Volume iii. gives considerable attention to the Asiatic coast, and to

the unfolding of the Australian group, and the following is swelled with a full history of the buccaneers, which concerns chiefly the Antilles; but after this Pacific voyages are resumed with Dampier, Shelvocke, Roggewein, Anson, and minor local expeditions until about 1766, when their increasing number called for a different treatment, and they were therefore left for another pen. The whole forms an able digest, not only of maritime expeditions, but of the progress and condition of settlements along the coast. The author is not perhaps so consistent with his plan of thoroughness and comprehensiveness as the very sensible preface leads us to expect, nor is the lengthy account of the Antilles quite relevant to the subject when so much matter to the point might have been included. These objections are more than balanced, however, by an evident research, and a study of the material, manifest also in the sound comments and conclusions. As supplementary works may be regarded _A Chronological History of North-Eastern Voyages of Discovery_; London, 1819; _A Memoir on the Geography of the North-eastern Part of Asia_, London, 1818; _A Memoir of the Voyage of d'Entrecasteaux_, London, 1820. The continuation of the work is supplied by Hawkesworth's collection, Bougainville's voyage, and later publications.

It will be seen that a portion of the _Chronologic History_ had already been covered by Forster's volume, for the north, while the southern region had found an exponent in _De Brosses_, _Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes_, translated into English with additions. This work was rather a hasty preparation, having for its object chiefly to demonstrate the advantages of the South Pacific for colonies; so that there was ample room for _An Historical Collection of the several Voyages and Discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean_, by Alexander Dalrymple, London, 1770-1, 2 vols, 4to, which treats of Spanish and Dutch voyages between South America and Papua. A French translation appeared at Paris in 1774 by Fréville, who the same year issued in his _Hydrographique_ what may be regarded as a continuation.

_Le Voyageur François, ou la Connoissance de l'Ancien et du Nouveau Monde, Mis au jour par M. l'Abbé Delaporte_, Paris, 1767-72, 42 vols, 12mo, presents an historical and descriptive account of the world by a fictitious French traveller who addresses himself to a lady in the form of letters, dated at leading towns in different countries. While describing the actual condition of the country in a politic, economic, and social sense, he also gives lengthy reviews of the past history and of the ancient customs of the people, as if related by a native or culled from memory. The narrative is by this means rendered most interesting, and assumes a freshness and a sprightliness of style which condone greatly for its superficiality, incompleteness, and want of critical discernment in adopting statements. The epistolary form, while intended to court the public, doubtless adds to the flippancy, in which respect La Harpe, among others, expresses himself rather like a jealous rival. Beginning his tour in the Mediterranean, the author passes through Asia Minor to India and China, and in volume ix. turns up in the British American colonies. In the three volumes following he enters the Pacific States, devoting to Mexico the greater part of x., describing chiefly the conquest and the ancient customs of the Aztecs, and leaving almost untouched the later history and condition; but then the object is to interest the ordinary reader. Only the first 28 vols. are from the pen of the abbé; the rest show the inferior style of De Tontenai and Domairon. The success was such as to warrant a new edition in 1792-95. A German duodecimo edition was issued at Leipzig immediately upon the completion of the original, under the title of _Reisen eines Franzosen_. A Spanish translation was begun as _El Viagero Universal ó Noticia del Mundo_, Madrid, 1795-1801, 43 vols, including four supplementary. By D. P. E. P. The editor soon tired of the faults of the original, and with the 6th vol. began an independent work, in which much new information is given, so that the book greatly surpasses the French in the value of its material, while it falls behind in style and treatment. Volumes xii. xxvi. and xxvii. relate to Mexico, Central America, and California, and several adjoining volumes treat of other parts of America, including searches for the north-west passage. So conscientious is the editor that he devotes the supplementary volumes to complete and correct the first five wherein he had followed Delaporte.

[Sidenote: D'URVILLE, DE LURCY, PINKERTON.]

_Voyage Pittoresque autour du Monde_, Paris, 1834-5, 2 vols, 4to, under the direction of Dumont d'Urville, is also a voyage round the world by an imaginary person, who starting from Toulon proceeds by way of Rio de Janeiro to South Africa, coasts along the East Indies to China, visits the Pacific groups and Australia, whence he returns to France with barely a reference to America. The object is to fasten the attention with a pleasing narrative, while imparting as much information as possible on geography, political and social history, and curious facts, illustrated by a profusion of neat cuts.

A work covering much of the same ground, and somewhat similar in character, though written by the navigator himself, is _Voyages autour du monde et Naufrages Célèbres_, Paris, 1844, 8 vols in 4, by Gabriel Lafond de Lurcy, part of which had already appeared in 1840 as _Quinze ans de Voyages_, 2 vols. The narrative begins with a voyage performed during the Spanish American revolution from Manila to Mexico, to which latter country and the adjoining dependencies the whole volume is devoted, reviewing the political and social condition, the conquest, the Spanish rule, and the insurrectionary war. In ii. to v. the author relates several voyages along the South American coast to China, the East Indies, and the Pacific groups, which are made the vehicle for similar reviews, including Columbus' voyages and the conquest of Panamá and the region to the south. The last three volumes relate to notable voyages by others, and to adventures of shipwrecked crews in Africa and in the Pacific groups. The easy narrative inclines to the romantic style, and little attention is given to exactness or completeness. Still, the account of revolutionary events deserves attention from the fact that Lafond was an actual participant. He also wrote _Études sur l'Amérique Espagnol_, 1848, and some other treatises.

_Curious and Entertaining Voyages_, London, 1790, 4to, consists of a Portuguese and Spanish collection from Prince Henry's time to 1520, given in chronologic order, and without repetition in later narratives of matter already related; but there is little merit in the treatment, and negligence is shown even on the title-page, where particular attention is called to Columbus' conquest of Mexico! Of the four books forming the division, i. and iii. relate to Portuguese, and the others to Spanish voyages and expeditions, from Columbus to Cortés and Magellan.

_A General Collection of the best and most interesting Voyages and Travels in all parts of the World_, by John Pinkerton, London, 1808-14, 17 vols, 4to, is announced as "the most voluminous of the kind ever published," next to the _Histoire_ of Prévost. After pointing out the numerous defects of this collection, and of its prototype by Green, with even more details than La Harpe, the accomplished Pinkerton, friend of Gibbon, proposes not only to avoid their dryness, inaccuracy, and repetition, but to embrace all the material of former collections, together with many additional narratives. Dividing his subject into five parts, corresponding to the five continents, he devotes volume i. to the north and north-east, besides two or three southern voyages; the two following to travels in Great Britain, and iv. to vi. to other parts of Europe; while vii. to x. relate to Asia; xi. to Australasia; xii. and xiii. to North America, beginning with Columbus; xiv. to South America; and the two following to Africa. Volume xvii. contains a retrospect of the progress of discovery, a catalogue of books on each region, and a detailed index. In these groups he collects, with little attempt at order, a mass of narratives which, however excellent in themselves, often cover but a portion of the field already better described in other works by several or more thorough narratives. Of the conspicuous and absorbing conquest of Mexico and adjoining regions not a word appears, and the only description of that country is from the later incomplete and comparatively unimportant travels of de Menonville. The north-west coast, with California, is only slightly referred to under Drake's visits. In other instances, several voyages to the same region are given with valueless repetitions, as Frobisher's three searches for a north-west passage and the five voyages to Persia. A mass of uninteresting extracts from log-books are also presented, besides other verbose trivialities. Altogether the collection fails to realize its promises, and is decidedly inferior in selection, arrangement, treatment, and above all in completeness, to many less pretentious sets.

[Sidenote: KERR, LARDNER, DUMÉNIL, GOODRICH.]

A much more thorough, though less known work, is _A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, from the earliest ages_, by Robert Kerr, Edinburgh, 1811-24, 18 vols, 8vo. It is the first work of the kind issued in Scotland, and claims to be the first systematically arranged history of voyages in English. Purchas is admitted to possess system, but is incomplete and merges the traveller's individuality too often, faults which Kerr promises to avoid. He divides the work into five parts; first, voyages and travels from King Alfred's time to the fifteenth century, nearly all directed to Asia, yet including in volume i. Zeno's voyages, and in ii. the discoveries of Galvano: second, voyages between 1492 and 1760, constituting volumes iii. to xi. These open with two accounts of Columbus' discovery and contemporary events, by his son and by Herrera. The same volume has the beginning of Cortés' conquest, which is continued in iv. together with Pizarro's. From the conquest of South America, concluded in v., the chronologic order takes the reader to the north-east coast of America, from Florida northward; and in vi. the voyages change to the East Indies, to return in x. and xi. to America, with the circumnavigators, who occupy both volumes. The third part relates to particular voyages in each of the five parts of the globe, arranged under each country and section, and begins in xii. with Byron, Wallis, Carteret, and Cook. The several voyages of the latter occupy the remainder of the work, xiii. to xvii., with the exception of a brief space to Bougainville, and to circumnavigations. This by no means completes the part, as promised, nor the fourth part on general voyages during the reign of George III. Whether this is owing to the early abandonment of the plan announced, or to Kerr's death, is not clear, but the work certainly leaves gaps by concluding, in volume xviii. with the fifth part, a historical deduction of the progress of navigation, discovery, and commerce, which was written several years after volume xvii. by W. Stevenson. This well prepared treatise is followed by a list of books on voyages and geographic descriptions. The method, so far as carried out, has been to give in chronologic order, at considerable length, and chiefly in the original form, the most valuable voyages and travels, particularly such as have extended geographic knowledge; and further, to review at the beginning or end of such narratives all minor accounts, so as to furnish a history of voyages. Objections may be raised in many instances, such as giving Columbus two versions where one might have sufficed if notes had been added from the other or from others. Cook's voyages, so well known by this time, are out of proportion to the rest, particularly when narratives were so greatly needed to cover the progress of discovery and settlement in different regions, as the Northwest Coast, Mexico, and other Spanish colonies.

A method similar to Kerr's is more consistently adhered to, on a smaller scale, in _The History of Maritime and Inland Discovery_, London, 1830-1, 3 vols, 12mo, which forms volumes ii. xi. and xvi. of _The Cabinet Cyclopædia_, conducted by Rev. Dionysius Lardner. It certainly is a most thorough history for its size, and valuable as a guide to larger incomplete sets. Volume i. ends with Columbus' first voyage, while ii. carries along with Magellan and Cortés the circumnavigators and buccaneers, and closes with the discovery of Alaska by the Russians. Vol. iii. opens with Byron and Wallis, and closes in 1822.

In _Nouvelle Bibliothèque des Voyages anciens et modernes_, Paris, 12 vols, 8vo, with maps and engravings, P. Duménil, editor, presents a selection of the most noted and interesting voyages in full and abridged form, the latter rendered in attractive style. After an introductory essay on the progress of exploration by Duponchel, the series begins with circumnavigations; Anson, Byron, and Bougainville occupying the first volume, while Cook takes ii. to v. In vi. are given the narratives of La Pérouse and five other French voyagers between 1800 and 1840. The three following volumes embrace African travel, while Asia and Egypt combined find a place in x. and xi. Vol. xii. treats of Columbus, Cortés, and Pizarro, followed by minor and abridged narratives on north and north-east America and the Levant.

_Historia de la Marina Real Española_, Madrid, 1849 and 1854, 2 vols, 4to, profusely illustrated, forms a useful subdivision of voyages, by giving a history of all expeditions performed not only by the Spanish royal navy, but in the interest of the government. Of the two books in volume i. the first is almost wholly devoted to Columbus, while the second is occupied with Isthmian expeditions, the conquest of Mexico, and Magellan's circumnavigation. Volume ii. begins with Garay's expedition to Pánuco, and passes on to Molucca voyages from Spain and Mexico, to Pizarro's conquest, and Cortés' expeditions in the Pacific. The last three books, vii. to ix., cover the remainder of the sixteenth, and the whole of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries respectively. The measures connected with Drake's raid on the Spanish main form a striking feature in the seventh book, and Vizcaino's voyage opens the next. In the eighteenth century are given the several Mexican voyages to the north-west Pacific, from the time of Perez to that of the _Sutil y Mexicana_; and in the battle of Trafalgar is found the apt finale to a history intended to record the glories of the Spanish fleets. Although useful for the field it covers, the work shows little investigation or critique. The editors were José Terrer de Couto, who prepared the first 600 pages, and José March y Labores, who finished the work. The dedication to the king, which is almost republican in its straightforward tenor, bears the names of Vila and Manini, proprietors.

_Man upon the Sea; or, a History of Maritime Adventure, Exploration, and Discovery from the Earliest Ages_, by Frank B. Goodrich, Philadelphia, 1858, 8vo, while presenting a most complete and useful history, lays claim to no particular research, but depends for popularity on the prominence given to curious facts, striking incidents, and alluring narratives, pleasingly illustrated with cuts. Beginning with a review of early notions on geography, it considers the beginning of navigation, including the development of shipbuilding, and enters upon the regular history of voyages in the Phœnician era, carrying it to the present time in as chronologic an order as the narrative will allow. Section iii. covers the period from Columbus to Magellan, and the next two sections are devoted to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, with the northern voyages and the circumnavigations, while vi. is chiefly occupied with the Arctic voyages and the laying of the Atlantic cable. An abridgment of the book appeared as _The Sea and her Famous Sailors_, London, 1859, 12mo.

_Nuevo Viajero Universal, Enciclopedia de Viajes Modernos_, Madrid, 1859, 5 vols, 4to, edited by N. Fernandez Cuesta, and forming a part of the _Biblioteca Ilustrada_ of Gaspar and Roig, is a collection of the latest voyages, profusely illustrated, and so selected and arranged as to give a description of all parts of the world, with more or less completeness. The volumes are equally distributed among the five continents in the order of Africa, Asia, America, Europe, and Oceania. North America is covered by six narratives referring respectively to the western United States, Canada, California, Mexico, and Central America, while five others describe South America. The account of California is extracted from Bryant; that of Guatemala and adjoining regions from Morelet; and of Mexico from Basil Hall and Zamacois. Each narrative has its own division and chapters.

Perhaps no individual navigators have done so much for the extension of coast geography in America in early times as the buccaneers, who, ever flitting about in quest of Spanish gold, and ever in need of a refuge from stern pursuers, left no available harbor or point on the main unnoticed. Nor were they chary of imparting the information, but published it freely in their narratives for the benefit alike of friend and foe. Among the special works compiled from these as well as the more secret Spanish documents was that of Sharp, which was specially devoted to the Pacific coast. A valuable supplement to this is _An Appendix to Sharp's South Sea Waggoner, translated out of the original Spanish_, a MS. folio of 145 pages, giving sailing directions from Chile to California, with a minute description of the coast, reefs, and harbors, explained by the seventy-two rude charts of the appendix. These are particularly interesting, from the fact that they are relics of a collection of two to three hundred original charts, collected by the traveller Nic Witsen, and valued by him at over twenty thousand gulden, partly perhaps because they indicated the localities where Spanish vessels had sunk with their treasures. He had sold them to the king of Spain, but they perished in a shipwreck while on the way to Madrid. So runs the story told in the autographic preface in Dutch, signed by Witsen at Amsterdam, 1692.

