ii. 11, and others affirm that his capitulation required him

to sail toward the west, and it is evident that they did not see the letter mentioned in _Squier's MSS._

[VII‑9] The number of vessels is variously stated. Herrera mentions 11; Remesal, 10; Juarros, 8, Oviedo, 11, and Prescott, 12. The number and tonnage given above are taken from the letter in _Squier's MSS._, mentioned in note 18. This was written from Puerto de la Posesion on the eve of departure. One galleon was of 300 tons, another of 160, a third of 150, and a fourth, built by order of Pedrarias Dávila in the gulf of Chira, was of 100 tons.

[VII‑10] Alvarado is charged with the seizure in Nicaragua of two vessels in which a force of 200 men was about to be sent to the aid of Pizarro. This, however, was most likely in the form of an appropriation with the consent of the owners of the vessels. The adelantado in _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xix. 13-27, denies this charge and forwards vouchers to prove, as he says, that they were bought at the request of the owners and paid for to their entire satisfaction. He adds however the saving clause, that, 'even had they been seized, such an act was justified by the importance of the undertaking.' This letter also appears to have escaped Herrera's notice.

[VII‑11] In the estimate of the total Spanish force authors mainly agree, but the number of cavalry is variously stated, and even the official letters of Alvarado are contradictory on this point. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i., gives 500 as the total, of whom 227 were cavalry. Oviedo, iv. 240, mentions 600, with 240 cavalry. According to a legal investigation made in Guatemala in 1536 his whole force was 500 and his cavalry 230, _Informacion echa en Santiago Set._ 15, 1536; and this is the estimate here adopted. Alvarado, _Carta_, _Squier's MSS._, xix. 1-4, writing to the emperor a few days before his departure from Puerto de la Posesion, states that he had 450 men including 260 horse, and, a few weeks later, writing from Puerto Viejo to the governor of Panamá, says that he set sail from Nicaragua with 500 men of whom 220 were cavalry.

[VII‑12] In _Squier's MSS._, xix. 7-14, is a full account of Alvarado's report to the emperor, dated May 12, 1535, after his return from Peru.

[VII‑13] Chap. i., this volume.

[VII‑14] _Informacion contra Alvarado_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, x. 152-236. Cuzco lies slightly to the south of the thirteenth parallel, and was therefore in the territory assigned to the adelantado; but it is not probable that he was aware of this fact.

[VII‑15] _Alvarado_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xix. 21.

[VII‑16] 'Y asi él se volvió á la cibdad de Mexico sin hacer cosa ninguna.' _Alvarado_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xix. 17. This investigation was attended with some circumstances difficult of explanation. Maldonado's official proceedings were anomalous, and were strictly neither those of a visitador nor a juez de residencia. The king's decree mentioned in the text enjoined secrecy as to the motives of his visit; yet he caused the object of his arrival to be publicly cried. The difference between a visita and residencia is as follows: The visita could be made at any time by special commission of the crown, but without suspending, in the exercise of his official duties, the person whose conduct was to be investigated. The inquiry was strictly secret, and the visitador had no power to pass sentence. His duty was to remit the original depositions to the India Council, by which tribunal judgment was passed. The residencia, on the other hand, was taken at the expiration of a person's term of office; the examination was public, and afforded every opportunity for defence. _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. pp. xxviii.-xxx. The secrecy of witnesses and non-interference with the authority of the person whose conduct was investigated were not always maintained, however, in the visita. In that to which Viceroy Mendoza was subjected, in 1547, his authority was at first disregarded and the names of witnesses disclosed. _Solórzano_, _Política Indiana_, lib. v. cap. x. It may be remarked that the chroniclers seem to have been quite unaware of this first visit of Maldonado in 1535, and only record his arrival in Guatemala as juez de residencia in 1536. It is, however, fully substantiated by Alvarado's letter above quoted. For a full explanation of the term 'residencia,' see _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 250-1, this series.

[VIII‑1] See _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 638, this series.

[VIII‑2] Marroquin was a good Latin scholar and was the first to apply the system of studying that language to the Indian dialects. He translated the Catholic catechism into Quiché. _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 150.

[VIII‑3] _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 142. Torquemada mentions that Francisco Jimenez, one of the 12 Franciscans who first arrived in New Spain, was appointed the first bishop of Guatemala, but declined the position 'por quedar en el estado humilde ... de Fraile Menor,' iii. 445. Vazquez, quoting a royal cédula dated May 24, 1531, proves that a bishop had been already appointed at that date. _Chron. Gvat._, 36-7. According to Remesal, the emperor appointed Domingo de Betanzos the first bishop, and as he could not be induced to accept the honor, the mitre was given to Marroquin at the request of Alvarado. _Hist. Chyapa_, 58-9. In _Nueva España_, _Breve Res._, MS., ii. 351-76, is a copy of the bull confirming the bishop's appointment, printed in Spanish and Latin.

