ii. 372, says they found so much Spanish merchandise 'que yá

les dava hastio, por no poderlas llevar todas.'

[XVI‑8] This is the number given in _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. v., while in _Gasca_, _Carta_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, l., only 18 or 20 are mentioned. Gasca must be in error, for Contreras afterward left 25 men at Capira when he returned to assist Bermejo.

[XVI‑9] When Salguero received the message from Bermejo some confusion ensued, and most of the silver bars which he had captured were lost, being thrown into the river or stolen by negroes, who hid them in the rocks and swamps. Not only had Salguero captured the king's silver but also a large quantity of treasure belonging to private individuals. He ordered it to be packed on mules taken from the settlers at Cruces; but when he came near the city and saw the troops sallying forth he abandoned his baggage-train and hurried forward to join Bermejo. _Gasca_, _Carta_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, l. 149; and _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. vi. Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 497, states that when the silver was lost only a portion of Salguero's men marched with him towards Panamá, the remainder making for the sea-shore, where they were taken on board the ships of Pedro de Contreras. It is estimated that the entire amount of treasure captured by the rebels would be worth at the present day some $12,000,000.

[XVI‑10] _Gasca_, _Carta_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, l. 149-50. See, also, _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib. vii. cap. vii. Remesal gives 82 as the number slain on the field. Gasca says in his despatch that only three of the citizens of Panamá were killed, though many were wounded but none fatally; a rather improbable statement, considering that the rebels knew they need expect no quarter.

[XVI‑11] Soon after the suppression of the Contreras revolt, Gasca, having recovered most of the stolen treasure, embarked for Spain, where he was appointed to the bishopric of Sigüenza and afterward to that of Palencia. He died on the 10th of November 1565, leaving a history of Peru, which was published at Seville two years after his death. His _Carta al Consejo_, in _Doc. Inéd._, l. 106-63, is probably the most reliable source of information concerning the events related in this chapter. Herrera agrees with him in all the principal incidents, differing only in the order in which they are related, and in some minor points of detail. Remesal is very explicit in his narrative, and agrees for the most part with Gasca and Herrera. Gomara and Zárate give only a condensed statement of the matter, and in the main indorse the preceding authorities. The account given in Juarros is taken from Remesal, and that of Benzoni is borrowed from various sources, while Gonzalez Dávila relates only the assassination of Bishop Valdivieso.

[XVII‑1] In a letter to the king, dated Ciudad Real, August 10, 1541, Bishop Marroquin speaks very favorably of Chavez, and states that he was well adapted to rule. _Carta al Emperador_, in _Cartas de Indias_, 430.

[XVII‑2] 'Como su necesidad no era poca, tomô la mejor parte para si, y lo demas dio a sus amigos.' _Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. ix. See, also, _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 42, and _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 64. Herrera also implies that he appropriated what remained of the live-stock and supplies brought by Alvarado from Guatemala for the relief of the colonists. dec. vi. lib. iii. cap. xix.

[XVII‑3] In _Squier's Honduras_, 88, it is stated that this stronghold was situated in the present department of Gracias, which borders on Guatemala and San Salvador. Lempira's ancient territory is still known by the name of Corquin, the word being applied to a district and town of Gracias. The valley of Sensenti, encircled by the mountains of Selaque, Pecaya, and Merendon, formed a part of the cacique's dominion. See p. 81 this vol. for map.

[XVII‑4] _Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. iii. cap. xix. The historian is of opinion that the Spaniards would have been compelled to abandon the siege had they not resorted to this or some similar artifice, and in that case it is not improbable that Lempira would have found himself powerful enough to drive them from the province or perhaps to exterminate them.

[XVII‑5] On the 10th of December 1537 the viceroy of New Spain reports to the king that he has received advices from the adelantado Montejo and the licentiate Maldonado, stating that the province was at peace and making fair progress.

[XVII‑6] _Hist. Cent. Amer._, i. 570, this series.

[XVII‑7] Montejo, writing from Gracias á Dios on June 1, 1539, reports to the emperor concerning the settlement at Comayagua and the appointment of alcaldes and regidores. The town had at that time 35 vecinos, most of them owning but few Indians. Juarros, _Guat._, i. 41-2, gives 1540 as the year of its foundation, as do Conder and Squier, while Remesal says the town was founded in 1542. It is certain, however, that it was built before Alvarado's return to Honduras, in 1539. _Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. vii. cap. iv.; _Conder's Mexico and Guatemala_, ii. 296: _Squier's Notes, Cent. Amer._, 129.

[XVII‑8] In December 1557.

[XVII‑9] These were Trujillo, Gracias á Dios, Comayagua, San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos, San Jorge de Olancho, Buena Esperanza, and San Juan del Puerto de Caballos. Pedraza, in a dispatch to the audiencia dated December 30, 1545, quoted in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 133, states that one of Montejo's captains sent to examine the territory lying between Trujillo and the Olancho valley extended his explorations to the mouth of the Desaguadero and founded in that neighborhood the town of Nueva Salamanca, but the prelate's ideas of the geographical limits of the province were evidently somewhat vague. Possibly he may have had in mind a settlement of that name previously founded in Yucatan.

[XVII‑10] Pedraza, in describing the difficulties of travel and the condition of the roads, states that from Trujillo to Puerto de Caballos the distance by sea was 40 leagues, the journey being a very dangerous one. Thence to San Pedro it was 14 leagues, over a difficult road—especially bad in the rainy season—now in the mud (hasta la barriga), now climbing steep rocks; thence to Gracias á Dios 25 leagues, three or four native settlements intervening; from Gracias á Dios to Comayagua 25 leagues more, with three settlements between; thence to San Jorge in the Olancho valley between 20 and 30 leagues, no settlements between; thence to Nueva Salamanca 30 leagues, without any settlements intervening. Of the plague of mosquitoes on this portion of the route he remarks: 'Que nos comian vivos de noche i de dia, i nos sacaban los ojos que no havia tiempo que pudiese dormir.' From Nueva Salamanca to Trujillo, he says: 'Hai cerca de 40 leguas infernales, que ni á pie ni á caballo se pueden andar, sino la mas parte rodando con el lodo á los medios muslos i descalzos, i muchas veces subiendo hasta el cielo, i otras veces bajando hasta los abismos.' _Id._, 17.

[XVII‑11] Oviedo was then writing of what occurred in 1538; but it is probable that the 100,000 pesos de oro of which he speaks included the amount obtained in several preceding years. In 1539 Montejo reports that there are in Comayagua very rich mines, both of gold and silver, but as he would not allow the natives to be employed in them against their will they were worked only on a small scale. _Montejo_, _Carta_, _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 221-22, 233, 251. This consideration for the welfare of the Indians no doubt hastened his downfall.

[XVII‑12] See _Hist. Cent. Amer._, ii., and _Hist. Mex._, ii. passim, this series.

[XVII‑13] By a royal cédula dated May 25, 1538, the viceroy of Mexico was instructed to allow Francisco de Montejo and Alvarado of Guatemala to exchange portions of their respective provinces, Puerto de Caballos and Ciudad Real de Chiapas being particularly mentioned. _Puga_, _Cedulario_, 116. It would appear that Montejo did not give his consent to this proposition.

[XVII‑14] _Montejo_, _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 231-2, 245; _Alvarado_, in _Id._, 255. In a letter to the king, Montejo says he had heard that his Majesty had been informed that Alvarado would, on his return to Honduras, find the amount of the king's fifth to be 100,000 castellaños, but that the statement was unfounded, the sum being only 12,000 castellaños. The cause assigned for the deficiency was the stoppage of certain mining works which had been operated by gangs of Indians from Salvador and Guatemala on account of the great mortality among them. The order for the stoppage of the work emanated from Maldonado, acting governor of Guatemala, and presumably occurred before the assumption of the government by Montejo.

[XVII‑15] Montejo was on bad terms with Pedraza, but gained his intercession by approaching him when he was in an amiable mood. He accuses him of boasting that his authority was greater than that of the governor and that a letter from him to the emperor would at once procure his dismissal. He also states that on one occasion he was compelled to turn back from an expedition on which he had started, news having reached him that Pedraza was disturbing the country by his harsh treatment of the Indians, and that he had some difficulty in restoring quiet. _Montejo_, in _Id._, 248-51, 258-9. It is not improbable that this may have been the case, for in a letter quoted in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 26, 27, Pedraza states that in 1547 he petitioned for leave to found a settlement in the Indian village of Jutical, in Comayagua, and to grant repartimientos to those who should furnish him the means, claiming that he was specially inspired by the holy spirit to carry out the pacification of the natives by prayer and persuasion. The ecclesiastic was a young man; vain, ambitious, covetous, and one who would not hesitate to prostitute his profession if it would serve his own interests.

[XVII‑16] The amount was 17,000 pesos according to _Oviedo_, iv. 23.

[XVII‑17] In a letter to the emperor, dated Trujillo, May 1, 1547, Pedraza states that he would gladly have gone in person to aid Gasca in Peru, were it not that his journey to Portugal five years before and the time he had lost in Spain awaiting the papal bull, consumed the greater part of his fortune. _Pedraza_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 18. It is not probable, however, that he was in any great danger of poverty, for he made large sums of money by his traffic in slaves.

