CHAPTER XXXVII.

GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS.

1701-1800.

THE TZENDAL REBELLION—A NEW MIRACLE—ATROCITIES—A NOVEL HIERARCHY—THE TZENDALES REPULSED—SEGOVIA'S OPERATIONS—PRESIDENT COSÍO ASSUMES COMMAND—FALL OF CANCUC—SPREAD OF THE REBELLION—ITS SUPPRESSION—DECADENCE OF CHIAPAS—EARTHQUAKES—RIOTS—VENALITY OF THE CLERGY—ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ARCHBISHOPRIC—HERESY—BOUNDARIES OF PROVINCES—ABOLITION OF CORREGIMIENTOS—ANOTHER GREAT EARTHQUAKE—QUARRELS OVER REMOVAL—EXPULSION OF THE JESUITS.

When the storm raised by the Berropistas and Tequelies had subsided, a political calm appears to have prevailed for a period in Guatemala. Unfortunately, in other respects the colonists were far from enjoying repose, and the eighteenth century was the most calamitous epoch in the history of the country. Nor was the freedom from strife between church and state permanent, since humiliating contests for authority in time sprang up afresh.

The first important event which disturbed the quiet order of affairs, was the rising of the Tzendales[XXXVII‑1] in Chiapas during the presidency of Toribio José de Cosío y Campa.[XXXVII‑2] In 1712 the Tzendales formed an alliance with numerous kindred nations, and grafting some Christian rites upon their paganism, followed the lead of an Indian girl, who claimed inspiration from the virgin Mary.

[Sidenote: THE INSPIRED INDIAN GIRL.]

The first outbreak occurred at Diasolo, where Fray Pedro Villena was beaten almost to death in the church while attempting to remove certain ornaments which were to be conveyed to a neighboring town by the bishop. This outrage was followed by the seizure of the Spaniards who resided there. They were, however, released two days afterward. Somewhat later the bishop visited the disaffected town, and was openly informed by the Indians that it was their intention to rise in arms.[XXXVII‑3]

About the middle of the year Simon de Lara, priest of Cancuc, was informed of the miraculous interposition, which was on the wrong side of his orthodoxy, a miracle of Satan's; and that the natives had erected a chapel near that town in consequence of the event. He immediately convened the inhabitants, who promptly assembled, bringing with them the Indian girl to whom the divine revelation had been made. Standing in their midst she calmly told how the virgin had appeared to her, and commanded that a chapel to her glorification should be built on the spot where she had made her presence visible. Had this divine display been free from the taint of aboriginal faith, much capital might have been made of it by the fathers. Padre Lara addressed the Indians on the matter and wished to destroy the chapel, but the Tzendales induced him to allow it to remain, that it might serve as a place in which to make bricks. In spite of the bishop's prohibition, religious rites continued to be celebrated there, and owing to the inertness of the authorities at Ciudad Real the hydra of rebellion grew apace. The neighboring towns entered into a compact with the people of Cancuc, and the league spread far and wide in the neighboring districts.

Thus passed the month of July. In the beginning of August the Cancucs sent messengers to all the Tzendales, in the name of the virgin, and with letters signed in her name, commanding them to bring to her chapel at Cancuc all the silver and ornaments of the churches, and all the money and books, for there was now neither God nor king of the Spaniards. On receiving this summons the leaders of the rebellion in each town artfully evoked the fanaticism of the low orders by calling upon them to hasten to the assistance of the virgin, who they asserted was going to be put to death.[XXXVII‑4] A multitude was gathered, and on the 10th a great feast was celebrated at the chapel of Cancuc, where a council of war was held in order to complete their plans for the extermination of the Spaniards. The towns of Tenango and Chilun were soon afterward attacked by a body of Tzendales, two thousand strong, who were called the "soldiers of the virgin." Tenango fell an easy prey; the fiscal Nicolás Perez was flogged till he died, and many others were put to death with every ingenuity of torture.[XXXVII‑5] At Chilun the feeble garrison defended itself for some time; but when their ammunition was exhausted and they had no hope of escape or further defence, they gave up their arms under assurances that their lives would be spared. Most of them were immediately clubbed or stoned to death, and the remainder died under the scourge.

[Sidenote: GROWTH OF THE NEW FAITH.]

In obedience to the commands of their prophetess the Tzendales then proceeded against Ococingo, but the Spaniards retreated in time to Comitán. Aware that neither woman nor child had been harmed at Chilun, they unfortunately left their families behind. When the Tzendales entered the town they were deceived by the women as to the direction their husbands had taken. On discovering the deceit the Indians were enraged, and returning to Ococingo they tore the children from the mother's arms and murdered them before their eyes; then after beating the women they sent them to Cancuc.

A high festival was held to celebrate their success, and over it presided their prophetess, whose word was law. In the chapel at Cancuc she issued her mandates. Before the spurious altar of the virgin hung a screen of Indian matting, behind which the priestess would retire; thence issuing forth she pronounced the commands of holy Mary.

The inventor of this imposture was a Tzendale, who henceforth assumed the name of Sebastian Gomez de la Gloria. He asserted that Saint Peter had taken him up to heaven and appointed him his vicar on earth, with power to elect bishops and priests. And he went on to the full completion of his holy mission. All the fiscals of the towns were summoned to Cancuc and the elect ordained. The only qualifications required were ability to read, and to perform the feat of kneeling for twenty-four consecutive hours, candle in hand, reciting the rosary; after which La Gloria sprinkled the priest-elect with holy water, and the ordination ended.

The hybrid faith spread apace. Sebastian celebrated mass; and on the first performance a great feast was held, bull-fights and games being celebrated in honor of the event, while the church was converted into a dancing-hall. The priestess also celebrated mass, and daily preached to the natives, dressed in sacerdotal robes; in the surrounding towns, too, the newly consecrated priests zealously plied their calling by discoursing from the pulpit and administering the sacraments.

But ere long murmurings began to prevail. The natives had been led to believe that the virgin had oracularly announced that there should be no more tribute and no more priests.

By dint of flogging the new hierarchy maintained order for a time, but as the discontent increased Nicolás Vasquez, styling himself captain-general, in the name of Gomez de la Gloria, envoy of Saint Peter, fulminated a proclamation against the malecontents.[XXXVII‑6]

The next action of the Cancuc ecclesiastics was the appointment of a bishop, and the individual selected was offered the pleasant alternative of accepting the bishopric or being hanged. The test of his ability to fill the office is curious. For three days and nights he was kept fasting in the chapel at Cancuc under threat of instant death at the first display of weakness. Having passed this ordeal he was consecrated by Gomez de la Gloria with appropriate solemnity and mummery.[XXXVII‑7]

A government was also formed, the head of which was Doña María Angel the priestess. She was assisted by twelve of the principal Tzendales, styled majordomos.[XXXVII‑8] Sessions were held in the chapel where contributions were received with which to defray the expenses of government, and to propitiate the virgin. Thither also were conveyed the gold and silver taken from the different churches.[XXXVII‑9]

The new régime did not long give satisfaction. Discontent soon showed itself among the multitude, and dissension among the members of the government. The Tzendal angel took offence at one of her chief supporters, and caused him to be flayed alive; other offending officials were publicly scourged, and an Indian named Juan Lopez was hanged for having in the division of plunder taken at the sacking of a town appropriated the virgin's share. Disputes arose, and it was only by dividing among the confederated towns the money in the chapel treasury that the inhabitants of Cancuc avoided war with their neighbors.

[Sidenote: COMPETITION IN MIRACLES.]

At this juncture an opposition miracle was announced at Yajalon by Magdalena Diaz, an aunt of Doña María Angel. Magdalena considered that she had not received the attention to which she was entitled, and denouncing the Cancuc miracle as false proclaimed herself a divinely inspired agent of heaven. This apostasy and counterfeit imitation of the original miracle was too criminal to go unpunished. The Cancuc priestess therefore sent a strong force of the soldiers of the virgin to Yajalon to bring the false prophetess to her. With some bloodshed this was accomplished. Magdalena Diaz was hanged, and with her an Indian of Tila who proclaimed that he was Christ. So perish all who oppose the true faith!

Meanwhile the Spaniards were making preparations to suppress the rebellion. When it first broke out there were not more than thirteen hundred armed men in the province, and these were scattered in the different garrisons. It chanced at this time that there was no one at the head of the government as chief executive, and the alcalde's ordinaries of Ciudad Real did not consider that they had the power to act in such an emergency. One of them, however, despatched a message to Pedro Gutierrez, the commanding officer in Tabasco, informing him of the state of affairs and soliciting aid. Gutierrez at once hastened to Ciudad Real, and having presently received from the president and audiencia of Guatemala his appointment as lieutenant-general and chief-justice of Chiapas, called the panic-stricken inhabitants to arms.

While Gutierrez was on his way to Ciudad Real the alcalde Fernando del Monje had marched with one hundred and fifty raw recruits to Huistlan—the nearest town in the direction of the revolted districts. Here he had fortified himself, but was besieged by the Tzendales in great force,[XXXVII‑10] under the leadership of Nicolás Vazquez,[XXXVII‑11] who made several fierce assaults upon the place but was repulsed with severe loss.

