha pas de reparaître une seconde fois en 1670 et d'obtenir les mêmes succès. C'est alors qu'un ordre royal décida la construction du fort Castillo, à douze lieues en aval du fleuve, qui fut terminé en 1675.'

[XXV‑6] 'El padre Pedro de Contreras, sugeto de grandes talentos y nacido, digámoslo así, para esta especie de ministerios.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. Jesus_, ii. 80-1.

[XXV‑7] Real was appointed bishop in 1603, as successor to Gregorio de Montalvo. He had served as chaplain to Filipe IV. _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 239.

[XXV‑8] At a meeting held Jan. 10, 1621, the procurador, Lopez de Castro, presented a petition which was unanimously adopted, setting forth the services already rendered by the fathers in behalf of religion and humanity, and praying earnestly against their removal. _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. Jesus_, 130.

[XXV‑9] In 1618 Padre Florian de Ayerve had been sent to visit the place, and reported adversely. Padre Rabarjal, rector of the college of Guatemala, concurred. When the recall was found to be inevitable, a second public meeting prayed that the ornaments and utensils of the church remain for a season, and this petition was granted. _Id._, 130-32.

[XXV‑10] The petition to the king is dated Feb. 13, 1621. A letter signed by all the members of the administration accompanied it. _Id._, 134.

[XXV‑11] Real's death occurred in 1619. _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 239.

[XXV‑12] On the death of Bishop Valtonado the hospital was abandoned until 1650, when a company of priests came from Mexico and took charge of it. _Santos_, _Chron._, 481-82. Valtonado's successor was Hernando Nuñez Sagredo, who, says Gonzalez Dávila, 'Fve Calificador de la Inquisicion de Cuenca, y del Consejo Supremo.' He fulfilled the duties of his office 'como buen pastor' and died in 1639. Previously to Sagredo Agustin de Hinojosa and Fray Juan Baraona Zapata were appointed; but both died before reaching their diocese. Next appears the name of Alfonso Briceño, a zealous and learned man, who wrote 'dos Tomos de Teologia Escolastica.' He took charge of the bishopric in 1646, and died in 1649. _Hist. Ecles._, i. 240-244. In 1651 Alonso de Cuevas Dávalos, dean of the cathedral of Mexico, refused the prelacy of Nicaragua, and according to _Figueroa_, _Vindicias_, MS., 75, Alonso Bravo de Laguna received the mitre, though his name is not mentioned by Alcedo or Gonzalez Dávila. In 1655 Fray Tomás Mansa was appointed bishop. _Vetancvrt_, _Menolog._, 135 (Mexico, 1697), confirmed in _Guijo_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série i. tom. i. 323, but finding that Dávalos was still in office declined to take charge of the diocese. _Id._, 387. Soon after his arrival he died from eating too much fish. _Id._ The decease of Dávalos occurred in 1659. _Medina_, _Chron. San Diego Mex._, 240. Juan de la Torre y Castro was appointed bishop in 1562, and died suddenly within seven leagues of Granada on the 27th of June, 1663. Fray Alonso Bravo, an eloquent preacher and an accomplished scholar, was elected prelate in 1665. _Vetancvrt_, _Menolog._, 136; and _Robles_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série i. tom. ii. 3.

[XXV‑13] This vol. 172 et seq.

[XXV‑14] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 310.

[XXV‑15] 'In olden times it was supposed that the lakes Managua and Nicaragua were one, as the Rio Tipitapa is supposed to be all remaining of the lakes in their former unity.' _Stout's Nic._, 101.

[XXV‑16] _Mem. y Not._, 131. Gage probably includes in his estimate of population the peaceable Indians settled in the neighborhood.

[XXV‑17] The first governor of Costa Rica in the seventeenth century was Captain Alonso Lara de Cordoba, who was appointed in 1603. Others are given in the order of their succession in _Pelaez_, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, ii. 170-4.

[XXV‑18] He expended upward of 60,000 pesos of his own private means. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 374. Molina, _Costa Rica_, 11, makes the same statement.

[XXV‑19] He became superior of the order; founded many hospitals and made extensive journeys in the cause of the church. In 1687 he was named by the pope, first superior-general, and after being identified for 50 years with the order died Sept. 23, 1769, aged 79. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 330-2.

[XXV‑20] Sept. 28, 1709, the Indians of Talamanca rose and killed fathers Pablo de Rebullidas and Antonio de Zamora. _Haya_, _Informe al Reg._, 14.