[XVII‑18] During this absence of Pedraza, Bishop Marroquin of Guatemala had charge of the diocese and made various pastoral visits through the province, on which occasions he was afterward accused by the former of having spent more than 12,000 pesos of the episcopal revenues. Marroquin in refuting this charge refers to Alonso Maldonado, president of the audiencia, and affirms that though he spent over 1,000 castellanos during his journeys going and coming, he never received one peso de oro in return. _Marroquin_, _Carta al Principe Don Felipe_, in _Cartas de Indias_, 449.

[XVII‑19] This cathedral was dedicated to the 'Conception of Our Lady' and had five dignitaries with salaries ranging from 150 down to 40 pesos a year. _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 304 et seq.

[XVII‑20] See _Hist. Cent. Amer._, ii., and _Hist. Mex._, ii., passim, this series.

[XVII‑21] Before his appointment he was an oidor of the audiencia of Mexico, and acting governor of Guatemala.

[XVII‑22] In _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 206, and _Cartas de Indias_, 776, the audiencia is said to have held its opening session May 16, 1544, whereas in a letter to the emperor dated December 30, 1545, and signed by President Maldonado and all the oidores, it is distinctly stated: 'En 15 Marzo desembarcaron los Licc. Herrera i Rogel. En 13 Mayo nos juntamos en Auda i luego se pregonaron las Nuevas Ordenanzas.' _Audiencia_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 130.

[XVII‑23] Pedraza had been summoned from San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos, whence he had only come after repeated solicitations. Had he persisted it would have been necessary for Las Casas and Valdivieso to proceed to that town in company with Marroquin, for it was required that three prelates should assist at the ceremony of consecration. Pedraza was on bad terms with the two former, who state that they have heard things related of him. 'Que pareçen no buenas, y muchos escandalos.' _Las Casas_ and _Valdivieso_, _Relacion_ in _Cartas de Indias_, 19-23.

[XVII‑24] _Id._

[XVII‑25] The above are the leading points contained in the memorial, which was a somewhat lengthy document, containing seven different clauses according to _Las Casas_, _Carta Amonest._, and _Relacion_ in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 140-42; and nine according to _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 374-76, and _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i., lxxvii.-viii. Remesal states that each bishop presented a memorial, that of Las Casas giving less offence than the others.

[XVII‑26] _Las Casas_ and _Valdivieso_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 118-20.

[XVII‑27] Marroquin states that the memorial was 'mucho desacato i mayor desatino: i él, como mas atrevido i favorido (por haverle dado credito á sus proposiciones i fundamentos sacados de su pecho lleno de hipocresias, sobervia, invidia, i avaricia), lo presentó, requirió, i amonestó.' _Marroquin_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 139-40. He speaks rather favorably of Maldonado, but complains of his being remiss, wanting in vigilance, and somewhat careless as to the welfare of the colonists. He declares that there is dissension between the members of the audiencia, and says: 'Á mi no me satisfazen mucho sus letras ni su vida, aunque los he conversado poco.' _Marroquin_, _Carta_, in _Carta de Indias_, 440-1.

[XVII‑28] Maldonado exclaimed, while Las Casas was protesting against being expelled from the hall of the audiencia: 'Estos cocinerillos en sacandalos del conuento no ay quien se pueda aueriguar con ellos.' _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 376.

[XVII‑29] When the audiencia refused to recognize the bishops as protectors of the Indians, Marroquin addressed a letter to the emperor, wherein, after commenting on the disturbances caused by the new code, he concludes: 'Mas, no son tan largas los poderes de los Obispos destas partes como el ruido i sonido. La Audiencia lo manda todo i dá á entender que no hai para que el Obispo sea Protetor i Visitador: asi han proveido Visitadores a deudos suyos, quando V. M. solo quiere fiarlo a los Obispos.' _Marroquin_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 135-6.

[XVII‑30] By order of the audiencia Rogel visited Chiapas for the ostensible purpose of assisting Las Casas in liberating the natives and settling the amount of their tribute.

[XVII‑31] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 480. Cerrato did not hesitate, however, to censure the bishops severely when he thought it necessary. He complained of their maintaining alguaciles like those of the emperor and of the unjust arrest of persons 'sin haver caso de Inquisicion.' In speaking of the excommunication by the bishop of Nicaragua of certain royal officers because they were unable to pay him his salary, he says that he and Pedraza 'were enough to turn the heads of a thousand judges.' _Cerrato_, _Cartas_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 83, 7.

[XVII‑32] _Cerrato_, _Carta de Setiembre 28, 1548_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 80-1.

[XVII‑33] Even if he had been found blameless he could not have been reinstated, as Cerrato was appointed by the crown to supersede him. He lost his life at sea about two years later. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 179.

[XVII‑34] He was fined for having appropriated a mine and for having seized certain negroes belonging to one of the priests. _Cerrato_, _Cartas_, in _Squier's MSS._ Marroquin remarks in _Carta al Principe Don Felipe_, in _Carta de Indias_, 448: 'Very few who have come to the Indies have so well feathered their nests in so short a time as Herrera and Rogel.' 'Quieren para si un dios y un principe, y para los demas confusion y perdiçion.' Pedraza endorses Marroquin's statement with reference to Herrera, and accuses him of trafficking in silks, velvets, and cloth like a common mercer. _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 123. The statement of Las Casas and Valdivieso in _Id._, xxii., is doubtless more deserving of credit.

[XVII‑35] Bernal Diaz speaks unfavorably of Cerrato. He says that at first he promised well, but subsequently acted in every way contrary to his instructions, as if these had been 'mirá que todo lo bueno que bacare y obiere en estas provinçias todo lo deys á vuestras parientes.' He accuses him of giving the best repartimientos to his two brothers, a granddaughter, a son-in-law, and his followers and friends, and remarks that the people feared the coming of another boat-load of Cerratos. _Carta al Emperador_, in _Cartas de Indias_, 38-42.

[XVIII‑1] Viceroy Mendoza addressed letters to the bishop of Guatemala, Francisco de la Cueva, and the cabildo respectively. In that sent to the municipality he says: 'You will learn that God was pleased to take to his glory the adelantado Alvarado.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 179-80. Tello states that Governor Oñate also send word of Alvarado's death to Guatemala. _Hist. N. Gal._, 390-7. According to Remesal the first reports were generally discredited, and it was not until the viceroy's letters arrived that any manifestation of sorrow was shown. _Hist. Chyapa_, 165 et seq. A cabildo was held on the 29th of August.

[XVIII‑2] _Ibid._; _Carta al Emperador_, in _Cartas de Indias_, 432-3; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 236.

[XVIII‑3] An unknown author writing later during the same year states that Doña Beatriz 'dixo muchas veces que ya no tenia Dios mas mal que le hacer.' _Relacion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 385. Gomara, _Hist. Ind._, 269-70, and Torquemada, i. 324 et seq., make similar statements. Gomara's assertion is disputed by Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 226-7. See, also, for accounts of Doña Beatriz' grief, _Carta del Obispo_ in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 388; Benzoni, _Mondo Nvovo_, 156; _Bernal Diaz_ (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 466-7; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 166.

[XVIII‑4] In his letter to the cabildo, above alluded to, and dated July 15, 1541. _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 179-80. Remesal gives July the 5th as the date, one day after Alvarado's death, which it was impossible for the viceroy to know anything about at that time. The friar, however, attempts to account for the discrepancy which his error produced. _Hist. Chyapa_, 165-6.

[XVIII‑5] Bishop Marroquin was of opinion that Cueva was not a fit person to have been left by Alvarado in charge of the government. In a letter to the king dated August 10, 1541, he describes him as being too young and inexperienced, void of zeal in favor of the natives, careless in matters of justice, as not being partial to the company of good people, and offering a bad example to others. _Carta al Emperador_, in _Cartas de Indias_, 430. I entertain little doubt that it was through the bishop's influence that the appointment of Doña Beatriz was made. It certainly was countenanced by him. His control over the lady-governor would give him great power in the protection of the natives.

[XVIII‑6] The extraordinary appointment of Doña Beatriz to the government of Guatemala is thus condemned by Gomara, who infers that she caused herself to be elected: 'Y se hizo jurar por Gouernadora: desuario, y presuncion de muger, y cosa nueua entre los Españoles de Indias.' _Hist. Ind._, 270. Escamilla, _Noticias Curiosas de Guat._, i., states that she resigned the same day, referring doubtless to the appointment of Cueva. Remesal, who gives a detailed account of these proceedings, also attributes the appointment to her own desire for it, ungenerously remarking: 'Y con todos estos extremos excedia su ambicion á las lagrimas, y el desseo de mãdar á la falda del mongil y pliegues de la toca.' The only dissenting voice to her appointment was that of the alcalde, Gonzalo Ortiz, who probably objected to it on the grounds of her apparent want of saneness. Although half a page was left blank for the entry of his opinion it was never filled up. This blank half page still existed in 1615. The signature of the hapless lady on this occasion was written thus: La sin ventura Doña Beatriz. In the original a line is drawn through the words Doña Beatriz which was probably done by herself at the time of signing with the object of letting it be known that in future she wished to be called La Sin Ventura. _Hist. Chyapa_, 166-8. This same author states on page 367 that Cueva's appointment by the viceroy was not recognized by the city because it was not accompanied by his commission as governor. I cannot agree with the above authorities who attribute to Doña Beatriz such ambitious feelings while in the state of despair to which she abandoned herself, but regard her appointment as a purely diplomatic proceeding.