Gutierrez hastened to the relief of Huistlan with one hundred and forty Chiapanecs and two hundred men of Ciudad Real. Forcing his way through the Tzendales he united his troops with the besieged Spaniards, and a sortie being made the besiegers were thrown into confusion and many slain. The Tzendales abandoned the siege,[XXXVII‑12] and Gutierrez at once prepared to pursue them, but the timidity of the people of Ciudad Real fettered his movements. News had reached the capital that Sinacantlan had revolted and that an immediate attack upon Ciudad Real was determined upon by the Tzendales. This intelligence struck terror into the pusillanimous inhabitants and Gutierrez was implored to return.

Meanwhile the parish priest of Sinacantlan, Padre José Monroy, who was at Ciudad Real when these events occurred, went to his disaffected flock and urged their return to allegiance. The news of the disaster before Huistlan had so discouraged the Sinacantlans that the padre had little difficulty in effecting his object.[XXXVII‑13]

[Sidenote: ASSAULT ON OCCHUC.]

Thus matters remained for some weeks, Gutierrez being unable to organize any expedition against the insurgents, through want of means and the lack of spirit in the people he had come to support. The magnitude of the revolt was now realized by President Cosío, and in October he appointed Nicolás de Segovia, an officer experienced in Indian warfare, commander-in-chief of the operations against the Tzendales, and despatched him with troops to Ciudad Real. This able officer was soon prepared for an active campaign, and about the 20th of the month took the field at the head of four hundred Spaniards, fifty-four negroes, and one hundred and fifty Chiapanec warriors, accompanied by a number of Dominicans, whose order had rendered great assistance in supplying men, horses, and money. Segovia marched to Occhuc, while Gutierrez in command of a strong force[XXXVII‑14] proceeded to San Pedro Chimalco.

A series of engagements followed. Segovia, who had divided his forces by sending two detachments of one hundred men each to occupy towns in the vicinity of Cancuc, was besieged in Occhuc by six thousand of the enemy; but every assault upon his position was repulsed with heavy loss to the Tzendales, who at last took to flight and were pursued with great slaughter. This was on the 22d of October; and shortly afterward a reënforcement of these men arrived under command of the maestre de campo, Juan de Lozada.[XXXVII‑15] On the 26th the Tzendales, hoping to effect a surprise,[XXXVII‑16] again assaulted Occhuc, but were beaten off with heavy loss. They then sought for a parley, and endeavored to induce the Spaniards to surrender their arms by the same specious promises that had been so fatally alluring at Chilun. But the two positions were not similar, and it was only through the efforts of the fathers that the indignant Segovia was restrained from firing upon the treacherous truce-seekers. The Tzendales were summoned to return to their allegiance, and one hour's cessation of hostilities was granted. The time of the armistice was occupied in burying their dead. They then retreated in the direction of Cancuc.

President Cosío, deeming it necessary to march against the rebels in person, on the 10th of November left Ciudad Real,[XXXVII‑17] in company with the auditor-general, Diego de Oviedo, in charge of a strong detachment destined for Occhuc. Though formidable intrenchments had been thrown up by the enemy on the line of march, the Spaniards by a skilful movement compelled the Tzendales to abandon them, and a juncture was effected with Segovia. The combined forces then advanced against Cancuc and encamped in front of the town. The enemy was strongly intrenched and several assaults directed against the fortifications were repulsed by the Tzendales, the officers being ill supported by their men. In one of these Segovia was wounded; many of the soldiers were also severely injured by the stones hurled against them with remarkable skill and force.[XXXVII‑18] Success eventually crowned the Spanish arms, and Cancuc fell into their hands.

Owing to the hiatus in García's manuscript, it is impossible to say what were the military movements on both sides during the remainder of the year; but it is certain that the rebellion spread widely, and that even the native population of Ciudad Real rose in revolt. With the exception of Chamolla, in fact, the whole province appears to have risen in arms.[XXXVII‑19]

[Sidenote: END OF THE TZENDAL REBELLION.]

At the beginning of 1713 the Spanish army was stationed at Chamolla, and the insurgents after a series of defeats had become dispirited. Sebastian Gomez de la Gloria had fled; dissension was rife in the ranks of the Indians; and the end of the struggle was drawing near. Marching from Chamolla at night, the president with his forces advanced against Ciudad Real. His approach was conducted with the greatest precaution and in silence, for strong fortifications had been erected by the enemy about three quarters of a league from the capital. These he passed unnoticed, and about an hour after midnight Ciudad Real was surrounded. The alcalde, who resided in the outskirts of the city, was surprised and seized, and forthwith despatched to warn the people to make no attempt at resistance. Bugles were sounded on all sides to intimate to the inhabitants how closely the city was invested, and the army moved silently on to San Pablo, where the Guatinpan female leader was captured. Henceforth the Spaniards were everywhere triumphant; the Indians returned to their allegiance; and about the month of March the Tzendal rebellion was at an end. All attempts to capture Gomez de la Gloria and Doña María Angel proved unsuccessful; they escaped into the woods and nothing more is known of them.[XXXVII‑20]

The effect of the Tzendal rebellion was disastrous in the extreme; and later in the century other causes tended to hasten the decline of the Spanish settlements in Chiapas. In August 1785 Ciudad Real with the surrounding country was flooded; numbers perished; houses were swept away; the churches and convents were injured, and the growing crops destroyed. The report of Intendente Sayas in 1800 represents a lamentable condition of affairs. Roads were almost impassable, bridges dilapidated, and churches falling in ruins; the country towns possessed no decent municipal buildings, and even the jails were so dilapidated that prisoners could not be securely confined. Sayas in fact describes the province as in a state of decay.[XXXVII‑21]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: A SEVERE EARTHQUAKE.]

By a royal cédula of November 6, 1714, the term of Cosío's presidency was extended for a period of two years in acknowledgment of his able management during the Tzendal insurrection. He then meditated an expedition against the Mosquito Indians, but while engaged in preparations for the campaign was promoted to the presidency of the Philippine Islands, and was succeeded by Francisco Rodriguez de Rivas in 1716. This president continued in office until 1724. During his term occurred a destructive earthquake. There were also violent eruptions in 1702, 1705, and 1710 which occasioned much alarm and considerable damage to buildings, and in 1717 the city of Santiago was almost totally destroyed by shocks which continued for many days. Particulars of some of the events of this year are preserved in the official report of the licentiate Tomás Ignacio de Arana, oidor of the audiencia, and an eye-witness of many of the scenes described. From August 18th to September 27th, the Volcan de Fuego vomited fire and ashes, while intermittent shocks of earthquake kept the people in constant alarm. On the night of the last named date a shock more violent than any that had ever shaken the city occurred, and not a building of any importance was left uninjured. A scene of terrible confusion ensued. Men, women, and children rushed from the doors, or threw themselves from windows into the street in the wildest consternation. Even the ties of relationship were forgotten in the awful belief that divine judgment was at hand. The lamentations continued, as the people, carrying crucifixes and images of the virgin, thronged the churches and public squares. The bishop, holding aloft the host, solemnly exorcised the evil spirits of the human race.

The following day was the feast of San Agustin, and both civil and ecclesiastical authorities exhorted the people to prayer and confession; but while thus engaged, about sunset an eruption took place, and from the sides of the mountains sprung rivulets of fire. Again the people resorted to the sanctuaries, and an image of the Christ was borne in a procession to the church of Nuestra Señora de las Mercedes, which was thronged with an awe-stricken crowd, anxious to be near the sacred shrine. The bishop in sacerdotal robes implored the divine mercy, and when the flames died out there was the usual miracle attributed to the bishop and the sacred image.

Next day, before sunrise, subterranean noises and fresh flames, vomited from the mountain's crater, again struck terror to the inhabitants;[XXXVII‑22] and on the 30th a tremendous convulsion shook the earth,[XXXVII‑23] the sky being hidden by a dense black cloud, which hung over the city like a funeral pall. The instinct of preservation prompted flight, and the roads were covered with fugitives, even modest nuns mingling with the frightened throng and hurrying away on foot from the crumbling city.[XXXVII‑24]

The loss of life had been great; and when the convulsions had ceased the appearance which Santiago presented was that of a city crushed by the hand of omnipotence. The cathedral was in ruins, and the churches and convents more or less shattered. The wrecks of demolished houses were seen in every direction, and the few persons who remained were painfully impressed by the silence which had now succeeded to the busy hum of a populous community. Throughout all these distressing circumstances the president and the bishop displayed unflinching courage, and strove to alleviate distress and assuage alarm.[XXXVII‑25]

Many meetings of the audiencia were held to discuss the question of again locating the city. It was finally left to the decision of the king; but when a license for the removal at length arrived, the inhabitants had recovered from their panic, returned to their dilapidated dwellings, and repaired the greater part of the city.

On the 12th of April 1718 the cabildo of Santiago addressed a memorial to the king,[XXXVII‑26] setting forth the pitiable condition to which the city had been reduced, and the impoverishment of its citizens. His Majesty was petitioned to take liberal measures for their relief, and that the church edifices and public buildings might be restored or built anew.[XXXVII‑27] Pedro Antonio de Echevers y Suvisa succeeded Rivas in the presidency.[XXXVII‑28]

During his administration serious riots occurred, caused by the assassination of the presbyter Lorenzo de Orozco, and the barbarous murder of all his household for purposes of robbery. The evidence of a widespread conspiracy was brought to light, and though no arrests were made, many persons were implicated during the progress of the inquiry. Grave disputes also arose between the president and two members of the audiencia; and when the former attempted to banish them, they were rescued by a mob and took refuge in the cathedral.[XXXVII‑29]

[Sidenote: RIGHT OF SANCTUARY.]

