iv. 112, still speaks of him as 'alcalde mayor é contador

when he takes charge of the government.

[X‑2] 'Que era de derecho, que quando dos personas que tenian poderes del Rey, moria el vno, el que quedaua sucedia al otro.' _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.

[X‑3] Herrera and Oviedo both state that after the death of Pedrarias 'quedó en el cargo de la gobernaçion el licenciado Françisco de Castañeda,' whereas Andagoya, _Nar._, 39, says that 'the Bishop Diego Alvarez Osorio succeeded Pedrarias as governor, but died a short time after he had assumed office, leaving Castañeda as his successor.' This is undoubtedly an error. The editors of _Datos Biog._, in _Cartas de Indias_, 710, give as the date of Osorio's death the year 1534, which is also erroneous. His decease occurred in 1536. See _Las Casas_, _Informacion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 127.

[X‑4] In a few days Castañeda had appropriated eight of them. _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.

[X‑5] 'No podia dexar de auer fraude, pues los auia dado a menosprecio, por contemplaciones, y por cõseguir sus fines.' _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.

[X‑6] 'El qual se dió todo el recabdo quél pudo á enriquesçerse; é púdolo bien hacer, pues no le quedó quien le fuesse á la mano.' _Oviedo_, iv. 112.

[X‑7] Among those who left the province were Sebastian de Benalcázar and Juan Fernandez, who joined Pizarro on the Isthmus in March 1531. In their company went Francisco Bobadilla, Juan de las Varillas, and Gerónimo Pontevedra, friars of the order of Mercy, who figured in the conquest of Guatemala and Nicaragua. _Navarro_, _Relacion_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, xxvi. 238.

[X‑8] During the brief rule of Salcedo in Nicaragua, one Maestro Rojas, a patron of the church, imprisoned the ex-treasurer Castillo on a charge of heresy, but the former held no jurisdiction in the case, and Rojas remained in confinement until the arrival of Pedrarias, accompanied by Fray Francisco de Bobadilla, who was vested with the requisite authority by the bishop of Panamá. His power was transferred to the bachiller Pedro Bravo, and from him to Pedrarias, who tried the case, acquitted Castillo, and restored him to office. _Squier's MSS._, iv.

[X‑9] _Hist. Chyapa_, 105. It appears that he was not a friar, being spoken of as 'muy magnífico é muy reverendo señor D. Diego Alvarez Osorio.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 116; see also _Alcedo_, iii. 322, who adds that he was a native of America, though of what place is unknown; and _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 235; _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, i. 49.

[X‑10] New tithes were to be levied on cocoa, honey, wax, and flax, to provide for the salary of the bishop, which was 500,000 maravedís, and the limits of the new diocese were to be determined 'y estavan bien servidas las iglesias.' _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 109.

[X‑11] For previous mention of Las Casas see _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 277-9, 284, 309.

[X‑12] 'En tanto, desde que Rodrigo de Contreras fué á aquella tierra estuvo exerçitando su offiçio, como buen gobernador, é tuvo en paz é buena justiçia aquellas tierras é provinçias, que por Su Majestad le fueron encomendadas, é procurando la conversion é buen tractamiento de los indios para que viniessen á conosçer á Dios.' _Oviedo_, iv. 113.

[X‑13] A provision was ratified by the emperor on the 20th of April 1537, and contained also permission to make the conquest of the islands in lakes Nicaragua and Managua. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xxii. 515-34.

[X‑14] Before the flight of Castañeda Las Casas visited Española whither he was summoned to negotiate a treaty with the powerful chief Enrique. He returned once more to Realejo, and soon afterward attempted a second voyage to Peru, but was driven back to port by stress of weather.

[X‑15] See the lengthy deposition taken in Leon by request of the governor before Bishop Osorio, and concluded after the prelate's death, before the lieutenant-governor and alcalde mayor licenciado Gregorio de Zeballos and the notary Martin Mimbreño. Many witnesses here testify to the persistent opposition of Las Casas, who was requested to accompany the expedition, but refused, though he offered to go in command of 50 soldiers, to explore and make a peaceful conquest of the territory in question. _Las Casas_, _Informacion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 116-46.

[X‑16] 'El Gouernador recibia informaciones, para prouar que el padre escandalizaua la gente, y alteraua la Prouincia.' _Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.

[X‑17] Notwithstanding the controversy with Las Casas, the people of Leon, and even Contreras himself, were unwilling to see their convent deserted. In the depositions already mentioned witnesses testify on the 23d of August 1536 that 'dos meses, poco mas ó menos tiempo, que fue antes que los dichos frailes dominicos se fuesen del monasterio de Sant Francisco desta cibdad.' Las Casas and his companions were asked to remain by the regidores 'e otras muchas personas desta cibdad,' who made their request on behalf of the governor. They refused, however, and departed the same day. _Las Casas_, _Informacion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 116-46. It is evident that this event occurred about the month of June 1536. Remesal, who is not generally over-exact in dates, says that Las Casas arrived in Guatemala 'casi al fin del año de treynta y cinco.' _Hist. Chyapa_, 111. Why Helps, in his _Life of Las Casas_, 185, without venturing to give a correct date himself, should boldly assert 'Herrera makes him go to Spain, and though he gives a wrong date (1536) for this, yet the main statement may be true,' I am at a loss to explain.