[XVIII‑7] The base of the following account of the destruction of Santiago City is taken from Bishop Marroquin's narrative in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 386-8, and from another and fuller narration without signature in _Id._, 378-86. Oviedo, iv. 27-32, gives an almost verbatim copy of it, and states: 'Estas nuevas truxo á la isla ... Cuba, Johan de Alvarado, sobrino del mesmo adelantado don Pedro, que aportó al puerto de la Habana, desde donde el capitan Johan de Lobera, su amigo é uno de los mílites que un tiempo anduvieron con el mesmo adelantado, me escribió todo lo ques dicho por su carta fecha á quatro de enero de mill é quinientos é quarenta y dos años.' It must, however, be remarked that the letter in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_ bears unquestionable evidence of having been written in Guatemala. Juan de Alvarado, who had been recommended by Marroquin to the emperor for the governorship—_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 271—was on his way to Spain. I conjecture that he was the bearer of this anonymous account of the calamity and allowed Lobera to transcribe it, who merely changed the first person into the third and forwarded it to Oviedo in Santo Domingo.

[XVIII‑8] The town unfortunately occupied a site in a natural hollow running down the mountain side.

[XVIII‑9] Bernal Diaz (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 463-4; Herrera, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. xiii.; Gomara, _Hist. Ind._, 270, the records of the cabildo according to _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 559, and Vazquez, _Chron. de Gvat._, 164-5, give September the 11th as the date. But Marroquin and the anonymous writer both state that the disaster occurred on Saturday night, the first authority mentioning that the preceding Thursday was the 8th.

[XVIII‑10] 'Porque las piedras, como diez bueyes juntos, las llevaba como corcha sobre el agua.' _Rel._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 383. The immense stones brought down by this deluge were still to be seen in the city when Bernal Diaz wrote. (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 463.

[XVIII‑11] 'Y muchos, quebrados brazos y piernas, de que algunos despues han muerto.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 383.

[XVIII‑12] The bishop says that eight 'doncellas' perished with her, 'entrellas doña Anica, hija natural del Adelantado, de 5 años.' _Id._, 387. Consult also _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, _Vazquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 91, and _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 175-80. This last author gives a vivid account of this catastrophe, but appears to have drawn considerably upon his imagination. He affirms that repeated violent shocks of earthquake occurred; that the Volcan de Agua was reduced a league in height—'Parecio el mõte descabeçado cõ vna legua menos de subida'—and indulges in general exaggeration. With regard to the earthquakes it may be stated that Remesal, page 559, as also Vazquez, _Chron. de Gvat._, 164-6, quotes from the books of the cabildo with date of September 9, 1542, as follows: 'Que porque à vn año que por nuestros pecados, vino el terremoto, e tempestad a esta Ciudad;' and again on page 365, from the minutes of the same with date of September 16, 1541, '_Que por quanto Dios nuestro Señor fue seruido ... de embiar tempestad é torro molto a esta Ciudad._' But as neither Bishop Marroquin nor the Anonymous Writer makes mention of any earthquake, I can but conclude that none took place, notwithstanding an entry in the books of the cabildo a year after the event to the contrary.

[XVIII‑13] One Spaniard and 60 Indians who were outside all perished. Such is the account given by the bishop. That of the anonymous writer differs from it. He states that Cueva escaped from the house and saved himself by getting upon a wall which had remained standing.

[XVIII‑14] The anonymous writer, pp. 381-2, gives the names of eight, and says that more than 40 Spaniards of both sexes lost their lives. The bishop, page 388, mentions the names of twelve settlers whose houses were completely overthrown or washed away, adding: 'Si bien algunos destos se salvaron;' and further on informs us that 'Murieron, sin los españoles dichos, mas de 600 indios.' Vazquez states that about 100 Spaniards and over 200 Mexican and Tlascalan allies escaped unharmed. _Chron. de Gvat._, 98.

[XVIII‑15] 'É gran suma de ganado, que tomó en el monte y otra que tomó en la cibdad, que se vinieron á ella huyendo.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 388. The mud in the streets reached almost up to the highest windows. _Id._, 383-4.

[XVIII‑16] No mention is made of the church having received damage. A portion of the bishop's residence was destroyed, causing the death of 'un bachiller Contreras.' _Id._, 388. According to Remesal the remains of Doña Beatriz were subsequently transferred to the cathedral of the new city. From the day on which she perished the bishop ordered three masses to be said weekly for the repose of her soul. _Hist. Chyapa_, 181. Benzoni describes this lady as 'a woman truly proud, vain, and haughty;' while Alvarado, in a letter to the cabildo, dated Puerto de Caballos, April 4, 1539, assures that body that 'Doña Beatriz está muy buena.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 179.

[XVIII‑17] Their remains were removed in 1580 to the Franciscan convent at Almolonga. The inscription, in 1615-17, said that there were buried Juan de Artiaga and twelve lady companions, all of whom perished with Doña Beatriz in 1541. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 181. This inscription is confirmed by Vazquez. _Chron. de Gvat._, 96.

[XVIII‑18] The bishop, however, thought otherwise. In an address to the people for the purpose of encouraging them, he said: 'Que á los buenos habia llevado Dios á su gloria y á los que los habia dexado, nos habia avisado para que fuésemos tales.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 385. Remesal uncompromisingly attributes the catastrophe to blasphemous language of Doña Beatriz, and adds that so exasperated were the inhabitants that they wished to cast her body to the dogs, as that of another Jezebel. _Hist. Chyapa_, 179-80. Vazquez treats this charge as an absurdity and intimates that it is an invention of Remesal, who he says was the first to publish such a story. _Chron. de Gvat._, 91. But this last author also errs, since the belief undoubtedly prevailed, as is proved by the anonymous writer on the above quoted page of _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_. Mendieta, while inclined to excuse the language attributed to Doña Beatriz, implies that it was a punishment from God who was displeased with Alvarado's irregular second marriage. _Hist. Ecles._, 390.

[XVIII‑19] Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._ (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 467.

[XVIII‑20] None dared to occupy the few houses left, and a large barrack was constructed on the outskirts of the town as a common dwelling-place. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 386.

[XVIII‑21] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 366.

[XVIII‑22] Torquemada attended one of these processions. He writes: 'iban cada Año, en el mismo Dia, que le corresponde al de el anegamiento (y Yo me hallé én ella vn Año ...) pidiendo á Dios seguridad en la segunda Poblacion, y perdon de averle ofendido.' i. 327.

[XVIII‑23] Soon after the death of Bishop Marroquin the custom was discontinued, although he left a fund to support its observance. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 468-9. It was established at a meeting of the cabildo on September 9, 1542. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 559. After the old church was pulled down the procession marched to the Franciscan convent in the old city. _Vazquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 164-6.

[XVIII‑24] _Id._, 366; _Escamilla_, _Noticias Curiosas de Guat._, MS., 1.

[XVIII‑25] These were the oidor Maldonado, Juan de Alvarado, a nephew of the deceased adelantado, and Juan Chavez, a resident of Santiago. _Marroquin_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 271. Juan de Alvarado was a nephew of the adelantado, and according to Bernal Diaz went to Spain with Pedro, a natural son of the conqueror, neither being ever heard of afterward. _Hist. Verdad._, 237.

[XVIII‑26] He recommends as honorable gentlemen, Sancho de Baraona, a conquistador, Hernan Mendez, and Doctor Blas Cota. _Id._, 376-7. Consult also _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 58-9, 365.

[XVIII‑27] 'Hizo mucho daño en las tiendas y mercaderias.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 388. The cabildo in a letter to the king, dated September 10, 1543, says, 'perdimos casi todos lo que teníamos.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 20.

[XVIII‑28] It will be remembered that Alvarado appointed Marroquin his executor. The bishop justifies this proceeding by the necessity of the occasion. Had the distribution not been made he assures the king that two thirds of the Spaniards would have left, but he adds that, nevertheless, the greater portion of Alvarado's Indians had been reserved to his children. _Id._, xiii. 268-9.

[XVIII‑29] At a special meeting held on the 27th of September, 43 citizens were present, making with the authorities 55 persons in all. Of these 43 voted for removal, five against it, and seven were without choice. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 263.

[XVIII‑30] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 366. Bishop Marroquin was at first in favor of removing to some high plains two leagues off, but for the reasons above stated and also in order to lessen the labor of the Indians he changed his opinion. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 370-1.

[XVIII‑31] At an open meeting held on the 2d of October, at which 78 persons were sworn in to vote without fear or self-interest, 49 voted for removal to Chimaltenango and 29 to the valley of Alotenango, and the former place was formally declared the future site of the city. At this juncture Juan Bautista Antonelli, a royal engineer, arrived with instructions to superintend the laying out of towns. He made an examination of various localities and gave in a full report upon the valleys of Las Vacas, Chimaltenango, Alotenango, Melpas de Luis de Alvarado, and the valley of Tuerto or Panchoy, and strongly recommended the selection of the latter. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 263-6. Helps suspects that Antonelli's report had reference to some other occasion and discredits it. _Sp. Conq._, iii. 390. For general map of Guatemala see p. 110 this vol.