A more serious matter, involving the right of sanctuary and leading to a civil and ecclesiastical conflict, arose from the conduct of one Juan Manuel Ballesteros, who had fatally stabbed a man. The murderer sought refuge in a convent church, whence he was dogged by a force sent by the alcalde, García de Hijas. He sought refuge behind the grand altar; but the sanctity of the place was not regarded, and despite his struggles he was arrested. The prisoner was immediately put to the torture, and died under its effect. The alcalde was promptly excommunicated, and the ecclesiastics appealed to the king, petitioning for a royal declaration of their rights in such cases. The monarch, by a decree of the 18th of June 1720, decided that in this case the prelate was justified in proceeding against the alcalde, but that all doubtful cases, as a rule, must be decided by the king himself in council.[XXXVII‑30]

[Sidenote: CHURCH MATTERS.]

During the next twenty years no political event occurred that is worthy of record. Several able prelates occupied the episcopal chair,[XXXVII‑31] but their administration was greatly interfered with by the improper action of the secular and regular clergy. So flagrant were the abuses committed by the priests in the exercise of their duties, that the bishops were embarrassed in their visits, and the natives oppressed by the venal conduct of their pastors. The abuse of this mock religion was carried to such an extreme that the sale of the sacraments, the failure to visit the dying sick, and the charges for the performance of funeral ceremonies[XXXVII‑32] brought on the ecclesiastics the censure of the crown.

In 1729 Juan Gomez de Parada succeeded to the bishopric, and the reforms which he effected were so beneficial that the cabildo ordered his portrait to be painted and preserved, with an appropriate inscription—an honor which had been paid to no prelate except Marroquin. In 1736 Parada was promoted to the see of Guadalajara, and the next bishop of Guatemala, Pedro Pardo de Figueroa, took possession of the episcopal chair.[XXXVII‑33]

The occasion of Figueroa's consecration was made memorable through the action taken by the cabildo, the members of which deemed that their right of municipal claim to seats of honor was not duly acknowledged. The audiencia, the religious orders, and all the principal personages of the city had convened in the cathedral at nine o'clock in the morning, and for some time awaited the arrival of the municipal authorities. These, however, after an ungracious delay, sent a message to the effect that the day was not one on which they could be called upon for the transaction of business. The audiencia attempted to negotiate, and after a fruitless loss of time, without proceeding to their hall of sessions, appointed in the cathedral other alcaldes and regidores, and notified the contumacious cabildo that its members were to consider themselves under arrest. Owing to this jealous claim for precedence on the part of the municipality the enthronement of the bishop did not take place till two o'clock in the afternoon.[XXXVII‑34]

Figueroa decorated the cathedral with sumptuous altars, rare paintings, and exquisite works of art; restored the convent of the Carmelite friars; enlarged the episcopal palace, and rebuilt the church of Esquipulas, in which a so-called miraculous image of the crucifixion was preserved.

During the seventeenth century the elevation of the see of Guatemala to an archbishopric had been frequently brought before the notice of the kings of Spain; and not without reason; the bishopric of Honduras was a suffragan of Santo Domingo, while the far distant archbishopric of Peru was the metropolitan of Nicaragua. In 1742 Pope Benedict XIV. at the request of Felipe V. issued a bull conferring the pallium upon the bishop[XXXVII‑35] of Guatemala.

The suffragan bishoprics were those of Chiapas, Nicaragua, and Comayagua. The pallium was brought to Vera Cruz by Isidro Marin, bishop of Nicaragua, and thence to Guatemala by Francisco Molina, bishop of Comayagua, who arrived at the capital October 28, 1745. On the 14th of November the archbishop was installed and formally invested with the insignia of office by José Cabero, bishop of Chiapas. The event was celebrated with great rejoicings. The archbishop died on the 2d of February 1751, at Esquipulas, and was interred at the foot of the grand altar of the cathedral, beside the remains of Alvarado and other celebrities distinguished in the history of the country.

[Sidenote: PROVINCES.]

The suffragan sees of Honduras and Chiapas present little additional material for history during this half century, the proceedings of the church and regular orders being one uninterrupted continuance of labors which year by year became less arduous and were less carefully attended to.[XXXVII‑36] In the latter province the regular orders had become much impoverished by the devastations caused by the Tzendal insurrection, and the Dominicans in particular were so much reduced by the ravages committed upon their sugar and cacao plantations that the proceeds of those estates, together with the yield of their grist-mill, did not supply the means wherewith to repair their church.[XXXVII‑37]

Whether owing to the increasing carelessness and indolence of the ecclesiastics, or to the pertinacious adherence on the part of the natives to the creed of their forefathers, heresy became so prevalent during this epoch that the inquisition of Mexico in 1745 fulminated a terrible anathema against offenders in Central America. In this edict every curse, plague, or misfortune that could fall upon the greatest sinners of mankind was invoked upon the head of apostates.[XXXVII‑38]

In the middle of the eighteenth century the captain-generalcy of Guatemala included the territory lying between 7° 54' and 17° 49' north latitude,[XXXVII‑39] being about six hundred leagues in length from north-west to south-east, and varying in width from sixty to one hundred and fifty leagues, making an approximate area of sixty-four thousand square leagues.[XXXVII‑40]

At this time the ruler of Guatemala held control over the provinces of Costa Rica, Honduras, Nicaragua, Soconusco, San Antonio, San Salvador, Chiapas, Sonsonate, and Vera Paz; and the districts of Huehuetenango, Atitlan, and Tecpanatitlan, Quesaltenango, Chiquimula de la Sierra, Escuintla and Guazacapan, Tegucigalpa, Sutiaba, Realejo, Sebaco, and Nicoya.[XXXVII‑41] In 1787 the territory subject to the captain-general included thirteen provinces—those of Soconusco, Chiapas, Suchitepec, Vera Paz, Honduras, Izalcos, San Salvador, San Miguel, Nicaragua, Jerez de la Choluteca, Tegucigalpa, Costa Rica, and Guatemala.[XXXVII‑42]

* * * * *

By royal cédulas of the 11th of March and 20th of June 1776, the office of regent of the audiencias was created.[XXXVII‑43] Although little is said about their doings in Guatemala, they were invested with great powers, and their authority was greater than that of the president. In January 1778 Vicente de Herrera was appointed regent, and between that date and 1800 the office was held by six of his successors.[XXXVII‑44]

In no other respect does any change appear to have been made in the officers composing the government.[XXXVII‑45] Important changes, however, had been introduced in the system of government. Since its organization the political divisions had been subject to many variations. During the seventeenth century there were as many as thirty-two, of which four were governments, nine alcaldías mayores, and nineteen corregimientos.[XXXVII‑46]

[Sidenote: CORREGIMIENTOS ABOLISHED.]

About 1660 eight of the corregimientos were abolished and united to the governments,[XXXVII‑47] and from the beginning of the eighteenth century until about 1790 the corregimientos were further reduced, new alcaldías mayores being formed and others abolished.[XXXVII‑48]

At about this latter date the intendencias[XXXVII‑49] were established, reducing the number of provinces to fifteen, which embraced four intendencias, thirty-nine subdelegaciones, four politico-military districts, three corregimientos, and seven alcaldías mayores.[XXXVII‑50]

Between 1752 and 1773 eight governors ruled in Guatemala; but their administrations were marked by no event worthy of special notice. With the accession of Martin de Mayorga at the latter date,[XXXVII‑51] however, began one of the most eventful periods in the history of the country.

[Sidenote: MAGNIFICENCE OF THE CITY.]

Notwithstanding the disasters which the city of Guatemala had experienced, it had continued to increase in wealth and importance, until at this time it was noted for the number and elegance of its private and public buildings and the magnificence of its numerous churches and convents. It still maintained its rank as the second city in North America, being inferior only to Mexico in its advantages of location, scenery, climate, and varied resources. On every side of its well watered and fertile valley extended villages and farms, where cultivated fields and green pastures afforded a pleasing prospect; while high above the hills and mountains, which flanked it on either side, towered in majestic grandeur the three dreaded volcanoes.