[X‑18] 'En medio dessa laguna ó metal saltan ó revientan dos borbollones ó manaderos muy grandes de aquel metal continuamente, sin ningun punto cessar, é siempre está el metal ó licor allí colorado é descubierto, sin escorias.' On one occasion the lava rose to the top, creating such intense heat that within a league or more of the volcano all vegetation was destroyed. _Oviedo_, iv. 81-2.

[X‑19] Oviedo was of the opinion that she must have been the devil; but whether the consort of his Satanic Majesty or the devil himself in female form he does not say. 'É segund en sus pinturas usan pintar al diablo, ques tan feo é tan lleno de colas é cuernos é bocas é otras visages, como nuestros pintores lo suelen pintar á los piés del arcángel Sanct Miguel ó del apóstol Sanct Bartolomé.' _Oviedo_, iv. 75.

[X‑20] 'É que antes ó despues un dia ó dos que aquesto se hiçiesse, echaban allí en sacrifiçio un hombre ó dos ó más é algunas mugeres é muchachos é muchachas; é aquellos que assi sacrificaban, yban de grado á tal suplicio.' _Oviedo_, iv. 74.

[X‑21] 'Callad, padre: que por ventura Dios no quiere que lo descubran capitanes ni personas ricas, sino pobres é humillados.' _Oviedo_, iv. 77.

[X‑22] 'É porque faltaba un cabrestante é no lo mandaban haçer por no ser descubiertos, el frayle lo hiço por su mano en el lugar ques dicho que estaban todos los otros aparejos.' _Oviedo_, iv. 78.

[X‑23] Two unsuccessful attempts were made before this date, and some of the friar's associates, terrified by their first glimpse of the burning lake, abandoned the enterprise. _Oviedo_, iv. 78.

[X‑24] In 1529, during his residence in Nicaragua, Oviedo was the guest of Machuca, and speaks favorably of his conduct. In company with his host and the cacique Lenderi the chronicler explored a volcano, near the Masaya, in the crater of which was a warm-water lake, at about the same level as the lava which excited the cupidity of Fray Blas. The descent was difficult, but Indian women managed to pass up and down in obtaining water. With regard to the depth of the lake Oviedo remarks: 'Este lago, á mi paresçer (é assi lo juzgan otros) está en el pesso é hondura que está el fuego que dixe en el poço del monte de Massaya ... no le hallan suelo por su mucha hondura.' Machuca, assisted by his friends, furnished the funds needed for exploring the Desaguadero.

[X‑25] The principal rapids in the stream still bear the name of Machuca. _Squier's Nicaragua_ (ed. 1856), i. 82.

[X‑26] Mention is made of this expedition by Estrada Rávago, whose narrative of the affairs of the province, written in 1572, appears in _Squier's MSS._, xiii. 4.

[X‑27] According to Oviedo, Garavito must have made friends with Contreras, for speaking of the former he says that one day, while engaged in a game of 'cañas' in the city of Leon, he suddenly fell dead from his horse. He was one of those who took part in the enterprise which cost Vasco Nuñez de Balboa his life, and betrayed him to Pedrarias, for which act of treachery his own life was spared. _Oviedo_, iv. 58-9. According to Rávago, Garavito's men, after the death of their commander, sailed for Peru on their own responsibility.

[X‑28] He held office for eleven years as treasurer, and during all that time it is said that he put nothing into the treasury. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 144, 149. It may be remarked, on the other hand, that the affairs of the province were in such a condition that little or no revenue could be collected. There is no evidence that Rios was related to his namesake, the former governor of Castilla del Oro.

[X‑29] It is somewhat remarkable that the dean of a church could imprison a royal treasurer, but such is the fact. 'Le vino a prender ... pidió favor a la Ciudad de Granada donde el estava (Rios), lo prendió i metió en el monasterio de la Merced por ser casa de piedra.' ... _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 144.

[X‑30] On May 20, 1545, he wrote from his prison to the emperor: 'Dos años que estoi preso, i mis bienes sin cuenta en manos de mis adversarios. Ha 6 meses que me pusieron en esta carcel arzobispal,' and asked to be tried at once, and punished or acquitted as the case might be. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 148.

[X‑31] It is probable that Rios continued to govern until the return of Contreras. Soon after the events just described he lost his life, probably during some expedition into the interior, as nothing is said of him until July 15, 1545, when bishop Valdivieso in one of his letters to the king, says: 'I asi han muerto Po. de los Rios, Luis de Guevara, i otros de menos cuenta.' In a subsequent report this prelate again refers to 'al difto. Teso. Po. de los Rios,' stating that the tithes collected, and still due by him at his death, had not been recovered. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 109-10.

[X‑32] One Pedro García, in a communication to the emperor, dated Leon, January 10, 1545, complains that 'la ra de Contreras, Rios i su teniente Luis de Guevara hecha por el Lic. Herrera, ha sido sepultada i sin fruto.' _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 145; and when certain malecontents afterward demanded that Herrera be sent back to Leon to finish his investigation, the answer came from the audiencia 'que no habia lugar quel dicho Licenciado volviese á esta tierra.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 571.