[XVIII‑32] _Juarros_, ubi sup. Bernal Diaz considered that either the valley of Petapa or Chimaltenango would have been a more favorable situation on account of the frequent overflowing of the river and the earthquakes experienced at Panchoy. _Hist. Verdad._, iv. (ed. Paris, 1837), 467.

[XVIII‑33] The cabildo considered it their duty more than once to pass laws to prevent the Indians from being overloaded. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 367-8. Every month the Cakchiquels of the dependency of the Ahpozotzil were compelled to furnish 1,000 laborers of both sexes to aid the prisoners of war in the building of the city. _Cakchiquel_, MS., _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 790. The audiencia and viceroy of Mexico ordered the Indians of Alvarado's estate to be employed in the erection of the new city. The bishop appealed against this order on the ground of the distribution which he had made already, the annulling of which would cause great dissatisfaction. _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 276.

[XVIII‑34] On November 18, 1541, the cabildo issued a decree ordering lots to be enclosed with adobe walls before St John's day, June 1542, under penalty of forfeiture. The time given being found to be too short, it was extended on May 21, 1542, to easter in the following year. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 365-7.

[XVIII‑35] Helps, who is given to looseness in his statements, without quoting any authority in this instance boldly states that 'the 4th of December 1543 was the day on which the Spaniards took possession of their new quarters.' _Sp. Conq._, iii. 390.

[XVIII‑36] Remesal asserts that the entry in the books of the cabildo on that date is the first to indicate a session held in the new city; 'es el primero que se escriue en esta forma. _En la ciudad de Santiago de Guatemala, en el asiento nueuo della_,' etc. _Hist. Chyapa_, 368.

[XVIII‑37] Called henceforth Ciudad Vieja.

[XVIII‑38] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 368. This author was presented with a painting of the city, executed by Captain Miguel de Ortega at the request of the authorities. He describes it as representing a scene truly beautiful.

[XVIII‑39] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 200, 367.

[XVIII‑40] It was the general wish that Governor Maldonado should be chosen, but this was rendered impossible by his appointment as president of the new audiencia. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 393.

[XVIII‑41] The members were the bishop, Cristóbal de la Cueva, Gabriel de Cabrera, Sancho Barahona, and Hernan Mendez de Sotomayor.

[XVIII‑42] In this document the petitioners especially brought forward as an injustice a regulation previously passed that only married settlers could hold repartimientos. _Id._ The cabildo had as early as February 1538 made a representation to the crown on this matter, in which they explained the difficulty and expense attending the procuring of wives from Spain. _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 13-14. It is evident also that in 1543 the cabildo again addressed his Majesty on the subject of their claims, as the viceroy Mendoza acknowledges receipt of 'el pliego que venia con ellas para S. M.,' and adds: 'yo escribo à S. M. ... haciéndole relacion, como conviene al servicio de S. M. alargar las mercedes y no acortallas.' _Id._, 180.

[XVIII‑43] Remesal states that Mendez under various pretexts delayed his journey, and that on the 8th of June the cabildo revoked his appointment. No other procurador appears to have been appointed up to September 10, 1546, when receipt of the revocation of the new laws as regarded the repartimientos rendered such an appointment no longer necessary. On this later date the cabildo resolved to send a commission to the audiencia to solicit its enforcement. _Hist. Chyapa_, 394-5. But I find that on May 7, 1545, the authorities of Guatemala wrote to the king requesting that their procurador, who had been sent to protest against the new code, might be given a hearing. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 138. And Bishop Marroquin, writing on September 20, 1547, mentions that many letters had been sent with Hernan Mendez to the council of Indies relative to his action with the audiencia in 1545. _Carta al Principe_, in _Cartas de Indias_, 446. He also states that Mendez was prejudiced against the public will and partial to Herrera and the bishops of Nicaragua and Chiapas, and that there was also another procurador named Olivero in Spain at that time. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 44-5.

[XVIII‑44] They also recommended that Don Juan, the cacique of Atitlan, and others who had aided in the pacification of the country should be allowed to retain their Indians. It was, moreover, suggested that alcaldes mayores should be appointed in Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Chiapas. _Id._, 132-3.

[XVIII‑45] The cabildo on March 30, 1548, thank the emperor for this concession which had been notified by their procurador Al.o de Oliveros. _Id._, 91-2. This privilege did not, however, last long. In 1564 the procurator at court sought to procure the passage of a law establishing encomiendas in perpetuity, but, owing to the prejudice of the existing council against the colonists, he dared not even broach the subject. In 1565 there were in Guatemala 72 encomiendas which produced 80,000 ducados annually. A royal cédula dated November 28, 1568, ordered encomiendas to be granted solely upon merit, the descendants of discoverers and conquerors being especially considered. But in 1572 the cabildo complained of the incessant arrival of persons provided with royal cédulas granting them encomiendas as they became vacant, to the detriment of deserving residents who had been long in the country. The attempt to obtain encomiendas in perpetuity was abandoned in 1585, and a petition made for their extension to a third life. This was also defeated in 1595. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, ii. 2, 3. Bernal Diaz in the latter years of his life represents himself, in common with four others, the sole survivors of Cortés' soldiers, as aged, infirm, very poor, with a large family, and small income. _Hist. Verdad._, 250.

[XVIII‑46] Padre Cancer writing to the bishop of Chiapas October 20, 1545, mentions that the cacique of Tezulutlan and other Indians were going to present to him a petition against the enormous tributes which had been imposed upon their people. _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 233-5.

[XVIII‑47] _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 137. In September 1547 Marroquin had heard that the oidor Rogel 'esta nombrado para hacer la retasacion,' and adds, 'Ojalá no sea aora como lo pasado.' _Id._, 45.

[XVIII‑48] The crown acted upon this suggestion and issued two decrees relating thereto. Marroquin on February 4, 1548, reports that the consolidation of native towns was already in progress and that it was a highly necessary measure. _Id._, 89, 92.

[XVIII‑49] President Cerrato describes Gracias á Dios as occupied by only 18 vecinos, with neither physician, surgeon, nor druggist, while a great scarcity of both meat and fish prevailed. He adds that the majority were in favor of removal to the city of Santiago. _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 87-8. Marroquin urgently advocated this city as the future seat of the audiencia. _Id._, 45, 89, 94.

[XVIII‑50] The removal doubtless took place in 1549. The letters of Cerrato and Marroquin above quoted bear dates of October 5, 1548, and September 20, 1547, February 8, 1548, and August 1, 1548, respectively. Remesal gives the date of the cédula as May 1, 1549. _Hist. Chyapa_, 503. _Vazquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 222, June 16, 1548.

[XVIII‑51] The king by royal cédula, dated July 7, 1550, approved the purchase of the episcopal palace for the use of the audiencia. _Hist. Chyapa_, 503.

[XVIII‑52] The document, found in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 21-4, is defective and without date, but was probably written soon after the establishment of the audiencia de los Confines in Santiago.

[XVIII‑53] 'Formó gran enemistad, y estuvo muchos dias que no quiso ir à misa à la Iglesia mayor.' _Id._, 22. The disagreement between Marroquin and Cerrato was already brewing in 1548, for on November the 3d of that year the latter informs the crown that he and the licentiate Ramirez were in San Salvador engaged in liberating slaves and reforming tributes, 'que eran incomportables las que havian hecho el Opo i el Lic. Maldonado;' and, he adds, 'i luego ... nos partiremos a Guatemala i se hara lo mismo.' _Al Empr_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 97.

[XVIII‑54] President Cerrato reported to the emperor September 28, 1548, that the first audiencia had observed neither new nor old laws, that the Indians were treated as previously, and no steps taken to liberate them. _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, 80.

[XVIII‑55] He stated to the king that the tributes levied were intolerable and could not be satisfied even if the Indians were twice as numerous, remarking, 'ni los Encomenderos guardan lei ni tasacion i los'—the Indians—'destruyen sin piedad.' _Id._, 80, 82.

[XVIII‑56] The punishment of certain Spaniards of Comayagua by Cerrato for loading Indians had called forth a general storm of abuse and denunciation by the settlers. _Id._, 82. At this time Bishop Marroquin was the only one who had letters patent, and consequently jurisdiction, as protector of Indians; the other bishops had to apply to the audiencia to obtain such authority. _Id._, 83-4. Marroquin in February 1548 requested the king to allow him to have an alguacil for the service in connection with his protectorship. _Id._, 90.

[XIX‑1] As early as May 28, 1528, fines were appropriated to the building of the church. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 277; _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, 63. It was dedicated to Nuestra Señora de la Anunciacion, but afterward, when the name of the city was changed, San Cristóbal was chosen as the patron saint, and this name was retained after it was erected into a cathedral. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 274; _Nueva España_, _Breve Res._, MS., ii. 390; _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._, 122.

[XIX‑2] Both these priests were army chaplains, the latter receiving his appointment from Pedro de Alvarado in the name of his Majesty. The religious fervor of the Spaniards at Ciudad Real was to say the least lukewarm. In 1528 Pedro Gonzalez was ordered to say mass daily on pain of forfeiting his salary. Another ordinance was that citizens were to attend church in proper time; 'El Español que desde el Euangelio adelante estuuiere fuera de la Yglesia, tiene pena de tres pessos;' while a third was to the effect that no citizen was to be absent from the city during christmas, easter, and whitsuntide, under a heavy penalty, which was inflicted on those absent at christmas in 1535. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 275-6; _Mazariegos_, _Mem. Chiapa_, 44; _Pineda_, _Descrip. Geog._, 128.

