History of Central America, Volume 2, 1530-1800 The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, Volume 7

ii. 466, says the epithet had its origin in the Windward

Chapter 872,825 wordsPublic domain

Islands—'vocablo del language de las isles de Barlovento.'

[XXII‑2] García de Hermosillo was himself an eye-witness of one of the many cimarron atrocities in 1554, when eight men were killed including a son of one of the judges of the India House at Seville. _Hermosillo_, _Memorial al Rey_, _Squier's MSS._, xxi. 15.

[XXII‑3] Garcilaso de la Vega, _Hist. Peru_, ii. 466, calls him Ballano.

[XXII‑4] Ursua was a native of a town of the same name in Navarre. He went to New Granada with his uncle, the licenciado, Michael Diaz de Armendariz. _Piedrahita_, _Hist. Gen._, 530. Of his career subsequent to this war we learn that he went to Lima whence, after various services, he was sent in 1561 to explore some rich Brazilian forests in the neighborhood of the rio Marañon, where he met his death at the hands of his own countrymen.

[XXII‑5] As an illustration, a law of 1540, dealing with offences and their punishment, states: 'Mandamuos, que en ningun caso se ejecute en los negros cimarrones la pena de cortarles las partes, que honestamente no se pueden nombrar.' In towns and cities negroes were not allowed to be out after dark; arms were not to be carried, and any one lifting a weapon against a Spaniard, even though no wound were inflicted, was liable to receive one hundred lashes and to have a nail driven through the hand. For a second offence the hand of the offender was cut off. Negresses were not allowed to wear jewelry, pearls, or silk unless married to a Spaniard. Free negroes were required to pay tribute according to property. _Zamora_, _Bib. Leg. Ult._, iv. 461-7.

[XXII‑6] Under date July 31, 1561, the king wrote to the audiencia on this subject, stating that his ambassador in London had informed him that a Portuguese named Bartolomé Bayon was fitting out a vessel for carrying African slaves to the West Indies, and ordering his arrest. _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 540-1.

[XXII‑7] Negroes and mulattoes were forbidden to go among the Indians in 1578. _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 501-2. In 1589 it was ordered that no negro should employ an Indian or ill-use him in any way. Infraction of this law was punishable with 100 lashes. If the offence was repeated the culprit's ears were to be cut off. In case of a free negro, the punishment was 100 lashes and perpetual banishment. A reward of 10 pesos was paid to informers, and masters neglecting to observe the law were liable to a fine of 100 pesos. _Zamora_, _Bib. Leg. Ult._, iv. 462.

[XXII‑8] _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 4-7.

[XXII‑9] In 1585 the number of ships was 71; in 1587, 85; in 1589, 94; in 1592, 72; in 1594, 56; in 1596, 69; in 1599, 56; in 1601, 32; in 1603, 34; in 1605, 17. _Panamá_, _Des._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ix. 103.

[XXII‑10] On Aug. 4, 1574, the king writes the president and oidores of the audiencia at Panamá, that he wants the people of the province to make him a gift or loan, to meet his urgent necessities. The audiencia, however, are to broach the subject as though it emanated from themselves, not even hinting that the king had solicited it. 'Tratareis dello como de vuestro oficio, sin dar á entender que lo aceis por órden y mandado Nuestro.' The influence of the bishop is to be called into requisition if the people appear unwilling to do anything before further communication from the king. _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 510.

[XXII‑11] A Spanish trader in a letter dated August 28, 1590, says: 'Here I haue remained these 20 dayes, till the shippes goe for the Philippinas. My meaning is to carie my commodities thither: for it is constantly reported, that for every hundred ducats a man shall get 600 ducats cleerely. Wee must stay here in Panama from August till it be Christmasse. For in August, September, October, and Nouember it is winter here, and extreme foule weather upon this coast of Peru, and not nauigable to goe to the Philippinas, nor any place else in the South sea. So that at Christmasse the shipes begin to set on their voyage for those places.' _Hakluyt's Voy._, iii. 564.