In the centre of this beautiful valley, and nearly opposite the Volcan de Agua, stood the city. Over a mile in width at its narrowest part, its numerous streets were broad, well paved, and, excepting in the suburbs, laid out at right angles. Every portion of the city was abundantly supplied with water, and in the principal square there was a large and handsome stone reservoir, fed by two streams. Facing on this square were the governor's and archbishop's palaces, the city hall, mint, and cathedral. The government buildings were remarkable for their solidity; and within their spacious corridors, formed of columns and arches, was displayed every variety of merchandise. The churches of Guatemala, of which there were nineteen, were famed for their architectural beauty, their size, and the richness of their ornaments. Besides the cathedral and the churches, there were eighteen convents and eleven chapels. The cathedral was over three hundred feet in length, one hundred and twenty in width, and sixty-six feet high. It had three naves with eight chapels on each side. Its interior was richly carved and gilded, and decorated with rare and costly statues, paintings, and tablets, while it possessed many precious relics, and numerous utensils of gold and silver. The high-altar was of exquisite design.[XXXVII‑52]

The private dwellings were many of them of great beauty, solidly and commodiously built, richly furnished, and with spacious gardens and courts. The number of inhabitants at this time was little short of twenty-five thousand,[XXXVII‑53] and from the neighboring pueblos, the chief occupation of whose inhabitants was agriculture and various industrial arts, Guatemala was supplied with all the necessaries and many of the luxuries of life.[XXXVII‑54]

Such, in June 1773, was the fair city of Guatemala, destined for a second time soon to be laid low by envious powers. During the past twenty-three years the metropolis had experienced frequent disturbances, some of a political nature, others in the appearance of that familiar and dreaded visitant—earthquake. Two severe shocks, occurring March 4, 1751, did considerable damage, chiefly to the churches;[XXXVII‑55] in 1757 a shock was felt to which the natives gave the name of San Francisco. Two more were felt in 1765; the first, called the holy trinity, was disastrous to the province of Chiquimula, and the second, called San Rafael, desolated the province of Suchiltepeque, but neither did any damage in the city of Guatemala.[XXXVII‑56]

About 1756 a riot occurred in the city on account of the prohibition of the sale of certain liquors, but was soon suppressed by the personal courage and prompt measures of President Arcos.[XXXVII‑57] In 1766 a serious outbreak was threatened because of the establishment of the tobacco monopoly, and was only prevented by reducing the price of that article. The alarm and excitement caused by this danger was increased by the atrocious murder of two friars.[XXXVII‑58]

The minds of the people were for a time diverted from their local troubles by the funeral obsequies of the queen of Spain. The official notification of her death was received in Guatemala March 25, 1759, and on the 29th of the following June pompous funeral ceremonies were celebrated.[XXXVII‑59]

[Sidenote: ANOTHER GREAT EARTHQUAKE.]

Two years later the oath of allegiance to Cárlos III. was taken.[XXXVII‑60] In October 1762 the valley was flooded, and the town of Petapa, and the portion of the city known as the Barrio de los Remedios was inundated.[XXXVII‑61] But the crowning disaster was yet to come. A few slight shocks of earthquake in the latter part of May 1773 gave no cause for apprehension and were almost forgotten, when on the 11th of June they returned with such violence as to damage several houses and churches, notably the Carmelite and Dominican convents, and the hospital of San Juan de Dios. The shocks continued for several days with diminishing force and frequency until they had nearly ceased. On the 25th of July they were again renewed, but although frequent and violent there was no serious damage until the 29th, when the people had partially recovered from their alarm. Then they were startled by a sudden shock, coming on about four o'clock in the afternoon, which, though comparatively slight, seemed portentous of evil. So great was the apprehension felt by the inhabitants that many instantly abandoned the city, and those who remained were ready at the first indication of its return to flee from their dwellings. Scarcely ten minutes had elapsed since the first shock when there was a second, and of such violence that with the first vibration the work of destruction began. The motions were as varied as they were sudden and destructive; now horizontal, now vertical, the latter uplifting the earth with explosions, and compelling man and beast to remain prostrate. On every side were heard the crash of falling walls, the doleful clangor of the church bells as their towers rocked under the impulse of unseen powers, and above all the loud wailings of the terror-stricken people, who, collected in the squares and streets, vainly implored divine protection.

[Sidenote: DESTRUCTION AND DEATH.]

Throughout the night the shocks continued at brief intervals, and the horrors of darkness were increased by a severe rain-storm, accompanied by thunder and lightning, to which the thinly clad inhabitants were fully exposed, none daring to seek shelter from its fury lest a worse fate should overtake them. When day broke they were enabled to realize the full extent of the calamity. Of the magnificent cathedral nothing was left but a heap of ruins. Not a house in the city had escaped either destruction or serious damage. In many cases where the houses remained standing their foundations had settled or their walls were shattered or twisted. The greatest ruin, however, was caused in that portion called the Barrio del Candelaria. Here every house, including the church and the Dominican convent, was levelled to the ground. In many parts of the city even the pavements of the streets and the tiled floors of private dwellings were uplifted and shattered. The deaths, strange to say, were comparatively few, not exceeding one hundred and thirty within the city, and probably a smaller number in the surrounding country.[XXXVII‑62]

On the following day the duty of interment was begun under the direction of the civil and ecclesiastical authorities. Fearful of pestilence the dead were buried wherever found, the grounds having first been consecrated. Hunger and thirst next stalked about the ruins. Most of the supplies within the city had been destroyed or buried beneath the fallen houses, and none dared venture in those yet standing, as the shocks still continued. The aqueducts had been destroyed, and but a scanty supply of muddy water could be obtained. This distress, however, was soon relieved by the prompt measures of the president, who caused to be distributed a quantity of stores destined for the fortress of Omoa. Vigorous measures were also taken to suppress the pillage of the ruined houses, already begun. Thefts to the value of ten pesos or more were made punishable by death, and for lesser amounts, the breaking-open of any trunk, or the approach after evening prayers to the temporary quarters of the nuns, two hundred lashes and ten years' penal servitude was the penalty fixed. As proof of their determination to carry out these measures the authorities caused a gallows to be at once erected in the principal square. The presence of the militia, who had been summoned from the neighboring town, also helped to keep the criminal classes in check.[XXXVII‑63]

[Sidenote: THE QUESTION OF REMOVAL.]

Many had left the city for the adjacent villages, or had erected temporary shelters in the outskirts, but more lingered near their homes suffering from lack of food, clothing, and shelter. Within a few days when the shocks had gradually diminished, and it was a question whether the city should be rebuilt or removed to a new site, the president convoked a meeting of the civil and church authorities and prominent citizens, and it was finally decided to remove to the valley de la Ermita, the portion known as the Rodeo being chosen, and the choice approved by a decree of May 24, 1774. But finally, at the instance of the new fiscal of the audiencia, the site was changed to the plain of the virgin adjoining La Hermita, where were greater advantages.

Although a removal was favored by a majority of the prominent persons, subsequent events showed that it was not the free expression of the popular will. Many of the citizens were not in a condition to reason calmly. The apprehension of fresh calamities was kept alive by the continued shocks, which on the 7th of September and 13th of December were unusually severe. Those of the latter date were said by some to have equalled in violence that of the 29th of July, and caused further damage to the remaining buildings. As time went on, however, the fears of the people disappeared, and the opposition to a removal grew stronger among all classes; but still the audiencia objected. This body, together with the royal officials and the troops, had been established in the Hermita since September; but few if any of the citizens appear to have joined them, and not even a petechial fever, which appeared and raged until May 1774 could induce them to abandon the ruined city.[XXXVII‑64]

The president would fain have compelled the removal, but the royal decree which arrived in the latter part of 1774, made the selection of the site subject to the approval of the viceroy of Mexico, and ordered that until such approval was obtained the erection of permanent buildings should not be made. The viceroy was duly informed of the choice of site, but instead of approving it he reported the matter to the crown.

The removal of the city to the plain of the virgin was confirmed by royal decree of November 1775, and immediately following its receipt President Mayorga issued decrees inviting the citizens to select their lots in the new locality. But few responded to this invitation, and none began the construction of houses, believing that this site would be ultimately abandoned.

Toward the end of December a second royal decree arrived with instructions as to the manner of removal, but forbidding the total abandonment of the old city. Suppressing such portions of these instructions as suited his design, the president continued his measures of coercion, but apparently with little success, for on the 29th of July, 1777, he found it necessary to decree that within a year the old city must be abandoned and all buildings pulled down. The ayuntamiento had been ordered to take up their permanent residence in La Hermita at the end of 1775, and their protests, first to the president and subsequently to the crown, appear to have availed nothing.[XXXVII‑65] The archbishop, however, and the ecclesiastics still remained in the ruined city.

[Sidenote: MORE QUARRELS.]

The archbishop had opposed the removal from the beginning, and in his numerous representations to the crown had occasion to complain of the minister Galvez. One of these letters fell into the hands of Galvez, who determined on revenge. Through his influence secret and stringent orders were issued for the total abandonment of the ruined city, and a former resignation of the archbishop, made in 1769, and rejected by the crown, was reconsidered and accepted. The orders issued by the president became more and more stringent, but as he refused to show the royal decrees to the archbishop the latter paid no heed to them.

Thus affairs continued until August 1778, when Don Matías Galvez, a brother of minister Galvez, arrived in Guatemala with the rank of inspector-general and acting president of the audiencia in the absence or sickness of Mayorga. In the beginning of 1779 the entry to the ruined city of all kinds of merchandise was forbidden; repairs on houses, grounds, or streets were prohibited; music, bull-fighting, and all other public diversions were interdicted; the temporary huts in the streets and squares were ordered removed, and all artisans, militia, and others of this class were ordered to transfer their residence to the new site within a limited period.