[XIX‑3] Fray Pedro de Barrientos was appointed superior, and according to Pineda, 129, by Bishop Marroquin. The cabildo granted the friars their choice of an allotment, and they selected one near the Cerro de la Cruz on the road to Chapultepec. An additional piece of land, 130 paces square, was also given them for their church and convent. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 436-7; _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, 63-4; _Pineda_, _Descrip. Geog._, 129.

[XIX‑4] In 1546 Fray Marcos was succeeded by Friar Hernando de Arbolancha. The former established a cattle farm near Copanabastla, where he also built a country-house and a sugar-mill.

[XIX‑5] According to _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 202; _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 189, April 14th; _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._, 122, May 19th; _Larrainzar_, _Hist. Soconusco_, 20, April 14th; _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, viii. 26, May 15th. All these dates are wrong, as may be seen from a copy of the bull in _Nueva España_, _Breve Res._, MS., ii. 392.

[XIX‑6] _Nueva España_, _Breve Res._, MS., ii. 389-92.

[XIX‑7] In _Nueva España_, _Breve Res._, MS., it is remarked that a copy of this document is nowhere to be found, but that Remesal makes mention of it as being identical with that of the Guatemalan bishopric, except in the exordium. In the cathedral of Chiapas no account of it exists. See _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 202. The personnel of the cathedral was to consist of a dean, archdean, precentor, chancellor, and treasurer, besides two canons and other ecclesiastics. _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 189.

[XIX‑8] Remesal states that the immediate cause of his death was taking poison during the night in mistake for water. Mazariegos inclines to the opinion that the fatal draft was taken while Arteaga was delirious with fever. _Mem. Chiapa_, 45. According to _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._, 122, Avendaño was a native of Estepa. Some of the members of his chapter went to Santiago, and others remained at Ciudad Real in a destitute condition, but were provided for by Marroquin. They asked that their allowance be given them from the revenues of that church, but this was refused by Marroquin until the emperor's decision should be known. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 278-9.

[XIX‑9] In his memorial to the audiencia Oct. 22, 1545, _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 176, Las Casas claims Yucatan and Tezulutlan. June 4, 1545, Bishop Marroquin acknowledges receipt of the prince's letter assigning Soconusco to Las Casas. _Id._, 121.

[XIX‑10] Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 223, says the 9th; Las Casas, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 184, the 10th; Helps, _Span. Conq._, iv. 302, the 4th.

[XIX‑11] _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 211-14.

[XIX‑12] _Las Casas_, _Relacion de entrada_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 157.

[XIX‑13] 'Donde más excesos y desórden ha habido en hacer injusta é inicua y malvadamente los indios esclavos, ha sido en Guatemala y Chiapa.' _Las Casas_, _Representacion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 168-9.

[XIX‑14] Diego Ramirez, juez visitador to Chiapas in 1548, writes Las Casas under date of April 20, 1549, that so excessive had been the tribute imposed by the settlers, that many of the natives had nothing left, not even a mantle, and their condition was that of slavery or even worse. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 204. Cerrato, writing to the emperor, Sept. 28, 1548, says that in Guatemala and Chiapas the encomenderos observed neither the law nor the prescribed tribute, but destroyed the natives without pity. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 82.

[XIX‑15] Las Casas' opponents contended that this included all slaves however acquired. _Las Casas_, _Rel._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 158; _Carta, Audiencia, July 20, 1545_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 111-12. Las Casas, that it only concerned those unlawfully enslaved. _Carta, Oct. 25, 1545_, in _Id._, 122-3. But practically it embraced all slaves, for their legal enslavement was difficult of proof. _Carta, Audiencia, Dec. 30, 1545_, in _Id._, 130-1.

[XIX‑16] _Las Casas_, _Rel._, loc. cit.

[XIX‑17] _Las Casas_ y _Valdivieso_, _Carta, Oct. 25, 1545_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 122-3.

[XIX‑18] _Las Casas_, _Rel._, loc. cit.

[XIX‑19] In a letter dated July 20, 1545, the audiencia informed the emperor of Las Casas' doings at Ciudad Real, and charged him with usurping the jurisdiction of the crown. _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 111-12.

[XIX‑20] _Las Casas_, _Carta, Oct. 25, 1545_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 121; _Id._, _Nov. 9, 1545_, in _Cartas de Indias_, 36.

[XIX‑21] Las Casas' hostile reception and his subsequent reconciliation with the settlers described by Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 379-87, I am inclined to discredit, owing to the well known tendencies of this writer, and the fact that the letter of Father Casillas, _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 181-2, written when Las Casas was on his return from Gracias á Dios, does not indicate such hostility.

[XIX‑22] For a copy of the letter see _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 290, 338; also _Las Casas_, _Oeuvres_, ii. 120-180; this latter version is defective.

[XIX‑23] _Robles_, _Chiapa_, 27-8.

[XIX‑24] _Hist. Mex._, ii. 570 et seq., this series.

[XIX‑25] _Ramirez_, _Cartas, April 26, 1548, April 20, 1549_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 201-4; _Fr. Torre_, _Carta, Aug. 3, 1548_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 94-6.

[XIX‑26] _Carta, Sept. 28, 1548_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 81-2.

[XIX‑27] Fray Antonio de Remesal began the history of the Dominican province of San Vicente de Chiapas y Guatemala about the middle of April 1615, and finished it in Oajaca, Sept. 29, 1617. The secular history of Guatemala and the other provinces under the jurisdiction of the audiencia de los Confines is moreover incidentally given, but not in a detailed manner. The author's diligence and perseverance in having completed in so short a time a folio volume of 784 pages, and one displaying great research, are remarkable, and the more praiseworthy for the reason that it was accomplished under violent opposition and many difficulties. It is to be regretted that, having bestowed so much labor on investigation, he did not supply a bibliographical list of his authorities. These he informs us consisted of archives, books, manuscripts, memorials, narratives, wills, and statements, which he asserts were documents worthy of credit and authentic, but omits enumeration of them 'in order to avoid a very long list.' He was indebted to Conde de la Gomera, president of the audiencia of Guatemala, for access to the archives and official papers of different cities. To him he dedicates his book. The advantages enjoyed by Remesal in this respect render the work an exceedingly valuable contribution to Central American history. Its value, however, is lessened by the great number of typographical and other errors which it contains. These are very important, especially where dates are concerned. While a large number of them are quite obvious, very many incidents of great importance must be verified as to time of occurrence, by reference to other authors. In the portion of his work which relates to the conquest of Guatemala, many inaccuracies are observed. In fact, Remesal was hurried, and often biassed. His style is clear and pleasing; free from the redundant and inflated form so common a century later. He submitted his manuscript to Torquemada, by whom it was highly approved and its publication advised. This occurred in the city of Mexico. But meantime a storm was brewing elsewhere. The work was by no means to the liking of certain parties in Guatemala. By means of letters addressed to different parts of Mexico, but more particularly by a special messenger who preached a crusade against the new history, these enemies raised up a tempest of indignation against Remesal and his book, especially in Oajaca. Through the influence, however, of sensible and powerful friends in Mexico and Guatemala all opposition was overcome. See pages 747-51 of his work. The author was born in the town of Allariz in Galicia, and on the 9th of October 1613, nearly five months after he left Spain, arrived at Guatemala, where he was most kindly received by the Dominican order. During the time he remained in their convent, he failed not to observe the excellent system of government under which the society worked, and occupied his time in perusing the acts of the chapters held in the convent. He was so impressed with the excellence of these laws and regulations that he proceeded to make a kind of summary of them. While thus employed, a work on the origin of the province, written by Friar Tomás de la Torre, fell into his hands. This suggested to him to undertake a history that would embrace both secular and ecclesiastical matters. With unconquerable diligence and ardor he prosecuted to the end the work thus projected. On one occasion, when suffering from a fibrous abscess in the face, he carefully perused in a single day the whole of the first book of the archives of Guatemala city, after having submitted to a severe surgical operation on his right cheek. Twice he journeyed over all New Spain, collecting information and, in particular, studying the books of the cabildos of different cities and towns. The evidence he thus obtained was in many instances at variance, he states, with printed books and histories of his own religion. The authors of these—whose names he does not mention—he would not condemn, however, but excuse on the ground that later research will necessarily produce different accounts of events. See his preface. Remesal was a fearless writer. Perhaps he had some leaning to the descendants of the conquerors, yet he does not hesitate to denounce the acts of the first colonists, to deal with Alvarado in a manner severely condemning him, and to endorse Las Casas with regard to the cruel oppression of the Indians. But his statements are to be accepted with caution, especially where Las Casas or the Dominican order is concerned. No effort is spared to hold them up to the gaze of an admiring posterity, and to expose the errors and perverseness of their enemies. To this end all sorts of probable and improbable situations and adventures are described, wherein the religious eventually triumph. Many important facts are glossed over, or omitted, the true versions of which it is evident must have come within his observation. Numerous speeches, sermons, conversations, even the thoughts and feelings of the leading actors, are described with a minuteness of detail that is astonishing considering the lapse of time—over 75 years. The account of the prosecution of the religious by Baltasar Guerra may be looked upon as a fiction, while the author's inventive faculty has had much to do with that of the opposition to Las Casas in Ciudad Real. His version of Las Casas' doings in Gracias á Dios seems also greatly exaggerated.