The first important work of this class, issued in the United States, was the _American Coast Pilot_ of Blunt, which has grown in size and importance with every succeeding edition since 1796, when it appeared at Newburyport as a small 8vo of 122 pages, prepared by Captain Furlong. Since 1815 the Blunts, father and son, have had control of it, improving and adding until the twenty-first edition came out as a closely printed royal 8vo of 926 pages. This volume, after an introduction on winds, currents, and other general matter, begins its description of coast line and harbors at Newfoundland, and carries it to the north-east coast of South America, giving also a full account of the Antilles. The part relating to the United States occupies about half the volume. An instance of the interest manifested by the Spanish government in navigation is furnished by the _Derrotero de las islas Antillas de las Costas de Tierra firme y del seno Mexicano_, Madrid, 1810, sm. 4to, prepared by the Direccion de Hidrografía of Madrid as a hand-book to accompany their charts. The Antilles are first described, then the mainland northward to Florida, pages 340-455 being devoted to the section between Portobello and San Bernando. Several improved editions were published in Spain as well as America; that of Mexico, 1825, being noticeable, as revised by Guadalupe Victoria, the first president of Mexico. As a valuable complement to the preceding coast guides may be regarded _A Directory for the Navigation of the Pacific Ocean_, London, 1851, 1 vol. in 2, 8vo, by Alexander G. Findlay. It is equally thorough and well arranged, with many statistical facts in connection with harbors. The first part relates to the west coast of America, the second to Asia and the Australian groups.

[Sidenote: TERNAUX-COMPANS, BERCHTOLD, CAMUS.]

_Voyages, Relations et Mémoires originaux pour servir à l'Histoire de la Découverte de l'Amérique_, by Henri Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1837-41, 20 vols, 8vo, in 2 series of 10 vols each, is one of the valuable collections of original documents or reprints which have of late years been discovered by zealous students and published at their own cost, or with the aid of the rapidly increasing number of historical societies. Of the first series, only the last two volumes are original publications, the rest being reprints of rare German, Portuguese, and Spanish works, chiefly of the sixteenth century. Several of them refer to the Pacific States, as _Relation véridique de la Conquête de Pérou_, etc., by Xerez in vol. iv., which also relates to the discovery of Panamá; _Relation de Cabeça de Vaca_, vol. vii., which runs through northern Mexico; _Cruautés Horribles des Conquérants du Mexique_, by Ixtlilxochitl, vol. viii.; the valuable _Relation du Voyage de Cibola_, vol. ix., giving an account of the first entry into New Mexico; _Recueil de Pièces Relatives à la Conquête du Mexique_, vol. x. The second series is even more valuable and interesting, as all the volumes publish selections from the manuscripts collected by Muñoz for his _Historia del Nuevo Mundo_, and partly issued by Kingsborough in his large work. Those relating to the Pacific States are, _Zurita_, _Rapport_, vol. xi.; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Histoire des Chichimèques_, vol. xii., xiii.; _Oviedo_, _Histoire de Nicaragua_, vol. xiv.; _Recueil de Pièces sur le Mexique_, vol. xvi.; _Id., sur la Floride_, vol. xx., which contains letters on New Spain. Only a limited number of copies were printed. In connection with it was formed the _Bibliothèque Américaine_, Paris, 1837, a valuable addition, particularly in reference to Spanish and German works. Ternaux-Compans' _Archives des Voyages_ and _Recueil de Documents_, both published in Paris in 1840, 8vo, have also important material on America.

From the preceding review it will be seen that even the largest collections of voyages failed to keep pace with the extension of maritime progress, and recorded at the most the leading undertakings of a few nations, complemented by references to a certain number of minor ones. This gap was partly covered by booksellers' catalogues; but even their lists were for a long time incomplete, and surpassed in many instances by those appended to their works by authors. Berchtold, for instance, in his _Essay to Travellers_, London, 1789, gives a full list of European travels arranged under countries. A more extensive list for voyage narratives was that of Reuss, issued during the eighteenth century, and Stuck's, published at Halle, 1784-7. But these were mere catalogues with few or no notes to indicate contents or character of books; and this regardless of the admirable example and aid given by Guill. Fr. de Bure, to whom is due the credit of issuing the first descriptive bibliography, the _Bibliographique Instructive_, Paris, 1763-8, 7 vols, 8vo, the germ of which lies in his imperfect _Musæum Typographicam_, Paris, 1755. The work is perhaps needlessly profuse in its notes, but nevertheless of some value, even now, beside the many modern works of this class to which it may be said to have given rise. It devotes considerable space to voyages, and among other collections it treats pretty fully of De Bry's. The interest manifested in this set, however, and the confusion which its numerous partial editions had created, warranted the special _Mémoire sur la Collection des Grand et Petits Voyages, et sur la Collection de Thévenot_, Paris, 1802, prepared by A. G. Camus. This gives not only a satisfactory amount of De Bry for the collector, but a review of its composition for the benefit of students. It does not excel De Bure's in details of contents, but surpasses it in scientific treatment and in critique, presenting quite a model analysis. Camus had at first prepared a briefer memoir which l'Institut National induced him to elaborate and publish at its expense, with a similar notice of Thévenot's collection. Camus was the author of a voyage narrative, and a noted work in connection with his profession of the law.

While Camus was yet occupied with his memoir, a more extensive work of the same class had been undertaken by G. Boucher de la Richarderie, who after ten years of research among the various literary deposits in Paris, aided by translators and others, issued the _Bibliothèque Universelle des Voyages_, Paris, 1808, 6 vols, 8vo. Despite the labor bestowed the work is far from perfect, either in its titles or notes, and the number of omissions becomes more and more apparent when later catalogues are brought into comparison. The arrangement, however, displays considerable judgment, beginning with a review of voyage narratives and travelling guides in general, and proceeding with accounts of voyages during the classic and middle ages. After this come collections and general histories of voyages and circumnavigations, followed by the main subject, an account of individual voyages, arranged chronologically under the part of the world, the region, or the country to which they are directed. Works on geography, natural history, antiquities, and conquests are excluded, but not purely descriptive accounts of a country. In most cases only the title of the work is given, in French and in the original, with a sprinkling of notices on various editions, their rarity and character, but at times a more or less lengthy review of the contents is presented in order to furnish from the best works a concise account of the different countries. The book is accordingly a combination of bibliography and historio-geographic description of the world. The value of descriptive extracts in such a work is questionable, and a more satisfactory treatment, in consonance with its mission, would have been to present a larger proportion of bibliographic notes, thus increasing its value.

[Sidenote: ULLOA, VILLAGUTIERRE, PINELO.]

The field covered by _De Natura_ found a modern and more profound exponent in Antonio de Ulloa, one of the most enlightened Spaniards of the last century. His _Noticias Americanas_, Madrid, 1772, presents a philosophic treatise on climate, natural products, and customs of the natives. At first glance the obscure style and conceit gleaming throughout the preface might lead one to suspect the pedant; but the merit of the work soon becomes apparent, and appears worthy of the attention it has received in several editions and translations. In the French _Mémoires Philosophiques_ it numbered in 1787 the third edition. It must not be confounded with the curious _Noticias Secretas de America_, by Juan and Ulloa, which forms a report on the political administration of the Spanish colonies in South America, though applicable also to the northern provinces, and aiding not a little to explain the causes which led to the war of independence. As a secret report it was kept from the public, and did not see the light till David Barry came across the MS. and published it in London, 1826, in 4to form. To Ulloa's revision are greatly due the merits of the _Relacion Histórica del Viage_, by Juan and Ulloa, Madrid, 1748-9, so widely translated. He also prepared some valuable reports on the revival of trade and manufactures in Spain.

_Villagutierre Soto-Mayor_, _Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza, Redvccion, y Progressos de la de el Lacandon_. Madrid, 1701, folio, 1 vol. 660 pp. To this author we are indebted for a very complete history of the operations conducted against the Itzas and Lacandones during the seventeenth century. The work contains an excellent résumé of the partial and transitory occupation by the Spaniards of the country inhabited by those tribes, and of the efforts of ecclesiastics to effect a peaceful entry into it during the first three quarters of the century. Then follow full details of the campaigns organized by President Barrios and of the final conquest of the Itzas by Ursua. The authorities from whom Villagutierre obtained the material for this portion of his work were such as to render it thoroughly authentic, being Captain Nicolás de Valenzuela, who took part in the expedition of Barrios, and President Ursua. According to _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, ii. 267, Valenzuela, with official documents at his service, wrote a minute account of the campaign in which he took part. His narrative, contained in 402 pages of manuscript divided into 26 chapters, was never published, but Ursua supplied Villagutierre with material to continue the history. Cogolludo, _Hist. Yuc._, Madrid, 1688, also furnished Villagutierre with some material, else both authors had access to certain original documents, since passages almost word for word alike occur in their respective works. Villagutierre dedicated his book to the council of the Indies. The volume contains a frontispiece on which are depicted the arms of Spain suspended between the pillars of Hercules, the whole framed in a border composed of nude female busts and clusters of fruit, with a cherub on the upper border and an idol's head on the lower. It was the chronicler's intention to publish a second part to his history "si el Material de lo que se obrare lo diere de sì," p. 660, but this has never appeared. The bibliographer Brunet states that the volume contains "2 part, en 1 vol." _Cáldas_, _Sebastian Alvarez Alfonso Rosica, Copia de Carta Escrita a Sv Magestad, Impressa en Goatemala, Por Ioseph de Pineda Ybarra, Año de 1667_, is a copy of the proposal made by President Cáldas to the king, by which he undertook to accomplish the subjugation of the Lacandon country at his own expense, and open a road between Guatemala and Campeche, if assisted by the governor of the latter province. He calls his Majesty's attention to the great commercial advantage which both provinces would gain by such a consummation, and among other stipulations requests that the king will be pleased to give to the territory in the event of its conquest the name of "Provincia de Caldas, para que aya memoria de quien la reduxo, pacificó, convirtió, y pobló"! p. 5. Though the president was in no way benefited by this address to the crown, being shortly deposed from office, his having caused it to be printed in Guatemala excited interest in such an undertaking and stimulated future enterprise. The printed copies of this letter are rare, since nearly every one of them was lost in the earthquake which destroyed the city in 1773. _Pinelo, Antonio de Leon_, _Relacion qve en el Conseio de Indias hizo, Sobre la Pacificacion, y poblacion del Manché i Lacandon, que pretende hazer Don Diego de Vera Ordoñez de Villaquiran, Cavallero de la Orden de Calatrava, &c., año 1638_, folio 11, is a report of Antonio de Leon Pinelo, the celebrated historical secretary of the council of the Indies, on the district occupied by the Lacandones, Manchés, and other unconquered native nations. The book is extremely rare, and probably not more than two or three copies are in existence, since only a limited number were printed for the individual use of the members of the council. The one in my possession was the property of the late E. G. Squier. It contains a brief description of the Manché and Lacandon country, which is followed by a concise sketch of the various attempts to pacify and people those districts, from the time of the conquest down to the date of the report. The greater part of the treatise consists of a careful consideration of the proposition made by Diego de Vera Ordoñez de Villaquiran for the pacification of the Lacandon territory. Attached to the document is a copy of the royal patent extended to Villaquiran approving his proposition and appointing him governor and captain-general of the "Provincia de el Prospero (alias el Lacandon)," drawn up in 1638, and issued by the king on the 29th of March 1639. Mention has already been made of Pinelo's labors in vol. i. p. 287, _Hist. Cent. Am._ _Informe del Rev. P. Prior del Convento de Coban al Ilimo y Rimo Sr D. Fray Andrés de Navas y Quevedo, Arzobispo de Guatemala, sobre las Misiones de Verapaz y Ahitzaes, escrita en Coban á 8 de Febrero de 1685_, MS., 27, is an interesting report, formerly belonging to the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, and containing an account of the Dominican missions in the Chol country from 1673 to the date of the document. It constitutes a spirited refutation of the charge of abandonment thereof brought against the order by Sebastian de Olivera y Angulo, the alcalde mayor of Vera Paz. The letter is ably and courteously written, and, as the production of a Spanish friar, not very verbose.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: FURTHER REFERENCES.]