[XXII‑12] A royal cédula of November 11, 1578, forbade the carrying of Manila dry goods. This is confirmed by cédulas of January 12, 1593, July 5, 1595, and February 13th and June 13, 1599. The object was to stop entirely all trade between the Philippines and Tierra Firme. _Memorial sobre Manila_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vi. 444. The cédula of 1593 is full and explicit: 'Toleration and abuse have caused an undue increase in the trade between the West Indies and China, and a consequent decrease in that of the Castilian kingdom. To remedy this it is again ordered that neither from Tierra Firme, Peru, nor elsewhere, except New Spain, shall any vessel go to China or the Philippine Islands to trade.' _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 420. See also _Decadas_, _Id._, viii. 114. Another cédula to the same effect was issued July 25, 1609; the license being still continued to New Spain at the instance of the merchants of Seville whose interests were jeopardized. The Portuguese had established factories in China, and though selling their goods at higher rates than the Chinese, could undersell the Spanish merchants who desired the landing of Chinese products themselves, and to sell them in the colonies at their own figures. _Gran. Manila_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vi. 405-6.

[XXII‑13] At a meeting held by the treasury officials and the city council of Panamá on January 29, 1600, it was resolved that, as the importation and sale of Peruvian wine had been forbidden in years past, an edict should be issued enforcing this regulation, and appointing fines and penalties for those who infringed it, or mixed such wine with that imported from Spain. The reason alleged is the injurious quality of the wine. This edict was also to be published at Lima, Trujillo, Quito, and Guayaquil. _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 216-18. At a subsequent meeting, held April 12, 1600, the trade in Peruvian wine is denounced on account of its being a source of loss to the royal treasury. _Id._, xvii. 221.

[XXII‑14] The punishments for infraction of this law were heavy fines and banishment; and in the case of negro delinquents, bond or free, the fines were to be doubled, and 200 lashes in addition to be inflicted in public on the offender, whether male or female. Apothecaries were allowed to keep on hand two pounds of this article and no more. _Recop. Ind._, ii. 66.

[XXII‑15] The city council passed an ordinance that in future merchants should not purchase certain articles in larger quantities at a time than therein provided. Wine, oil, ham, sugar, pease, beans, lard, Nicaragua molasses, cheese, raisins, figs, and crockery, are among the commodities specified. Purchasers were required to produce their wares before a justice. The ordinance was referred to the audiencia and was fully approved and ordered into execution Dec. 11, 1592. _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 233-7.

[XXII‑16] 'Here is a great want ... of provision for here is almost none to be had for any money, by reason that from Lima there is no shipping come with maiz.... But I can certifie your worshippe, that all things are very deeire here, and that we stand in great extremitie for want of victuals.' Letter from Panamá, August 12, 1590. _Hakluyt's Voy._, iii. 563.

[XXII‑17] On Feb. 18, 1595, the viceroy is ordered not to interfere with the taking of provisions from the valleys of Trujillo, and Saña to Panamá City, and to see that Panamá was well provisioned. _Recop. de Indias_, ii. 64. A similar order was issued Feb. 18, 1597. _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 339-60.

[XXII‑18] See _Hist. Cent. Amer._, i. 377, 409-11, this series.

[XXII‑19] 'Il peut le vendre à qui bon lui semble; mais pour l'ordinaire il le cède à son maître pour un prix modique.' _Raynal_, _Hist. Phil._, iv. 200.

[XXII‑20] He visited the islands in 1594, and found them inhabited by Spaniards and negro slaves 'kept only to fish for pearls.' _Harris' Col. Voy._, i. 746.

[XXII‑21] The expense actually exceeded the proceeds—'y la pesqueria de las porlas, por ser más las costa que el provecho.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iv. 81. In prosperous days some 30 brigs were in engaged in the traffic. _Id._, ix. 81.

[XXII‑22] _Ariza_, _Darien_, MS., 33.