[XX‑1] The old church had cost more than 10,000 pesos, and the bishop had not only expended his own means upon it, but had also borrowed 5,000 or 6,000 more. He requests the king February 20, 1542, that the prompt and full payment of tithes be enforced, and that he aid him with 3,000 or 4,000 pesos for the construction of the new church already being built. _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 272-3.

[XX‑2] _Vazquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 153.

[XX‑3] Although Marroquin expressed acquiescence in the wishes of the cabildo he did not approve of the pulling down of the church, and ordered it to be re-roofed at his own expense. _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 190-1. Vazquez states that the old cathedral was taken down and the materials used in the construction of the new one. _Chron. de Gvat._, 165.

[XX‑4] In March 1545 Marroquin petitioned the king that the subsidy of the novenos for the erection of the church be continued. The grant was extended for four more years. In accordance with a second request made in September 1547 the grant of two novenos was extended for six years. Again in March 1548 the bishop asked for aid in addition to the novenos already granted. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 45, 91, 138. Vazquez states that the building of the church lasted only three years. _Chron. de Gvat._, 153.

[XX‑5] He also complains of the government officials who maintained that he had no right to tithes during his absence in Mexico with Alvarado in 1540-1. _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 274-5.

[XX‑6] _Id._, 273-4. In May 1547 Bishop Pedraza asked the king for an increase of salary from 500,000 maravedís to 2,000 ducados, the stipend given to the bishop of Guatemala and others. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 29. The royal officials were ordered in 1540 to investigate the question of salaries and amount of tithes received yearly in each bishopric. If they fell short of 500,000 maravedís, the deficit was to be supplied out of the royal treasury. _Recop. de Ind._, i. 63-4.

[XX‑7] Cacao formed the chief and most valuable tithe in the diocese. _Id._, 94. The payment of tithes on pita—the fibre of the agave manufactured into articles of clothing etc.—and balsam and the carrying of tithes to the churches was under consideration by the audiencia, December 20, 1545. _Id._, 132.

[XX‑8] _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 92, 4. In December 1551 the viceroy of Mexico addressed the cabildo on this question and expressed his astonishment at the outcry against the payment of tithes, 'que de derecho divino y humano son obligados a pagallos.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 181-2.

[XX‑9] _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 44-5, 120-1, 123, 139; _Cartas de Indias_, 19-23, 442.

[XX‑10] In 1546 according to _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Hist. Ecles._, i. 149. Vazquez states that the convent of La Concepcion was not founded until 1577. _Chron. de Gvat._, 153.

[XX‑11] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 441. Vazquez, as previously quoted, however, states that the name of the first lady superior was Juana de San Francisco, implying that she was a Franciscan and not a Dominican. This author's whole account is a contradiction of Remesal's version.

[XX‑12] The emperor contributed 2,000 ducados toward its founding. _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 152.

[XX‑13] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 585. Gonzalez Dávila says that Marroquin 'Dio principio al Hospital de S. Alexo, donde se curã Indios y Españoles, que oy es Hospital Real, en año 1647'—a misprint for 1547—_Teatro Ecles._, i. 150. This hospital was founded for the benefit of Indians who were no longer capable of service, and whom the Spaniards were wont to turn out into the streets to die like dogs. _Guat._, _Santo Domingo en 1724_, 55.

[XX‑14] _Vazquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 152. Consult also _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 584-6, where a somewhat different account is given. In claiming merit for his order this author represents the Indians as unwilling to enter the hospital of Santiago, preferring that of San Alejo. Both hospitals received liberal support from the crown.

[XX‑15] The second opening of the Dominican convent took place about July 1536. Though Remesal, on pages 111, 115, states that Las Casas arrived at Santiago in 1535, there is positive evidence that 1536 is the right year. In the deposition, taken in Leon on the 23d of August 1536, relative to the proceeding of Las Casas in Nicaragua, the witness Martinez de Isagre in his evidence mentions that the padre left Leon about two months previous to that date. _Informaciones_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 141, 143. Gonzalez Dávila makes the same error as Remesal. _Teatro Ecles._, i. 143. Juarros is correct. _Guat._, 264. Torquemada, iii. 338, states that friars Pedro de Angulo, Juan de Torres, and Matias de Paz, were sent from Mexico in 1538 to found the province of the order in Guatemala.

[XX‑16] A misunderstanding occurred between the cabildo and the friars relative to the grounds of the latter in the old city. These the Dominicans had sold, but the cabildo, which had declared the site of the old an egido, deemed the new grant an equal exchange for the former lots, declared that the friars had no right to make such a sale, and ordered the inclosures which had been built to be pulled down. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 369-70.

[XX‑17] Remesal gives the names and grades of these members. _Id._, 457, 525.

[XX‑18] _Torquemada_, iii. 489. On the 18th of January 1533 I find that Motolinia was in Tehuantepec with Fray Martin de Valencia and others of the order, who signed at that place a letter to the emperor. _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii. tom. v. 228.

[XX‑19] The names of these friars were Alonso de Casaseca, called also de las Eras, Diego Ordoñez, Gonzalo Mendez, Francisco de Bustillo, Diego de Alva, and a lay brother Francisco Valderas. _Torquemada_, iii. 338; _Vazquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 42-3, 154, 518-19; _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 145.

[XX‑20] The expense of each friar from Seville to Vera Cruz was 70 ducados. _Id._; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 384.

[XX‑21] Diego Ordoñez was chosen to succeed him. _Vazquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 51-5.

[XX‑22] Vazquez states that they occupied a small convent badly out of repair built by Franciscans formerly in the country. 'Cõventico, que por entõces àpenas tenîa vn lienzo de horcônes.' _Id._, 59.

[XX‑23] Vazquez gives a copy of the order for the allotment signed by the joint governors Marroquin and Cueva. It is without date, but Vazquez infers that it was given during October 1541, when lots were being distributed. _Id._, 167.

[XX‑24] They were engaged in the difficult task of collecting the Indians into towns. Fray Ordoñez remained in charge of the monastery; Gonzalo was sent among the Zutugils; Bustillo and Alva to the Quichés and Cakchiquels respectively. _Id._, 60-7, 77-82, 106-11, 129.

[XX‑25] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 384-5; _Torquemada_, iii. 338-9.

[XX‑26] Both the date and number of friars are matters of dispute. Torquemada states that Motolinia was sent in 1542 to Guatemala by Jacobo de Testera, comisario general of the order, with twelve of the 150 friars whom he had brought to Mexico that year. _Torquemada_, iii. 337, 339. He follows _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 385. Figueroa, in _Pap. Franciscanos_, MS., i. No. 1, 37 et seq., supports Torquemada as to date but maintains that the number of friars was 24. Vazquez, on the authority of _Fund. de la Prov. de S. Franco de Guat._, MS., 1583, _Lizana_, _Hist. Yuc._, a letter of Motolinia dated October 21, 1545, and the minutes of the cabildo, concludes that Motolinia arrived at Guatemala in 1544, with 20 or 24 friars. _Chron. de Gvat._, 42-3, 102, 105-6, 440.

[XX‑27] The convent next founded after that at Santiago was the one at Atitlan by Fray Gonzalo in 1541; then followed others at Tecpanatitlan and Comalapa. _Id._, 84-5, 340. There is some doubt as to the date of the founding of the Franciscan custodia in Guatemala. Torquemada states that it was established in 1551, following Mendieta. Vazquez is contradictory, giving the years 1544 and 1549 as the dates. _Chron. de Gvat._, 102, 123, and furthermore quotes on pp. 144-6, _Fund. Prov. S. Francisco_, MS., 1583, as follows: 'Digo, que lo q̃ ay en el caso es: que esta Provincia fuè veinte años Custodia de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio de Mexico.' As this refers to the erection of the order into a province in 1529, it would appear that there was a Franciscan custodia in Guatemala in 1539. Figueroa, in _Pap. Franciscanos_, MS. i. No. 1, 37, gives 1542 as the date.

[XX‑28] The number of friars sent to Yucatan as variously given by the authorities already quoted, was four or six. But Marroquin, writing to the emperor December 1, 1545, states that Fray Villapando was in Yucatan with eight of the order, whom he had taken from Guatemala. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 140. For mention of Villapando's labors in Yucatan see _Hist. Mex._, ii. 452 et seq., this series.

[XX‑29] _Torquemada_, iii. 339. The cabildo of Santiago in December 1545 petitioned that Motolinia should be sent back. The comisario general in Mexico replied, in February 1545, that more friars would be sent but that Motolinia's services were more needed in Mexico. _Vazquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 105-6.

[XX‑30] _Ibid._; _Audiencia al Emperador_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 132.

[XX‑31] _Torquemada_, iii. 339, 374-5; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 385.

[XX‑32] Many through inability to master the difficulties of the languages had left. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 39-40.

[XX‑33] _Zapata_, _Carta_, 'Destruyen i no edifican.' _Id._, 40.

[XX‑34] Las Casas, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 207-8.

[XX‑35] According to _Motolinia_, _Hist. Ecles._, 259, 268, Fray Betanzos wrote a letter to Las Casas attributing much evil and scandal to his mode of proceeding.

[XX‑36] Meaning land of war; the name Vera Paz signifying true peace was given it by the Dominicans because they had accomplished by peaceful measures what force of arms had failed to do. _Miranda_, in _Squier's MSS._, xv. 2; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 320-1. This last author, quoting Las Casas, states that this name was conferred by Charles V. i. 153. Consult also _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 118-24. The native name is written by different authors Tuzulutlan and Tezulutan.

[XX‑37] Now called Dulce.

[XX‑38] _Squier's MSS._, xiv. 1-2. Miranda in 1575 reported to the oidor Palacio of the Guatemala audiencia that the river Zacapulas separated Vera Paz from the province of Guatemala, and that the distance thence to the gulf of Dulce was about 48 leagues, its greatest width being 27 leagues. The inhabited portion was only one third or one fourth of its surface, for the friars had collected the Indians into towns, and established a system of commerce. _Squier's MSS._, xv. 3. At the time of these reports the northern part, a wild and heavily wooded country, was—and still is—inhabited by wild tribes, being then a refuge for fugitive Indians from Yucatan.

[XX‑39] Quintana conjectures that lack of mines and other valuable resources prevented their being enslaved. _Vidas_, 2a parte, 173.

[XX‑40] Entitled _De Unico Vocationis Modo_, and abounding in copious legal and theological arguments in favor of his system of peaceable conquest. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 118-21; _Las Casas_, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 2a parte, 172-3.

[XX‑41] Las Casas, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 238-9. These terms were guaranteed by Maldonado in May 1537 according to Remesal. _Hist. Chyapa_, 122-3. They were approved by the audiencia of Mexico in February 1539, and by the emperor in November 1540. _Real Cédula_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 146-56.

[XX‑42] _Pelaez_, _Mem. de Guat._, i. 153.

[XX‑43] Remesal gives an interesting and romantic account of the method first adopted by Las Casas, but one which, I apprehend, is more an invention than a true statement of facts. He represents Las Casas and his colleagues as composing verses in the Quiché tongue, narrating the principal mysteries of the Catholic faith. These were set to music and taught to four Indian merchants, who were in the habit of journeying into Tuzulutlan. The lord of Zacapulas was a formidable and powerful chief called by Remesal Don Juan. To him the four merchants were instructed to go and sing their canticles, having been provided with various articles from Spain such as would excite curiosity. Their reception was favorable, and the interest awakened by their songs, the novel presents which they brought, and their description of the peace-loving men induced a wish in the haughty chieftain to be visited by the friars themselves. Accordingly a second expedition was planned and Fray Luis Cancer was selected to accompany the Indian traders. His mission was successful. The cacique was persuaded to embrace Christianity, destroy his idols, and be baptized. On the return of Fray Luis, Las Casas determined still further to extend the work in person, and in December 1537 visited Don Juan accompanied by Fray Angulo. They then extended their journey into the more remote districts of Tuzulutlan and Coban, being provided with an escort by the cacique, who vainly endeavored to dissuade them from their hazardous undertaking. The treatment they met with was, however, generally favorable, and though they experienced some opposition among the subjects of both Don Juan and the lord of Coban, they completed their journey and returned early in 1538. _Hist. Chyapa_, 122-4, 135-40. Consult also _Fernandez_, _Hist. Ecles._, passim; Las Casas, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 174-6; and _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 793-6. Now this account savors at least of inaccuracy. The efforts of Las Casas and his companions, previous to his departure to Spain in 1539-40, were confined to the frontiers which were to a certain extent under subjugation. In February 1542 Bishop Marroquin, writing to the emperor, after mentioning the arrival of some Dominicans who brought with them 'dos señores de la raya de tierra de guerra, que les salieron al camino,' and describing the excitement caused by the reading of a royal provision 'eshivida á contemplacion de fray Bartolomé de las Casas y por su relacion,' uses these words: 'Esto confiado, que este pedazo de tierra que está á la mar del Norte, cuya cabecera es Teculutlan, ha de venir en conocimiento de nuestra santa fée, sin riesgo ni sangre ni muertes, y cuando no, antes ganará que perderá.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 278-9. This clearly proves that but little progress had been made in the spiritual conquest of Vera Paz up to the date of Marroquin's letter. The mention of the two lords of the Tierra de Guerra and Fray Domingo de Vico's custom of composing verses on the life of Christ and scriptural subjects, to be sung by converted Indians at feasts, as mentioned by Remesal on pages 611-12, may have suggested to that writer his story of the merchants and Don Juan and the lord of Coban. Moreover, in December 1545 the audiencia informed the emperor that two Dominicans had, previous to May preceding, left Guatemala for the provinces of Tuzulutlan and Lacandon, and that their lives being reported in danger Fray Angulo had gone to their aid. The oidores also expressed their disapproval of the proposition to exempt Don Juan, the cacique of Atitlan, and others from the encomienda system as a reward for the assistance rendered by them in the pacification of those districts. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 131.

[XX‑44] In addressing the emperor from Madrid, December 15, 1540, Las Casas reports the commencement of the work, and that the lords of the provinces had already treated with the Dominicans secretly. He expresses the conviction that the country would be brought to acknowledge the sovereignty of Spain 'por via de paz, amor y buenas obras.' _Col. Doc. Inéd._, viii. 555-6.

[XX‑45] The date of his departure from New Spain and of his arrival at the peninsula are alike uncertain. Remesal states that he attended a provincial chapter of his order held in Mexico on the 24th of August 1538 at which the question of his mission to Spain was discussed and permission given to him, Ladrada, and Cancer to go thither. At the same meeting the title of vicar of the Dominican convent in Guatemala was conferred upon Fray Angulo. _Hist. Chyapa_, 147, 150. Las Casas, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 178, concludes that he arrived in Spain in 1539. Helps, _Span. Conq._, iii. 304-7, and _Life of Las Casas_, 178, avers that he returned from Tuzulutlan to Santiago in May 1539 and proceeded to Mexico to attend the chapter held on August 24, 1539. According to Icazbalceta, _Col. Doc._, i. pp. lv. lxii. 258, Las Casas was in Tlascala in the early part of 1539. For particulars regarding the sailing of the fleets to and from Spain see _Id._, pp. cxiv-v. February 15th was the day of leaving Vera Cruz as regulated by decree of 1564. Remesal states that previous to his departure Las Casas founded Rabinal after mature deliberation as to the choice of a site favorable to his design. The undertaking was extremely difficult, but through the curiosity of roaming natives and the friendly invitations of the original settlers, the number of inhabitants increased before long to 500, including neophytes and other Indians. Las Casas was assisted in this work by Fray Luis Cancer, who availed himself of the opportunity of visiting the interior as far as the towns of Coban. _Hist. Chyapa_, 143-4.

[XX‑46] These were respectively dated November 17, 1539, and April 20, 1540. In the first of these he is charged with insisting upon the liberation of certain slaves under penalty of their owners being refused the sacraments. _Gavarrete_, _Cop. Doc._, 41-2. In the second one it is asserted that he was travelling about rather than looking after the Indians 'que estàn de guerra' and 'nunca los vió. Ni creemos que tuvo inteligencia ninguna con ellos.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 15-16.

[XX‑47] Copy of this decree which was dated January 9, 1540, can be found in _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 146-7; and _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 152.

[XX‑48] This decree was issued on October 17, 1540. It also provided that in the event of the collection of tribute being decided upon by Las Casas the governor or bishop should appoint a proper person. _Id._, 153, et seq; _Real Cédula_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 146-9.

[XX‑49] This decree, however, was not issued until January 28, 1541. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 155-6.

[XX‑50] My authority for giving this date is a passage from a letter addressed by Cancer from Seville to Las Casas at the court of Spain. It is as follows: 'Contéles luego el fundamento, que fue todo el suceso de las provincias de la Verapaz, y como S. M., á instancia de vuestra Señoría, me envió allá agora siete años y lo que se hizo con solo dos religiosos.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 185. This letter was doubtless written in 1548, shortly before Cancer's departure on his ill-fated expedition to Florida, which will presently be narrated. See copy of royal order dated December 28, 1547, extending permission, also assistance to the expedition. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 114-15.

[XX‑51] Bishop Marroquin states that nearly the whole of this region to the northern sea was conquered by Diego de Alvarado, and that a hundred Spaniards settled therein. They afterward abandoned it to go to Peru, and in the more important affairs which occupied the colonists this rugged province was forgotten. _Las Casas_, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 238.

[XX‑52] Among the places visited may be mentioned Zacapula, 'uno de los pueblos de paz que sirven á los españoles en la ciudad de Guatemala,' at which place four caciques of Tezulutlan met the bishop. Then he proceeded to Patal and Jatic, Coban, and Tezulutlan. _Informacion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 216. From the same document it may be gathered that at the time of the visit the friars in the country were: Pedro de Angulo, Luis Cancer, Juan de Sant Lúcas, Fray Gabriel, Domingo de Vico, Domingo de Azcona, and two others whose names are not mentioned.