[X‑33] _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 235. Valdivieso was a native of Villahermosa, and the son of Antonio de Valdivieso and Catalina Álvarez Calvento. He became a Dominican in the convent of San Pablo, Búrgos, of which he was an inmate when the emperor called him to the bishopric of Nicaragua. _Datos Biog._, in _Cartas de Indias_, 857, and _Col. Doc. Inéd._, i. 117; _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. vi., states that he was made bishop 'por muerte del obispo Mendauia,' referring to dean Mendavia, but Rios would not have dared to send him a prisoner to Spain had he been a bishop. To whom Valdivieso refers when, while speaking of himself as being the second bishop concentrated in Nicaragua, he remarks: 'Fue el lo. antecesor que murió a 40 dias que llegó a la tierra,' _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 125, it is impossible to determine. The first bishop, Osorio, was appointed in 1531, and died in 1536. That another prelate was chosen before Valdivieso is nowhere recorded. It is probable, however, that he alludes to Fray Juan de Arteaga, bishop elect for Chiapas, who, when Las Casas first refused that appointment, left Spain on February 15, 1541, and died at Puebla the same year, soon after his arrival. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 202.

[X‑34] 'Inquisicion no se ha de mentar en esta tierra, i en entrando en ella me embiaron a decir que si entendia en cosa de Inquisicion o lo pensava, me darian de puñaladas.' _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 146. On another occasion, when President Maldonado and the oidor Ramirez were at Granada preparing an expedition to Peru, the bishop refused to officiate in church because a person was present whom he had excommunicated. Hereupon Ramirez used insulting language, causing him to retire from the church. Valdivieso's conduct caused such ill-feeling that a mob afterward assembled in the street and threatened to hang him.

[X‑35] The following quotation is from a report of the audiencia at Gracias á Dios, dated December 30, 1545. 'Los Dominicos de Nicaragua tenian un pueblo que se les mando quitar por las Ordenanzas. Representaronnos que sin el no podrian estar, i porque no se ausentasen se lo dejamos. Tendrá el pueblo 20 Indios.' _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 131.

[X‑36] 'Y el Fiscal auia puesto acusacion contra Rodrigo de Contreras, porque siendo gouernador de aquella provincia, salio diuersas vezes de su Gouernacion con gente de pie y de cauallo, y fue a la parte de Costa rica, y al desaguadero, y otras tierras comarcanas, adonde hizo grandes excessos, assi contra Castellanos, como contra Indios.' _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. vi.

[X‑37] Dated at Gracias á Dios, December 24, 1545. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 126.

[X‑38] Herrera was actuated merely by selfish motives. He desired for himself the office of ruler, and it was fortunate for the province that he did not obtain it; for when in 1548 his residencia was taken by the licentiate Cerrato he was proved to have been the most rapacious of all his colleagues.

[X‑39] Report, dated Granada, April 23, 1547. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 46.

[X‑40] The laws were published in Nicaragua in 1545.

[X‑41] This report was dated Leon, February 10, 1548. The principal accusations contained therein are mere repetitions of those already mentioned. See _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 98-100.

[X‑42] He probably remained in Spain till 1554, as nothing further is recorded of him until that year, when we hear of him as serving in Peru. He finally appears in the act of swearing allegiance to Philip II. in Lima on the 25th of July 1557. _Datos Biog._, in _Cartas de Indias_, 742.

[X‑43] This convent was subsequently occupied by Dominicans, as the Flemish friars abandoned it in 1531, travelling in company with Fray Marcos de Niza to Costa Rica, Peru, Tierra Firme, Española, and Mexico. _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._, 21-2. Juan de Gandabo, a Franciscan friar, and one of the first that came to Nicaragua, was still in Granada in 1536, where he labored in company with Fray Francisco de Aragon. The place and date of his death are unknown. _Notas, Datos Biog._, in _Cartas de Indias_, 762.

[X‑44] _Gonzalez Dávila_, in _Teatro Ecles._, i. 233.

[X‑45] In the province of Oxomorio Bobadilla baptized 85; in Diria, 5,018; in Mombacho, 3,241; in Masaya, 937; in Malapalte, 154; in Marinalte, 409; in Lenderi, 2,917; in Managua, 1,116; in Matiari, 421; in Mavitiatomo, 75; in Nagrando, Ariat, Mabitra, and Mahometombo, 585; in Maribio, 6,346; in Zecoteaga, 2,169. 'É assi paresceme á mí que para esta creencia desta gente nuevamente allegada á la iglesia, que es más menester de baptiçarlos é dexarlos, pues que sin creer, como lo dice la mesma verdad evangélica, no se pueden salvar, sino condenar.' _Oviedo_, iv. 59-60.

[X‑46] During their journey they discovered a river which they named Nuestra Señora. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 511-13.

[X‑47] The time of their arrival is given as 1550. _Bienvenida_, _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i. tom. x. 308.

[X‑48] Named Tabizgalpa by Arias Gonzalo Dávila, who accompanied the expedition.