Herewith I give further references to some authorities consulted for the preceding chapters: _Vazquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 1-771; _Escamilla_, _Not. Cur._, 1-78; _Oviedo_, i. 115, 157-8, 599-602; iii. 123, 131-2, 189-208, 211-20, 222-3, 255, 488-94, 540; iv. 8-10, 19-32, 239-42; _Concilios Prov._, MS., i. 160, passim; _Id._, 1555 y 1565, pp. vi.-vii., 283-89, 293-8; _Herrera_, dec. i. lib. vii. cap. xii.; lib. x. cap. xi.; dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiv.; lib. ix. cap. vii. x.; lib. x. cap. ix. xi.; dec. iv. lib. i. cap. vi. vii. xi.; lib. ii. cap. i. iii. vi.; lib. iii. cap. ii.; lib. iv. cap. vii.; lib. vi. cap. iii.; lib. vii. cap. v.; lib. x. cap. v. xv.; dec. v. lib. i. cap. ix.; lib. iii. cap. v.; lib. vi. cap. i.; lib. ix. cap. viii. ix.; dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii. ix.; lib. iii. cap. xix.; lib. vii. cap. iv. vi.; dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. x. xi. xii.; lib. vi. cap. v. vi.; dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. i. ii. iii. v. vii.; dec. viii. lib. x. cap. xx.; _Torquemada_, i. 322-31, 333-4; iii. 338-40, 384, 468-70, 535-6; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 177-83, 205, 219-21, 235-7, 245-6; _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, 45-308, passim; _Cartas de Indias_, 23-5, 414, 451-55, 662, 673-8, 708-10, 735, 745-6, 757-8, 776, 797, 834, 841, 857; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 1-771; _America, Descrip._, MS., 2-4, 130-5, 155, 166, 182-9; _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 233; _Id._, _Hist. Ind._, 64, 243-4, 268-70; _Chiapas_, _Doc. Orig._, MS., 6-8, 55 et seq.; _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, 50-1, 89-93, 109-15, 179-89, 303-29, 343, 478; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. Jesus_, i. 183, 254-5, 429-48; ii. 16, passim; iii. 3-6, 18-30, 48-80, 172, 179-80, 295-6; _Centro América, Extractos Sueltos_, MS., 1-149; _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, i. 511, passim; ii. 209 et seq.; iii. 351-62, 386-8, 507-8; iv. 131-5; v. 522-9; vi. 6-17, 304, 342-3; vii. 6, passim; viii. 19-46, 89, 224; ix. 81-115; x. 32 et seq.; xi. 91-153; xiii. 136, passim; xiv. 47 et seq.; xv. 9, passim; xvi. 324-7; xvii. 489-95; xix. 329-40; xxii. 515-24; xxiii. 171-89; _Dávila_, _Continuacion de la Cronica_, MS., 127-30, 290; _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. pp. lvi.-cxv.; ii. pp. xxxvi.-xl. 509-14, 595-600; _Robles_, _Prov. de Chiapa_, 5-71; _Barcia_, i. 166-79; ii. 29-33, 173; iii. 172-5; _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._, 72, passim; _Chimalpain_, _Hist. Conq._, ii. 181; _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mich._, i. 540-1; ii. 12 et seq.; iv. 104-6, 252, 489-93; v. 475; _Id._, MS., 322-4, 435, 638-42, 1083; _Cáldas_, _Carta sobre Lacandon_, 1-13; _Alcedo_, _Dic._, iii. 325-6; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Horribles Crueldades_, 71; _Florida_, _Col. Doc._, 138; _Papeles Franciscanos_, MS., i. 53-221, 308-13; ii. 321-6; _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oaj._, i. 83-7, 387-8; ii. 233-8, 385, 410-11; _Id._, _Palestra_, 174; _Reales Cédulas_, MS., 12, 192; ii. 159, 194-7; _Codex, Tell. Rem._; _Benzoni_, _Mondo Nuovo_, 99, 106-7, 159-60; _Ordenes de la Corona_, MS., i. 96, 158-60; ii. 58; iii. 45-73; iv. 130-1, 150-7; _Vetancvrt_, _Chron. San Evang._, 24, 77; _Id._, _Teat. Mex._, 24-6, 37, 53; _Id._, _Menolog._, 24-8, 44-5, 135-6, 259; _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Comment. Reales_, ii. 57-81, 369-75, 466-7; _Medina_, _Chron. S. Diego_, 11-12, 239-41; _Puga_, _Cedulario_, 24-7, 75-93, 115, 161-3, 188-201; _Las Casas_, _Carta Amonest. 1545_, p. iv.; _Id._, _Carta al Gattinara, 1520_, 1-5; _Id._, _Carta a los PP. de Guat., 1554_, 1-10; _Id._, _Hist. Apolog._, MS., 28-9, 222; _Id._, _Hist. Ind._, i. 406, p. vii.; _Id._, _Regionvm_, 35-40; _Providencias Reales_, MS., 10-15, 49-77, 158-60, 178-208, 221-54, 270-309; _Espinosa_, _Chron. Apost._, 308-407, 490-9, 534-90; _Estrada Rávago_, Descripcion, MS., 2-11; _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 15-172; _Id._, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 1-198; _Arricivita_, _Crón. Seráfica_, 1-157, 227-35, 588-9, 603-5; _Col. Doc. Inéd._, 1. 122-4, 140-1; lvii. 318, 344, 384-412, 478; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 382-94, 545-8, 619-21, 667-74; _Gavarrete_, _Copias de Doc._, MS., 1-55; _Guat._, _Col. de Cédulas_, MS., 1-130; _Id._, _Sto Domingo, en 1724_, MS., 1-74; _Haya_, _Informe al Rey_, MS., 1-23; _Prov. Sant. Evang._, MS., 1-7, 160-6, 206-10; _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série i. tom. i. 103, passim; tom. ii. 3-520; tom. iii. 238-495; tom. iv. 116-237; tom. v. 109, 142; série ii. tom. iv. 21-2, 212-88, 349-72, 463; tom. vi. 41-8; tom. vii. 75-6; _Recop. de Indias_, i. 11, passim; ii. 17, passim; iii. 311, passim; _Juarros_, _Guat._, 1, passim; _Id._ (ed. London, 1823), 1-520; _Cogollvdo_, _Hist. Yuc._, 93, 234-42, 326, 637, 745-51; _Reales Ordenes_, ii. 305-31; iii. 94-245, 308-12; viii. 188-9, 422-39; _Fernandez_, _Hist. Ecl._, 29-32, 115-185; _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 1-310, passim; ii. 1-311, passim; iii. 1-291; _Gracias_, _Estadistica_, 22-31; _Squier's MSS._, i.-xxxii.; _Criado de Castilla_, _Descub._, MS., 1-64; _Maltratamiento de Yndios_, MS., 1-4; _Cortés_, _Residencia_, i. 51-60, 96-7, 155-6, 232-4, 424; _Purchas_, _His Pilgrimes_, iv. 877, 1146-7, 1569-1603; v. 886-8; _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, MS., 1-62; _Derrotero para Naveg._, MS., 17-133, passim; _Cabrera Bueno_, _Naveg. Especvl._, 313; _Lobo_, _Relacion_, MS., 1-217, passim; _Gallego y Cadena_, _Relacion_, MS., 1-18; _Lazcano_, _Vida del Oviedo_, 17; _Papeles de Jesuitas_, MS., 3; _Apiano_, _Cosmog._, 18-19, 75; _Garcia_, _Sublev. Zendales_, MS., 1-154, passim; _Avila y Lugo_, _Descrip._, MS., 1-8; _Ramusio_, iii. 300-4; _Cedulario_, MS., i. 34-46, 246-8; iii.0 81-91; _Garcia de Hermosilla_, _Memorial_, MS., 1-65; _Simon_, _Conq. Tierra Firme_, 401-32; _Fvndacion y Prog. de Prov. Santiago_, MS., 2-5; _Duarte_, _Relacion_, MS., 1-5; _Carriedo_, _Estudios Hist._, 1-117, passim; _Villagvtierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 4-17, 76-314, 341-401, 504-11, 542-659; _Figueroa_, _Vindicias_, MS., 70-104; _Ramon_, _El Informe_, MS., 20-89; _Zurita_, _Relacion_, MS., 65; _Aniñon_, _Discurso_, MS., 1-3; _Niebla_, _Memorial_, MS., 1-20; _Alvarado_, _Cartas_, MS., 1-42; _Morelli_, _Fasti Novi Orbis_, 107-15, 140, 181-3, 206, 348, 361-5, 480-9; _Pinelo_, _Relacion_, 2-11; _Velasco_, _Carta_, MS., 1 et seq.; _Miranda_, _Memoria_, MS., 1-20; _Piedrahita_, _Hist. Gen._, 529-30; _Morel_, _Sta Cruz Visita_, MS., 1-104; _Izaguirre_, _Relacion_, MS., 1 et seq.; _Costa Rica_, _Cabildo de Relacion_, MS., 1-18; _Haklvyt_, _Voy._, iii. 567-9, 590-7; _Ariza_, _Darien_, MS., 2-38; _Panamá_, _Col. Doc._, passim; _Guat._, _Const. del. Colegio_, MS., 1 et seq.; _Verapaz y Ahitzaes_, _Misiones_, MS., 1-27; _Andagoya_, _Carta al Rey_, MS., 9-10; _Acosta_, _Comp. Hist. N. Granada_, 324; _San Salv._, _Tratado de la Fundacion_, MS., 1-27; _Darien_, _Defence of Scots Settlement_, 1 et seq.; _Id._, _Enquiry_, 1 et seq.; _Id._, _Humble Address_; _Id._, _Letter Relating_; _Id._, _Original Papers_, 1 et seq.; _Id._, _Vindication_, 1 et seq.; _Touron_, _Hist. Gen. Am._, v. 193-214, 249-97; vi. 74-124, 307-48; vii. 69-163, 233-48, 269-78; _Santos_, _Chron. Hisp._, ii. 479-85; _García_, _Hist. Beth._, i. 25-7; ii. 3-12, 28-203; iii. 1-173; iv. 1-39; _Id._, _Reseña Geog._, 7; _Coreal_, _Voy._, i. 94-5, 101-12; _Id._ (ed. Amsterdam), 73-112, 125-47; _Id._ (ed. Paris), 65-100, 251-2; _Pineda_, _Descrip. Geog._, 11-14, 45, 85-8, 129-33; _Cadena_, _Breve Descrip._, 5-56; _Rivera_, _Hist. Jalapa_, i. 60-3; _Ordenanças para remedio de Navíos_, 1-24; _Lynch_, _Rel. Puntual_, MS., 1-19; _Gottfried_, _Newe Welt_, 82-3, 282-6; _Oexmelin_, _Hist. de Flib._, i. 162-5, 197-228; ii. 3-11, 31-193, 207-46; iii. 30-202, 301-47; _Ramirez_, _Proceso_, pp. xi.-xxiii., 6-82, 102-3, 124-30, 277-90; _Feuillée_, _Journal_, 65-86, 146-60, 311-23; _Larrainzar_, _Soconusco_, 1-3, 17-25; _Squier's Notes_, 121 et seq.; _Id._, _States_, 44, passim; _Id._, _Travels_, 82 et seq.; _Laet_, _Novi Orbis_, 325, 333-46; _Exquemelin_, _Am. Zee-Roovers_, 59 et seq.; _Id._, _Buccaneers of Am._, 29 et seq.; _Id._ (ed. Boston, 1857), 76 et seq.; _Id._, _Hist. de Boecaniers_ (ed. Amst. 1700), 12 set seq.; _Heylyn_, _Cosmog._, 1080-9; _Dampier_, _Voy._, i. 3 et seq.; _Ulloa_, _Noticias_, 345; _Cleveland_, _Nic. Transit_, MS., 52-66; _Larenaudière_, _Mex. et Guat._, 268, 287-90; _Prescott's Mex._, i. 377-86; _Id._ (ed. Madrid), iv. 228; _Id._, _Hist. Peru_, ii. 561-72; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, 268-81; _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, iii. 87, passim; v. 326-32; _Id._, 2da ép., i. 222-50, 293, 456, 565-73; iii. 77-80; iv. 699-712; _Id._, 3da ép. ii. 304-26; _Archenholtz' Hist. Pirates_, 93, passim; _South Sea Co., View of_, 1 et seq.; _Sharp_, _Voy. and Adv._, 2, passim; _Lussan_, _Journal de Voy._, 30-110, 129-43, 152-274, 384-436; _Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, 147, passim; _Calvo_, _Traités_, ii. 205-9, 359-81; iii. 249-55; xi. 190-203; _Ayon_, _Consid. Limites_, 9-19; _Luyts_, _Introduc. Geog._, 727-9; _Aa_, _Naaukeurige Versameling_, x. 19-25; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, ii. 467-73; _Bustamante_, _Medidas_, MS., ii. 11-12; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, i. 715-18; ii. 375; iii. 144; iv. 485-6, 632-84; v. 187, 422-8, 617-34; x. 1123-5; _Montemayor_, _Svmarios_, 11, 163-6, 189, 203-4; _Pap. Var._, xliv. pt. i.-x.; cxlix. pt. x. 403-14; _Id._, clxvii. pt. i. 1 et seq.; _Id._, ccxv. pt. xvii. passim; _Reichardt_, _Nic._, 31-2, 71-80, 110-13, 136-8, 140-4, 205-7; _Davity_, _Descrip. Gen._, 91-4; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Bib. Mex. Guat._, 36; _Id._, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 574-633, 781-98; _Morelet_, _Voy._, ii. 291, 303; _Helps' Cortés_, ii. 162-3; _Id._, _Life of Las Casas_, 182, passim; _Id._, _Span. Conq._, iii. 275, passim; iv. 9-14; _Quintana_, _Vida_, 129 et seq.; _Rivera_, _Gob. de Mex._, i. 31, 248, 254, 258-9; _Burney's Discov. South Sea_, iv. 59, passim; _Nouvelles An. de Voy._, xxi. 244, 261-2; xxvi. 405-6; xxxv. 127-8; lxxx. 129-69; xcii. 58; xciii. 25-6; xcix. 192; c. 51-4; cli. 1-15; clviii. 200; _Guat._, _Apunt. Agric._, 42, passim; _West Indies, Descrip. of Span. Settl._, 1-106; _Lerdo de Tejada_, _Apunt. Hist._, 261-2, 299; _Antunez_, _Mem. Hist._, pp. lviii.-lxiii. lxxxiii.-xciii.; _Buccaneers of Am._, ii. 1 et seq.; _La Harpe_, _Abrégé_, x. 116-20, 257-314; xi. 237, passim; _Russell's Hist. Am._, i. 388-93, 416-19, 517-43; _Jesuits_, _Col. Gen._, i. 1 et seq.; ii. 1 et seq.; _Clement_, _Tablas Chron._, 170-97, 205; _Kerr's Col. Voy._, v. 175-80; x. 214, passim; _Id._, _Travels_, 229; _Costa Rica_, _Boundaries_, 10-50; _Palacio_, _S. Salv._, 1-70; _Iglesias y Conventos de Mex._, 277-81; _Cortes_, _Diario_, v. 220; xix. 390-1; _West Indies, Geog. and Hist._, 60, passim; _Molina_, _Bosquejo Cost. R._, 67 et seq.; _Id._, _Coup d'Oeil_, 6 et seq.; _Seemann's Isth. of Panamá_, 7-53; _Id._, in _Panamá Star and Herald_, March-May, 1868; _Gage's New Survey_, 180-265, 308-9; _Id._, _Voy._ (ed. Paris, 1676), ii. pt. iii. 1-66, 179-297; _Id._ (ed. Amst. 1720), i. 303-76; _Douglas' Hist. and Pol._, i. 44-6, 88-9; _Drake's Voy._, 56-65, 303-15; _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i. tom. x. 151-91, 269-85, 415-28; série ii. tom. v. 142-3, 179-81, 202-3, 275-83; _Fricius_, _Indianischer Relig._, 180-4; _Carbajal_, _Hist. Mex._, ii. 654-6; _Drake, Cavendish and Dampier_, _Lives_, 179, 182-5, 188-99, 233-40, 263-70; _Julian_, _Trasformazione dell_, 1-286; _Cooke's Geog._, ii. 166-8; _Fernando_, vii.; _Decretos_, 86-90; _Arosemena_, _Examen_, 20-2; _Archivo Mex._, i. 113; _Linschoten_, _Voy._, 229; _Original Letters to an Honest Sailor_, 6-19; _Album Mex._, i. 417-18; _March y Labores_, _Marina Esp._, ii. 583-7, 648, 662-7; _Kewen's Nic._ and _Walker_, MS., 61-4; _Macpherson's Annals_, i. 744-7; ii. 379, 451, 664-9; iii. 354, 548, 589; iv. 4, 159, 179, 460; _Diorama_, 146-75; _Alaman_, _Disert._, i. 29-37, 172; iii. 338; _Ogilby's Am._, 96 passim; _Mazariegos_, _Chiapa_, 5 et seq.; _Ribera Payo_, _El Maestro_, 1-42; _Lopez_, _Mercurio Ind._, MS., 42-5; _Wafer's Voy._, 4-188; _Viagero Univ._, xii. 72, passim; xxiii. 63-78; xxvii. 159 et seq.; _Navarro_, _Extract. Guat._, 1-32; _Lettres Edificantes_, iv. 359; _Sammlung aller Reisebesch._, ix. 69-106, 617; xii. 373-7; xiii. 513, passim; xv. 252-62; _Nueva España, Breve Res._, MS., 349, passim; _Batres_, _Rel. de las Fiestas_, 1-9; _Larrainzar_, _Biog._, 1-15; _Id._, _Discurso_, 12-17; _Spanish Empire in Am._, 134, passim; _Nicaragua_, _Defensa de Derechos del Pais_, 15-21; _Ocios_, _Espan. Emigrad._, 222-3; _Ancona_, _Hist. Yuc._, 202, passim; _America Cent., Reclam. de Intervencion_, 7-10; _Berenger_, _Col. Voy._, ii. 411; iii. 284, 291; _Variedades Jurisp._, v. 39-43; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 54, 108-9; _Haefkens_, _Cent. Am._, 23, 27; _Uring's Hist. Voy._, 164-6, 354-7; _Gastizabal_, _Por el Maestro_, 2; _Voyages, A New Col._, i. 422-36, 488-504; ii. 43 et seq.; iii. 42, passim; _Crowe's Gospel in Cent. Am._, 18 et seq.; _Eastern Coast of Cent. Am._, 4-8; _Cockburn's Journey_, 20-264; _Poinsett's Notes on Mex._, 15-21; _Salmon's Modern Hist._, iii. 63-5, 219-22; _Beccatini_, _Vida Carlos_, iii. 211-12; _Bidwell's Panamá_, 38, passim; _American Rev._, July 1851, 3 et seq.; _Churchill's Col. Voy._, vi. 298-312; viii. 734, 761-769; _Page_, _Nouveau Voy._, ii. 403-10; _Creassy's Plan_ MS., 1-47; _Nicaragua_, _Nueva Discusion_, 4-5; _Macgregor's Progress of Am._, i. 311, 728, 741-2, 749; _Stout's Nic._, 101, passim; _Amérique Cent., Comp. Belge_, pt. ii. 35-6, 92-3; _Nicaragua_, _De Orden del Director_, 1-16; _United Service Jour._, pt. ii. 208, 315-18, 433-40, pt. iii. 4-9, 289-95; _Pim's Gate to Pacific_, 26 et seq.; _Niles' Register_, xliv. 358; _Bussière_, _L'Empire Mex._, 371-5; _Conde_, _Golfe de Hond._, 5-6; _Carranza_, _Descrip._, 66-70, 118; _Griswold's Panamá_, 8 et seq.; _Pinkerton's Col. Voy._, xiv. 361-87; _Larrañaga_, _Prospecto Eneida_, 1-28; _Harleian Col. Voy._, ii. 761-5; _Dunn's Guat._, 64, passim; _Delaporte_, _Reise_, x. 343, 397-416; _Quarterly Rev._, xxxv. 326-9; _Morden's Geog._, 582-4; _Polynesian_, vii. 5, 181; _World Displayed_, vi. 9-17, 44-9; _Democratic Rev._, xxx. 546; _Bastide_, _Mem. sur Nouveau Passage_, 21-4, 30-2; _Betagh's Voy._, 132-3; _Harper's Mag._, xvii. 28-9; xviii. 18-23, 31; xix. 20-37, 434-7, 449-50; _Seaward's Nar._, ii. 271-99; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 68-70, 77, 93; _Thompson's Guat._, 236-7; _San Miguel_, _Mex._, ii. 24; _North Am. Rev._, xxiv. 278-80; _Young's Mosq. Shore_, 12-15; _Florencia_, _Zodiaco Mariano_, 234-55; _Gordon's Anc. Mex._, ii. 247; _British Quart. Rev._, xcix. 238-9; _Mex. and Guat._, ii. 155; _Burke's Europ. Settlement_, i. 291-2; _Mission Scientifique de Mex._, 509; _Pim and Seeman's Dottings_, 85 et seq.; _London Geog. Soc., Jour._, i. 85; xi. 81; xxiii. 180-1; xxxviii. 108-9; _Codman's Round Trip_, 14-15; _St Francis of Assisi_, 563; _Annals Brit. Legis._, ii. 397; _Marshall's Christian Missions_, ii. 224-6; _Shepard's Papers on Span. Am._, 35-7; _Rogers' Voy._, app. 13-54; _Thesaurus Geog._, ii. 267-71; _Holmes' Annals of Am._, i. 72; _Pinkerton's Modern Geog._, iii. 216; _Bury's Exodus_, ii. 58-99, 171-2; _Mosquito Terr., Correspondence Respecting_, 7 et seq.; _Indicador_, iii. 156-73; _Campbell's Span. Amer._, 64, passim; _Espinosa_, _Peregrino Sept._, 1-456; _Id._, _Nuevas Empresas_, 1-46; _Martin's Hist. W. Indies_, i. 137-9; _Warburton's Darien_, 169-396; _Diezmos de Indios_, 1, passim; _Voyages, New Univ. Col._, i. 188-9; ii. 373-8; _Boddam-Whetham_, _Across Cent. Am._, 109-12; _Thompson's Recol._, 119; _Mayer's Mex. Aztec_, i. 253; _Weatherhead's Account of Exped._, 36; _Overland Monthly_, iv. 497; _Strains' Inter. Comm._, 15-18; _Prior's All the Voy._, 57-70; _Greenhow's Mem._, 35-8; _Thiers' Mississippi Bubble_, 229-57; _Fanshaw's World in Min._, ii. 23; _Imray's Sailing Direct._, 12; _Holinski_, _La Cal._, 66-8; _Crosby's Statement_, MS., 116-18; _Findlay's Direct._, i. 213, 242, 258; _Arana_, _Relacion_, 380-98; _Guerra_, _Hist. Revol._, ii. 616-17; _Mexico, Notes on in 1822_, 239-44; _Frost's Pict. Hist. Mex._, 129; _Shelvocke's Voy._, 292-3; _Noticia Individual de los Derechos_, 1-143; _Ponton's Earthquakes_, 36, 46; _Nicaragua y Hond. Doc._, 1-56; _Paredes' Coast of Mosq._, 1-62; _Linage_, _Spanish Rule of Trade_, 207-8, 227; _Conder's Mex. and Guat._, ii. 153, passim; _Hassel_, _Mex. und Guat._, 406; _Wilson's Mex._, 257; _Lardner's Hist. Marit._, ii. 302-4; _Panamá_, _The Isthmus_, 8-9; _Anderson's Commerce_, iii. 165; iv. 47, 449; _Roberts' Nar. Voy._, 37-42; _Harris' Col. Voy._, i. 748, 754; _Wells' Honduras_, 415, 457-9, 530-1; _Goodrich's Man on Sea_, 34, 337-8; _Correo Merc. Esp._, iv. 270; _Tomes_, _Panamá_, 162-3, 208-12; _Oviedo y Baños_, _Por el Licenciado_, 1-9; _Guat._, _Instruc. Arreglo_, 1-24; _Otis' Isthmus of Panamá_, 127; _Payne's Univ. Geog._, iv. 461-3; _Silicio_, _Mem. Foment. Col. Ind._, 74-8; _Suarez_, _Informe_, 33; _Voyages, Hist. Voy. round the World_, i. 302-9, 325-9, 443-4; _Cullen's Darien_, 147-93; _Winterbotham's Hist. of U. S._, iv. 120-8; _Puydt et Binckum_, _Colonisation_, 72; _Flint's Geog._, ii. 145; _Alzate_, _Gacetas_, iii. 326, 442; _Castellon_, _Doc. Nic. y Hond._, 51-6; _Mosquitolandes_, 23, passim; _Moro_, _Informe_, 1-127; _Cavo_, _Tres Siglos_, i. 104; ii. 67-8, 147; iii. 35-43; _Bvla_, _Confirmationis_, 1-16; _Nicaragua_, _Nueva Discusion_, 6-7, 20-5; _Dic. Univ. Hist._, i., passim; _Arancel_, _Derechos_, 2-6; _Lacunza_, _Discursos Hist._, 461; _Mosquito-Küste und Ter._, 14-18; _Fonseca y Urrutia_, _Real Hacienda_, i. 519-20; _Guat._, _Aranceles_, 1-100; _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 28-30, 192, 226, 349-50; ii. 38, 261; _Raynal_, _Hist. Phil._, iv. 74-5, 200, 205, 221-50; _Leon's Travels_, 15-19, 35-40; _Pinelo_, _Relacion_, 1-11; _Mosquito, Correspondence_, 27, passim; _Relacion Historica de Iance_, 1-8; _Muro_, _Utilidades_, 1-73; _Fabrica y Estampa de Naypes_, 1-16; _Llorente_, _Œuvres_, 1-409; _Fernando_, vii.; _Doc._, 314-27; _Margil de Jesus_, _Noticie della Vita_, 1-216; _Id._, _Nuevas Empresas_, 1-46; _Cancelada_, _Tel. Mex._, 109; _Moreno_, _Reglas Cientas_, 1-136; _Nicaragua_, _Mem._, 8-28; _Cent. Amer. Pamphlets_, passim; _Mosquito Doc._, passim; _Museo Mex._, i. 193-5, 229, 261; _Iturriaga_, _El Dolor Rey_, 1-27; _Ilust. Mex._, iv. 414-16; _Iglesia de Guat._, _El Dean_, 1-4; _Linage_, _Norte de la Contratacion_, 1-264; _Navarrete_, _Col. Viages Descub._, iii. 452-3; _Guatemala_, _Autos de Parte_, MS., 1-41.