[XXV‑21] Fantasmas, Molucas, Moscas, Payas, Jaras, and many others, partly of Guatemala and Honduras as well. See _Native Races_, passim.

[XXV‑22] Among other cédulas are three bearing date Oct. 30, 1547; Aug. 31, 1560; and July 2, 1594. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 346.

[XXV‑23] He might establish six convents subject to the provincial of Guatemala. _Juarros_, _Guat._, 349.

[XXV‑24] They began their labors in the latter part of January 1610. On ash Wednesday, following, a number were baptized and 130 converts were received during lent. _Juarros_, _Guat._, 351.

[XXV‑25] Pelaez, _Mem. Guat._, i. 291, mentions a circumstance which may partly explain what follows. A soldier who had previously killed two of the Indians was struck by one of the natives, whereupon he seized him, and with the assistance of a comrade bound his left hand to his body and nailed his right hand to a tree with a horseshoe and eight nails, leaving him in that position. The corpse was found by his tribe, and of course retaliation followed.

[XXV‑26] This incident occurred in January 1612. The narratives of the expedition by Pelaez and Juarros substantially agree.

[XXVI‑1] _Hakluyt's Principal Navigation ... and Discoveries of the English Nation_, iii. 499 (London, 1598-1600).

[XXVI‑2] See p. 138, this volume.

[XXVI‑3] The Caribbees are said to have prepared the flesh of their human captives in the same way. 'Ils les mangent après les avoir bien boucannée, c'est à dire, rotis bien sec.' _Du Tertre_, _Hist. des Antilles_, i. 415.

[XXVI‑4] _Voy. round the World_, passim. Neither word was used at the time Drake was making raids on the Isthmus.

[XXVI‑5] 'The word _flibustier_ is merely the French mariner's mode of pronouncing the English word freebooter, a name which long preceded that of buccaneer.' _Burney's Hist. Bucc._, 43. Some authorities derive the term from the Dutch word _fluyts_, that is to say fly-boats; but, as Burney remarks, it would not readily occur to any one to purchase such craft for corsairs. It is curious to note that the French translator of Esquemelin still adhered to the mispronunciation of the word, '& prirent le nom de _Flibustiers_, du mot Anglois _Flibuster_.' _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Flib._, i. 20.

[XXVI‑6] _Russell's Hist. Amer._, i. 528. This author gives a sketch of the origin of the buccaneers and their customs, showing considerable research, and is endorsed in most material points by _Burney's Hist. Bucc._, 38 et seq. Both authors draw largely from _Du Tertre_, _Hist. des Antilles_, and the former from _Raynal_, _Histoire Philosophique_.

[XXVI‑7] While his comrades divided the booty, he gloated over the mangled bodies of the objects of his hate. _Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier's Lives_, 179-80; _Burney's Hist. Bucc._, 55.

[XXVI‑8] In the English translation of Exquemelin is the following interpolation: '_Tortuga_, the common Refuge of all sort of Wickedness, and the Seminary, as it were, of Pirats and Thieves.' _Bucaniers of Amer._, i. 53.

[XXVI‑9] 'Siende dat'er oock geen quartier voor hem over was, alsoo hy 't niet ontloopen konde, door dien hy alreede gequetst was, bemorste hy hem met bloedt, en kroop onder de dooden die daer lagen.' _Exquemelin_, _Americaensche Zee-Roovers_, 48.

[XXVI‑10] Or Sars River. _Rio de Jagua_, a river emptying into the gulf of Honduras. _I. de Laet_, 1633, _R. Xagua_; _West-Ind. Spieghel_ places on the north coast of Yucatan, _Xagua_. _Cartog. Pac. Coast_, MS., i. 308.

[XXVI‑11] 'L'Olonois y perdit environ trente hommes, et en eut bien vingt de blessés.' _Exquemelin_ (or _Oexmelin_, as in the French version the author is styled), _Hist. des Flib._, i. 207. The pirates would not encumber themselves with the indigo: 'L'Olonois ... en auroit en pour plus de 40,000 écus; mais il ne cherchoit que de l'argent.' _Id._, 208.

[XXVI‑12] The French translator says: 'Leur canon étoit en batterie au nombre de cinquante-six pieces.' _Id._, 219. The original work of Esquemelin gives the same number as that in the text. _De Americaensche Zee-Roovers_, 70.