[VIII‑4] Vazquez relates that Fray Toribio Motolinia, mentioned by Torquemada as the sixth of the first 12 Franciscan missionaries, resided in Guatemala during portions of 1528 and 1529; but this is extremely doubtful. According to the former chronicler he preached and baptized at Quetzaltenango and Patinamit in both years. _Chron. Gvat._, 20-1; but there is conclusive evidence that he was in Mexico some time during 1528 engaged in violent opposition to the audiencia. _Santa María_, _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii. tom. v. 92 et seq., and was also there on the 15th of April 1529 occupied in the same contention. _Procès-verbal_, in _Id._, 104 et seq. It is not very probable that, during the interval, he should have made a journey to Guatemala and as Vazquez claims even to Nicaragua. Consult also Ramirez, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. pp. xlv.-cliii. According to Torquemada, Toribio was sent to Guatemala in 1533 to found monasteries. iii. 489.

[VIII‑5] In 1527, according to Gonzalez Dávila, who states that a hospital was founded at the same time. _Teatro_, _Ecles._, i. 140. Remesal, who is more to be relied on in this matter, gives 1529 as the date of Betanzos' arrival in Santiago, and says that he came at the request of Alvarado on his return from Spain. _Hist. Chyapa_, 15, 42-5.

[VIII‑6] 'Celebrose su consagracion con ostentissimo aparato, assi por ser la primera q̃ en Yndias se hazîa, como por la magnificencia del S. Principe, que le consagrô.' _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._, 39.

[VIII‑7] Remesal gives a copy of this constitution, which was signed, 'Episcopvs Gvactemalensis.'

[VIII‑8] _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 182-5; _Marroquin al Emperador_, in _Cartas de Indias_, 413-14. The bishop's signature, in his letters addressed to the emperor from 1537 to 1547, is different in almost every letter. On May 10, 1537, he signs himself 'Episcopus Sancti Jacobi Huatemalensis;' on August 15, 1539, 'Episcopus Cuahvtemalensis;' on August 10 and November 25, 1541, 'Episcopus Cuacvtemolensis;' and on June 4, 1545, and September 20, 1547, 'Episcopus Cuachutemallensis.' _Cartas de Indias_, 425, 428, 431, 433, 443, 450.

[VIII‑9] The tithes, when paid in kind, were of little value unless delivered at convenient places. The king, therefore, issued a cédula ordering that they be taken by the natives to the mines, or some other suitable place, within a radius of 20 leagues around each town. _Mendoza_, _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 209; _Florida_, _Col. Doc._, 138.

[VIII‑10] Speaking of the provision, he says: 'Recibiré merced la reciban con todo amor y voluntad.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 184.

[VIII‑11] _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 14.

[VIII‑12] The bishop's humility and pardonable boastfulness are sometimes a little striking. Speaking of the provision for the delivery of the tithes, he says: 'Sino se pierde por mis deméritos, que creo no pierde, pues trabajo mas que los demàs perlados, que en estas índias al presente residen.' _Id._, 184.

[VIII‑13] During the earlier period of the Spanish conquests in America this order took no active part. A few individuals, however, found their way to the new world, among whom was Bartolomé de Olmedo, who accompanied Cortés to Mexico. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa._, 148.

[VIII‑14] On March 17, 1538, according to _Gonzalez_, _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 144. Remesal states that the convent was not formally organized until a year or two later, and quotes an entry in the books of the cabildo dated the 12th of August 1538, from which it appears that certain citizens wished to assist in the building and furnishing of a convent and church for the use of the order. _Hist. Chyapa_, 148. There is some doubt as to the exact date.

[VIII‑15] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 147-9; _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 144-8; _Escamilla_, _Noticias Curiosas_, MS., 12; _Iglesias y Conventos de Mex._, 283.

[VIII‑16] _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 380.

[IX‑1] See _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 606, this series.

[IX‑2] Salcedo brought with him to Trujillo 209 slaves; of these 102 were branded in the face. _Testimonio_, _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 70-7.

[IX‑3] It is stated that Salcedo's death was caused by a sore on one of his legs, and by the rough treatment received while imprisoned at Leon; but his friends suspected that he had been poisoned. _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. iii.