FOOTNOTES

[I‑1] Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. xiii.-xiv., says 80 men. Francisco de Jerez, Pizarro's secretary, _Conq. del Peru_, in _Barcia_, iii. 179, places the number at 112 Spaniards, besides Indians; Zárate, _Hist. del Peru_, in _Id._, at 114 men. For minor statements and discrepancies compare _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 141; _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com. Real_, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. vii.; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 118; _Oviedo_, iii. 382-90; _Quintana_, _Vidas, Pizarro_, 50.

[I‑2] This letter picturing the horrors of the situation, and begging from the governor relief, was signed by the writer and his comrades; after which was a doggerel, current for years thereafter in the Indies, which ran as follows:

Pues señor gobernador, Mirelo bien por entero Que allá va el recogedor, Y acá queda el carnicero.

And may be rendered thus:

To this we hope your honor, Will lend a kindly ear; You have the herder with you, We have the butcher here.

In _Balboa_, _Histoire du Pérou_, Ternaux-Compans gives a French rendering by Beaudoin:

Monsieur le gouverneur, on s'en va vous chercher, Pour emmener des gens de la ville où vous estes. Envoyez-nous-en donc, car voícy le boucher Qui les esgorgera comme de pauvres bestes.

[I‑3] Garcilaso de la Vega, _Com. Real_, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xi., tells the most extravagant stories concerning Tumbez. 'Avia gran numero de Plateros, que hacian Cantaros de Oro, y Plata, con otras muchas maneras de Joias, asi para el servicio, y ornamento del Templo, que ellos tenian por Sacrosanto, como para servicio del mismo Inga, y para chapar las planchas deste Metal, por las paredes de los Templos, y Palacios.' See also, _Xerez_, _Conq. del Peru_, _Barcia_, iii. 169-81; _Zárate_, _Hist. del Peru_, _Barcia_, iii. 2, 3; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 143; _Pizarro y Orellana_, _Varones Ilvstres_, 138; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mundo Nvovo_, 120; _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. xii.; _Oviedo_, iii.

[I‑4] Some affirm that, while in Spain, Cortés and Pizarro became great friends; that much fatherly advice was given by the former to the latter. Cortés, they say, although the younger, could teach his brother-conqueror many things, and warned Pizarro against admitting another to a share in the supreme authority, which advice, indeed, was hardly necessary.

[I‑5] Historians of the Peruvian conquest point with emphasis to political disruption as the agency which gave the country to the Spaniards. Of course we cannot tell what would have been the accidents or incidents of this invasion under other conditions. As it happened, I fail to perceive how the civil war of necessity was the cause of success, or that without Peruvian disruption the Spaniards could not have accomplished their purpose. Atahualpa at the head of a powerful army in the full flush of victory could have crushed this handful of Spaniards as easily as might have done a Peruvian host tenfold greater. Pizarro could have performed his imperial cozenage as easily when peace reigned as at another time. Compare _Naharro_, _Relacion_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, xxvi. 232-7; _Real Cédula_, in _Id._, 256; _Castañeda_, _Informacion_, in _Id._, 256-9; _Jaren_, _Informacion en Panamá_, in _Id._, 259-60; _Candía_, _Informacion_, in _Id._, 261-5; _Pedro Pizarro_, in _Id._, 201-10; _Almagro_, _Informacion_, in _Id._, 265-74; _Sámano_, _Relacion_, in _Id._, v. 193-201; _Col. Doc. Inéd._, in _Id._, l. 206-20; _Ovalle_, _Hist. Chile_, in _Pinkerton's Voy._, xiv. 154-6, and in _Churchill's Col. Voy._, xiv. 154-6; _Leon's Travels_, _Hakluyt Soc._; _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com. Reales_, ii. 13-20; _Pizarro y Orellana_, _Varones Ilvstres_, 127-9; _Xerez_, _Conq. del Peru_, 179-81; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 141-7; _Oviedo_, iv. 147 et seq.; _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_, 17-23. The last-mentioned document is by one of the conquerors. According to some reports the inca was undetermined what course to pursue. Immediately after the capture of Huascar some of his counsellors were for sending an army and destroying the invaders at once. Others wished to take them alive and by making slaves of them ingraft their superiority into their own incipient civilization. Others more timid represented the strangers as exceedingly fierce and powerful, to conquer whom would be difficult and dangerous. 'Vnos querian, que fuesse vn capitan a ello con exercito, otros dezian, que aunque los estrangeros no eran muchos, eran valientes, y que la ferocidad de sus rostros, y personas, la terribilidad de sus armas, la ligereza, y brabura de aquellos sus cauallos pedian mayor fuerça.' _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. ix. According to Balboa the arrival of the Spaniards caused some anxiety among the Peruvians at Cuzco. 'Cette nouvelle inquiéta tout le monde. Atahualpa essaya de tranquilliser ses sujets en leur disant que ces étrangers étaient probablement des envoyés de Viracocha, et depuis cette époque ce nom est resté aux Espagnols.' _Hist. du Pérou_, _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii. tom. iv. 309. Benzoni affirms that Atahualpa who was at Caxamalca, sent messengers to Pizarro threatening to make him repent if he did not leave his vassals unmolested and return to his own country. 'In questo tempo Attabaliba Re del Peru si trouaua in Cassiamalca, e inteso com' era entrato nel suo paese gente con la barba, con certi animali terribili e scorreuano i luoghi, ammazzando, e depredando il tutto, mandò vn' ambasciatore à Francesco Pizzarro, minacciandolo, che se non lasciaua i suoi vassalli, e se ne fosse ito al suo paese, che lo farebbe mal contento.' _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 121.

[I‑6] Herrera says 24; others 20. In the narratives of these early adventurers rarely two are exactly alike concerning any occurrence. Among them all, however, we can usually arrive near the truth.

[I‑7] There were in reality, according to the 'Spanish Captain,' 80,000 warriors in the encampment of the inca, but the cavaliers reported to their comrades only 40,000 in order not to dishearten them! 'Li Capitani ritornorno al signor gourenator, e gli disseno quel che era seguito del cacique, e che li parea che la gente ch'egli haueua portriano esser da quaranta mila huomini da guerra. Et questo dissono per dar animo alla gente, perche erano piu di ottanta mila, e dissono ancora quello che li haueua detto il cacique.' _Relatione d'vn Capitano Spagnvolo_, in _Ramusio_, iii. 373.

[I‑8] The story is told in as many ways as there are historians. Some say that the inca entered Caxamalca as a conqueror, others as falling into the trap of the Spaniards. All are partially correct. Undoubtedly he would capture the Spaniards if he could, while they would prevent it by securing him if they were able. According to Zárate, seeing but a few men in the plaza when he entered he asked, 'Have these men surrendered?' and his people answered, 'They have!' 'Y como viò tan pocos Españoles, i esos à pie (porque los de à Caballo, estaban escondidos) pensò, que no osarian parecer delante de èl, ni le esperarian; i levantandose sobre las andas, dixo à su Gente. _Estos rendidos estàn._ Y todos respondieron que si.' _Zárate_, _Hist. del Peru_, _Barcia_, iii. 21.

[I‑9] Some say a cross and a breviary, others a cross and a bible. 'Llego entonces a el Fray Vincente de Valuerde, dominico, que lleuaua una Cruz en la mano, y su breuiario, o la biblia, como algunos dizen.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 149.

[I‑10] 'Lui exposa longuement les mystères de notre sainte religion, en citant son discours plusieurs passages des évangiles, comme si Atahualpa avait su ce que c'était que les évangiles, ou eût été obligé de le savoir.' _Balboa_, _Hist. du Pérou_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii. tom. iv. 315.

[I‑11] 'Respondio Atabaliba muy enojado, que no queria tributar siẽdo libre.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 149. 'Ma che non gli pareua come Re libero di dar tributo à chi non haueua mai ve duto.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, 123. 'Soi libre, no debo tributo à nadie, ni pienso pagarlo, que no reconozco por superior à ningun Rei.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com. Reales_, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxv.

[I‑12] 'Y que Christo murio, y el sol, y la luna nunca morian.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 150.

[I‑13] 'Et che il Pontefice doueua essere vn qualche gran pazzo, poi che daua cosi liberamente quello d'altri.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, 123. 'Que no obedeceria al Papa porque daua lo ageno, y por no dexar aquien nunca vio el reyno, que fue de su padre.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 149-50.