On the 5th of April Galvez took temporary possession of the presidency, Mayorga being promoted to the viceroyalty of New Spain, for which place he set out toward the end of the month. The appointment of Galvez arrived the 14th of May when he took formal possession of the office. Through his subordinates he at once issued peremptory orders to all seculars for the immediate abandonment of the old city under severe penalties. This tyrannical measure could not be fully carried out, and such was the suffering it caused among the poorer classes that many were allowed to remain among the ruins. The principal cause of all these troubles, however, was the archbishop. The civil authorities could not compel him to leave the old city, and it was hoped that a systematic course of annoyance would induce him to repair to Spain, and that during his absence the new archbishop who had already been appointed would quietly take possession. Having set out on a pastoral visit, August 21, 1778, it was supposed that he had departed for Spain; but in September 1779 he was again in Guatemala City, whence he issued an edict disputing the validity of his successor's claims, this latter, Cayetano Francos y Monroy, having arrived in Guatemala during the preceding month. From the 9th to the 30th the struggle between the archbishop and the audiencia continued. To the former's threats of excommunication the latter replied with demands for the recognition of the new archbishop, and this proving ineffectual he was ordered to depart for Spain, and the recognition of Monroy by the people enjoined under heavy penalties. It is uncertain to what extremes the president might have proceeded had not Archbishop Cortés secretly left for Spain at the end of the month. Monroy at once took possession, and thus ended this scandalous affair.[XXXVII‑66]

Notwithstanding its want of resources the new city, aided by the cession of the revenues for ten years made by the royal decree of 1774, was soon rebuilt, and in 1800 had its paved streets, fine squares, public buildings, and churches. The cathedral, of smaller proportions than that of the old city, and the Jesuit college, were still unfinished.

Alarms and disaster still followed the people of Guatemala. On the 11th of July 1775 a violent though harmless eruption of the volcano of Pacaya occurred; in 1776 the eruption of the volcano De Tormentos, near Amatitlan, destroyed the village of Tres Rios, three leagues distant, and filled with lava the rivers from which it took its name.[XXXVII‑67]

In 1780 the new city was visited by small-pox, which extended over the whole country and carried off many victims. The use of vaccine was now for the first time tried in Guatemala, and proved a success, as few if any of those inoculated died.[XXXVII‑68]

[Sidenote: SALAZAR AND GALVEZ.]

Before these events had fairly passed, the declaration of war between England and Spain in 1779, and the almost immediate invasion of Honduras and Nicaragua, compelled the reorganization of the military force of the kingdom. We have no information of the condition of either the regular army or militia at this date, but it is hardly probable that any material change in their condition had taken place since the report of President Salazar in 1778-9. As therein shown the country was not in a condition for war. The whole number of regular troops in the kingdom consisted of two companies of dragoons numbering sixty men, and who were stationed at the capital. The militia force included all the able-bodied men in the kingdom, the majority of whom were mulattoes; but in the rare event of their being called out for service a certain proportion only was taken from each town, the remainder being indispensable to the cultivation of the soil. Both infantry and cavalry were poorly disciplined, and their arms, usually deposited in the principal towns, would not suffice for one half of the troops, besides being for the most part out of repair for want of an armorer. A few of the mulattoes had rude side arms of home manufacture, but it was rare to find one who had acquired any skill in the use of fire-arms. The regular force was subsequently increased to two hundred, a detachment of one hundred Spanish troops arriving in August 1777.[XXXVII‑69] At this same time infantry and cavalry officers, artillerymen and engineers were asked for by President Salazar to reorganize and instruct the militia and take charge of the artillery and fortifications. The various fortresses and principal cities were well provided with artillery and small arms, but many of them in an apparently unserviceable condition.[XXXVII‑70] At the first note of alarm President Galvez applied himself to the organization of an army, and such was the energy and ability displayed in his conduct of the subsequent campaign, that he earned merited fame and promotion for himself, and, as we have seen, led his troops to victory.[XXXVII‑71]

The rule of President Galvez ended on March 10, 1783, when he was transferred to the viceroyalty of New Spain. His administration was an exceedingly prosperous one for Guatemala, and his departure was greatly regretted by all classes.[XXXVII‑72] His successor was José Estachería, who assumed office the 3d of April the same year. He was brigadier-general and ex-governor of Nicaragua. His term of office expired December 29, 1789. To him succeeded Bernardo Troncoso Martinez del Rincon, lieutenant-general, formerly king's lieutenant of Habana and ex-governor of Vera Cruz, who was in power until 1794, and José Domas y Valle, a knight of Santiago, gefe de escuadra, who held office from the latter date until the 28th of July 1801.[XXXVII‑73]

* * * * *

From May 13, 1753, until June 24, 1765, the archiepiscopal chair of Guatemala was filled by Doctor Francisco José de Figueredo y Victoria, who had been promoted from the see of Popayan.[XXXVII‑74]

[Sidenote: MISSIONARY WORK.]

The only event of importance during his rule was the partial secularization of missions. The order was received from Mexico by the audiencia sometime after the death of President Vazquez, but was not made public until 1754, when the secularization of the missions in the valley of Guatemala at once began.[XXXVII‑75]

On the arrival of President Arcos, a little over a month later, the Dominicans, who had appealed to the crown against this measure, prevailed on him to delay, under some pretext, the transfer of their missions. This, however, proved only a temporary relief; for though the provinces of Vera Paz and Quiché were left to these friars, Archbishop Figueredo reported the conduct of the president to the crown, whereupon the secularization was ordered continued, and Arcos was reproved. The Dominicans redoubled their exertions, but succeeded only in obtaining a cédula ordering that the transfer of the remaining missions should be made only on the death of the friars in charge. Later, even this concession was revoked by the archbishop of Guatemala.[XXXVII‑76]

At the time the missionary field in the province of Guatemala proper seems, with the exception of the Lacandon territory, to have been exhausted; for we find that the Franciscan college of Cristo Señor Nuestro Crucificado, founded April 27, 1756, had missions in Veragua, Costa Rica, Honduras, and Mosquitia, but there is no mention of any in Guatemala.[XXXVII‑77] In 1790 the parish priest of Palenque made a feeble attempt to reduce the Lacandones. Having obtained pecuniary aid from the intendente of Chiapas, he founded a town, baptized several natives, and won their good-will by numerous presents; but the advantage thus gained does not appear to have been improved.[XXXVII‑78]

Some excitement was caused in Guatemala City in July 1772 by a disturbance in the convent of the Recollets. Owing to violent dissension among the inmates, the audiencia, at the request of the friar, caused the arrest and remittance to Spain of two of the ringleaders. The populace, ignorant of the cause of this interference, were with difficulty quieted. This action of the audiencia was approved by the crown, and the remainder of the turbulent friars were suspended.

[Sidenote: EXPULSION OF THE JESUITS.]

Having become blind from old age, being now in his eightieth year, Archbishop Figueredo petitioned the crown to appoint a coadjutor. Accordingly, Doctor Miguel de Cilieza y Velasco, a native of Guatemala and chancellor of the cathedral, was selected; but the archbishop died before he was consecrated, and he was nominated for the see of Chiapas, whence he departed in October 1767. The archbishop's death occurred June 24, 1765. In accordance with his request his remains were deposited in the church of the Jesuit college, to whose members he had been warmly attached.[XXXVII‑79] The archiepiscopal chair remained vacant after Figueredo's death until 1768, when it was occupied by Doctor Don Pedro Cortés y Larraz.[XXXVII‑80] Preceding his arrival in 1767 the famous decree of expulsion against the Jesuits was carried into effect in Guatemala, but was unattended with any of the serious disturbances which marked its enforcement in New Spain.[XXXVII‑81] The utmost secrecy and despatch were observed. At 6 o'clock on the morning of the 26th of June, troops having been stationed at certain points, the president and audiencia with an escort of dragoons proceeded to the Jesuit convent. It was the feast of the sacred heart, and service had already begun. Awaiting a favorable opportunity the president requested the celebrants to cease, and the sacrament having been covered and the doors closed, in tears he notified the friars of the fatal decree. Silently and with bowed heads they signified their submission. The convent was surrounded by a guard of militia, and all communication with friends forbidden. On July 1st they were conducted to Golfo Dulce and embarked on a Spanish frigate, and a month later the members of their order from Chiapas joined them. The decree was published on the 30th of July. The total number of exiles was eleven. The rector and two lay brothers remained, the former to deliver the church property, and the latter because they were unable to travel.[XXXVII‑82]

Archbishop Cortés took possession of his office in February 1768. The chief event during his rule was his difficulty with the audiencia, owing to his opposition to the removal of the city, and which has been related in connection with that event. These differences, however, were evidently of an earlier date. Cortés, who had been appointed by the king in opposition to his council, did not find matters to his liking in Guatemala, and accordingly in August 1769 he tendered his resignation. This was rejected by the king, who expressed himself as satisfied with his conduct, and this rejection was considered final. In opposing the removal of the city, however, he did not count on the influence of President Mayorga, who was protected by the chief minister of the royal council; and however justifiable in the beginning this opposition may have been it was unwisely prolonged. Minister Galvez succeeded in having the resignation of Cortés reconsidered, notwithstanding the protests of that prelate. He caused his brother to be appointed Mayorga's successor, had Cortés transferred to the bishopric of Tortosa, and, as we have seen, a new archbishop nominated to Guatemala. The refusal of Cortés to surrender his chair, it is claimed, was because he had not received his bulls confirming his appointment to the bishopric of Tortosa. After leaving Guatemala, as previously narrated, he proceeded to his new bishopric, where he continued until his death, which occurred in 1786. His interest in the welfare of Guatemala did not end with his departure, for he subsequently donated sixty thousand dollars with which to found a college for the education of the young.[XXXVII‑83]

Doctor Cayetano Francos y Monroy, his successor, was installed and duly recognized after Cortés' departure;[XXXVII‑84] but not satisfied with the manner in which he had been appointed he procured a confirmatory bull from Pope Pius VII. in 1779. This irregularity was also recognized by the council of the Indies, as is shown by the fact that they declared that the revenues of the archbishopric of Guatemala until December 1779 belonged to Cortés, whose appointment to Tortosa was not confirmed until this date.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: HISTORICAL REVIEW.]