[XXII‑23] _Dampier_, _Voy._, i. 158; _Ogilby's Am._, 235; _Harris_, _Col. Voy._, i. 748. 'The city of Panamá received annually some thousand pounds of gold.... There is greater Plenty (gold) in the mines of Santa María—not far off—than within the same Space in any other Part of New Spain, or perhaps in the whole World. _Span. Emp._ in _Amer._, 210-13. We have a glimpse of the working of the mines in a report of the expenses in connection with some fifteen of them worked for the king's benefit. At these were employed, in addition to the overseer, the blacksmith and his assistant, one hundred negroes, of whom seventy were freshly imported Africans, and one third of the number were women.' The total expenditure for the year was a little less than $20,000. The several items of expense are given in _Veragua_, _Relac. de las Minas_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, xxxi. 365-72.

[XXII‑24] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 418, 441, this series.

[XXII‑25] A single extract will show the partiality of this report. 'Que del dicho Nombre de Dios al dicho de Panamá van 18 leguas por tierra por un camino muy trabajoso de muy grandes lodos y calores, y pasan un rio, y la primera jornada 112 veces ó mas en un dia.' _García Hermosillo, Mem._ in _Extr. Sueltos_, xxi. 28-9.

[XXII‑26] Memorials were presented by the cabildo on Dec. 22, 1559, on May 17, 1561, and again on 26th of January 1562, when they denounced Nombre de Dios as 'la Sepultura de Españoles.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 27-33.

[XXII‑27] This memorial is not dated, but Squier says it was written in 1565. _Aniñon_, _Discurso_, in _Squier's MSS._, v.

[XXII‑28] _Pan. Descrip._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iv. 108-9. Its original name was San Felipe de Puertovelo. Purchas, _Pilgrimes_, v. 889, errs in giving 1584 as the date of removal.

[XXII‑29] Some physicians ascribed these diseases to the use of Peruvian wine, notwithstanding the prohibitions already mentioned. To a statement made by the councillor of the corporation to the city council of Panamá a medical report is appended which reads thus: 'Muchas calenturas ardientes y podridas, muchos dolores de costado, cámaras de sangre, romadizo y otras indisposiciones de calor y humedad, por ser esta tierra mui caliente y húmeda por cuya razon hierve dentro de las venas, y humedeciendo el cerebro causa vahidos, y las dichas enfermedades arriba referidas, y granos, y virùelas, y sarampion y ronchas. Fecho en Panamá en onze de Abril de mil y seiscientos.' _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 219-22.

[XXII‑30] _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 531-2; confirmed by _Vazquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 222-3, and _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ix. 89-90. Juarros, _Guat._, states that it did not receive the royal approbation until July 7, 1565. In the beginning of 1560 a royal cédula was issued, vesting the government of Tierra Firme in the president of the audiencia residing in Panamá. The people of Guatemala resisted the change as long as they could, and other mandates were necessary to give full force to this measure. See _Reales Ced._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xviii. 531-2, and _Decadas_, in _Id._, xiii. 36-38.

[XXII‑31] A special cédula, dated July 30, 1588, on the appointment of García de Mendoza as viceroy, authorizes him to take part in and preside over the sessions of the audiencia, but not to interfere with matters relating to the administration of justice. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 467. Other cédulas issued in 1614, 1620, and 1628 confirmed the one issued in 1571. The first of these three orders also made the provinces of Charcas and Quito subject to the viceroy of Peru. _Recop. de Ind._, ii. 109-10; _Zamora_, _Bib. Leg. Ult._, iii. 357; _Montesclaros_, _Relacion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vi. 191.

[XXII‑32] The king mentions this fact, and instructs the president of the audiencia to have a periodical examination of the accounts of the treasury officers made by one of the oidores. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 410.

[XXII‑33] The president of the audiencia stated to the king that the family were destitute, and that the money could not be recovered from them, whereupon his Majesty ordered its collection from the sureties. This document is dated July 8, 1580. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 487-8.