[I‑14] 'Poi gli dimandò, come sapeua, che'l Dio de Cristiani di niente haueua fatto il mondo, e che fosse morto in Croce. Il frate rispose, che quel libro lo diceua, e lo porse ad Attabaliba, ilquale lo prese, e guardatoui sopra, ridendo disse; à me non dice niente questo libro; e gettatolo per terra, il frate lo ripigliò.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, 123. 'Le moine en fut si irrité qu'il réclama à grands cris vengeance pour l'offense faite à Dieu et à sa sainte loi.' _Balboa_, _Hist. du Pérou_, 315.

[I‑15] Pizarro y Orellana mildly affirms that the inca threw the book from him in such scorn, that the monk was obliged to call upon the Christians to fight for their law. 'Y poniendole la biblia en las manos, la arrojò el Inga con tã gran vituperio, que obligò al Religioso à dar vozes à los Cristianos, diziendoles, que bolviessen por su ley, que la ultrajava aquel barbaro gentil, de quien no avia ya que esperar.' _Varones Ilvstres_, 155.

[I‑16] 'Et subito ad alta voce cominciò à gridare; vendetta, vendetta Cristiani, che gli Euangelij sono disprezzati, e gettati per terra. Vccidete questi cani, che dispreggiano la legge di Dio.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, 123. Gomara says: 'Los Euãgelios en tierra, Vẽgãça Christianos, a ellos, a ellos que no quiere nuestra amistad, ni nuestra ley.' _Hist. Ind._, 150. While Garcilaso de la Vega renders it thus: 'Ea, ea, destruidlos, que menos precian nuestra lei, y no quieren nuestra amistad.' _Com. Reales_, ii. lib. i. cap. xxv.

[I‑17] 'De Monick selfs hielt oock niet op den gantschen tydt dat sy doende waren met dit Dolck te vermoorden, vamrasen en tieren, vermanende de spaenjaerden dat sy niet houwen maer steken souden, om de Lemmets te bewaren, dat sy niet braecken, mits sy de Degens in nacomende moorderyen souden van noode hebben.' _West-Indische Spieghel_, 362.

[I‑18] 'Cargauã todos sobre Atabaliba, que todauia estaua en su litera, por prenderle, desseando cada vno el prez y gloria de su prision.' _Gomara_, 150. 'Ses gardes prirent la fuite de tous les côtés, et les Espagnols, ayant entraîné l'Inga dans leur camp, lvi mirent les fers aux pieds.' _Balboa_, _Hist. du Pérou_, 316.

[I‑19] The 'Spanish Captain' places the number at over seven thousand besides many who had their limbs cut off and were in other ways mutilated. 'Rima sero in quel giorno morti da sei ouer sette mila Indiani, oltra molti che haueano tagliate le braccia, e molte altre ferite.' _Relatione d'vn Capitano Spagnvolo_; _Ramusio_, iii. 374. 'Decimos, que pasaron de cinco mil Indios los que murieron aquel dia. Los tres mil y quinientos fueron à hierro, y los demas fueron viejos invtiles, mugeres, muchachos, y niños, porque de ambos sexos, y de todas edades avia venido innumerable gente à oir, y solenniçar la embajada de los que tenian por dioses.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_; _Com. Reales_, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. 25. This brutal massacre is dignified by Pizarro y Orellana, as one of the most important battles of history, remarkable for the loss of so little Christian blood! 'Se vencio una de las mas importantes batallas, y con menos gente de quantas en las historias divinas, y humanas se han visto; no sacandose mas sangre de los Cristianos, que la de una pequeña herida que le dieron en la mano à nuestro valeroso capitan salia.' _Varones Ilvstres_, 156.

[I‑20] 'Cosi bauuta la sanguinolente e terribil vittoria di quella misera gente infelice; stettero tutti la notte in balli e feste, lussuriando.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 124. 'Als de Spaenjaerden desen bloedighen neerlaghe aengerecht hadden van dit ongheluckighe Volck, hebben sy den naestvolgenden nacht met dansen en springhen, en bancketeren overghebrocht.' _West-Indische Spieghel_, 362.

[I‑21] No greater monument of blind adulation is found in Spanish-American history than the _Varones Ilvstres del Nvevo Mvndo_, Madrid, 1639, of Pizarro y Orellana, a descendant of one of the great Pizarros. Not only the brutal Francisco Pizarro is made a saint, but the accounts of the eight heroes of the conquest, which occupy the greater part of a folio volume, are little else than a covering of defects by so-called glorious deeds, which serve besides the purposes of fame as a special plea for the confirmation of grants conferred upon the conqueror. This plea is embodied in the author's later _Discurso Legal_, and is in some degree made weightier by his position as member of the royal council.

[I‑22] 'Y se fue enterando de ellos del discurso de su venida, y de la Fè Catolica, que oìa muy buen: como hombre que tenia muy bien entendimiento.' _Pizarro y Orellana_, _Varones Ilvstres_, 156.

[I‑23] 'Hallaron en el baño, y Real, de Atabaliba cinco mil mugeres, que aunque tristes, y desamparadas, holgaron con los Christianos, muchas y buenas tiendas, infinita ropa de vestir.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com. Reales_, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxvii.

[I‑24] 'Valiò en fin la bajilla sola de Atabaliba, cien mil ducados.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com. Real_, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxvii. 'Los Soldados no se descuidaron en visitar los quarteles del exercito del Inga, donde hallaron grandissimas riqueza de oro, y plata.' _Pizarro y Orellana_, _Varones Ilvstres_, 156.

[I‑25] 'Tratò Ataulpa de su rescate, y ofrecio tan gran cantidad de oro, que parecia impossible cumplirlo.' _Pizarro y Orellana_, _Varones Ilvstres_, 156. 'Prometiò, porque le soltasen, cubrir de vasijas de plata y oro, el suelo de vna gran sala donde estava preso.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com. Reales_, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxviii.

[I‑26] 'J'attends avec impatience l'arrivée de votre frère, pour savoir quels sont ses droits, rendre justice à chacun et tâcher de vous mettre d'accord.' _Balboa_, _Hist. du Pérou_, 317.

[I‑27] Benzoni was told that Pizarro intended from the first to take the life of Atahualpa, as by this means he expected to be able better to subdue and govern the country. 'Però io ho inteso, da poi che Pizzarro l'hebbe fatto prigione, l'intento suo fu sempre di leuarselo dinanzi à gli occhi, per meglio potere soggiogare, e dominare il paese.' _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, lib. iii. fol. 125.

[I‑28] 'Il était, dit-on, épris d'une des femmes d'Atahualpa, que la crainte qu'inspirait l'Inga empêchait de se rendre à ses désirs.' _Balboa_, _Hist. du Pérou_, 322. 'Sobre estas causas se examinaron à algunos Indios, à tiempo q̃ el Interprete Filipillo, zeloso de que una muger de Ataulpa le huviesse desdeñado, interpretò los dichos de los testigos, escriviendolos demanera, que el Padre Fray Vicente de Valverde dixo, que el firmaria la sentencia de muerte.' _Pizarro y Orellana_, _Varones Ilvstres_, 166.

[I‑29] 'En la suma deste rescate, andan diversos, Agustin Çarate, y Francisco Lopez de Gomara, historiadores de aquellos tiempos, creo, que son erratas del molde: pondrè aqui algunas dellas, para que se vean mejor.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com. Reales_, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxxviii. I have taken the lowest estimate of this treasure as being in all probability as near the truth as any. Many different amounts are given, some of them as high as four millions. 'Hallaron cinquẽta y dos mil marcos de buena plata, y vn millon, y trezientos, y veynte y seys mil y quiniẽtos pesos de oro, suma, y riq̃za, nunca vista en vno.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 154-5.

[I‑30] The 'Spanish Captain' says that every foot-soldier received 4,800 ducats, equal to 7,208 castellanos, while horsemen received double. Those who were left at San Miguel received 200 pesos each. 'Il signor gouernatore fece le parti, e toccò a ciascuno fante a pie, quattro mila e ottocento pesi d'oro, che sono ducati. 7208, e a gli huomini a cauallo il doppio, senza altri vantaggi che gli furon fatti.... A quelli Christiani che erano restati in quel luogo doue haueua fondato il ridotto de San Michele, dette due mila pesi d'oro, acciocche lo partissero, che ne toccò dugento pesi a ciascuno.' _Relatione d'vn Capitano Spagnvolo_, _Ramusio_, iii. 377. 'Chaque cavalier reçut neuf cents pesos d'or et trois cent soixante marcs d'argent. Chaque fantassin eut la moitié de cette somme.' _Hist. du Pérou_, 327-8.

[I‑31] Pizarro well knew that the inca's death was certain if the matter were left to the soldiers, while by so doing he might be able to throw off some of the odium which otherwise would be fastened upon him. As he had anticipated, the majority was in favor of killing the prisoner. Others would have him sent to Spain, while a few were in favor of granting him his liberty. 'Dit also volbracht zÿnde, door Pizarro, en Almagro vergaderen de Krÿchsraedt, en beraetslaghen met malcanderen, wat men met Attabaliba soude uytrechten: Eenighe sloeghen voor, datmen hem soude om den hals brenghen, eenige vonden goet datmen hem los laten soude: Veele waren van meeninghe, dat het goet was datmen hem nae den Keyser soude senden. Ten laetsten, de stemmen vergadert synde, prevaleerde die, datmen hem soude ombrenghen.' _West-Indische Spieghel_, 365.

[I‑32] The philosophy as well as the religion of the early writers is ever found equal to the emergency. 'Y aunque parecio sin causa, y como tal lo pagaron los que intervinieron en ella, no sin culpa; pues tan sin ella avia sido fratricida del Guaxcar, como queda dicho.' _Pizarro y Orellana_, _Varones Ilvstres_, 166-7.

[I‑33] 'Començaron vnos à desentablar las paredes del templo, que de oro, y plata eran: otros à desenterrar las joias, y Vasos de oro, que con los Muertos estavan: otros à tomar idolos que de lo mesmo eran.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com. Reales_, pt. ii. lib. ii. cap. vii.

[I‑34] 'Acerca de los quinientos hombres, que estos autores dicen, que llevò consigo D. Pedro de Alvarado, se me ofrece decir, que à muchos de los que fueron con el, les oì, que fueron ochocientos Españoles.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com. Reales_, pt. ii. lib. ii. cap. ii.

[I‑35] His relative, Pizarro y Orellana, says he was at this time nearly 80 years of age, and that he killed five persons and wounded others before he was stricken down. 'Como eran tãtos los que les ayudavan, aunque avia muerto a cinco, y otros muchos heridos, y como la edad llegava acerca de ochenta años, no pudo defenderse tanto, que no le diessen una estocada en la garganta, con que se desalẽtò, y desangrò, y vino à arrodillar.' _Varones Ilvstres_, 185-6.

[I‑36] It is scarcely necessary to say that the best history of the Peruvian conquest, indeed the only one that can lay claims to fairness and completeness, is Mr Prescott's. The chief original authorities have already been given. Pizarro forms a leading figure in _Quintana_, _Vidas de Españoles Célebres_, published at Madrid in 1807, 1830, 1833, in three volumes, reprinted at Paris in 1845. Celebrated as a poet and dramatist since 1801, Quintana intended to produce a lengthy series of biographies of the national heroes who had already entered into his song; but the demands of other studies and of his public duties as censor, director de estudios, and as senator, interfered with his work, and nine lives are all that have been recorded. While declaring his intention to be impartial and instructive he is often led by his innate predilection for hero and word painting, to mingle poetic fancy with biographic facts. The list may be greatly swollen by such works as _Acosta_, _Hist. Ind._; _Velasco_, _Hist. Quito_; _Ercilla_, _La Araucana_; _Levinius Apollonius_, _Peruuiæ Regionis_; _Burney's Dis. South Sea_, i. 120; _Galvano's Discov._, 34-9; _Robertson's Hist. Am._, ii. 151; _La Harpe_, _Voy._, x. 259-458, xi. 5 et seq.; _Voys._, _Nouv. Bib. des Voys._, xii. 131-67; _Kerr's Col. Voy._, iv. 328-464; _Harris_, _Col. Voy._, i. 788-97, iv. 464-512, v. 1-217; _Molina_, _Hist. Chile_, Madrid, 1788, i.-ii.; _March y Labores_, _Hist. Marina_, ii. 123-5; _Russell's Hist. Am._, i. 264-301; Francisco Pizarro, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 71-171; _Andagoya_, _Carta al Rey_, Oct. 22, 1536; _Voy. Cur. and Rare_, 34; _Campbell's Span. Am._, 44-9; _S. Am. and Mex._, i. 45-9; _Descrip. de Am._, 38-40; _Helps' Span. Conq._, iii. 419-58; _Snowden's Am._, 141-7; _Sammlung aller Reisebesch._, xv. 36-46; _Voys._, _A New Col._, i. 365-7; _Guzman's Life_, 84-134; _Hakluyt's Voy._, iii. 798-9; _Piedrahita_, _Hist. Gen._, 438-40; _Harper's Mag._, xix. 434; _Domingo de Eraso_, in _Doc. Hist. Esp._, l. 220-31; _Barrionuevo_, _Inform._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, x. 144-52; _Torquemada_, i. 611; and the many royal cédulas and letters of the Pizarros and others.

[II‑1] _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. ix. Although the charges against Pedrarias were pressed by Oviedo in person, there is no doubt that they were brought at the instigation of Rios.

[II‑2] He died at Córdoba. _Oviedo_, iii. 123-4.

[II‑3] Of his subsequent career it is known that he served under Pizarro in Peru and afterward retired to his estates in Cuzco. _Cartas de Indias_, 761-2.

[II‑4] On account of its resemblance to the harbor of Cartagena in Spain. _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iii.

[II‑5] _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iii. This is the Spanish translation for the phrase applied to it by the natives. The word 'bohío' belongs to the dialect of the country.

[II‑6] In _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., it is stated that the city was then very populous, had a considerable commerce, and contained two castles heavily mounted with artillery, a cathedral, a custom-house, a government-house, and other public buildings.

[II‑7] This incident occurred in the year 1545. _Acosta_, _Hist. Nat. Ind._, 206-10.

[II‑8] According to _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., the new town was named San Sebastian de Buena Vista.

[II‑9] In _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., we have the somewhat remarkable statement that the nuts were of such size that two of them were often a sufficient burden for a man. He probably adheres to fact, however, when he states that on such food the Spaniards subsisted many days, at the first discovery of the country, alluding perhaps to Pizarro's fifty days' sojourn in that neighborhood when waiting for the return of Ojeda.

[II‑10] And paved the way for large bands of adventurers who afterward carried on a lucrative traffic with the natives. _Acosta_, _Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada_, 133.

[II‑11]

'Es tierra del Guaca que se derrama Por rico mineral a cada lado.' _Castellanos_, _Varones Illustres Ind._, 394.

[II‑12] In _Acosta_, _Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada_, 142, it is stated that during this expedition César reached the town of the cacique Dabaiba, but no mention is made of his finding any gold there.

[II‑13] So named on account of the swarms of troublesome insects in its neighborhood. _Id._, 252.

[II‑14] Spelled also Nore. _Id._, 254.

[II‑15] In 1535, _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, viii. 25, confirmed by _Clemente_, _Tablas Chronológicas_, 204.

[II‑16] _Carta al Emperador_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 64-82.