[XXVI‑13] This band proceeded along the coast to the town of Veragua which they captured and pillaged. _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Flib._, i. 223.

[XXVI‑14] The French version, contrary to Exquemelin's narrative, says that all the men left, the greater number in the long-boat and the remainder in canoes. _Id._, i. 228.

[XXVI‑15] Exquemelin, _Americaensche Zee-Roovers_, 1678, 73, thus describes the death of L'Olonnois: 'Maer het scheen dat Godt niet langer de godtloosheden van desen mensch konde toelaten, maer hem door een wreede doodt straffen wilde voor alle de wreedtheden, die hy aen soo veel onnoosele menschen hadde gepleeght; want in de Golfe van Darien Komende, is hy met sijn volck vervallen in de handen der Wilden, by de Spanjaerden Indios Bravos genaemt. Sy hebben hem aen stucken gekapt en gebraeden, naer het verhael van een sijner meedemackers, die het selve soude geleeden hebben, hadde hy sijn leven niet met de vlucht gesalveert.' His English translator says: 'The Indians ... tore him in pieces alive, throwing his Body limb by limb into the Fire, and his Ashes into the Air, that no trace or memory might remain of such an infamous inhuman Creature.' _Bucaniers of America_, i. 77. The French edition adds that L'Olonnois was eaten by the Indians. _Exquemelin_, _Hist. des Flib._, i. 230.

[XXVI‑16] _Exquemelin_, _Bucaniers of Amer._, i. 79. According to French translator of Exquemelin, Mansvelt had 600 men. _Hist. des Flib._, ii. 3.

[XXVI‑17] This island was used as a penal settlement by the Spaniards who employed the convicts on the works of the fortifications. Here Mansvelt expected to find some one familiar with the road to Natá. _Id._, 4-5.

[XXVI‑18] Or Moin, where they landed 1,200 men in the year 1666. _Juarros_, _Guat._ (London, ed. 1823), 344. According to Exquemelin they sailed along the coast as far as the river Zuere. _Hist. des Flib._, ii. 7. According to _Haya_, _Informe_, 11, the corsair Manflas landed 800 men. Consult _Cartog. Pac. Coast_, MS., i. 142.

[XXVI‑19] In _Haya_, _Informe_, MS., 11, is found the following strange statement: The maestro de campo, Juan Lopez de la Flor, the governor, sent Major Alonso de Bonilla with eight men, for there were neither arms nor provisions for a greater number, who caused the corsairs to retire from the province.

[XXVI‑20] About ten leagues distant from Cartago.

[XXVI‑21] _Juarros_, _Guat._ (London, ed. 1823), 344-5. Bonilla took two men who were foot-sore. When asked the reason of their precipitate flight from so small a number, they stated that they had seen a numerous army marching against them. _Haya_, _Informe_, MS., 11-12.

[XXVI‑22] According to Juarros the prisoners made this confession under torture. Haya does not mention this.

[XXVI‑23] 'Ujarraz, pueblo en otro tiempo considerable, pero en el dia mui desdichado.' _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 58-9. It is two leagues distant from Cartago. _Id._

[XXVI‑24] According to an account of this recapture of Santa Catarina by a Spanish engineer, it occurred in August 1665. A translation of the Spanish version of the affair is to be found in _Exquemelin_, _De Americaensche Zee-Roovers_, 76-80, and in the English translation of the latter work in _Bucaniers of America_, i. 82-5. In the French edition of Exquemelin the Spanish narrative is thus dismissed: 'J'aurois pu la traduire, & en gaossir ce Volume, mais comme elle n'est remplie que de bagatelles & de rodomontades Espagnoles, je ne m'en fuis pas donné la peine, ne voulant rien raconter ici que de véritable.' _Hist. des Flib._, ii. 10.

[XXVII‑1] _Panamá_, _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 349-50.

[XXVII‑2] In 1604 Andrés Cortés was alcalde ordinario, Francisco Terii alguacil mayor, and Capt. Damian Mendez and others regidores. The names of the members for 1605 are also mentioned. _Id._, 228-32.

[XXVII‑3] 'A peculiar kind of wine very much in use at Seville,'says Salva, in _Dic. Leng Cast._, 54, 784; _Panamá_, _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 228-30.