Thus we have traced the history of Spanish conquest and colonization in Central America from the time when Rodrigo de Bastidas first touched Tierra Firme to the close of the eighteenth century. We have seen the sword and the cross side by side, without a shadow of right or recompense, enter in and take possession of the broad area from Darien to New Spain; then sitting down to wrangle and to rest. During the process of gradual extinction the natives broke out in occasional rebellions; but for the most part they were docile, and submitted with philosophic or Christian resignation to the inevitable, which was too often infamous on the part of civilization and Christianity.

It was a period of repose, the two and a half centuries of Central America's existence under Spain's audiencias and governors, a period of apathy and stagnation as far as intellectual and moral progress are concerned. Nor is there much to be said in the way of material improvement. Neither God nor mammon could truthfully claim much higher or nobler results from the country under European domination than under American. The province and policy of rulers, civil and ecclesiastical, were fixed, and the duties of subjects was determined. Although the people did not know it, the grasp of the mother government upon the country, however nervous and jealous it might be, was in reality weak, for the parent herself was rapidly declining.

There was nothing to fight for, and nothing to work for. If we except an occasional attempted subjugation of unpacified peoples, and the descent of pirates, the greatest issues of the time were those affecting precedence and place. It was easier to evade obnoxious laws than to quarrel with them. The natives found it less burdensome to perform the little labor necessary to the support of themselves and their masters than to endure the penalties of opposition. Between the poor kings of Spain and the pirates of England, France, and Holland, the wealth of the people was far from secure; there was no great incentive to enterprise in any direction, and had there been it is not certain that men would have exerted themselves. Simple existence satisfied them; high development and limitless wealth could do no more.

The appearance on their shores of legalized robbery and murder, in the form of freebooters, was not generally regarded as retribution, though their infamies were scarcely greater than those which had been perpetrated by the Spaniards in this quarter a century or two before. The buccaneers and Scotch settlers were right enough in looking upon the Spaniards as intruders, having no more ownership in the country than they, except such as priority in wrongs committed gave them; which wrongs by no means made right the cruelties and injustice of the English and French inflicted upon the Spaniards.

[Sidenote: APPROACHING REVOLUTION.]

In the third and concluding volume of the _History of Central America_ will be more fully presented the social, industrial, and political condition of the country in the nineteenth century, particularly at the transitional epoch following the achieving of independence from Spain, and immediately afterward. Twice during the sixteenth century did Spain narrowly escape the loss of her richest territories by rebellion. Twice during the eighteenth did British armaments threaten to overthrow her dominion in the New World. And now, at the close of the latter century, the Spaniards of Central America, goaded by heavy and unjust taxation, and by the vexatious restrictions imposed on the trade of the colonies, stimulated, moreover, by the success with which the republic of the west had thrown off the yoke of England, and by the brilliant career which the great republic of Europe had achieved under the dazzling leadership of the first Napoleon, were already ripe for revolution. Spain meanwhile is about to reap the reward of nearly three centuries of misrule. Through her indifference the commerce of the western hemisphere had long since fallen into the hands of foreigners; and her colonies no longer desired to maintain their connection with the mother country, from which they had nothing to gain, and with whose interests they had little in common.

* * * * *

For the history of the colonial period of the Central American provinces, especially that portion immediately following the conquest, when, a secure foothold having been gained by the Spaniards, gradual exploration and settlement completed their subjugation, the data supplied by the earlier Spanish chroniclers and official reports are abundant; but the evidence from these sources is, in some respects, so incomplete and contradictory, that it is only after an examination of the numerous valuable collections of original documents brought to light in modern times, that the student is able to fix with precision the true character and sequence of events. The standard general historians of the sixteenth century, such as Bernal Diaz, Gomara, Oviedo, and Las Casas, give us but little information concerning Central America after 1530; and in consequence the special accounts of individuals like Gage, Benzoni, and Andagoya, not to mention the writings of the buccaneers, with occasional special efforts of a time or place like those of Reynolds, and of Fuentes y Guzman, followed by Juarros, and all supplemented by documents, assume paramount importance, and become the chief sources of historic material for this epoch.

The founding and subsequent progress of the church in this territory are traced in a general way by its representative chroniclers, Motolinia, Mendieta, Torquemada, and Fernandez, until Remesal and Vazquez, chroniclers respectively of the Dominican and Franciscan orders in Central America, profiting by the labors of the former, and adding some original research, bring the history of the church down to the end of the seventeenth century. Some attempt is also made by the last two writers to follow the political history, but only in a desultory way.

The first special history to be written was that of Fuentes y Guzman, containing much original matter, but not generally reliable. The manuscript was never published, but was used by Juarros. Later appeared the pamphlet of Cadena, devoted entirely to a description of the destruction of Guatemala City, and about the same time Escamilla compiled from official sources a list of governors and bishops and of the more important historical events, and gave a special account of the destruction of Guatemala City.

Without the valuable collections of Squier, Pacheco and Cárdenas, Cartas de Indias, Ternaux-Compans, Arévalo, Icazbalceta, and Coleccion de Documentos Inéditos, the result of modern research, the history of this territory from 1531 to 1800 would be meagre indeed. These collections, special notices of nearly all of which I have already given, contain almost numberless official letters and reports, which were either unknown or inaccessible to early writers. Prominent among them all is what has been called the Squier collection, consisting mostly of manuscripts, and which fell to my collection by purchase after the death of Mr Squier. It consists of extracts and copies of letters and reports of audiencias, governors, bishops, and various government officials, taken from the Spanish archives at Madrid and from the library of the Spanish Royal Academy of History, mostly under the direction of the indefatigable collector Mr Buckingham Smith. Many rare and valuable documents relating to Central America, including numerous letters and reports of Las Casas, are also to be found in the voluminous collection of Pacheco and Cárdenas, and, though fewer in number, in that of Ternaux-Compans.

In the absence of any early local chronicler, and by reason of the neglect of those who came later, many of the records have been lost. The only portions of those published are to be found in the collections of Arévalo, which are indispensable to the local history of Guatemala, though evidently not complete, and containing some omissions owing to the apparent illegibility of the originals. The second of these collections, _Coleccion de Documentos Antiguos de Guatemala_, published in Guatemala in 1857, contains, besides the grants of the coat of arms and privileges to the city of Guatemala, and memorials and reports of the city council from 1537 to 1782, a few letters of Alvarado and Bishop Marroquin, some without date, not found elsewhere.

[Sidenote: REMESAL, VAZQUEZ, JUARROS.]

The work of Remesal, though published in Madrid, was the first one written in Guatemala. In connection with the special history of the Dominican order and a general account of the church, considerable political history is given, though in a desultory manner. This author was the first to make use of the archives of Guatemala, but in the presentation of this original matter much carelessness is shown. Las Casas, the Dominican order, and the natives are his favorite topics, and events are colored accordingly. A century later, deeming his order neglected by Remesal, the Franciscan chronicler Vazquez issued his work. Borrowing much from Remesal and other writers for the earlier epoch, he continued the history of the church down to the end of the seventeenth century, giving also, as that author had done, the political history in a disconnected form. With the same facilities as regards original sources Vazquez makes better use of them than Remesal, but while exposing the errors of his rival he falls into others equally great, displaying a narrow-minded prejudice against the natives, while fanatically defending their oppressors. Remesal and Vazquez are at variance on many points of church history, but on none more than the missionary labors of their respective orders. Each claims for his order the honor of first entering the missionary field in this quarter, but neither makes good his pretensions.

The next work to appear was that of Juarros, which, having absorbed that of Fuentes y Guzman, was the first published of what might be called a history of Guatemala. Notwithstanding his access to original documents, Fuentes y Guzman committed many errors which were unwittingly copied by Juarros. With the aid of subsequent research, however, these errors are readily detected, Juarros still remaining the leading historian of Central America, though owing to the greater importance of Guatemala as the seat of government, the greater portion of the work is taken up with the history of this province. In fact this is the only comprehensive history extant of Guatemala and its adjoining provinces, while the other portions of Central America make scarcely any pretext to the possession of a history. From no other source can the writer obtain connected accounts of their conquest and settlement, description of towns, early resources, and lists of officials and biographies of prominent men. Of the Spanish writers he is also one of the most impartial, even in matters pertaining to the church, though he was one of its ministers. Nevertheless, Juarros is in many respects incomplete. He has failed in a lamentable degree to present anything like the true political, social, and moral condition of the people, or the development of the country during this period; and for the conquest and early colonial epochs there is a manifest lack of study and research. Noting these defects, Pelaez in his _Memorias_ attempted to supply them, and has succeeded in a measure. Arranged in a clear concise form, under their appropriate headings, and with corresponding references, the student will find collected all the evidence presented on the different subjects by nearly all of the earlier and modern authors of note; to which is added the testimony from a large number of original documents overlooked or neglected by his predecessors. But while the history of Guatemala for the latter colonial period is comparatively complete, that of the remaining provinces of Central America, as I have intimated, is but a meagre outline, dependent for the most part on occasional documents. Among the modern authorities composed chiefly of English, French, and German, but a brief historical review is given of this period, a mere compilation from well known works, which serve as an introduction to narratives of travel, or books describing the different provinces and their resources.