[II‑17] In Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. v., it is stated that Berlanga succeeded Peraza on the death of the latter in 1531, or earlier, but this is probably a mistake. There is much conflict of authorities as to the succession of bishops about this date. In _Alcedo_, iv. 33, _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, and _Fernandez_, _Hist. Ecles._, it is stated that Vicente de Valverde was elected in 1533, and after holding office for a few months was promoted to the see of Cuzco, Berlanga taking his place at Panamá in 1534 as stated by Fernandez, who is probably the most accurate authority in church matters, and according to _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, x. 237, officiating in August of the following year, as 'juez comisario por su Majestad,' at an investigation into the conduct of Francisco Pizarro and other officers.

[II‑18] So says Gonzalez Dávila, Berlanga died August 8, 1551. _Teatro Ecles._, ii. 57-8.

[III‑1] 'Chripstóbal Colom, declaró á este almirante, su nieto, por duque de Veragua y marqués de la isla de Sanctiago, alias Jamáyca, é almirante perpétuo destas Indias, é le hizo merçed de lo uno y de lo otro por título de mayorazgo, é con ello le conçedió otras merçedes.' _Oviedo_, ii. 498-9. See also _Charlevoix_, _Hist. San Domingo_, i. 447.

[III‑2] In Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. vi., it is stated that the vireina asked permission of the Consejo de Indias to arm vessels for the purpose of subjugating the natives, but that her request was refused because the fisco had not as yet decided the question of privilege.

[III‑3] 'Felipe Gutierrez obtuvo concesion en 1535, para conquistar la provincia de Veragua.' _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 204. In _Notas Biográficas_, in _Cartas de Indias_, 771, it is stated that after being in the service of Charles V. he was granted the right to make the conquest of a tract of territory extending from Castilla del Oro to Cape Gracias á Dios.

[III‑4] Consisting of four navíos and one galleon.

[III‑5] Felipe Gutierrez set out in 1535, though some authorities make it 1553. The former date is probably correct, for in a letter addressed to the emperor in 1534 Andagoya states that he has been advised of his Majesty's orders to the governor of Veragua to recruit men in Panamá, and begs him to reconsider his command. _Andagoya_, _Carta al Rey_, Oct. 22, 1534.

[III‑6] This stream was the river Concepcion, about two leagues west of the river Veragua and four leagues west of the Belen.

[III‑7] 'Á aquella poblacion mandó llamar el gobernador Felipe Gutierrez la cibdad de la _Concepcion_, y tambien la pudiera llamar de la aflicion, porque él y todos tenian trabaxo extremado.' _Oviedo_, ii. 483-4.

[III‑8] An expedition must be fitted out. The governor being sick delegated the command to his lieutenant Alonso de Pisa, who was to be accompanied by the priest Juan de Sosa. This latter knew that Pisa was not a favorite with the men, and the clérigo was ambitious to represent the church militant as general of the expedition; but Governor Gutierrez reproved him severely, stating that it was unseemly for a priest to carry arms. Many profane words were interchanged, the Spanish language being remarkably rich in such vocabulary. Sosa gained his point, and received the appointment, Diego de Pisa, brother of Alonso, acting as his lieutenant. _Oviedo_, ii. 484-9.

[III‑9] 'Huuo algunos que mataron vn Christano enfermo, y se le comieron.' _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. xi.

[III‑10] In _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. xi., there is a severe and somewhat unjust stricture on the conduct of Gutierrez. He says that when the sufferings of the party became intolerable, their leader, being too cowardly to risk a final and desperate effort, deserted his men, thus forfeiting his former good name, and embarked secretly with a few friends for Nombre de Dios; but it does not appear what he would have gained by attempting any further enterprise with the remnant of his starving band.

[IV‑1] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 683 et seq., this series.

[IV‑2] At the former of the above-named sessions, a fresh enrolment of citizens took place, and it is worthy of note that Alvarado first became one himself on that date, as 'el Sr Capitan General' heads the list which contains more than forty names. Remesal erroneously gives August 23, 1526, as the date of the enrolment. _Hist. Chyapa_, 8.

[IV‑3] Remesal makes a sly allusion to his vanity. 'Le parecio al Capitan Pedro de Aluarado boluer a la ciudad de Mexico, a ver, y que le viessen,' and adds that at this time, though not so quick and active as formerly, he had a fine appearance and a handsome countenance. _Hist. Chyapa_, 7.

[IV‑4] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 581-2, this series.

[IV‑5] In the charges subsequently brought against Alvarado it was alleged that he had deposed the officers of the cabildo on account of their opposition. To this he replied that he had merely appointed a new cabildo at the beginning of the year, according to the usual custom. _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 12, 60, 83.

[IV‑6] _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 12.

[IV‑7] _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 16, 17. Remesal is of opinion that Alvarado himself petitioned for a body-guard to go with him to Mexico; but a more probable explanation of the matter is that the political disturbances in Mexico had extended to Guatemala, and that seditious movements were on foot. Consult _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 83; and _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 7.

[IV‑8] Alvarado calls this city the 'city of Santiago,' and also the 'city of Guatemala,' _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guatemala_, 102, by which expressions it must be understood to have been Patinamit. Brasseur de Bourbourg, on the authority of the Cakchiquel manuscript, states that Alvarado mustered his forces at Xapan, and that at the moment of commencing his march one half of his men mutinied and fled to Patinamit; whereupon Alvarado pursued them, and the two parties nearly came to blows at the latter place. He found means, however, to pacify them, but in the night the mutineers set fire to the city and escaped, the date being May 9, 1526. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 686.

[IV‑9] No two authorities agree as to the time of his departure. Vazquez states that he left in the month of January 1526, _Chronica de Gvat._, 69, and Juarros in February, _Guat._ (ed. London, 1823), 433; while Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the 10th of May as the date. Remesal altogether ignores Alvarado's expedition to Honduras, and states that he remained in Santiago until he received news of the arrival of Cortés at Vera Cruz, whereupon he again brought forward the question of his own departure for Mexico. _Hist. Chyapa_, 8.

[IV‑10] _Hist. Verdad._, 220. The position of this town may have been in the neighborhood of the present Tegucigalpa. There is an affluent of the Choluteca River which bears the name of Malalaja, and the similarity of names leads to the conjecture that Alvarado reached the neighborhood of Tegucigalpa as the Malalaja flows into the main stream just above that town. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls the town Malacatan.

[IV‑11] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 571, this series.

[IV‑12] Both Sandoval and Cortés had written to Marin, but neither letter reached its destination. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 219.

[IV‑13] 'Y acuerdome que tiramos piedras a la tierra que dexauamos atras, y con el ayuda de Dios iremos a Mexico.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 219.

[IV‑14] 'E era de tal gordor, q̃ del se hizo vna canoa, que en estas partes otra mayor no la auia visto.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 220. The ceiba is the wild cotton-tree and grows to an enormous size.

[IV‑15] Bernal Diaz' memory has here failed him. He states that after crossing the Lempa they entered the Chaparristic—called by him Chapanastiques—province, and that here the Indians killed a Spaniard named Nicuesa, and wounded three others of his party who were foraging for provisions. The Spaniards had passed through the Chaparristic province when they had reached the Lempa, and therefore it was either in Cuzcatlan that Nicuesa was killed, or the river which Alvarado's men crossed must have been the Goascoran.

[IV‑16] _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 22; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 96-7, Id. i. 23, 253. The official gazette of Salvador erroneously gives Aug. 6, 1525, as the date of submission, and states that the conquest is yearly commemorated. _Salvador_, _Gac. Offic._, 4 Dic. 1877, p. 1123. It will be remembered that Alvarado in his first campaign in Salvador did not succeed in reducing the province of Cuzcatlan to allegiance. He, however, formed the determination of returning to complete its subjugation. There is evidence that this was accomplished previously to May 1525. Consult _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 12, 13, and _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 105-6.

[IV‑17] About ten miles from the river Paz in Guatemala territory.

[IV‑18] _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 22. 'Los Españoles, que estaban en Olintepeque de Quetzaltenango no havîan tenîdo modo de dar aviso á los de Honduras.' _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 71.

[IV‑19] Fuentes states that it was either Pedro de Alvarado or the ordinary alcaldes to whom the disturbance was to be attributed. _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 20. Escamilla is of opinion that the lieutenant, Jorge de Alvarado, was the one to blame, _Sucesion Chronologica._, 12, while the former author remarks that Jorge was in Mexico at the time, and was confounded with Gonzalo. He also states that the latter was ordinary alcalde, but this was not the case, for as may be seen in _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 16, 17, the alcaldes were Diego Becerra and Baltasar de Mendoza.

[IV‑20] Vazquez says 400 girls and as many boys. _Chronica de Gvat._, 69. Fuentes y Guzman, 200 boys. _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 21. The gold-washings were those of Chahbal and Punakil, the former word meaning, according to Vazquez, 'the washing-place,' and the latter, 'plateado ô dorado.'

[IV‑21] One castellano of tequio according to Fuentes. 'Vn cañutillo de oro lavado del tamaño del dedo menîque,' according to Vazquez, _Id._

[IV‑22] In the native dialect 'Caxtok.'

[IV‑23] _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 289. The whole land from Cuzcatlan to Olintepec—a distance of over 90 leagues—revolted. _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 21. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that the confederated Indians comprised the Pokomams, Pocomchis, Quichés, Cakchiquels, Pipiles, and Xincas, but entertains some doubt as to the Quichés taking part in the league, as such action is at variance with the Cakchiquel manuscript and with Vazquez. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 690. At a council summoned by the chiefs of the revolting tribes there were present among others the caciques of Tecpan Atitlan (the modern Solola), of Ruyaalxot, Sinacam, and the Appoxahil, of Xilotepec, Zacatepec, Chimaltenango, and Zumpango. Fuentes supposes that Sinacam was at this time at Patinamit, whereas he had escaped to the mountains of Comalapa, occupying there the stronghold of Ruyaalxot. This author evidently knew nothing of the Cakchiquel insurrection in 1524, for he states that after concealing for two years his intention to revolt the cacique now took advantage of Alvarado's absence.

[IV‑24] Juarros disagrees with the account given by Vazquez because it leads to the conclusion that Santiago was abandoned, and argues that this could not have been the case, because sessions of the cabildo were held on the 23d and 26th of August. _Guat._, i. 351-2, note and ii. 306. Juarros was not aware that the so-called city had no permanent site till 1527. The books of the cabildo were but the record of the acts of a municipality that was continually changing its position. Besides, Alvarado had before the dates above mentioned rejoined Gonzalo at Olintepec, and the above sessions were held at that town. The account given by Fuentes and followed by Juarros differs materially from that of Vazquez which has been followed in the text. Fuentes states that at this unexpected crisis all attempts at civil government were abandoned, and energetic measures adopted for a vigorous defence; that Gonzalo with 60 Spanish horse and foot and 400 Mexican and Tlascalan allies took up a position at Olintepec, while Baltasar de Mendoza with the rest of the army remained for the protection of the city of Santiago, Gonzalo de Ovalle, with his companions, being stationed in the valley of Panchoy and Hernando de Chaves in that of Alotenango; that the troops were quartered in the open plains during the months of June, July, and August, and suffered much from the heavy rains; and that the detachment under Chaves sustained four attacks from the forces of Sinacam, while Ovalle engaged twice with Sequechul who had fortified his camp with earthworks and ditches. _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 22; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 291. I cannot accept this version of Fuentes. Bernal Diaz makes no mention of Alvarado's being joined by any Spaniards in the series of engagements that took place during his march through to Olintepec. On the contrary he says 'fuimos por nuestras jornadas largas, sin parar hasta donde Pedro de Alvarado auia dexado su exercito, porque estaua todo de guerra, y estaua en él por Capitan vn hermano que se dezia Gonzalo de Alvarado; llamauase aquella poblacion donde los hallamos, Olintepeque.' _Hist. Verdad._, 220. From this it is evident that Vazquez' account is correct and that the Spaniards had been completely driven out of the Cakchiquel district.

[IV‑25] Meanwhile the other column had suffered severely. There is a list of those killed in _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 54. It is refreshing to know that their spiritual welfare was cared for, the cabildo on the 16th of Sept. 1528 securing to them their lots and lands and ordering the same to be sold for the good of their souls. Bernal Diaz was among the wounded: 'allí me hirieron de vn flechazo, mas no fue nada la herida.' _Hist. Verdad._, 220.

[IV‑26] _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 23-4; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 294-5.

[IV‑27] The name of the chief is spelled by Fuentes Cazualan and Casualan. Juarros states that the word means 'The faithful will come,' and adds, 'nombre que parece profetico, pues en tiempo de este Cacique vinieron los fieles Christianos á predicar el Santo Evangelio.' _Guat._, ii. 292. Cazhualan had been one of the first to give in his allegiance, an act which offended the greater part of his subjects, who revolted against him, whereupon he resorted to arms. A fierce conflict ensued, which ended in the defeat of the insurgents, who fled to the woods. The rebels refusing to return to their allegiance, Cazhualan visited Alvarado, who promised him assistance. Thenceforward he remained a faithful ally of the Spaniards. _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 19, 20. According to Fuentes and Juarros Alvarado shortly afterward sent a force to his aid, and Petapa was soon reduced to obedience and made submissive to its cacique. Fuentes states that the Guzmans of Petapa are descended from Cazhualan. _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 24-5; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 296.

[IV‑28] This great battle is simply but graphically made mention of by Bernal Diaz in the few words, 'Y les hizimos yr con la mala ventura.' Fuentes, followed by Juarros, locates the scene of this battle elsewhere. He states that on reaching the valley where Guatemala stands Alvarado attacked and carried the intrenched camp of Sequechul, and that on the same night the army arrived in Guatemala. _Recordacion Florida_, 24. Vazquez correctly writes: 'En la vltima de las quales (batallas) entraron la Ciudad de Patinamit, los Españoles, que ... fué hazaña muy memorable esta victoria.' _Chronica de Gvat._, 73. This view corresponds with the account of Bernal Diaz.

[IV‑29] This capital had already been repaired, and the buildings elicit an expression of admiration from Bernal Diaz, who says: 'Y estauan los aposentos y las casas con tan buenos edificios, y ricos, en fin como de Caciques que mandauan todas las Provincias comarcanas.' _Hist. Verdad._, 220.

[IV‑30] Brasseur de Bourbourg suggests that the erection of these dwellings gave rise to the present city of Tecpan-Guatémala, which is to-day inhabited by the descendants of the citizens of Patinamit. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 693.

[IV‑31] Pelaez considers that this time was occupied in removing the inhabitants and destroying the city. _Mem. Guat._, i. 49. But Bernal Diaz makes no mention of so striking an event.

[IV‑32] Two of the brothers of Pedro de Alvarado now pass from the scene as prominent actors in Guatemala. Gonzalo came over to Mexico with Cortés, and took part in the conquest. On his return to the capital of that country it appears from the books of the cabildo that he was regidor in 1527 and 1528, and in the latter year received a grant of land for a fruit-orchard, on which occasion the cabildo graciously mentions that he had remitted the payment of 100 pesos previously loaned to the city. Bernal Diaz makes mention of him as having written an account of the conquest of Guatemala. At a later date he settled in Honduras and became alcalde of one of the towns founded there by his brother. He also resettled the city of Gracias á Dios. The second brother alluded to—Don Gomez—also came to Mexico with Cortés. What time he left Guatemala is not evident; his name, however, appears on the books of the cabildo on January 8, 1525. He was in Mexico in 1527. When Alvarado went on his expedition to Peru, this brother accompanied him, joined the Almagro faction, was made prisoner at the battle of Salinas, but was released by Pizarro. Later he was so disgusted at the assassination of that leader that he joined the standard of the viceroy Vaca de Castro and was present at the battle of Chupas. He died of sickness a few days afterward in 1542. _Libro de Cabildo_, MS., 215-16, 224; _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 12; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist._, 176, 240; _Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog. Ap._, i. 167.