[X‑49] In this chapter there have been consulted various documents in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, i. 556, 563; iii. 84-8, 511-13; vii. 116-46; _Cartas de Indias_, 710, 762, 775; _Datos Biog._, in _Cartas de Indias_, 36, 742, 857; _Col. Doc. Inéd._, xxvi. 238; xlix. 21-3; l. 116; _Squier's MSS._, xiii. 3, 4; xxii. 34-149; _Oviedo_, iii. 176-9; iv. 76-92, 112-15; _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. i. cap. ix.; lib. ix. cap. xv.; lib. x. cap. v.; dec. v. lib. vii. cap. ii.; dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.; dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. v.; dec. viii. lib. i. cap. ix.; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 105-7, 193-9, 203-6; _Andagoya_, _Nar._, 39; _Vega_, _Hist. Descub. Am._, ii. 244-6; _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 234-5; _Cogollvdo_, _Hist. Yucathan_, 345; _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._, 252; _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 49; _Morelli_, _Fasti Novi Orbis_, 112; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 105; _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 135; _Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, iii. 347; _Kerr's Col. Voy._, v. 175; _Levy's Nic._, 67-73; _Squier's States Cent. Am._, i. 82.

[XI‑1] It is claimed by some chroniclers that, in the time of Columbus, this portion of the mainland was already known by the name of Costa Rica on account of the fine specimens of gold discovered, principally in the Talamanca district, where it abounded in streams and was obtained with little labor. _Molina_, _Bosquejo Costa R._, 79; this author follows Navarrete. See also _Bejarano_, _Informe_, MS. Morel de Sta. Cruz, _Visita Apost._, MS., 14, on the other hand attributes the name to the rich pearl-fisheries which were found on the coast and to the quality of the fruits, woods, and other products of the territory.

[XI‑2] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 484-5, this series.

[XI‑3] I am inclined to believe that the original founders of Cartago were settlers from the colony established by Francisco Hernandez de Córdoba at Brusélas, on the gulf of Nicoya in 1524, and abandoned three years later by order of Salcedo (see _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 512, this series); more particularly as its first site was known to have been close to the harbor of Caldera, and therefore not far from the landing-place of Córdoba. It was next removed to a spot near the Rio Taras, and thence to its present location. It is even claimed by some that Cartago was the first city established in what was formerly called the kingdom of Guatemala. Juarros makes this statement, basing his assertion on a report made in 1744 by José de Mier y Ceballos to the engineer Luis Diez Navarro. Referring to the same document he continues: 'It appears by an edict preserved among the records, that the first governor and captain general of Costa Rica was Diego de Astieda Chirinos.' _Hist. Guat._ (ed. London, 1823), 75, 341-2. These statements are repeated in _Mosquito_, _Doc._, 27, where the governor is called Ostiega. See also _Salv._, _Diar. Ofic._, 30 Mar. 1876, 168. Molina, the modern historian of Costa Rica, follows Juarros and goes even further when he says: 'Mais il est probable que sa fondation eut lieu pendant le quatrième voyage de Colomb, en 1502 ... en 1522, Cartago, l'ancienne capitale espagnole de la province, était une ville d'assez d'importance pour demander qu'on voulût bien y fixer la résidence d'un gouverneur avec son secrétaire. Diego de Astieda Chirinos paraît avoir été son premier gouverneur.' ... _Coup d'Oeil de Costa R._ (ed. Paris, 1849), 4. That the above authors are in error is proved by the fact that Diego de Artiega Cherino (as his name should properly be written) was not appointed governor and captain general of Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and Nicoya till 51 years later, namely, in 1575. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 559-65. Molina, in a subsequent work, also inclines to the belief that Cartago was founded by those who abandoned the earlier settlements, and corrects his former statement in regard to Columbus, merely saying: 'El immortal Colon mismo en su cuarto viaje en el año de 1502, tocó en varios puntos de su costa en el Atlántico.' _Bosquejo Costa R._, 10. It is singular that Molina, in his treatise on the boundary question between Costa Rica and Nicaragua, should not have referred to the document mentioned by Juarros, and that he should have failed to use it in his _Mem. Costa R. and Nic._ In _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. iv. cap. xvii., the date of the founding of Cartago is even removed to the time of Gutierrez, which may be correct, inasmuch as he first gave to the province the name of Nueva Cartago.

[XI‑4] The first boundaries appointed for the province are those mentioned in the charter granted to Gutierrez, dated Madrid, November 29, 1540, wherein they are described as 'extending from sea to sea, and from the frontier of Veragua, running to the westward to the great river (Rio Grande), provided that the coast adjoining said river on the side of Honduras should remain under the government of Honduras, with power to Gutierrez to conquer and settle any island in said river which should not be previously located by Spaniards; and the right to the navigation, fisheries, and other advantages of said river; and provided that he (Gutierrez) should not approach to within 15 leagues of the Lake of Nicaragua, because this territory of 15 leagues being reserved, as well as said lake, were to remain in the possession of the government of Nicaragua; but the navigation and fisheries both in that part of the river granted to Gutierrez and in the 15 leagues reserved, and in the lake, should be possessed in common, conjointly with the inhabitants of Nicaragua.' _Molina_, _Costa R. and Nic._, 7. The author claims to possess a certified copy of unpublished documents stored in the archives of Spain, in which he states the conditions of the charter granted to Gutierrez. See also _Oviedo_, iii. 179, and _Levy's Nic._, 67-73.

[XI‑5] It is stated by some chroniclers that Contreras promised to furnish men and provisions on condition that he be allowed a share of the spoils.