[XXVII‑4] The penalties were 50 pesos for the first offence; 100 for a second offence, and for the third perpetual banishment. The law was passed Sept. 23, 1605, and was approved by the audiencia. _Id._, 230-3. The evil increased, and in Dec. 1614 an act declared offenders punishable by fine of 50 pesos for the first offence, and 100 pesos and banishment for the second. _Recop. de Indias_, ii. 362.

[XXVII‑5] In _West Indies, Geog. and Hist. Descr._, the number of men aboard is stated at 300. In an appendix to _Carranza_, _Descr. Coast W. Indias_, 118, containing Parker's own account of the taking of Portobello, the latter mentions that he landed with 150 men, and it may be presumed that he left at least 50 in charge of his ships.

[XXVII‑6] In the appendix to Carranza just quoted Parker gives 'A Table made in the manner of an Alphabett. for the easier findinge of the Streates, and chiefest Places portraited in the Drafte of Portabell, beinge in the West-Indies, standing in tenne Degrees, which was taken by Captaine William Parker, of Plymouth, Gentleman, the seaventh Daye of Februarie 1601,' etc. In _Panamá_, _Descrip._, _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._ x., the year 1602 is given on p. 105, and 1601 on p. 108. The year 1601 is also given in _Casttell's Am._, in _Churchill's Col. Voy._, viii. 762. The town 'was pillaged by the _English_ under Captain Parker, in the year 1601,' says Heylyn, _Cosmog._, 1086. The date of sailing from Plymouth, November 1601, is given in _Harris' Col. Voy._, i. 747; in _West Indies, Geog. and Hist._, 79; in _Purchas' Pil._, iv. 1243, and in _Holmes' Annals Am._, i. 117. The landing at Portobello is placed on the 7th of Feb. 1602. The author of _West Indies, Geog. and Hist._, 79-80, gives both dates, but in speaking generally of the expedition styles it of 1601, as on pp. 67, 78, and elsewhere.

[XXVII‑7] He was great-nephew of the Pedro Melendez who barbarously murdered Ribault, Landouiere, and others of the French who fell into his hands in Florida. _West Indies, Geog. and Hist._, 82-3.

[XXVII‑8] _West Indies, Geog. and Hist._, 82; _Harris' Col. Voy._, i. 747; _Casttell's Am._ in _Churchill's Col. Voy._, viii. 762.

[XXVII‑9] On hearing of the capture of Portobello, the governor of Cartagena is said to have sworn to give 'a Mules lading of Silver to have a fight of Captain Parker and his Company,' and as Harris remarks: 'Had they been sure he would have parted with what he had upon so easie terms as they at Porto Belo did, 'tis very likely they might have sold him that favour, but his strength being uncertain as well as his pay, they did not think fit to attempt him.' _Col. Voy._, i. 747.

[XXVII‑10] Deputies were to receive 400 ducats yearly. In 1608, the bonds of treasury officials were reduced from 20,000 ducats to one half that amount. In a decree of Sept. 11, 1610, the fiscal is directed to go to Portobello on the arrival of the galleons and tarry during the season; all other officials to perform their usual duties and make the requisite reports. Among other duties the fiscal was authorized to prevent improper persons landing. 'Estorbando que los cassados y pasajeros que fueron con licencia, y mulatas moriscas y estrangeras y otras personas prohibidas á pasar á estas partes, no lo hagan, executando en ellos y en los que los lleban, las penas que estan impuestas.' _Panamá_, _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 311-12.

[XXVII‑11] 'When I came into the Haven,' says Thomas Gage who was at Portobello in 1537, 'I was sorry to see that as yet the Galeons were not come from Spain, knowing that the longer I stayed in that place, greater would be my charges.... A kind Gentleman, who was the King's Treasurer, falling in discourse with me, promised to help me, that I might be cheaply lodged even when the ships came, and lodgings were at the highest rate. He, interposing his authority, went with me to seek one, which at the time of the Fleets being there, might continue to be mine. It was no bigger than would contain a Bed, a Table, and a Stool or two, with room enough besides to open and shut the door, and they demanded of me for it, during the foresaid time of the Fleet, six-score Crowns, which commonly is a fortnight.... I knew a Merchant who gave a thousand Crowns for a shop of reasonable bigness, to sell his wares and commodities that year that I was there, for fifteen days only, which the Fleet continued to be in that Haven. I thought it much for me to give the six-score Crowns which were demanded of me for a room, which was but a Mouse-hole.' _New Survey_, 444-5.