A peculiar feature of Central American bibliography is the buccaneer literature, here being the principal scene of the piratical operations of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The total absence of any Spanish work on this subject has left the field open to the English, French, and Dutch, whose accounts of the exploits of their countrymen on the Spanish main are not always impartial.

Preceding this class of literature and closely allied to it, owing to the spirit of adventure and the geographical knowledge which it diffused, are the numerous accounts of voyages made for the purposes of trade, exploration, or discovery in this part of the world. Some of these I will here notice; though in truth many of them relate as much to other sections of my work as to Central America, or even more.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: GALVANO AND HAKLUYT.]

Complete as is the _Raccolta_ of Ramusio and like collections, in reproducing the leading voyages up to its time, a large number of minor narratives remained unnoticed, while others stood briefly recorded upon mere hearsay in the writing of others. This deficiency had been observed by Antonio Galvano in earlier collections, and his effort to repair it gave rise to the first comprehensive history of voyages. Born at Lisbon in 1503, Galvano left at the age of twenty-four for the Indies, where he was intrusted with the conquest and government of the Moluccas. Of this he remained in charge for six or seven years, distinguishing himself both as a just and benevolent ruler, and as a zealous proselytizer. His unselfish conduct served only to attract calumny and to reduce him to poverty, so much so that he had to seek refuge in the royal hospital at Lisbon, where he died in 1557. His undoubted talent had been fostered by extensive reading, particularly of narratives of voyages. While so employed he kept notes with a view to form an outline of the progress of navigation and discovery, which should serve as introductory to a collection. During the latter part of his life, while suffering under the ban of royal displeasure, he found ample time to perfect these researches, and at his death a friend, Francisco de Sousa Tavares, was intrusted with the papers. Among these appears to have been a history of the discovery and resources of the Moluccas, a manuscript in ten books, according to Faria, of which Pinelo says: "Por no haverle visto, duda, si permanece." _Epitome_, ii. 636. De Sousa caused the treatise under consideration to be published at Lisbon in 1563, under the title of _Tratado que compōs o nobre e notauel capitão Antonio Galuão de todos os descobrimentos antigos e modernos que são feitos á era de mil e quinhentos e cincoenta_, with a dedication to the duke of Aveiro, wherein he records Galvano's many services, and comments on their poor recognition. Mention has been made of a duodecimo edition of 1555, but this must be a mistake, to judge by Sousa's preface to the edition of 1563. Of this only three copies are known to exist, one owned by Mr John Carter Brown, of Providence, from whom the Hakluyt Society obtained a copy, printed as a running foot-note to their reissue of Hakluyt's version, under the editorship of Admiral Bethune. The latter is called _The Discoveries of the World from their first originall vnto the yeere 1555, by Antonie Galvano_, Londini, 1601, to be found also in the reprint of _Hakluyt's Voyages_, and in _Churchill's Collection_, while Purchas gives it in reduced form. The Portuguese copy was reprinted at Lisbon in 1731. Hakluyt explains in the dedication to Sir Robert Cecil that his publication thereof was intended as an introductory to his own work, and was made from an old manuscript translated by an English merchant. In order to modify the "manifold errours" therein, Hakluyt took pains to consult Spanish works for the corrections and additions which are to be noticed in this version. The treatise goes back to the discovery voyages related by Chinese, Greek, and Latin writers, and brings the concise record for every region of the globe, in chronologic order, down to 1550. The East India voyages are partly from his own notes, while other contemporary expeditions are derived from the chroniclers. The pre-Columbian period occupies only a little over one fourth of the text, and shows the want of access to material revealed by subsequent investigations in different countries. The later period is pretty complete for Spanish and Portuguese voyages, considering the tardiness with which occurrences were published. Hakluyt, while regretting that English voyages are "scarce fower times mentioned," admits that at the time "there was little extant of our men's trauailes." Muñoz speaks slightingly of Galvano, saying "compendia infelizmente" what others have done more fully. Whatever its defects, the treatise was certainly a most valuable contribution to the subject, and is still highly important as one of the first essays toward a history of voyages.

Among those who followed Ramusio's example of collecting and publishing narratives of voyages and travels stands pre-eminent Richard Hakluyt, whose work was remarkable not only as the first but as the most valuable in English for the originality and rarity of its narratives, particularly those relating to America. When Hakluyt began his studies _Eden's Historie of Travayle_, containing translations from Martyr and Oviedo, was the only English book extant on maritime discovery. Nor was much known abroad of English voyages, partly because the traders preferred to keep their own counsel. Hakluyt's perusal of foreign collections, and his private researches, showed him, however, that the English had performed deeds worthy of being recorded, and he was fired with ambition to make them public.

Hakluyt belonged to a good Herefordshire family, settled at Yatton, which had for centuries held a leading position in the county. After passing through Westminster school as a queen's scholar, he was in 1570, at the age of 17, elected to Christ Church college, Oxford, and took the degree of B. A. four years later; that of M. A. being obtained after three years' further study. While yet a boy he had been directed by a cousin to the study of geography and navigation, which henceforth became his favorite pursuit. So well did he use his opportunity at Oxford, where he also mastered several languages for his studies, that he appears to have been appointed lecturer on cosmography. In the dedication to Walsingham of the first edition of his collection he says: "I in my publike lectures was the first that produced and shewed both the olde and imperfectly composed and the new lately reformed mappes, globes," etc. Between 1584 and 1589 he held the post of chaplain to the embassy at Paris, and while there pursued actively his researches, besides publishing narratives of voyages in French and English. In 1590 he obtained a rectory in Suffolk County, on the strength of which he married four years later, and in 1605 he succeeded Dr Webster as prebendary of Westminster abbey. Dying November 23, 1616, he was buried in St Peter's of this abbey, leaving to his son a fair estate which was soon squandered. Although interested in Raleigh's patent for making discoveries, and forming one of the chief adventurers in the company for the colonization of Virginia, he took no other share in maritime projects than to promote them by his writings. His devotion to researches was so great that he once rode two hundred miles to meet the only survivor of Hare's disastrous voyage. He corresponded with Ortelius and Mercator, and received the friendly encouragement of Walsingham, Cecil, Admiral Howard, Drake, and others. His first publication was _Divers Voyages touching the Discoverie of America and the Islands adiacent_, London, 1582, dedicated to Philip Sydney. Of the original only five copies are supposed to exist, from one of which the Hakluyt Society issued a reprint in 1850, under the editorship of John Winter Jones, of the British Museum, who prefaces it with a valuable review of Hakluyt's life and writings. The several narratives refer to the north-east and north-west passages, the East Indies, and the east coast of North America. A curious map herein of conic projection shows the North American continent extending to about latitude 46°, where the California peninsula connects with a range called _Sierra Neuada_, running latitudinally. Above 46° all is open ocean, bordered on the east, however, by a strip of land connected with Florida by a narrow isthmus, and extending to Cape Labrador. The northern part of California bears the name Quiviri, the southern (Cape) California, and the central part S. Croce (Santa Cruz). On the mappemonde the Tierra del Fuego forms part of a great antarctic continent. While at Paris, Hakluyt caused to be published in French an account of Florida, from a manuscript found by him, and this was issued the following year, 1587, in English, as _A notable historie containing foure voyages unto Florida_, both versions dedicated to Raleigh, with an exhortation to prosecute the colonization of Virginia. The same year he published at Paris an improved edition of Martyr's _De orbe novo_ which some years later was translated into English by M. Lock. In 1589 appeared the first instalment of the great work _The principall navigations, voiages and discoveries of the English nation made by sea or over land_, a folio, dedicated to Sir Francis Walsingham. It is divided into three parts, relating respectively to Asia and Africa, to the north and north-east of Europe and Asia, and to America, including Drake's voyage. Nine years later he published the first volume of a new edition of his collection, followed in 1599 and 1600 by two more volumes, in none of which reference is made to the first issue. They are fine specimens of black-letter type, with marginals and headpieces, but with the prefaced Latin text, headings, and names in roman type and italics. The first volume is dedicated to Lord Howard as a tribute to the patriotic services of the family, and in recognition of the favors received by Hakluyt and his brother; the others to Sir Robert Cecil, secretary of state. They are properly a rearranged enlargement of the first issue, volume i. containing voyages toward the north and north-east of England; volume ii. to the Mediterranean and Africa; and volume iii. to America, including several voyages by foreigners to parts not visited by the English. The narratives are generally in the language of the narrator, and in the first two volumes their order is chronologic; but in the American section they are grouped under different geographic headings. This opens with the dubious voyage of Madoc in 1170, and continues with expeditions to the extreme northern parts of the continent, chiefly with reference to the north-west passage. The region between Canada and Florida comes next, followed by explorations toward New Mexico and California, and in Mexico; then the Antilles and Central America, succeeded by a series of groups for South America, the whole concluding with circumnavigations and voyages directed to the South Sea. In the dedication to the third volume Hakluyt says: "Now because long since I did foresee, that my profession of diuinitie, the care of my family, and other occasions might call and diuert me from these kinde of endeauors, I have for these 3 yeeres last past encouraged and furthered in these studies of Cosmographic and forren histories, my very honest, industrious, and learned friend Mr Iohn Pory." Profiting by this training, Pory in 1600 issued a translation of _Leo's History of Africa_. Others were similarly directed to geographical research, among them Parke who issued a translation of a history of China, and Erondelle who published a part of Lescarbot's _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_. Hakluyt himself continued to devote to his favorite subject the little leisure remaining, and left enough manuscript to have added a fourth volume to his collection; but coming into Purchas' hands they were abridged for his _Pilgrimes_. Some of them were evidently prepared for the guidance of the East India Company, which had not failed to consult the renowned cosmographer, without whose advice few maritime enterprises were then undertaken. In 1601 he issued a translation of _Galvano's Discoveries of the World_, and in 1609 his last book, a translation of _Soto's Discoveries in Florida_, with the main object of encouraging the Virginia colony. Virginia is greatly indebted to Hakluyt, and the maritime enterprise of England in general was much promoted by his personal application and writings. Robertson adds that to him "England is more indebted for its American possessions than to any man of that age." A reprint of all Hakluyt's works was issued in five volumes quarto in 1809-12, by R. Evans, only 325 copies being printed. The fifth volume, issued in a larger edition, is entitled _A Selection of Curious, Rare, and Early Voyages, and Histories of Interesting Discoveries, Chiefly Published by Hakluyt, but not included in his Compilation_; London, 1812, 807 pp., and is really a supplement to Hakluyt and Purchas, offering reprints of documents touching different parts of the globe, as _Galvano's Discoveries_, _The Historie of the West Indies_ by Martyr, from Lock's translation of Hakluyt's version, and several others, chiefly relating to Asia. Hakluyt's works stand an enduring monument to well earned fame, and his spirit, after influencing contemporary enterprise, continued to animate the nation, and to assume embodiment in the Hakluyt Society, which has for its aim to continue the labors that have done so much for literature and science.