[XI‑6] 'A queste parole, rispose Diego Gottieres, che l'Imperatore gli haueua dato quella Gouernatione perche la populasse, e non perche la rubasse, e se à gli altri la fortuna era stata contraria, che haueua speranza in Dio che à lui gli saria propitia, e che in modo alcuno no voleua lasciare la impresa, né manco voleua compagnia alcuna.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 83.

[XI‑7] Spelled also Suere. _Benzoni_, _Mondo Nvovo_, 85.

[XI‑8] 'E despues que allí estuvo un año ó más, porque faltaron los bastimentos, se le amotinó la gente é se le tornaron á Nicaragua; é este gobernador se quedó con seys hombres solos.... Pero aunque este gobernador estaba solo é con tan pocos chripstianos ... no dexaban los indios naturales de les dar de comer é oro, sin haçer mal ni daño á ninguno de los nuestros.' _Oviedo_, iii. 180.

[XI‑9] 'E cosi fece vintisette soldati, e trouandomi io in questa Città volsi esser vno di que gli, ancora ch'io fussi ripreso da vno Spagnuolo antiano, ilquale era andato nella prouincia di Cartagena, e santa Marta, e altri luoghi, per ispatio di quindici anni, dicendomi, che in modo alcuno, mi lasciassi vincere di andare à tale impresa, e che non volesse dar credito alcuno alle parole del Capitano. _Benzoni_, _Mondo Nvovo_, 84-5.

[XI‑10] Oviedo names the two caciques Cama and Coco: 'E cada dia traian oro al gobernador, el qual, como hombre de ninguna espiriençia, prendió á uno de aquellos caçiques, que estaban de paz, que se deçia el Cama (el qual era muy rico), porque no le daba tanto oro como este gobernador le pedia.' iii. 180.

[XI‑11] 'Ia Gottierez dreigde Camachiren te verbranden; hoewel nu bereeds verscheiden stukken gouds, met allerlei beesten, tijgers, visschen, vogelen konstig geboetseert, die de prijs van twee tonnen gouds ophaelden, door de selve begiftigt was. Sulk een schenkaedje scheen te gering. Hy bragt den gevangene by een kist: en swoer, hy soude hem langsaem braeden, ten zy binnen vier dagen ses mael meer goud verschafte als de kist laeden konde.' _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, 87.

[XI‑12] 'Et cosi partissimo, e à pena che fussimo saliti dalle case, io indiuinai quello c'haueua da essere di noi altri, dicendo à vno Spagnuolo, noi andiamo alla beccheria; e rispondendomi lui queste parole disse. Tu sei vno di quegli, che gli vogliamo far guadagnare vn Prencipato al suo dispetto.' _Benzoni_, _Mondo Nvovo_, 89.

[XI‑13] This degradation so affected Cocori that he shed tears and promised, if he were liberated, to bring the governor a quantity of gold. 'Et essendo poi tutti noi altri in punto per marciare, e vedendo il Cacique come il Gouernatore per dispregio lo voleua menare con lui carico, e con altri suoi Indiani, con parte delle sue bagaglie; si attristò in tal maniera, che si messe à piangere, come vn putto; e gli disse, che se voleua dargli libertà, che in termine di quattro giorni, gli darebbe vna buona somma d'oro.' _Benzoni_, _Mondo Nvovo_, 89. But his promise availed him nothing.

[XI‑14] Benzoni relates that being unable to eat his portion of dog-meat which was full of worms, he went to the governor and demanded food. Diego told him to go and eat of the roots of trees, whereupon a Spaniard who was standing near exclaimed, 'Sir governor, since you will not share the good and the bad with us, go and make war by yourself.' A piece of cheese weighing three pounds was then divided among the men, who were thus pacified for that night. The chronicler was on sentry during the early morning-watch, and hearing the governor give orders to his cook to boil a piece of pork for his breakfast paced to and fro near the fire till every one was asleep, when, sharpening a piece of wood to a point, he speared the pork and secured the prize in his knapsack, 'feeling better pleased,' he tells us, 'than if he had secured a treasure.' _Hist. New World_, in _Hakluyt_, _Divers Voy._, 132.

[XI‑15] The Rio Grande.

[XI‑16] 'Et hauendo combattuto dall' vna parte, e dall' altra per ispatio di mezo quarto d'hora, e hauendo noi altri ammazzato, e ferito molti Indiani, e alla fine fattogli voltare le spalle.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, 91. Montanus states that the entire battle lasted half an hour. 'Na een half uur vechten, deinsden d'aenvallers; doch, met versche benden gestijft, hervatten den torn: braeken tuschen de Spaensche slag-orde in: sloegen met palm-houte swaerden en knodsen harsenen en beenen te pletteren.' _Die Nieuwe Weereld_, 88.

[XI‑17] Oviedo says the governor was sick with gout at the time. 'Y el gobernador en essa saçon mandaba mal su persona, porque andaba tullido de gota é quatro negros le traian echado en una hamaca, lo qual le debiera bastar para ser mas paçiente con los indios.' His statements differ materially from those of Benzoni. He relates that the Spaniards were surprised in their camp and that Gutierrez and 72 of his men were slain, seven only making their escape, but it is not probable that he had so large a force under his command. iii. 181. Rávago, in _Squier's MSS._, xiii. 3, says that only 44 or 45 days elapsed between the landing of Gutierrez and his death, but his report concerning the early history of the province is somewhat vague and unreliable.