[XXVII‑12] The length of anchorage ground is about 3,000 geometrical paces; the width from 1,500 to 1,800 paces, and the average depth 17 fathoms. Large ships ride at anchor opposite Castle Santiago, while frigates can move nearer the mole. There is room for 300 galleons and 1,000 smaller vessels within, while 2,000 ships may anchor with tolerable safety without the forts. _Panamá_, _Descrip._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ix. 118-19.

[XXVII‑13] Panamá contained in 1610, eleven streets, three squares, a cathedral, five convents, a hospital, seven royal houses, a casa de cabildo, two hermitages, court-house with jail, 332 houses covered with tiles, 40 small houses, 112 Indian huts, a meat market and slaughter-house. All but eight of the houses were made of stone. _Panamá_, _Descrip._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ix. 86. The statement that all but eight were of stone seems improbable. It is certain that they were nearly all of wood about the middle of the 16th century, and that most of them were of cedar when Panamá vieja was destroyed during Morgan's raid in 1671.

[XXVII‑14] It will be remembered that Cruces was the town at which treasure from Panamá was shipped in barges for the mouth of the Chagre. The casa de Cruces was established in 1536.

[XXVII‑15] In response to frequent addresses, the king, on the 14th of August 1610, directed Governor Mercedo by all means in his power to develop mining operations in Panamá and Veragua. 'Para que los que tienen quadrillas do negros las refuerzen y acrecienten, y los que no las tienen las procuran.' _Panamá_, _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 211-12.

[XXVII‑16] The office of corredor de lonja was farmed out for 1,000 pesos, those of corredor devinos and auctioneer for 75 pesos each per annum. _Panamá_, _Descrip._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ix. 90. In fact the king prohibited monopolies in which he did not participate. On the 29th of March 1621, Felipe III. decreed that as flour must be brought from Peru, and the corregidores had a monopoly of the trade, the viceroys must abolish that system so that dealers might purchase without restriction for the Panamá market. _Recop. de Ind._, ii. 64.

[XXVII‑17] In 1605, appropriations include 6,000 ducats for the governor, 2,000 pesos each for four oidores and a fiscal, and 400,000 maravedís each for the tesorero, contador, and factor. Others were in proportion. See _Panamá_, _Descrip._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ix. 105-7.

[XXVII‑18] 'Por este camino se podrá poner freno á la entrada de los enemigos.' _Panamá_, _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 214.

[XXVII‑19] 'Advirtiendo que todo este se a de hacer sin que dello se siga ninguna costa a mi hacienda.' _Id._, xvii. 213-14.

[XXVII‑20] Forced loans were frequently extorted by Felipe III., and merchants resorted to all sorts of devices to conceal their specie. Commerce suffered great depression, and on April 10, 1643, Felipe IV., in a letter to the governor, says that under no circumstances would any further exaction be made, but that he would be satisfied with the stipulated dues. _Panamá_, _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 249-52.

[XXVII‑21] _Id._, xvii. 249-52. Alcedo, who is by no means reliable either as to names or dates, says that Don Rodrigo de Vivero y Velasco, a native of Lima, succeeded Don Diego de Orozco. He adds that during Velasco's administration the subjugation and spiritual conquest of the Guaimi Indians in Veragua was effected, and that his rule ended in 1624. _Dic._, iv. 41. Diego de Haya in his _Datos para la Historia del Istmo_ makes no mention of either of the Velascos.

[XXVII‑22] In 1651 it was common to ship bullion from Peru as though destined for Panamá, and thence have it smuggled into Spain. This gave rise to several decrees. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 194-5. Another device was to ship silver in bale goods. _Dampier's Voy._, i. 185. A common method of collusion between Spanish and English contrabandists was for an English vessel to coast off Portobello until visited from the shore by those prepared to trade. Having marked selections of goods the latter returned with their money when ready to purchase, often under the disguise of peasants. _Univ. Col. Voy._, ii. 373-4. The king on Sept. 23, 1652, says that frauds were committed in 1651, in deducting from the schedule of Callao, lots and parcels, under pretence that they were for residents of Panamá and Portobello; and that there was a dispensation to the merchants in 'el mero que hauian de hazer, supliendos por imaginaria en el registro los 600,000 pesos que se obligaron á mi Virrey del Peru.' He also demands a report of the reasons why 'no hicesteis enterar la suma que el Consulado, y comercio de Lima se obligo a suplir por ynmaxinaria, a lo efectibo del rexistro que salió de aquella ciudad.' _Panamá_, _Real Cédula_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 194-5.