[IV‑33] 'Cortés nos lleuò a sus Palacios, adonde nos tenia aparejada vna muy solene comida.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 220.

[IV‑34] The _Recordacion Florida de la Historia de Guatemala_ by Don Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman is a manuscript work in three volumes, two of which exist in the archives of the municipality of Guatemala city. They comprise seventeen books, the first of which relates to the history of the indigenous races, the substance of which is taken almost entirely from Torquemada. The six following books treat consecutively of the conquest down to the time of the Spaniards entering Guatemala; of its independence with respect to Mexico; of the destruction of old Santiago and Alvarado's life and career; of the founding of the second city of Santiago; of miraculous images existing in Guatemala; and of the privileges and ordinances of its capital city. The next nine contain descriptions of as many principal valleys of the province, among which may be mentioned those of Las Vacas, Mixco, Zacatepec, and Xilotepec. In these descriptions the author deals with all matters of interest connected with the valleys, including Indian games. The seventeenth book is devoted to the historiography of the spiritual administration of these valleys in the writer's time. According to Beristain the first volume was sent to Spain to be printed, but nothing more is known of it. Fuentes y Guzman was born in Antigua Guatemala, his family being descended from Bernal Diaz. Juarros states that he wrote in 1695. _Guat._ (ed. London, 1823), 309. He had at his command a large number of rare documents, but did not make such use of them as an unbiassed chronicler would have done. His admiration of the conquerors was too great to admit of his making mention of the cruelties which such documents must have exposed. The same feeling urged him to indulge in invective against Las Casas. Such were his prejudices in this respect, that as regards the conquest, he could not be considered a reliable historian were there no other evidence of his inaccuracies; but when I find that in many instances his narrative is at variance with that given in Alvarado's own letters, the necessity of receiving his statements with additional caution is apparent. Brasseur de Bourbourg is, perhaps, extreme in saying: 'Le mensonge qui règne continuellement dans les récits de Fuentes,' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 690; but this latter author was as ready to accept Indian versions of events, as the other was disposed to ignore them. The style of Fuentes, though not wanting in elegance and descriptive power, often becomes flowery and sometimes inflated.

[V‑1] In a memorial of Mexicans and Tlascaltecs petitioning the king of Spain for redress of grievances, they said, 'Venimos a conquistar esta prova. bajo el yugo pesado del Ado. Alvarado, i Dn. Po. Puertocarrero;' and again: 'i malos tratos. de los Esps. qe. ahorcaron i mataron ms. de noss.' _Memorial_, 15 Marzo 1547; _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 41.

[V‑2] Fuentes says they reached Santiago on this day. He also states that Diego de Alvarado was captain of the garrison; but I think that some other officer was then in command, as a Diego de Alvarado was regidor of Santiago this same year. See _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 16-18.

[V‑3] 'Que hoy no se encuentra el menor vestigio de èl.' _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 297.

[V‑4] _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 4-12; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 297-300. Many families are descended from Spaniards who distinguished themselves in this campaign. Bartolomé Becerra, one of the captains, left numerous descendants besides those bearing his family name. His daughter who later took a prominent part in the conquest of Copan, is represented in the female line by the family of the Villacreces Cueba y Guzman. From Sancho de Baraona, who filled the offices of procurator, syndic, and ordinary alcalde, are descended the Baraona de Loaisa. The cavalry officer Hernando de Chaves was ever placed in command when dangerous enterprises were to be undertaken. His daughter Doña Catarina de Chaves y Vargas married Rodrigo de Fuentes y Guzman, and a second one was wedded to Pedro de Aguilar. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 349-51.

[V‑5] Vazquez commits a twofold error in stating that Alvarado not only conducted the campaign about to be narrated, but on his arrival at Olintepec united his forces with those stationed there, and marched against Patinamit, which he took after a series of engagements, and then went in pursuit of the caciques who had escaped. _Chronica de Gvat._, 72-3. This is utterly at variance with the account given by Bernal Diaz, who took part in the campaign. Nor did Alvarado after his arrival at Olintepec undertake any further operations before his departure for Mexico, according to this latter authority, who says: 'y estuvimos descansando ciertos dias' (that is at Olintepec), 'y luego fuimos a Soconusco.' _Hist. Verdad._, 220.

[V‑6] Called by Vazquez the Nimanche, a word meaning 'great tree,' and derived from the enormous cedars which grew in the ravines. The range is situated about eight leagues from Comalapa and ten to the east of Tecpan Guatemala, near the site of Ruyaalxot. _Chronica de Gvat._, 70-71.

[V‑7] 'Passa el rio grande, q̃ se dize _Nimaya_, por sus muchas aguas.' _Id._

[V‑8] For an account of a priest's descent into this ravine see Vazquez. _Id._

[V‑9] Brasseur de Bourbourg states that this fortification had been previously built, 'dans la prévision d'une guerre avec les Quichés,' and adds that according to public rumor subterranean passages connected it with Patinamit. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 693-4. Vazquez, on the contrary, says that the Quichés aided in its erection in order to provide a safe retreat in case of being defeated by the Spaniards. Its ruins were still to be seen in the time of Juarros. _Guat._, i. 253.

[V‑10] According to Fuentes it consisted of 215 Spanish arquebusiers and cross-bowmen, 108 horsemen, 120 Tlascaltecs, and 230 Mexicans, with four pieces of artillery, under Diego de Usagre. _Recordacion Florida_, ii. 586. Brasseur de Bourbourg says the army was composed of 200 Spanish veterans and numerous Mexican, Tlascaltec, Zutugil, and Quiché auxiliaries. Vazquez followed by Escamilla asserts that the number of Spaniards scarcely amounted to 200 men. _Chronica de Gvat._, 72.

[V‑11] At a place called Chixot according to the Cakchiquel manuscript. Brasseur de Bourbourg has a note to the effect that this must be the same as the Ruyaalxot of Vazquez, as the etymology of this latter name corresponds with that of the Mexican word Comalapa, which he believes to have been afterward founded on the spot. Vazquez says the Spaniards took up their quarters so close to the mountain that they were hardly safe from the rocks rolled down upon them. _Chronica de Gvat._, 73.

[V‑12] Juarros states that the emissaries were put to death. _Guat._, i. 253.

[V‑13] 'Ellos como monos se descolgaban hasta donde querian, subian, como por vna escalera bien ordenada por aquellos riscos ... y dando bastantes cuydados al exercito Español.' _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 73.

[V‑14] Brasseur de Bourbourg is of this opinion.

[V‑15] Brasseur de Bourbourg states that Sinacam escaped by one of the subterranean passages before mentioned, and after living a wretched life for several years, wandering about the mountains, surrendered to Alvarado in 1530. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, 695-702. Vazquez has copied an act of the cabildo dated May 19, 1540, in which Alvarado is requested either to take Sinacam and Sequechul with him on his proposed voyage to the Spice Islands on account of their rebellious proclivities, or to execute them. Alvarado replied that he would do what was most convenient. As a matter of fact Sinacam died in Jalisco before the sailing of the fleet. Vazquez is of opinion that as they were not put to death in the heat of the moment, Alvarado would not be likely to execute them at the instigation of the cabildo. _Chronica de Gvat._, 30-2. The author of the Isagoge states that they lingered in prison for 14 years, that they were put on board the fleet, and probably perished during the voyage, as nothing more is known of them. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 77. Brasseur de Bourbourg's account of the fate of these princes is that Sinacam died in 1533, while Sequechul was put on board the fleet and perished miserably off the coast of Jalisco. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 790, 800-1. Fuentes gives so different an account to that of Vazquez relative to the capture of the stronghold, that, as Juarros remarks, every one would suppose it to be the narration of an entirely distinct event. _Guat._, ii. 302-5. The capture of Sinacam was yearly celebrated by 'the festival of the volcano,' at which a mimic representation of the event was performed. In the great plaza of Guatemala an artificial mound was thrown up and covered with branches of trees and rocks in imitation of a mountain, and on the top a miniature castle was built. Here the governor of Jocotenango stationed himself with the principal men of his village. He represented Sinacam, and in so high esteem was this privilege held, that in 1680 the ruler of Itzapa offered 500 pesos for the right of personating the character, but was refused. When the governor had placed himself at his post, two companies of Tlascaltecs commenced the mimic siege, and after a long display of prowess on both sides, the assailants stormed the height and captured Sinacam, who was secured with a chain and delivered prisoner to the president. _Id._, 301-3, note.

[V‑16] Remesal infers that he was in Guatemala on the 26th of August 1526, _Hist. Chyapa_, 8; though we know that he was at that date a regidor of the city of Mexico. Consult _Libro de Cabildo_, MS., 152; and _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 547.

[V‑17] The session was held in the valley of Almolonga, and it is significant that this is the first meeting mentioned in the books of the cabildo as being held there. Of the instability of this so-called city there is sufficient proof. Sancho de Barahona, in arguing against the payment of tithes, says: 'Lo otro digo, que para se pagar los dichos diezmos ... habia de haber pueblo fundado, donde los españoles tuviesen poblacion sentada.' _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 27. The valley of Tianguecillo or Tianguez was the same as the present Chimaltenango. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 304.

[V‑18] Remesal states that in July 1530 the cabildo ordered one bull to be bought for 25 pesos de oro, a price which indicates the scarcity of cattle at that date. In 1543 six were purchased. _Hist. Chyapa_, 27. This author is of opinion that Santiago was chosen as the patron saint only because of the devotion of the Spaniards to that apostle. _Id._, 4. Fuentes gives as the reason that the Spanish army entered the Cakchiquel capital on his anniversary day, and states that he personally took their city under his protection, by appearing on horseback with sword in hand at the head of the army, while marching along the valley of Panchoy. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 273. For further opinions and information on this subject consult _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 74-5; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 20-1; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 275-7; _Escamilla_, _Noticias Curiosas de Guat._, 12; and _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, ii. 223-7.

[V‑19] The former received the name of the 'hospital de misericordia,' and the chapel and shrine were to be dedicated to Nuestra Señora de los Remedios.

[V‑20] In April 1528 Santiago was made the capital of the province, _Puga_, _Cedulario_, 27; and in 1532 was granted armorial bearings, which are thus described by Juarros: 'A shield charged with three mountains on a field Gules, the centre one vomiting fire, and surmounted by the Apostle St James on horseback, armed, and brandishing a sword; an Orle with eight shells; Or, on a field, Azure; crest a crown.' _Guat._ (ed. London, 1823), 105. For other descriptions see _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 37; and _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 5-6. A lithograph of the shield faces page five of this last authority, and a wood-cut of it, somewhat different, is to be seen in _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teat. Ecles._, i. between pp. 138 and 139.

[V‑21] It has already been observed that the names of the same persons often appear in more than one list of enrolled citizens. This was done in order to obtain new grants without prejudice to previous ones. Citizens were enrolled in 1527, 'sin perjuicio de las otras vecindades antes recibidas en esta dicha cibdad.' _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 39. And again in 1528, 'sin perjuicio de las vecindades que se han hecho en esta cibdad, despues de la que se fundó en esta provincia en tiempo de Pedro de Alvarado.' _Id._ 42. Remesal says: 'Muchos estan escritos dos vezes, porque no tuuieron por suficiente para adquirir dererecho a esta segunda vezindad, estar alistados en la primera.' _Hist. Chyapa_, 33.

[V‑22] The caballería was the amount of land granted to a cavalryman, and the peonía that bestowed on a foot-soldier, who was termed 'peon.' The former received 600 by 1,400 pasos, or about 174 acres, and the latter half that quantity. _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 48. Remesal states that the caballería was 600 by 300 feet, and otherwise gives an account that is not in accordance with the book of the cabildo. _Hist. Chyapa_, 39. Even the more accurate Juarros is in error in stating that the grant to a cavalryman was 1,000 by 600 pasos. _Guat._, ii. 341.

[V‑23] As these grants were considered as rewards for services rendered to the king for a period of five years, the deeds were confirmed at a later date upon the holder proving that he had served for that length of time.

[VI‑1] Garcilaso de la Vega asserts that Charles in his royal gardens at Aranjuez chanced to see Alvarado pass by, and struck with his appearance asked who he was. On being told that it was Alvarado he said, 'No tiene este hombre talle de aver hecho lo que de él me han dicho,' and ordered the charges against him to be dismissed. _Hist. Peru_, ii. 58.

[VI‑2] Alvarado petitioned the king for the government of Guatemala and other provinces, which he represented to have been conquered and pacified at his own cost. The adelantado Montejo declared before the king on the 13th of April 1529, that in no portion of his statement did Alvarado speak the truth, which assertion he said would be corroborated in the report of the president and oidores. _Montejo_, _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 89. A similar statement was made at a session of the cabildo of Mexico held Jan. 29, 1529, and Vazquez de Tapia and the chief procurator were empowered to take steps in the matter to counteract Alvarado's false statements. _Libro de Cabildo_, MS., 248.

[VI‑3] 'Y que por el poco camino que auia hasta la mar del Norte, seria facil el comercio.' _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. iii.

[VI‑4] Remesal says that he had before been ironically dubbed comendador by the soldiers, because he had been in the habit of wearing at feast days the cloak of an uncle who held that title. _Hist. Chyapa_, 16. See also _Hist. Mex._, i. 74, this series.

[VI‑5] Cortés was much displeased with this agreement, as he considered the search for the Spice Islands and the navigation of the South Sea to be his exclusive right. _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, p. xvi.

[VI‑6] 'Cortés le embiaba siempre Españoles, Caballos, Hierro, y Ropa, y cosas de Rescate, y le favorecia mucho, porque le avia prometido de Casarse con vna su Prima-Hermana, y asi le hiço su Teniente, en aquella Provincia.' _Torquemada_, i. 322.

[VI‑7] Doña Francisca lived but a short time after the marriage. Remesal says that her death occurred a few days after marriage; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, iv. 485, and Ramirez that she died on her arrival at Vera Cruz. Herrera only mentions that Alvarado became her suitor. He afterward married her sister Beatriz, and the first named author, pages 42, 49, imagines that this second marriage took place shortly after the first, whereas it was at least ten years later. Consult _Arévalo_, _Doc. Antig._, 179, and _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 245, 252. Brasseur de Bourbourg makes the same mistake. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 701.

[VI‑8] Remesal correctly points out a mistake in the books of the cabildo, the year 1527 being carelessly copied for 1528. _Hist. Chyapa_, 39; _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 83.

[VI‑9] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 42.

[VI‑10] Only two of these remain to our knowledge. For the discovery and preservation of the _Proceso de Residencia contra Pedro de Alvarado_, we are indebted to the licentiate Ignacio Rayon, 'oficial mayor' in the Mexican archives. The confusion of the immense pile of documents in that office had become so great that in 1846 the government decided to reduce them to some order, and entrusted the work of so doing to the director Miguel María Arrioja, whose co-laborer was Rayon. In a bundle of old papers, marked 'useless,' was the _Proceso contra Alvarado_, the historical value of which was at once recognized. The first intention of the finder was merely to copy and add it to his collection of manuscripts. His friends, however, advised him otherwise; and through their assistance—Ignacio Trigueros generously offering to pay expenses, and José Fernando Ramirez having obtained permission from the government—he published it in Mexico in 1847. The _Proceso_ is the official investigation into Alvarado's conduct in Mexico and Guatemala, and consists of the several charges, mainly bearing on his cruel treatment of the natives, his extortions, and embezzlement of royal dues, and the testimony of the witnesses on both sides. Though there is much conflicting evidence, it is of great value in establishing numerous historical points narrated by the early chroniclers. This volume contains, besides the _Proceso_, a biographical sketch of Alvarado's career by Ramirez; fragments of the _Proceso contra Nuño de Guzman_, preceded by an account of his life by the same author; and notes explanatory of four copies of Aztec paintings, one of which represents the death of Alvarado. The account given by Ramirez of Alvarado's expedition to Peru is the same as that of Herrera and incorrect, as are also the reasons he assigns for the Honduras campaign. It is well known that Ramirez was minister of state during the empire under Maximilian.