[XI‑18] There is little doubt that Benzoni's narrative of the expedition of Gutierrez is somewhat colored in consequence of a rupture between himself and the governor. 'The first day that we entered the port,' he says, 'the governor graciously placed me at his table, and took pleasure in conversing with me. The greater part of his conversation was about gold and silver, and the wars, and the cruelties inflicted on wretched Italy, and especially on Milan. But when he perceived that such subjects were disagreeable to me, he took a dislike to me and never would bear the sight of me after.' It is, however, the only complete record of that event, and I can but give his version of it. Oviedo's information as to the early history of Costa Rica is taken from Juan de Espinosa, who accompanied Alonso de Pisa to Cartago in one of his return voyages. iii. 184. He was well acquainted with Gutierrez, and thus tries to palliate his faults: 'Desalmados ó pláticos que por acá han andado, que á los noviçios ó nuevamente venidos á gobernar los enseñen á robar;' and in consequence thereof 'por enriquesçer, presto vuelven la hoja, é trocado el intento con que partieron de España, si bueno era, ó afirmado en el cauteloso que en su pecho estaba callado, en poco tiempo manifiestan las obras el contrario de las palabras.' iii. 178.

Other authorities quoted in this chapter are _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. iv. cap. xvii.; _Benzoni_, _Mondo Nvovo_, lib. ii. 83-92; _Bejarano_, _Informe_; _Haya_, _Informe_; _Squier's MSS._, xiii. 1-3; _Juarros_, _Guat._ (ed. London, 1823), 73-6, 341-5; _Molina_, _Coup d'Oeil de Costa R._, 4; _Molina_, _Bosquejo Costa R._, 10, 83-92; _Molina_, _Costa R. and Nic._, 6-8, 36-8; _Mosquito Doc. 27_, in 77-229; _Morel de Sta Cruz_, _Visita Apost._, MS., 14; _Reichardt_, _Cent. Am._, 111, 112; _Salv._, _Diar. Ofic. 30 Mar. 1876_, 618.

The time of Diego Gutierrez' fight with the Indians and death, as given by Oviedo, is contradicted in an official manuscript extant that places it in December 1544. It is the investigation made in Leon, Nicaragua, on the 25th of June, 1545, and the writer assures us he has an authenticated copy of it. Peralta's autograph note in _Peralta_, _Rio San Juan_, 9.

[XII‑1] _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 13. The law was soon modified by decrees of Feb. 12, 1538, and of June 29 and November 8, 1539, by which prelates and governors were directed to induce all eligible unmarried men holding encomiendas to marry within three years. This, however, was to be accomplished by persuasive means, or by distinguishing in favor of the married men in the distribution of Indians, and not by coercive measures, _Recop. de Indias_, ii. 271-2.

[XII‑2] 'Y otros que aunque haya mugeres en la tierra, y ellos estén en edad que todavia se sufra casarse, no las querrán por las enfermedades contagiosas que de la tierra se han pegado.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 14.

[XII‑3] _Commentarios Reales_, ii. 58.

[XII‑4] _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 158-9; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 235; _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. x.

[XII‑5] 'Y que asimismo descubriese, por la costa de esta Nueva España que llaman de la mar del Sur á la parte del norte, con dos navios.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 507. See also _Oviedo_, iv. 23.

[XII‑6] _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 158-9.

[XII‑7] No greater proof could exist of the high favor in which Alvarado stood at court than the arrangement of this second marriage. The lady being the sister of his former wife, a special dispensation of the pope was required to legalize the marriage; and through the influence of Cobos and the power of the emperor a bull was granted. Such an authorization was rarely obtained. _Oviedo_, iii. 214-15; _Alvarado_, _Carta_, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 179; _Gavarrete_, _Copias de Doc._, MS., 43-4; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 269; _Torquemada_, i. 323. Remesal, who is in error as to the date of this marriage, has this remark respecting the dispensation. 'Licencia que se dà raras vezes.... Y entonces parecio mayor liberalidad del Sumo Pontifice, por auer sido el primer matrimonio consumado.' _Hist. Chyapa_, 17. See also _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, 155.

[XII‑8] _Alvarado_, _Carta_, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 179; _Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. ii. cap. x. Oviedo says Alvarado brought 400 men; that he touched at Española and took in supplies, staying there 17 days and leaving on March 12th. iii. 214-15. In _Datos Biog._ the number of men is given as 250, including hijosdalgo and men-at-arms. The cargo included 300 arquebuses, 400 pikes, 200 ballestas, much artillery, and rich merchandise, valued at over 30,000 ducats. _Cartas de Indias_, 709. The date of his arrival is obtained from his own letter to the cabildo of Santiago above quoted. Remesal states that there existed in the archives of San Salvador a letter of exactly the same tenor, but dated April 3d, and as he quotes the commencement, which is the same as that of the letter preserved by Arévalo, it was either a duplicate, or Remesal commits one of his careless errors. Gavarrete, in _Copias de Doc._, MS., 43-4, gives the date as the 1st of April.

[XII‑9] Here, as will be hereafter related, Montejo surrendered to Alvarado his claim to the provinces of Honduras and Higueras.