[XXVII‑23] _Provincia del Sto Evangelio MS., No. 16._ See also _Torquemada_, iii. 280; and _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, iv. 32.

[XXVII‑24] Gonzalez Dávila, _Teatro Ecles._, ii. 58, states that he held office for 15 years, and Alcedo, _Dic._, iv. 34, repeats the statement; and yet both are evidently mistaken. Chroniclers of the seventeenth century leave the order of succession to the see of Panamá in doubt, though they are agreed as to the date of Ábrego's death. Dávila mentions the elevation of Fray Pablo de Torres as the seventh bishop probably in 1559, and that he certainly entered upon the duties in the following year. In this Alcedo concurs. Both speak of his successor Fray Juan Vaca, but without giving the date of the decease of the former or of the appointment of the later. Vaca died on the voyage out, and the vacant see was not filled until Ábrego's appointment.

[XXVII‑25] Alcedo says that his full name was Bartolomé Martinez Menacho. Previous to his appointment the bishopric had been offered to and declined by Fray Pedro de Pravia, a distinguished theologian. _Dávila Padilla_, _Fvnd. Santiago de Mex._, 595.

[XXVII‑26] According to Alcedo this occurred in 1593. _Id._

[XXVII‑27] This see was created in 1602. Bishop Calderon died at Salinas when upwards of 100 years old and was buried in the convent of San Agustin of which he had been a great benefactor. _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, ii. 58, 118.

[XXVII‑28] The sum of 3,770 pesos having been subscribed, the licentiate Terrin of Panamá offered to erect the buildings if a suitable site were provided, and expended for that purpose some 24,000 pesos. He further added an annual endowment of 2,000 pesos, reserving founder's rights (patronazgo) for himself. _Panamá_, _Descrip._, _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ix. 107; _Figueroa_, _Vindicias_, MS., 74.

[XXVII‑29] A cédula of July 1, 1580, stigmatizes this conduct as 'an abuse that must be stopped.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 488.

[XXVII‑30] While still a friar, Carabajal went to Spain and became prior of the royal convent of Valladolid, and during his attendance at court he was chosen assistant-general of all the provinces of Spain and the Indies, and reformador of the provinces of Bolonia and Romania by authority of Pope Clement VIII. _Dicc. Univ._, _Hist. Geog._, viii. 522. According to this authority he was a native of the city of Mexico, but Dávila, in _Teatro Ecles._, ii. 59, says he was a native of Cáceres in Estremadura.

[XXVII‑31] _Panamá_, _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 237-9.

[XXVII‑32] At this time Panamá had convents belonging to the Dominicans, the Franciscans, the Mercenarios, and the Jesuits, a flourishing nunnery, and a number of secular ecclesiastics. Its cathedral tithes amounted to 7,632 pesos, of which the prelate received 2,331. In the first named convent there were 10, in the second 11 religious; while the Mercenarios had 13 and the Jesuits 11. The nunnery had 24 nuns and 32 negroes of both sexes. The cathedral had two chapels, Santa Anna and San Cristóbal. _Panamá_, _Descrip._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ix. 108. Some years later, from 1625-27, Gage says there were 8 convents and monasteries for friars and nuns. _Voyage_, ii. 78-91.

[XXVII‑33] Instituted in Granada in 1538 for special service in hospital work. They followed the rules of San Agustin. In 1572 Pope Clement V. approved the order and thenceforward the fraternity labored in their specialty.

[XXVII‑34] Cámara founded scholarships in the college of San Agustin and left an annuity of three hundred pesos to the Jesuit college, a sum for the maintenance of two chaplains in the choir, and 4,000 pesos for the church building fund. _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, ii. 59, and _Alcedo_, _Dic._, iv. 35.

[XXVII‑35] The former lived to an advanced age, dying in 1649. He was a great ascetic, and refused a bishopric. His funeral was attended by the audiencia and all the noble families of the province. _Santos_, _Chron. Hist._, i. 303.

[XXVII‑36] In 1636 they refused to deliver up the bodies of some persons who had died in the hospital, and prevented their interment in the chapel of La Concepcion. _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 243.

[XXVII‑37] On the 17th of January 1626 he was consecrated at Valladolid in the Dominican convent of San Pablo. _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, ii. 59-60; _Alcedo_, _Dic._, iv. 35-6.

[XXVII‑38] In a letter dated March 26, 1638, Felipe IV. approves of this measure. _Panamá_, _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 241.

[XXVII‑39] 'Mandamos á los Presidentes y Oidores, y á todos los demas Ministros de nuestras Reales Audiencias, que ninguno de los susodichos, ni sus mujeres entren en la clausura de los Monasterios de Monjas á ninguna hora del dia, ni la noche: y asimismo, que no vayan á hablar por los locutorios, y puertas Reglares á horas extraordinarias, y esto se guarde con la precision necesaria y conveniente á la decencia de los Monasterios.' _Recop. de Indias_, i. 393.

[XXVII‑40] In 1624 Alvaro de Quiñones Osorio, marqués de Lorenzana and knight of the order of Santiago, was appointed governor, and in 1632 was promoted to the governorship of Guatemala. His successor was Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, who held office only two years, _Alcedo_, _Dicc._, iv. 41, and was succeeded by Sotomayor, who died in 1639, Inigo de la Mota Sarmiento, a knight of the order of Santiago and a member of the supreme council, being the next in succession. Sarmiento died in 1642. There are no incidents worthy of note connected with any of them except Sotomayor, and it is by no means certain that Alcedo is right as to date or order of succession, but there are no other authorities on this point. Bazan succeeded Sarmiento.

[XXVII‑41] The date of the fire was the 21st of February 1644. Two days later another one broke out but was speedily controlled. Both were looked upon as the work of incendiaries, but if so they escaped detection. _Panamá_, _Reales Cédulas_ (published 14th of May 1645), in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 273.

[XXVII‑42] On May 13, 1645, the king says that in the face of royal orders Bazan had appointed Estévan Gallejos, his wife's nephew, warden of the castle of San Felipe, Portobello; and on the 5th of August 1647 that other relatives and dependents had been appointed to lucrative places. One nephew was alcalde mayor of Nasa; another, warden of the castle of Chagre; one servant was captain of the companies of the garrison, and another was factor. He was censured, and again commanded to obey, 'porque demas que bos se ara la demonstracion que conbenga, sereis castigado con toda seberidad.' _Panamá_, _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 275-81.

[XXVII‑43] _Id._, 269-71. Alcedo styles him Don Juan de Bitribeante y Navarra, knight of the order of Calatrava. _Dic._, iv. 42.

[XXVIII‑1] Captain Morgan said: 'If our number is small, our hearts are great; and the fewer Persons we are, the more Union and better shares we shall have in the Spoil.' _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Bucaniers_, 93.

[XXVIII‑2] _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Bucaniers_, 96.

[XXVIII‑3] _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Flib._, ii. 44, and _Hist. Bucaniers_, 98.

[XXVIII‑4] _Burney's Buccaneers of America_, 62, and _Archenholtz' Hist. Pirates_, 116, give the plunder at 250,000 pesos, besides slaves and merchandise, but _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Bucaniers_, 119, probably through a typographical error, at 25,000 pesos, apart from slaves and merchandise.

[XXVIII‑5] Six vessels with 350 men under the command of Vice-Admiral Collier, according to _Sharp's Voyages_, 124.

[XXVIII‑6] In _Sharp's Voyages_, 125-126, it is stated that the expedition was absent 52 days, and made prizes of two Spanish vessels, and that Morgan ascertained from the prisoners that the president of Panamá had granted commissions against the English to a number of Spanish privateers.

[XXVIII‑7] Two thousand two hundred. _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Flib._, ii. 105. An intercepted despatch from the president of Panamá, translated in _Sharp's Voyages_, 145, gives the number of men at 3,000.

[XXVIII‑8] Twenty-four heavy guns and eight brass pieces. _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Flib._, ii. 105.

[XXVIII‑9] Indorsed by the governor of Jamaica. _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Flib._, ii. 110. But this statement is not confirmed in other places. The _Hist. Bucaniers_, 126, implies that Morgan had no right to grant such commissions. See also _Sharp's Voyages_, preface. The governor must have been aware of the treaty pending between England and Spain.