[Sidenote: DE BRY, ENS, GOTTFRIEDT, PURCHAS.]

Among foreign writers influenced by Hakluyt's exhortation and example may be mentioned Theodore De Bry, the engraver of Frankfort. The opportunity afforded him in his profession to become acquainted with and to collect works relating to voyages and conquests, had not failed to awaken an interest for the subject. But a visit to Hakluyt, then engaged upon his collection, gave a decided impulse to his ideas, and being a man of enterprise he forthwith engaged editors, and in 1590 began publishing, simultaneously in Latin, German, and French, the famous _Collection des Grands et Petits Voyages_, referring respectively to the new and old worlds, the larger size of the volumes for America giving rise to the title. Under the supervision of his sons and other members of the family, the collection was continued after his death, in 1598, till completed in its fortieth year. The numerous reprints of volumes and sets during this interval, with more or less changes, have given no little trouble to collectors in search of the complete issue. Formed without critique, it is remarkable rather as a convenient set and as a bibliographic curiosity, wherein the engravings constitute the main attraction, then for geographic value, since most of the narratives had already been published in better form, and have been reproduced in later works.

De Bry's set proved a fertile source in text and engravings for compilers, and among them Gaspar L. Ens, the author of several individual European travels, and one of the editors employed by De Bry, who issued the _Indiæ Occidentalis Historia_, Coloniæ, 1612. On the same plan as Ens', but on a larger scale, and partly based upon it, is the _Newe Welt Vnd Americanische Historien_, Franckfurt, 1631, reprinted 1655, folio. The author, Johann Ludwig Gottfriedt, whose proper name appears to be Jean Philippe Abelin, was also an editor of De Bry, and wrote several works, one of them being the "_Archontologia Cosmica_, que es Farrago de diversos Autores, sin distinguir lo cierto de lo dudoso." _Pinelo_, _Epitome_, tom. iii. pp. 1288. It is also called a translation of D'Avity's _Les etats_. Gottfriedt naturally sets up a claim for his _Newe Welt_ to be compiled from leading writers, without referring to De Bry, who no doubt supplied the material for the text as well as the plates. De Bry, says Brunet, _Manuel_, tom. ii. p. 1674, "a abrégé des douze premières parties de la collection." The plates, which are perhaps the most interesting part of the volume, have been selected chiefly from the nude and the curious, such as Indians driving whales, playing with mermaids, or hunting semi-human beasts. The arrangement of the text shows no improvement upon Ens, but the third section differs in being more of a supplement to both the preceding parts.

Hakluyt's unpublished papers, failing to attain their destined object, accomplished a wider result by giving rise to the larger collection of Samuel Purchas; for it was their possession that gave impulse to a work so much needed, both to fill the gaps of the former and to narrate the numerous expeditions which had taken place since its date. The precursor of the work was _Pvrchas his Pilgrimage, or Relations of the World and the Religions observed in all Ages and Places_, London, 1613, dedicated to the archbishop of Canterbury. It was reprinted in 1614, and soon reached several editions, the fourth, 1626, being dedicated to King Charles, who had deigned to inquire for it, and whose royal father had read it seven times, as the author proudly announces. This object of kingly delight claims to be a compilation from over thirteen hundred authors, which are decidedly well represented in the numerous marginals, and gives a review in nine books of the social condition and the institutions of the nations in Asia, Africa, and America, particularly the religious feature, with some reference to political history. Beginning with the Mosaic creation it takes up the nations of south-east Asia, of the East Indies and China, and reaches Africa in the sixth book. The last two are devoted to the New World, whose physical and natural features receive two chapters, followed by the general description of the region above Florida in five chapters, while the eighth is given to the country west of this, and the next six to New Spain. The fifteen chapters of book nine cover South America and the Antilles, the last being an attack on Spanish cruelty and maleconversion. Three parts similar to this volume were promised, the second to relate to Europe, and the others to continue the subject for the four divisions of the world; but the necessary aid was withheld, as Purchas hints in an address to the _Pilgrimes_, and wherein he attempts a pun upon his name by intimating that Europe cannot now be purchased. The project had evidently to yield to others, as _Microcosmus, or the History of Man_, 1619, and to the great collection which soon engrossed his whole attention. Purchas was like Hakluyt a preacher, but of the rival university of Cambridge, trained at St John College, as he states in the dedicatory to volume iii. He attained the degree of bachelor of divinity, conferred also by Oxford in 1615. In 1604 he assumed charge of a vicarage in his native county of Essex, but was soon called by his literary researches to London, where he fell into difficulties, and had recourse to lecturing and to friends. Finally Bishop King came to his aid with means to prosecute the publication of his work, and by conferring upon him the rectory of St Martins. Purchas expresses his gratitude for these favors in the opening address to volume i., wherein he speaks of "my decessed Patron Doctor King, ... to whose bountie vnder God, I willingly ascribe my life, deliuered from a sickly Habitation, and consequently (as also by opportunities of a London Benefice) whatsoeuer additions in my later Editions of my _Pilgrimage_; these present _Pilgrimes_ also." In the dedication of the _Pilgrimage_ to the archbishop, he signs himself his chaplain, which may be a figurative expression. He is generally supposed to have died in poverty, and even in prison; but the title-page portrait of 1625, at the age of forty-eight, presents him as a sleek, contented-looking preacher, with a full though not large beard; and the several editions of the _Pilgrimage_ would indicate that he had prospered up to that time at least. According to Wood he died in his own house about 1628. In 1625 appeared _Haklvytvs Posthumus or Pvrchas his Pilgrimes. Contayning a History of the World, in Sea voyages & lande-Trauells. Imprinted at London for Henry Fetherston._ In four parts or volumes, folio, each dedicated to a different personage. The first title-page is filled with emblematic designs, and portraits of princes and great men, among them Purchas, at the foot, between two hemispheres, with his anagram of "Pars sva Celvm." The other title-pages are all headed _Pvrchas his Pilgrimes_, and this quaint name the author sustains to some extent by opening the dedication to Prince Charles with: "May a poore Pilgrime salute Your Highnesse in the words of a better Samvel." Directly afterward, however, he assumes another higher role in "hauing out of a Chaos of confused intelligences framed this Historicall World, by a New way of Eye-evidence;" and then he begins to lose himself in an attempt at magniloquent phraseology, with no great promise for his power to bring order out of chaos. Later he declares himself a mere laborer "howsoeuer here a Masterbuilder also," doing everything with his own hands, except where aided by his son. The manuscripts left by Hakluyt, although forming a very small proportion of the book, "encouraged me to vse my endeuours in and for the rest," he gratefully observes. The printing of the work began in 1621, although not with volume i. The first of the twenty books into which the set is divided, treats of ancient navigation, progress of discovery, and religious phases. The second begins with Portuguese and Columbian voyages, and continues with circumnavigations, after which come the regular narratives of voyages, chiefly by Englishmen, interspersed with extracts from notable journals and histories, with a view to cover subjects and periods not otherwise disposed of. Volumes i. and ii. relate almost wholly to Asia, Africa, and the Levant, and also the next two books, while books iii. and iv., following, deal partly with north-west voyages, beginning with Zeno.