[XII‑10] While at Santo Domingo on his return voyage Alvarado told Oviedo that he had on the coast of the South Sea seven or eight ships built for his proposed voyage to China and to the Spice and Molucca Islands. _Oviedo_, iii. 215.

[XII‑11] His expenses were enormous. Bernal Diaz says, 'fueron tantos los gastos que hizo que no le bastó la riqueza que traxo del Piru, ni el oro que le sacavan de las minas ... ni los tributos de sus pueblos, ni lo que le presentaron sus deudos y amigos, y lo que tomó fiado de mercaderes.' _Hist. Verdad._, 235. His will, in which he made Bishop Marroquin his executor, shows that he had numerous creditors, who had furnished ships, provisions, supplies, and money. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 185-6. Vazquez says the cost was over 200,000 pesos de oro.

[XII‑12] _Niza_, _Descub._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 325 et seq.

[XII‑13] The claimants to this presumed right besides Alvarado were Viceroy Mendoza, Cortés, Nuño de Guzman, Hernando de Soto, and the city of Compostela in Nueva Galicia. _Id._, xv. 300 et seq. For further particulars, see _Hist. Mex._, vol. ii., this series.

[XII‑14] Mendoza states that he fitted out as best he could 12 ships. _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 507; Herrera, 12 deep-sea vessels, including one of 13 and one of 20 benches of oars. Beaumont, 12 ships. _Crón. Mich._, ii. 252; Tello, _Hist. N. Gal._, 382, a fleet of ships; Bernal Diaz, 13 good sized ships, including a galley and a patache. _Hist. Verdad._, 235; Vazquez, 13 ships. _Chronica de Gvat._, 159; Remesal, 10 or 12 large ships, a galley, and fustas with oars. _Hist. Chyapa_, 161; so also, Gomara, _Hist. Ind._, 268-9, and Torquemada, i. 323; Oviedo states that there were 13 ships, including large and small; 3 galleons over 200 tons each, a fine galley and two fustas; the other ships being of 100 tons burden and over, iv. 19, 20, 23; Juarros, 12 deep-sea vessels and 2 smaller ones. _Gvat._, i. 255, and Benzoni, _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 154, 10 vessels and 4 brigantines. Bernal Diaz asserts that the fleet was fitted out in Acajutla, and Tello at Realejo. Lastly Oviedo represents Alvarado as sailing from Iztapa, when 8 ships were built, to Acajutla. There is even more discrepancy with regard to the number of his men. Viceroy Mendoza states that the force consisted of 400 men and 60 horses. _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 507; Oviedo of 1,000 men, some of whom he brought from Spain, and others had seen service in the Indies; Herrera that there were more than 800 soldiers and 50 horses; Bernal Diaz, 650 soldiers besides officers, and many horses; Tello, 300 Spaniards; Beaumont, 800, and 150 horses, and Benzoni, 700 soldiers.

[XII‑15] Herrera states that Alvarado despatched his expedition to the coast of Jalisco, there to wait for him, and went overland to Mexico, and Oviedo, iv. 26, also entertains this view; but Mendoza and Gomara, _Hist. Ind._, 268-9, distinctly states that he sailed with his fleet, and the former's testimony is conclusive. Oviedo gives the additional information that Alvarado sent a messenger to the emperor with an account of his expedition and drawings of his fleet. Oviedo had an interview with the messenger and saw the drawings. Vazquez wrongly asserts that on his voyage the adelantado discovered Acajutla. _Chronica de Gvat._, 159. He had already done so as early as 1524. See _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 670, this series. Bernal Diaz wrongly gives 1538 as the date of his sailing. _Hist. Verdad._, 236. The time of his departure was about the middle of 1540, for on the 19th of May of that year the cabildo requested him when on the point of departing with his fleets to take with him the imprisoned princes Sinacam and Sequechul. _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._, 30.

[XII‑16] In _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 351-62, is a copy of the agreement between Alvarado and the viceroy. Oviedo gives the copy of a letter addressed by Mendoza to himself, in which the viceroy states that the king, in his contract with Alvarado, was pleased to give him a share in the discoveries without his knowledge or solicitation, iii. 540. Mendoza states that this share was one half. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 507. Article 20 of Alvarado's capitulation with the crown authorized him to give Mendoza one third interest in his armament. _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 159.

[XII‑17] 'Acordamos despachar dos armadas; una para descubrir la costa desta Nueva España, é otra que fuesse al Poniente en demanda de los Lequios y Catayo.' _Mendoza_, _Carta_, in _Oviedo_, iii. 540.

[XII‑18] _Hist. Mex._, ii. 498 et seq., this series.

[XII‑19] When asked where he suffered, 'echando sangre por la boca decia: "Aquí y el alma;"' and when the priest arrived to confess him he exclaimed: 'Señor, sea bien llegado para remedio de una alma tan pecadora.' _Tello_, _Hist. N. Gal._, 393.