[XXVIII‑10] It was agreed that one hundredth part of all the booty should be set aside for the commander's portion; that each captain should draw, besides his own, the shares of 8, 10, or 12 men, according to the size of his vessel, and that the surgeon should receive 200 pesos, and each carpenter 100 pesos, in addition to their regular pay. For those who should be maimed in action compensation was thus provided: for the loss of both eyes, 2,000 pesos; of one eye, 100; of both arms, 1,800; of both legs, 1,500; of a single arm or leg, 500; and of a finger, 100 pesos; or an equivalent in slaves—on the basis of one slave for each one hundred pesos. He who should be the first to force his way into a Spanish castle, or to haul down the Spanish colors and plant the English standard on the walls, was to receive 50 pesos; he who should take a prisoner from whom serviceable news could be obtained, 100 pesos; he who should throw hand-grenades among the enemy, 5 pesos for each one thrown; and he who in action should capture an officer of rank, risking his life thereby, was to be rewarded according to the degree of his valor. All rewards and extra allowances were to be paid over before a general division should be made of the booty. I find nothing set aside for Christ or the church. _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Flib._, ii. 108-110; _Hist. Bucaniers_, 126.

[XXVIII‑11] _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Flibustiers_, ii. 117, and _Hist. Bucaniers_, 129, 130.

[XXVIII‑12] Three ships and 470 men, according to _Sharp's Voyages_, 130.

[XXVIII‑13] The account given in _Sharp's Voyages_, 130, is that the buccaneers, in plying their hand-grenades, set fire to a guard-house that stood on the wall of the castle. This seems improbable, for they were separated from the fort by the crevasse, by the palisades beyond, and by the space between the palisades and the castle walls, which must have been beyond reach of such missiles.

[XXVIII‑14] In _Sharp's Voyages_, 133, it is stated that Morgan left only 300 men to guard the castle, and started for Panamá with 1,400 buccaneers, 7 small ships, and 36 boats. The intercepted despatch from the president of Panamá, translated in the same work, states (page 153) that Morgan reached Panamá with 2,300 men. In _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Flib._, i. 137, the number is given at 1,300.

[XXVIII‑15] Authorities differ materially in their accounts of this skirmish. Exquemelin, _Hist. Bucaniers_, 141, and Archenholtz, _Hist. Pirates_, 135, speaks of a flight of 3,000 or 4,000 arrows; but there is no evidence that a body of several thousand Indians was ever assembled at a given point, and if this were so it does not appear how they managed to shoot such a flight of arrows down a narrow ravine. The _Hist. Flibustiers_, i. 153, says the pass was cut through the rock, in order to shorten and render less difficult the route between Panamá and Chagre; in that case it could not have been of any great length. In _Sharp's Voyages_, 134, it is stated that none of the buccaneers were killed, and only three slightly wounded.

[XXVIII‑16] See intercepted letter from the president of Panamá translated in _Sharp's Voyages_, 151-52.

[XXVIII‑17] The old town of Panamá was destroyed by Morgan in January 1671. _Exquemelin's Hist. Bucaniers_, 148. In _Sharp's Voyages_, 142, January 1670 is given as the date.

[XXVIII‑18] Translation of the president's letter in _Sharp's Voyages_, 155. There is considerable discrepancy in the various accounts of the action before Panamá; but there is no evidence that Guzman acquitted himself in the least like a soldier. Exquemelin, _Hist. Flib._, ii. 160, and _Hist. Buccaniers_, 140, Sharp, _Voyagers_, 138 (in the author's own account of the battle), and Archenholtz, _Hist. Pirates_, 140, all agree that the cavalry bore the brunt of the fight, and not one of these authorities has a word to say in favor of the pusillanimous captain-general.

[XXVIII‑19] Here again authors differ essentially in their narrative. _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Bucaniers_, 147, states that the freebooters suffered severely from the Spanish artillery as they approached the city. Archenholtz, _Hist. Pirates_, 141, makes the same statement; but the _Hist. Flib._, ii. 164, says that they encountered no opposition; and this version is probably correct, for as remarked in _Burney's Buccaneers of America_, 67, Panamá had no regular fortifications, and in parts lay open, and was to be won or defended by plain lighting. Sharp, _Voyages_, 141, indorses the _Hist. Flib._

[XXVIII‑20] It is difficult to decide, amidst a conflict of authorities, whether the burning of Panamá was due to the Spaniards or to Morgan's orders. In _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Bucaniers_, 148, it is implied that Morgan gave such an order secretly, and for private reasons. In _Hist. Flib._,