[XX‑53] Marroquin reporting this visit indulges in unfriendly and ungenerous remarks against Las Casas: 'yo sé que él ha de escribir invenciones é imaginaciones, que ni él las entiende ni entenderá en mi conciencia: porque todo su edificio y fundamento va fabricado sobre hipocresía y avaria, y asi lo mostró luego que le fue dada la mitra.' But I do not find that the bishop of Guatemala differs in any material point from the bishop of Chiapas in his account. He says, 'y media legua ántes que llegase salió todo el pueblo hombres y mugeres á me recibir con muchas danzas y bailes ... y alabé mucho á Dios en ver tan buena voluntad y tan buen principio,' and admits further on that the friendly reception was due to the method adopted by the friars. He describes the land as 'la mas fragosa que hay acá, no es para que pueblen españoles en ella por ser tan fragosa y pobre.' _Las Casas_, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 238-9. See also _Marroquin_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 139-40. Motolinia also states that Las Casas represented Vera Paz as of great extent and densely populated, but that it was not one tenth as large as represented by him. _Las Casas_, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 243.

[XX‑54] 'El tributo que tienen agora es intolerable, cada ochenta dias doscientas y cincuenta mantas, cuarenta y dos ziquipiles de cacao, y lo de la sementera, y creo que se la comen en las minas los oficiales.' He states, too, that with warriors taken from Tuzulutlan a town double its size had been founded near Guatemala. With regard to the tribute he hoped that it would at any rate be reduced to two payments a year, one on St John's day and the other at christmas. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 231-6. Nevertheless immoderate tribute was complained of for many years afterward. In 1551 a royal decree was issued for the purpose of lessening the burden. In 1568 the audiencia of Guatemala was ordered to moderate the tribute paid by the Indians of Vera Paz, the caciques having forwarded a petition to the crown; and in 1577 the audiencia is again ordered to reduce the tribute. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 702-3.

[XX‑55] The crown furnished Cancer with 800 ducados, with which ten tons of goods were purchased for the purpose of trading with the Indians. The friar addressed three letters to Las Casas previous to his departure, the first being dated February 9th, and the second February 14th. None of them give the year, but there is little doubt that they were written in 1548. Copies of these letters are to be found in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 184-201.

[XX‑56] _Ibid._ Remesal states that Cancer took no companions with him from Spain, but that he selected from the Dominican convent in Mexico three friars and a lay brother. _Hist. Chyapa_, 515. There can be no doubt, however, that two of these accompanied him from Spain. See _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 199.

[XX‑57] Both Fernandez, _Hist. Ecles._, 150-1, and Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 515-16, attribute the catastrophe which followed to the action of the captain, who, they assert, was well aware that he was not carrying out the wishes of Cancer. Las Casas also states that the captain knew of the danger, but refused to land farther off under the pretext that four Spanish armies had disembarked at that point without meeting with resistance. _Oeuvres_, i. 405.

[XX‑58] Remesal enlarges on the tragedy. He states that the cacique of the neighboring village was grieved that the murdered friars had not been taken alive, in order that he might have conversed with them, and that he caused the skins of the victims to be stripped off and stretched upon the walls of his house, while their heads were stuffed with cotton and suspended from a tree. He then adds 'y comieronse la carne en vn gran combite, despues de muchos bayles y fiestas.' _Hist. Chyapa_, 516. According to the same author, between 1566 and 1600 four unsuccessful attempts were made by Jesuits, Dominicans, and Franciscans to christianize Florida. In these efforts nearly all the missionaries lost their lives. In a second attempt made by the Franciscans they gained a foothold in the country, and in 1612 a province called Santa Élena was founded by the chapter general at Rome. _Id._, 518-19. Dávila Padilla, 179-89, states that Fray Louis Cancer was a native of Saragossa in Spain. He was of noble family, and proficient in various branches of learning. He first went to Española, thence to Puerto Rico, where he founded a convent, and a few years later proceeded to Guatemala. Both this author and Fernandez, _Hist. Ecles._, 150, assert that on a voyage from Mexico to Spain he was captured by Turkish pirates, but ransomed. To judge from his letters Cancer was a single-minded and devout missionary, filled with religious ardor, and sanguine of success.

[XX‑59] _Las Casas_, _Oeuvres_, i. 405-6. His vehement opponent Motolinia, in his letter to the king, dated January 2, 1555, while urging the necessity of carrying the gospel into Florida, remarks, 'but not after the manner of Las Casas.' _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 255.

[XXI‑1] Jan. 14th, according to _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._, 222; evidently before the beginning of March. See _Quesada_, _Carta_, May 25, 1855, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 1-3.

[XXI‑2] Quesada, in his letter cited above, reports it finished.

[XXI‑3] The salaries of the different offices were to be fixed; each town was to have a casa de communidad, a strong box to contain their surplus earnings, a jail, tariff, records, and accounts of the estates of minors and the deceased; lands were to be assigned them; the mode of paying tributes was to be regulated; and, above all, they were to be instructed. _Quesada_, _Carta_, loc. cit.

[XXI‑4] _Torres_, _Carta_, Nov. 17, 1555, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 6.

[XXI‑5] _Cavallon_, _Carta_, Feb. 27, 1555, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 7.

[XXI‑6] _Torres_, _Carta_, Nov. 8, 1555; _Torres_, _Carta_, Nov. 17, 1555; _Cárdenas_, _Carta_, Dec. 6, 1555, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii., 5-7.

[XXI‑7] Its chief feature was bleeding at the nose, for which no remedy could be found. The country was almost depopulated. _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._, 157. _Juarros_, _Guat._ (ed. Lond. 1823), 148.

[XXI‑8] They killed four men, besides a priest who attempted to prevent the seizure of the host, remained nearly two weeks, and made many prisoners. The viceroy of New Spain was at once notified. _Velasco_, _Carta_, Sept. 30, 1558, in _Squier's MSS._, x. 1, 2.

[XXI‑9] _Carta_, Feb. 18, 1555, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 25.

[XXI‑10] 'Que no solo le era licito al Rey hazerles guerra, sino q̃ en conciencia estaua a ello obligado, y para a defender a sus subditos totalmente destruyra los de Lacandon.' _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 616.

[XXI‑11] Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 621, says many escaped in the direction of Yucatan through a large river connected with the lake which Pelaez, _Mem. Guat._, i. 161-2, supposes to have been the Zacapulas.

[XXI‑12] In 1638, Pinelo says that it was not known whether Puchutlas was in Lake Lacandon or in another lake. _Relacion_, i. Fancourt in his map accompanying _Hist. Yuc._, places the town north of L. Lacandon. Other maps of this region do not attempt to give its locality. In making my map of this region I have drawn from this and other sources. Dávila says the expedition started forth to visit the provinces of La Candon, Pochultra, Catanu, and Tofilte pequena. _Relacion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvi. 327.

[XXI‑13] This according to Juarros, though he does not give us his authority for the statement. _Guat._, i. 259.

[XXI‑14] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 622, piously observes that the expedition was ordained by God for the salvation of a single soul, that of an infant, 'Entiendese que solo la ordenò nuestro Señor para saluar vn alma predestinada de vn niño de solos quinze dias que hallãdole vn Español atrauessado con vna saeta le bautizò antes que espirase.' Pelaez, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, i. 159-64, takes the more practical view adopted in the text.

[XXI‑15] Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 523-645, forms the chief and original authority for the foregoing events, and it is much to be regretted that we have no other account with which to compare his statements. In all subsequent descriptions of this expedition their authors have directly or indirectly followed Remesal. Villagutierre, _Hist. Conq. Itza._, 51-80, copies him literally. Pinelo, _Relacion_, 2-4; Juarros, _Guat._, 258-9; Pelaez, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, i. 159-64, all follow him. Squier, _Cent. Amer._, 554-61, follows both Villagutierre and Pinelo.

[XXI‑16] _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 26. Vazquez, _Chronica Gvat._, 222, says that he was appointed Nov. 28, 1558.

[XXI‑17] Dowerless maidens had been provided for, provisions had become abundant and cheap, and both Spaniards and Indians were contented. _Cartas_, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 28, 30.

[XXI‑18] 'Mandó que diesen los indios cierta cantidad de pescado cada semana, no habiendo rios ni mar dentro de diez y doce leguas. Mandó con pena ... que no vendiesen las gallinas por más de un real, valiendo á dos reales, y sino quisiesen venderla á real, dió licencia que los españoles se la tomasen por fuerza.' _Las Casas_, _Representacion_ in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 163.

[XXI‑19] _Las Casas_, _Representacion_, loc. cit.; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 624-6; _Cabildo_, _Carta_, Feb. 12, 1563, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 36.

[XXI‑20] _Hist. Chyapa_, 639.

[XXI‑21] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 646.

[XXI‑22] 'Que se le envie à mandar tenga especial cuidado del bien é aumento de los que en esta cibdad é provincias viven.' _Carta, Jan. 26, 1562_, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 32. In another letter they petitioned the king that in the appointment of governors preference be given those having experience in the Indies, as with a new governor there always came a number of servants, dependants, and relatives who had to be provided for, to the prejudice of the more meritorious conquerors and settlers. _Carta, Feb. 12, 1563_, in _Id._, 36.

[XXI‑23] Spelled Briceño by Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 646; Briceño de Coca, also Briseño, by Juarros, _Guat._, i. 354;