[VI‑11] There is a copy of this document in the _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 80-4. Alvarado, his officers and lieutenants were to be subject to the audiencia and chancillería real of the city of Mexico, appeal in civil and criminal causes to lie from Alvarado and his officers to the president and oidores of Mexico, with some exceptions in civil cases. He had power to appoint and remove officers of administration at will, and to try and decide all causes, civil and criminal, to make general laws, and particular ones for each pueblo; to establish penalties, and enforce them; to order persons whom he might wish to send away from his province to appear before their Majesties, and in case of their refusal, to visit them with penalties which their Majesties in anticipation confirmed. His annual salary was to be 562,500 maravedís.

[VI‑12] And somewhat contemptuously added: 'é que no quiere usar dellos, si de derecho lo puede é debe hacer.' _Id._, 84.

[VI‑13] Francisco de Orduña was Cortés' secretary in 1523, and was sent by him to negotiate with Garay. _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. vi. In 1524 he was elected secretary of the cabildo of Mexico, and shortly afterward returned to Spain. We next find him procurador of Mexico in 1526. _Ocaña_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, i. 530, 532, and the governor Alonso de Estrada made him regidor in 1528. From this time his friendly relations with Cortés seem to have been interrupted, as his evidence taken in February 1529, in the residencia instituted against that conqueror, is far from favorable. In the same testimony he also displays antipathy to Alvarado.

[VI‑14] In the minutes of the cabildo dated 15th September, it is stated 'al presente estàn los mas de los españoles de guerra sobre el pueblo del Tuerto, é sobre el pueblo de Xumaytepeque à donde han muerto ciertos españoles, y estamos al presente de camino para la provincia de Uxpantlan, é Tesulutlan, é Tequepanpo y Umatlan, que estàn todas é otras muchas de guerra.' _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 128. The _Libro de Actas de Ayuntamiento de la Ciudad de Santiago de Guatemala_ comprises the minutes of the cabildo of Santiago during the first six years of its existence, copied literally, by Rafael de Arévalo, secretary of the municipality, from the original records in the archives of the city. The work was published in Guatemala in 1856. There can be no doubt that the records of many of the sessions are wanting in this work, owing to their loss or illegibility. It is to be regretted that the transcriber did not indicate in his publication where he considered the originals were defective, or remark upon the obliteration of different portions, the only instance of his doing so being on page 7. Remesal states that until the year 1530 the cabildo had no bound book of records, but simply loose sheets, many of which must have been lost, _Hist. Chyapa_, 33; and Juarros refers to minutes which do not appear in Arévalo's edition. I cannot, therefore, agree with Brasseur de Bourbourg, who asserts that it 'comprend tous les actes du conseil communal ... durant les six premières années.' _Bib. Mex. Guat._, 15. Though many of the ordinances are of minor interest, the work is of value, inasmuch as a portion of them reflect to a great extent the condition and social state of the colonists, while from others an idea is derived of the continual state of warfare in which the Spaniards lived. A considerable number afford information relative to the holding of and succession to property, to restriction regarding the sale of it, and the amount of land to be possessed by a single owner. These and other regulations for the internal government of the community afford much information with regard to its system. The book is additionally valuable as conclusive in assigning correct dates in many important instances. It also throws much light on many historical events, and is particularly serviceable in supplying a vivid conception of the arbitrary proceedings and violent character of Francisco de Orduña.

[VI‑15] The natives of Xumay, Xalpatlahua, Cinacantan, and Petapa. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that the two former were identical with the Chortis. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 698.

[VI‑16] Dardon had accompanied Alvarado from Mexico, and was appointed by him a regidor of the city of Santiago, founded in 1524. This office or that of alcalde he held for many years. He served with distinction as a subaltern in many campaigns. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 348-9.

[VI‑17] The present town of Cuajiniquilapa is situated a few miles from the right bank of this river.

[VI‑18] Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that it was surmounted by a fortress.

[VI‑19] Tonaltetl by name.

[VI‑20] _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 88-90. This author makes the rather doubtful assertion that the place was called Los Esclavos from the fact that these were the first rebels whom the Spaniards branded. Brasseur de Bourbourg more reasonably assigns the origin of the name to the great number branded.

[VI‑21] Brasseur de Bourbourg says: 'The town of this name situated between the lofty mountains of Bilabitz and Meawan preserved more than other places the ancient rites of Hunahpu and Exbalanqué, and the temple of these gods annually received a certain number of human victims.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 699.

[VI‑22] Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the number of Indian allies as three thousand. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 700.

[VI‑23] Called by Juarros, Gaspar Arias Dávila. _Guat._, i. 363. This officer may be identical with a certain Gaspar Arias de Avila or Dávila, whom Alvarado while in Honduras sent to confer with Pedrarias at Panamá. The name of Gaspar Arias appears in the minutes of the cabildo of Oct. 4, 1525, and not again till March 18, 1528, when he was nominated for the office of alcalde. The omission of his name for so long a period may be explained by his absence in Panamá.

[VI‑24] According to Bernal Diaz, Gaspar Arias was a firm supporter of Alvarado and his party. Hence, probably, his dismissal from office.

[VI‑25] The reception which Arias met with at Santiago is a good illustration of Orduña's character. On appearing before the cabildo and petitioning that the wand of office be restored to him, Orduña passionately called him a disturber of the peace, laid violent hands on him, and, while ordering him to be carried off to prison, struck him in the face. 'Delante de todo el cabildo, y en gran menosprecio y desacatamiento de su magestad y de su cabildo.' In January 1530 Arias again petitioned for redress, but though the voting was somewhat in his favor, he does not seem to have obtained it, as his name appears no more as alcalde. _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 139-42.

[VI‑26] 'Plusieurs Espagnols et surtout beaucoup d'alliés, ayant été pris vivants, se virent emmenés dans la place et sacrifiés solennellement à la divinité barbare.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 700. The name of the idol was Exbalanqué.

[VI‑27] According to Herrera the number of Spaniards consisted of 31 horse and 30 foot. dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. v.

[VI‑28] In _Herrera_, dec. i. lib. vii. cap. xiv., is a copy of the requerimiento ordered by the king to be delivered to the natives when summoned to allegiance as noticed elsewhere. A similar form existed in the archives of Guatemala in Remesal's time. This formal summons was frequently omitted, or evaded. A priest, who at the beginning of the conquest of Guatemala had taken part in the war while a layman, thus describes the form and mode of proceeding. At night one of the soldiers with sound of drum, said: 'You Indians of this town! we inform you that there is one God, and one pope, and one king of Castile, to whom this pope has given you as slaves; wherefore we require you to come and tender your obedience to him and to us in his name, under the penalty that we wage war against you with fire and sword!' The priest then briefly describes the sequel: 'At the morning watch they fell upon them, capturing all whom they could, under pretence that they were rebels, y los demas los quemauan, ô passauan à cuchillo, robauãles la hazienda, y ponian fuego al lugar.' _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 413-14.

[VI‑29] Juarros states that Orduña shortly afterward returned to Santiago on account of sickness; but I find that Castellanos arrived there before him. Consult _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 138, 142-3, from which it appears that the treasurer was in Santiago on the 19th of January 1530, and Orduña on the 12th of February.

[VI‑30] _Juarros_, _Guat._ (ed. London, 1823), 300-7. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 703-4.

[VI‑31] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 48. Cavo makes this remark upon Remesal's account: 'It seems to me more probable that the disagreement was between an oidor and that conqueror, since it is certain that three years previously the emperor ordered the factor to leave Mexico,' _Tres Siglos_, i. 104-5. A letter of Bishop Zumárraga to the king dated August 27, 1529, disproves Cavo's inference that the factor was not in Mexico at the time. The bishop also gives a different version of the challenge. He states that the president Guzman, Salazar, Alvarado, and others while out riding discussed the news lately received that Cortés had been highly favored by the king and was on his way back to Mexico. Guzman remarked that he believed he would soon return, whereupon the factor passionately exclaimed, 'El rey que á tal traidor como á Cortés embia es hereje y no cristiano.' For a few days nothing was done to call the factor to account for such treasonable language, but on the 18th of the month Alvarado appeared before the audiencia and requested permission to send him a formal challenge. That body, however, defended Salazar, and on the following day their president Guzman made reply to this effect: 'Pedro de Alvarado miente como muy ruin caballero, si lo es, que el Factor no dijo tal, porque es servidor de Vuestra Majestad y no habia de decir tal palabra,' and Alvarado was ironed and thrown into prison. The bishop adds, 'y no sé qué harán dél,' and that he has three witnesses worthy of all trust and of the order of Santiago, who heard the factor use the language. _Zumárraga_, _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, xiii. 176-7. Zamacois gives almost the same account as the above. _Hist. Méj._ iv. 485-6.

[VI‑32] This release must only be considered as conditional, and not as a rejection of the charges brought against Alvarado. We learn, however, from Remesal that in 1531 the second audiencia acquitted him. _Hist. Chyapa_, 42.

[VI‑33] Bishop Zumárraga states that the president and oidores robbed Alvarado of all the valuables which he had brought from Spain, 'que fué tanto aparato y cosas ricas como un conde principal desos reinos pudiera traer;' all his silverware, tapestry, horses, and mules, 'de todo no le han dejado un pan qué comer.' He also furnishes a list of articles given as presents by Alvarado to the president and the oidores. He, moreover, makes the assertion that 'Desta manera han perseguido á quantos han sido de contraria opinion del Factor ... y lo que peor es, que en apellando ó sabiendo que querian apellar, los aprisionavan.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 136-40. Herrera leaves it to be concluded that Alvarado left Mexico at his pleasure: 'Hallaron al Adelantado don Pedro de Alvarado, que entendidos estos rumores en Mexico, auia ydo para defender su gouernacion, y lleuaua ochenta soldados de a pie, y de a cauallo.' dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. v.

[VI‑34] The cabildo frequently issued regulations with the object of correcting these abuses. The inconvenience caused by artisans closing their workshops was so serious that, on June 4, 1529, the cabildo passed an act ordering them to exercise their callings under penalty of having the service of their Indians suspended. In 1534 a similar decree was passed, and again in April 1536. _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 88, passim; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 171.

[VI‑35] 'Fueron los atrassos grandes, los disgustos continuos, y las dissensiones, de muchas consequẽcias: que á no aplicar efficazes, y oportunos remedios el Adelantado ... pudiera ser, que se huviera despoblado la tierra.' _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 156.

[VI‑36] Vazquez states that in 1531 horses had so multiplied that the cabildo assigned the plains between Escuintla and Mazaqua as lands for brood-mares and foals. Remesal relates that the increase of the herds was much retarded by the ravages of wild beasts, which destroyed the young animals, and not unfrequently cows and mares. In February 1532 great destruction was caused by an enormous lion, whose haunt was the densely wooded slopes of the Volcan de Agua. The loss of cattle was so great that the city offered a bounty of 25 pesos de oro or 100 bushels of corn to any one who killed the monster. In March a large party headed by Alvarado went forth to hunt for it, but their efforts were unsuccessful. He was finally killed by the herder of the mares. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 173; _Album Mex._, 417. Notwithstanding the depredations of wild animals, live-stock increased so rapidly that in 1540 beef sold for three cents a pound and mutton for four and five cents. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 188. There are two competitors for the distinction of having first introduced horned cattle into Guatemala. According to Vazquez, the auditor Francisco de Zorrilla imported stock at his own expense, and had a feeding-ground for his herds assigned to him in 1530. Juarros ascribes to Hector de Barreda the honor of being the first importer, and to him was assigned in the distribution of lands a feeding-ground in the present Valle de las Vacas, which received its name from the fact that he there established a stock-farm. _Chronica de Gvat._, 162; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 354.

[VI‑37] In 1529 the population of Santiago numbered only 150 according to the records of the cabildo, _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 22; but in the neighborhood were many settlers who had not been enrolled as citizens.

[VI‑38] None were allowed to hold more than two caballerías.

[VI‑39] Juarros entertains no doubt of this: in the first place because its location exactly corresponds with that where Moscoso built his town; and secondly, because there is no evidence that any Spanish town existed on the other side of the Lempa previous to 1530, while the villa de San Miguel is proved by the books of the cabildo of the city of Guatemala, to have been in existence in June 1531. _Guat._, ii. 105. In May 1535 it is mentioned by Alvarado in a letter to Charles V. _Cartas_, _Squier's MSS._, xix. 7.

[VI‑40] Called by Juarros San Jorge de Olanchito.

[VII‑1] 'Vos damos licencia ... para que por nos ... podais descubrir, conquistar é poblar, cualesquier Islas qué hay en la mar del Sur de la Nueva España, questán en su parage; é todas las que halláredes hácia el Poniente della, no siendo en el parage de las tierras en que hoy hay proveydas gobernadores; é así mismo ... podais descubrir cualquier parte de tierra firme, que halláredes, por la dicha costa del Sur, hácia el Poniente, que no se haya hasta agora descubierto, ni entre en los límites é parage Norte-Sur, de la tierra questá dada en gobernacion á otras personas.' _Capitulacion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 538-9.

[VII‑2] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. xv., and Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 112, state that in these preparations Alvarado was provided by the emperor with a considerable amount of funds; but the adelantado in his official letters to the court, in _Cartas_, _Squier's MSS._, xix. 1-4, 13-27, while dwelling on the labor and expense these preparations involved, makes no allusion to outside aid. It is not probable, however, that a man of Alvarado's character would have fitted out this expedition purely from loyal motives or having in view only the remote contingency of the compensation to be derived from his twelfth of the profits.

[VII‑3] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. xv., and Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 113, state that the audiencia ordered the fitting-out of his expedition to be stopped.

[VII‑4] _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. xv.; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 113.

[VII‑5] _Alvarado_, _Cartas_, in _Squier's MSS._, xix. 13-27; _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i. Herrera mentions but one ship.

[VII‑6] There is no information, or none of value, as to the first settlement of Realejo by the Spaniards. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i., states that Alvarado was compelled, through lack of ships, to leave 200 men there. This may have been the origin of the colony. Purchas, 1625, spells the word _Realjo_; Ogilby, 1671, _Realejo_; Dampier, 1699, _Rialeja_; Jefferys, 1776, _Realejo_, as bay and city. _Cartog. Pac. Coast_, MS., ii. 204, a.

[VII‑7] Equal in purchasing power to more than a million and a half of dollars at the present time.

[VII‑8] Alvarado, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xix. 1-4, writing to the emperor from Puerto de la Posesion, January 18, 1534, says: 'Mi derrota será conforme á la merced de V. M. y desde los 13 hasta los 20 grados de la otra parte de la linea descubriré todos los secretos de esta Mar y las Yslas, y Tierra firme, y donde mas convenga conquistaré, y poblaré.' In view of this it is singular that Zárate, in _Barcia_, iii., and those who copy him, are the only authorities who concede that Alvarado had any right to sail in a southerly direction. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i., Prescott, _Conq. Peru_,