[IX‑4] The only document which Herrera could produce in support of his claim was a memorandum without date, signature, or witness. The appointment of Cereceda, on the other hand, was signed by Salcedo and attested by 12 witnesses. _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xx. 3-5. See also _Oviedo_, iii. 192.

[IX‑5] Diego Mendez had already been waylaid during the night and severely wounded at the entrance of his house. He would have been killed had not some of his friends come to his assistance. _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xx. 4, 5; _Oviedo_, iii. 193.

[IX‑6] It was claimed that a portion of the repartimientos belonging to the late governor had been unlawfully appropriated, and was therefore liable to confiscation. Soon afterward the boy died, and his entire inheritance was divided among certain of the officials. _Oviedo_, iii. 193.

[IX‑7] Cereceda afterward excused himself by saying that he had given his consent in order to preserve peace in the province. 'Consentí que se les diese lo que no les diera si fuera solo haciendo lo que era razon; hicelo solo por sosegallos i que no alterasen ó amotonasen la tierra,' in order to gain time until the king should definitely determine upon a new governor. _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xx. 5, 6.

[IX‑8] _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. iii.

[IX‑9] The morality of the colonists appears to have been somewhat more lax hereabout than usual. In commenting on the conduct of Herrera and other officials Cereceda says: 'Tenian ocupadas quatro casas de casados deste pueblo i que con infamia publica i pesar los maridos los comportavan, sin yo ser parte á lo remediar con palabras i amenazas, porque lo demas por el mayor daño se escusava.' _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xx. 7.

[IX‑10] The certificate was originally taken from Mendez by the cabildo, and deposited with the Notary Carrasco, who, being an enemy to Herrera, was easily induced to return it to its owner. _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xx. 15-18. See also _Oviedo_, iii. 108.

[IX‑11] 'É ovo regidor que dixo, ó temiendo al Diego Mendez, ó porque le paresçia ser conviniente á la república, que si no se pudiesse concertar en que fuesse su teniente Diego Mendez, que lo fuesse el Cereceda dél, porque esso era lo que convenia al serviçio de Dios é de Sus Magestades, é al bien é sosiego de aquella universidad é de la tierra. É porque algunos se riyeron desto, replicó assi: "Reysos é parésçeos mal lo que he dicho? Pues asentadlo assi, escribano, que yo lo digo assi."' _Oviedo_, iii. 203.

[IX‑12] _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xx. 39. Oviedo, iii. 207, says that only seven were wounded. Herrera, dec. v. lib. i. cap. x., mentions but four.

[IX‑13] 'Que eran aquel Pedro Vidal, alguacil, que dió la puñalada al Vasco de Herrera é le echó la soga al cuello, con la que fué despues ahorcado el malfechor; y el otro Alonso Vazquez, alcalde é capitan de la guarda del tirano.' _Oviedo_, iii. 208.

[IX‑14] _Dávila_, _Relacion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 114-17. See also _Oviedo_, iii. 213.

[IX‑15] 'Murieron mas de la mitad dellos, assi de los que servian á los chripstianos en sus haçiendas, como de las naborias de casa.' _Oviedo_, iii. 213.

[IX‑16] _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 50; _Oviedo_, iii. 212. See also _Hist. Mex._, ii., this series.

[IX‑17] Herrera endeavored to persuade Ávila to accompany him, and proceed in quest of new discoveries. The latter, however, declined, and on the return of Cereceda was sent on with his men, by sea, to Yucatan. _Oviedo_, iii. 212-30.

[IX‑18] Oviedo, iii. 213, gives 180 as the number.

[IX‑19] The Quimistan (Quinbistan?), Zolûta, Zelimonga, and Zulâ Indians returned, but not those of Naco. _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. viii.

[IX‑20] Distant 23 leagues from Puerto de Caballos, 3 from Quinbistan, 7 from Naco, and 15 from San Gil de Buenavista. _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. viii.

[IX‑21] Cereceda was to be 'captain of all the other captains.' Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. ix., estimates the strength of the combined forces at 80 soldiers, but this is manifestly an error.

[IX‑22] Herrera speaks of her as a native of Seville, and as having been captured by Cizimba, 'que auia diez años—tenia por muger,' at the time of the massacre at Puerto de Caballos. dec. v. lib. ix. cap. ix.

[IX‑23] 'Los que quedaron en la ciudad de Truxillo ... sinificauan al Rey sus necessidades, suplicauante ... que no la olvidasse, pues no era menos provechosa que las otras de las Indias, por las muchas minas que en ella auia: y quanto al sitio de la Ciudad dezian, que era muy sano, enxuto, y ayroso, y de muy buenas aguas.... Dezian que no auia vezino que no tuuiesse en su casa vn huerto con todas las frutas de Castilla, que se auian podido auer, las quales se dauan muy bien, como naranjos, cidras, limones agrios y dulces, granados y higueras, de las quales a siete meses que se plãtan, se cogia fruta: de melones y vbas, y otras tenian abundancia.' _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. ix.

[IX‑24] Herrera says that affairs in the province were in a sad plight, for Cereceda, 'cuya crueldad excedia a toda humana prudencia,' had lost all control over his men. dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii. Montejo, who afterward became governor of Honduras, also speaks in very disparaging terms of Cereceda. 'All the time he was in Zula and Naco he never moved two leagues from his abode. Of the 27 or 28 towns in existence when he reached the country he did not leave a single one. He destroyed everything, even the cattle and mares. The people he brought away in irons, leaving some towns without a single inhabitant. He and his advisers, a priest named Juan Ávila and a certain Juan Ruano, had laid waste the best portion of Honduras.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 240-1.

[IX‑25] 'Quisiesse socorrer á los pobladores chripstianos, que estaban en Honduras, en paçificar la tierra, é dar órden cómo no se acabassen de perder los españoles que allí estaban.' _Oviedo_, iii. 214.

[IX‑26] Oviedo, iii. 214, says that this occurred in 1533. Célis himself states that Cereceda sent him to Guatemala toward the end of 1535, or early in 1536. _Camino de Guat._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 540-9; whereas Herrera states that Célis went of his own accord. 'Estas cosas llegaron a termino que el Tesorero como buen ministro sossegô la gente, con prometer de yr a Guatemala á pedir socorro a don Pedro de Aluarado.' dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.

[IX‑27] _Cava_, _Honduras_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 280 et seq., Célis subsequently put in a claim for 800 castellanos, for the subsistence of his party, and for horses employed during the exploration of a road to Guatemala. On the 24th of October 1539 a judicial investigation was held before the alcalde mayor, at Puerto de Caballos, to ascertain whether the treasurer had, as he claimed, discovered a road thence to Guatemala. Several witnesses were examined, and all testified that Alonso Ortiz had discovered and travelled over the road before Célis; that the latter when he passed on to Guatemala was under no expense whatever, for his supplies were furnished by others. _Célis_, _Camino_, in _Id._, xiv. 540-50. In Guatemala he stopped at the house of the king's treasurer, and was therefore under no expense. _Montejo_, in _Id._, ii. 241.

[IX‑28] There were present, Andrés de Cereceda, the alcalde Alonso Ortiz, and the regidores Bernardo de Cabranes, Juan Lopez de Gamboa, and Miguel García de Liñan. _Mendoza_, _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 301-4.

[IX‑29] _Mendoza_, _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 301-4. The foregoing is the account given in Cereceda's official report to the viceroy of Mexico. Herrera, however, gives quite a different version of the matter. He states that the settlers, seeing that, after an absence of four months, the treasurer Célis did not return or send any message, agreed to abandon the place. Loading their Indian servants with what little effects they had left, they proceeded on their way, after tying Cereceda and two of his friends to trees, because he forbade them to take away their slaves on the ground that it was contrary to royal orders to carry them from one province to another, although he himself had done so and had allowed his friends the same privilege. But after marching a few leagues they fell in with men coming from Guatemala, whereupon they returned to the settlement and made friends with the governor, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii. In a letter to Alvarado dated May 9, 1536, Cereceda says nothing about being tied to a tree, although he complains of gross ill-treatment at the hands of the colonists.

[IX‑30] It was intended to establish here a large settlement. The city was founded on the 26th of June 1536. The various officials were appointed, sworn, and inducted into office. Sites for dwellings were assigned to the alcaldes, regidores, and vecinos. The name of the town was not to be changed except by the emperor's orders; and it was decreed that none should reside elsewhere until the emperor's pleasure was known. _Honduras_, _Fundacion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvi. 530-8.

[IX‑31] This settlement was distant from Comayagua 38 leagues and from Guatemala 106 leagues. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 41; _Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.

[IX‑32] _Alvarado_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xix. 24-5, 29. In this letter he proposes to the king to conduct a large expedition from Spain through the Straits of Magellan into the South Sea, in which he believed there were many islands and even some continents.

[X‑1] 'A quien se auia dado el oficio de contador, y depuestole del de alcalde mayor, por las diferẽcias que traía con Pedrarias.' _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv. Oviedo,