[XXII‑34] In 1595 travellers without passports visited the Isthmus in such numbers as to cause scarcity of provisions, and often included men whose services were needed in the army. The oidores were threatened with penalties unless there was a reform in this matter. _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 410.

[XXII‑35] _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. x. cap. ix. As early as 1526 this matter received special notice from the emperor, and many regulations were made in subsequent years, but apparently to little purpose.

[XXII‑36] The Spanish minister in London remonstrated in strong terms against Parker's conduct, but to no purpose. Queen Elizabeth not only justified his action but warmly commended him. _Darien_, _Scots Colony_, 56 (1699).

[XXII‑37] _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 395-7, 432-3, 490, 522-3.

[XXII‑38] See p. 49 this vol. for map of territory.

[XXIII‑1] In _Clark's Life of Drake_, 7, and _Burton's English Heroe_, 11, it is stated that in an apartment of the governor's house was a stack of silver bars 70 feet long, 10 in breadth, and 12 feet high, and that the captives gave information that the treasure-house contained more gold, jewels, and pearls than their pinnaces could carry; but one must make due allowance for the vivid imagination of those chroniclers.

[XXIII‑2] The account given in _Hakluyt's Voy._, iii. 778-9, differs materially from that of other authorities. The story is told by a Portuguese, one Lopez Vaz, whose narrative the chronicles tells us 'was intercepted with the author thereof at the river of Plate, by Captaine Withrington and Captaine Christopher Lister, in the fleete set foorth by the right Honorable the Erle of Cumberland for the South sea in the yeere 1586.' He states that Drake landed with 150 men, and stationing 70 of them in the fort near Nombre de Dios, marched with the remainder into the town; that the inhabitants fled to the mountains, but that a party of 14 or 15 Spanish arquebusiers fired a volley upon the English, killing their trumpeter and wounding Drake in the leg. Hereupon, he says, the English retreated to the fort but found it abandoned; sounding the trumpet after the firing had ceased and the signal being unanswered, the men left in charge retreated to their boats, thinking that their comrades were either slain or captured. Drake and his followers then threw away their arms, and by swimming and wading made their way to the pinnaces. It is highly improbable that 80 English privateersmen, under the command of such a captain as Drake, would thus tamely beat a retreat before a handful of Spaniards.

[XXIII‑3] Islas y Porto de Bastimentos according to Juan Lopez, son of Tomás Lopez de Vargas, the celebrated Spanish cosmographer, in a map prepared by the former in 1789, for the use of the Spanish ambassador in Great Britain. In the map following the introduction to _Dampier's Voy._, published in 1699, the word is similarly spelled and applied to a group of islands off Nombre de dios. Bellin, _Karte von der Erdenge_, Panamá, 1754, agrees with Drake, but like Lopez places the group about half way between Nombre de Dios and Portobello. The author of _Life and Dangerous Voy. of Drake_, 16, speaks of 'the Isle of Bastimiensis or the Isle of Victuals.' See _Cartography Pacific States_, MS., and _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. passim, this series.

[XXIII‑4] This visit to the Isla de Pinos is not mentioned in _Clark's Life of Drake_, but is described circumstantially in _Burton's English Heroe_, 26. In the latter work it is stated that the supplies captured were sufficient to victual a force of 3,000 men, and it is not improbable that this was the case, for the galleons were now off the coast and the Isla de Pinos was the usual storing place for provisions.

[XXIII‑5] In the map prepared by Juan Lopez, these islands are placed a few miles east of point San Blas and named the 'Islas Cabezas ó Cautivas.' By Burton they are also called the Cabezas, but by Clark the Cativaas.

[XXIII‑6] In _Burton's English Heroe_, 41, it is stated that a post-mortem examination was made of the body of Joseph Drake, who died of this calenture, and that the 'liver was swoln, and the heart as if boyled.'

[XXIII‑7] In the account of Lopez Vaz, in _Hakluyt's Voy._,