[XII‑20] His injunctions with regard to the disposal of his remains were but tardily carried out. _Datos Biograficos_, in _Cartas de Indias_, 709-10, 745; _Tello_, _Hist. N. Gal._, 395; _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mich._, iv. 276-7. Bernal Diaz erroneously states that he was buried at Purificacion. _Hist. Verdad._, 236. According to a clause in the will of Bishop Marroquin, made in 1563, Alvarado's remains were still at Tiripitío, 'donde està enterrado, que es en Tyrepati.' The former left 200 ducats to the convent where Alvarado was buried. He also left 1,000 pesos de oro de minas to found a chaplaincy in the church at Guatemala, that masses might be there said for his soul. Some years after the death of the bishop the daughter of the adelantado had her father's remains transferred from Tiripitío to Guatemala, where they were interred with great solemnity in the cathedral. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 190. Gonzalez Dávila says, 'En el año 1542 el Obispo comẽçó à executar el testamento del Gouernador D. Pedro de Aluarado,' and erroneously adds ... 'y el Obispo trasladó su cuerpo de Mexico à Santiago.' _Teatro Ecles._, li. 148.

[XII‑21] _Tello_, _Hist. N. Gal._, 394-5; _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mich._, iv. 274-6; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 161-2; this last author, page 187, states that Marroquin in carrying out the intentions of Alvarado's will, ordered the payment to be made for a set of clerical vestments which the friar Betanzos ordered him to furnish as a penance in 1528. Bernal Diaz remarks, 'Some say a will was made, but none has appeared.' _Hist. Verdad._, 236.

[XII‑22] The viceroy states that Alvarado's debts amounted to 50,000 pesos de minas, to which must be added 15,000 more expended by himself on his account. _Carta_, in _Cartas de Indias_, 253-4, and fac-simile R. Bishop Marroquin, August 1541, says that he left at his death debts to the amount of 50,000 pesos. _Id._, 429, fac-simile V.

[XII‑23] _Mendoza_, _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 507-8.

[XII‑24] In the valley near Santiago Alvarado had a large plantation with many married slaves, collected in the following manner: Soon after the conquest he summoned the principal lords and demanded from each so many families, with their head, who without more ado were branded and placed on his plantation. These the bishop declared should thenceforth be free, and possess and dwell on the lands they had previously tilled, with the sole obligation of supporting two chaplaincies, founded by this same instrument, for the purpose of saying daily mass for the repose of the souls of Alvarado and his wife. An altar in the cathedral dedicated to St Peter was also ordered to be founded, before which the aforesaid masses were to be said. The slaves in the gold-mines are next declared set free, and are to reside on his plantation; not, however, until the debts of Alvarado shall have been paid, during which time their needs of soul and body were to receive careful attention. The will concludes with an enumeration of Alvarado's property, in which ships, artillery, lands, negroes, houses, live-stock, etc., figure. It was apparently never executed, for the audiencia of Mexico ordered that the encomiendas of Alvarado which were the best and most numerous of the provinces of Guatemala should not be given to any one, but that one or two competent persons be appointed to take charge of and manage them, and that the proceeds be devoted to the public works of the city and cathedral and the opening of roads, building of bridges, and the assisting of poor people to rebuild their homes. On the 10th of October 1542 a royal decree was issued declaring that all the Indians and towns belonging to Alvarado were the property of the crown. This decree was not published, however, until Jan. 8, 1544. A protest was entered against it by the city as being detrimental to the public interest, but it seems to have had no effect, as the royal factor was instructed to collect the tribute of the said towns, and take charge of the Indians. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 181-90. Bishop Marroquin, in a letter to the emperor, dated March 15, 1545, recommends that his debts be paid, as many needy persons will thereby be benefited. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 138. And again in June of the same year, he states that Alvarado having left no legal heirs, the estate reverted to the crown, and repeats his previous recommendation that the debts be paid, adding that the creditors were suffering, many of them being in prison for debt. _Cartas de Indias_, 441-2. Consult also _Testimonio_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 268-70.

[XII‑25] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 172.

[XII‑26] 'Fue mejor soldado, que Gouernador.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 269.

[XII‑27] In a letter to the council of the Indies he says: 'Pues todo lo que yo estubiere sin ocuparme en algo en que sirba á Su Mag. lo tengo por muy mal gastado.' _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xix. 31.

[XII‑28] He wrote to the emperor requesting that no change be made in his commission, as he had learned that Cortés was soliciting permission to undertake the conquest he meditated. _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. x.; _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mich._, iv. 252-3.

[XII‑29] I give herewith a copy of Alvarado's epitaph:

'El que Augusto le tuvo merecido En este angosto monumento yace Y Fenis de sus glorias hoy renace Burlando su memoria del olvido Mexico intime en eco repetido Alabanzas qe. el tiempo las enlace Qe. si tanto valor se satisface Lo qe. a Romulo Roma le ha debido Conquista fundacion y poblasiones Y haber la idolatria disipado Deshaciendo las nieblas de opiniones Obrando bien con ser adelantado Si hay sujeto capas de estos blazones Todo cabe en D. Pedro de Alvarado. Requiescat in pace.'

It is copied literally from _Gavarrete_, _Copias de Doc._, MS., 53. Gonzalez Dávila, in 1649, makes this extraordinary statement: 'Murio en Mexico, y yaze en el Convento de Santo Domingo.' He also says that Ivan Diaz de la Calle, 'Oficial Mayor de la Secretaria de Nueua-España,' dedicated to Alvarado the following epitaph, which was to serve until one was written such as the memory of his feats and actions deserved: