CHAPTER XXX.

FURTHER PIRATICAL RAIDS.

1681-1687.

DAMPIER AND HIS COMRADES ON THE SANTA MARÍA RIVER—THEY MEET WITH SPANISH WAR VESSELS—THEIR MARCH TO THE NORTH SEA—THEY FALL IN WITH A FRENCH SHIP—AND SAIL ROUND CAPE HORN TO THE SOUTH SEA—THEY ATTACK REALEJO—THEY SAIL FOR THE ISLAND OF LA PLATA—HERE THEY ARE REËNFORCED—THEY PROCEED TO THE COAST OF SOUTH AMERICA—WHERE THEY GAIN INTELLIGENCE OF THE TREASURE FLEET—THE PIRATES SAIL FOR THE PEARL ISLANDS—THEIR DEFEAT IN THE BAY OF PANAMÁ—RAIDS ON LEON, REALEJO, AND GRANADA—PIETY OF THE FILIBUSTERS—FURTHER OPERATIONS OF THE PIRATES.

Dampier and his comrades,[XXX‑1] after they had parted company with Sharp, shaped their course for the Santa María River flowing into the gulf of San Miguel, and on the following day captured a small bark anchored to leeward of Cape Pasado. This was a piece of great good fortune as their boats were too small for them. On the 24th of April they touched at the island of Gorgona where, having taken some prisoners, they learned that a piragua crossed over from the mainland every two or three days to reconnoitre, and that three ships were kept in readiness to intercept them on their return. With a favorable breeze they sailed from Gorgona the same evening, and on the morning of the 28th, on emerging from a rain squall, espied two large ships to windward about a league and a half distant. Dampier's men were in a hazardous position, between the Spanish cruisers and the shore, which was only two leagues off. Happily the rain again came on and enabled them to pass the enemy unseen. The next morning they anchored off Point Garachina, about seven leagues from the gulf of San Miguel, where they remained all day drying their ammunition and preparing their weapons in anticipation of their landing being opposed. Soon after daybreak on the 30th they entered the gulf and came to anchor outside a large island four miles distant from the mouth of the Santa María. Though the tide was favorable for ascending the river they took the precaution to send a canoe ashore to reconnoitre, and a ship was discovered lying at the mouth and a large tent pitched on the land adjacent. Though disheartened at this news the freebooters were, nevertheless, bent upon making their return overland. So the canoe was again sent to the island and succeeded in capturing one which had put off from the enemy's ship for the island. From the captives they learned that for six months the vessel, which had twelve guns, had been guarding the mouth of the river, and that the force amounted to one hundred and fifty soldiers and sailors, the former being quartered on shore. Three hundred more were expected to arrive from the mines on the next day.[XXX‑2] The pirates now determined to land elsewhere at any risk that night, or early the following morning.[XXX‑3] With wind and tide against them they reached Cape San Lorenzo at daybreak and sailing about a league farther ran into a creek sheltered by two small islands. Here they landed and, putting their effects ashore, sunk their vessel and made all preparations for a march into the interior.[XXX‑4]

[Sidenote: CROSSING THE CONGO.]

As some of the company did not appear in condition to undertake so long a journey, the desperate resolution to shoot all stragglers had been previously adopted to prevent them falling into the hands of the Spaniards alive and betraying their companions. Yet this terrible alternative did not deter a single man, and in the afternoon the band of freebooters began their march and advanced a league north-easterly. On the following morning, striking an Indian trail, they reached some native houses, where being well received they purchased provisions, and for a hatchet obtained a guide to other Indian settlements.[XXX‑5] Next day they struck the Congo at a point three leagues from their last night's halting-place,[XXX‑6] and arriving at the house of an old Indian with great difficulty induced him to urge their guide to accompany them two days longer for another hatchet.[XXX‑7]

On the 4th of May they continued their course, continually wading through rivers and streams, drenched with the heavy rain which when they halted prevented them from obtaining fire enough to warm themselves or cook their food. Weary and hungry their miseries were such as to banish all thought of the Spaniards, their only anxiety being to obtain food and guides. For several days they journeyed on under incredible hardships, feeding on monkeys and such vegetables as they could obtain from the native settlements through which they passed.

By this time they had obtained a fresh guide, and crossing the Congo had arrived at another river, the depth of which caused them great trouble, as they were compelled to ford it several times,[XXX‑8] leaving behind on the last occasion two of the party who were unable to keep up with the main body. Night fell on them unprovided with shelter, and to add to their miseries a thunder-storm with heavy rain broke over them.

Next morning, the 8th of May, the guide informed them that the river would have to be crossed again, but it was now so swollen that fording was impossible. It was decided, therefore, to send a man over with a line. One of the band, George Gayny, accordingly made the attempt, but the line which he had fastened about his neck became entangled, and the man on shore who was paying it out suddenly stopped it. This threw Gayny, who was half way across, on his back. The man in charge of the rope then threw it into the river, hoping that Gayny might recover himself, but being weighted with three hundred pesos, which he carried on his back, the impetuous current carried him away and he was drowned.[XXX‑9]

After this failure they felled a lofty tree across the river, and over it all passed in safety. Their guide now left them, having obtained a substitute. Crossing another river their way led through a beautiful valley adorned with trees. Five miles beyond they came to a settlement and were somewhat alarmed at the sight of some wooden crosses on the road-side, thinking that Spaniards were there. They prepared for action, but found none but Indians in the town, where they were kindly received.[XXX‑10]

For the next ten days they struggled on with several changes of guides, incessantly crossing rivers[XXX‑11] and forcing their way through the trackless forest, some days not advancing more than two or three miles. Exhausted and famished,[XXX‑12] with blistered feet, and limbs chafed and raw with wading, they were indeed in evil plight.

[Sidenote: AT THE RIO CHEPO.]

On the 20th of May the way-worn corsairs reached the Chepo River, which they crossed, and on the 22d to their great joy sighted the North Sea from a high mountain-ridge. The weather was fine, and glad at heart they descended the heights and encamped on the bank of the river Concepcion, the first which they found flowing north. The following day they moved down the stream, and ere long procured canoes to carry them to its mouth. During their absence many English and French ships had been there, but all had departed with the exception of a French privateer which lay at La Sound Key.[XXX‑13] After lying a night at the mouth of the river, they crossed over to the island, and went aboard the vessel which was commanded by Captain Tristian. Purchasing from the crew beads, knives, scissors, and looking-glasses with which to reward their guides they dismissed them with the additional gift of half a peso to each. With this the Indians were well satisfied, and the good feeling for the English was manifested by their kind treatment of Doctor Wafer and the others who had remained behind in their settlements.

The journey across the Isthmus had occupied twenty-three days, during which they travelled for about thirty-seven leagues over mountains, through valleys, and among "deep and dangerous Rivers." They had arrived on the south coast just as the rainy season began, and the rivers were soon swollen, and yet only one man perished. They had chosen a circuitous route, going seventeen leagues farther than if they had ascended the Chepo or the Santa María, by either of which courses the journey could have been made from sea to sea in three days, the Indians frequently accomplishing it in a day and a half.

The hardships which Dampier underwent during this trip did not deter him from another adventure on the South Sea. In the latter part of 1683, having joined a ship commanded by a Captain Cook, he was again cruising in company with another vessel under Captain Eaton off the western coast of South America. Although they had sailed round Cape Horn, their operations were unimportant during the whole of their voyage up that coast. Their intention, indeed, was to try new ground and make a raid upon Realejo and Leon in Nicaragua. When they arrived about the beginning of July at Cape Blanco, on the Costa Rica seaboard, Captain Cook died, and John Davis was appointed to his place.[XXX‑14]

While engaged in burying their late captain on the shore of Calderas Bay they captured three half-breeds from whom they learned that the Spaniards had been warned by the people of Panamá to beware of buccaneers. This news did not prevent them, however, from proceeding on the 20th of July toward Realejo where they arrived three days later. Their operations here were unprofitable, as they found the Spaniards thoroughly prepared for them. They therefore sailed to the bay of Fonseca for the purpose of careening their vessels. Here an attempt to establish friendly relations with the Indians of one of the islands was interrupted by the rough action of one of the buccaneers, which caused a panic among the natives, who fled to the woods. Davis, however, succeeded in inducing the chief and half a dozen of his tribe to visit the ships, and having won their good-will by presents, obtained, during the time they remained in the bay, fresh beef from an island to which they directed them. After careening and repairing their vessels, they abandoned their intentions against Realejo for the time, and on the 3d of September Davis again sailed southward, having parted from Eaton with whom he had had trouble.[XXX‑15]

[Sidenote: SWAN AND HARRIS.]

On the 20th he reached the isle of Plata,[XXX‑16] and while lying there was joined, October 2d, by Captain Swan of the _Cygnet_ and Captain Peter Harris, nephew of the buccaneer of that name who was killed in the engagement before Panamá in 1680. Swan had been supplied by London merchants with a cargo of goods for trade in these seas, but having fallen in with Harris and his comrades who had come overland, his men compelled him to join the freebooters.[XXX‑17] The meeting of the rovers was marked by wicked joy. Independently or collectively they engaged in a series of cruises off the coast of South America, the isle of Plata being the rendezvous. After a failure to surprise the town of Guayaquil, they took a packet-boat carrying letters from Panamá to Lima. Though the Spaniards threw the letters overboard with a line attached, the ruse was detected, and from the package which the buccaneers recovered, they learned the joyful news that the armada from Spain had arrived at Portobello and that the president of Panamá had sent this boat with instructions to hasten the departure of the treasure-fleet from Peru. This occurred on the 1st of January 1685. The wildest excitement followed as the prows of the vessels were turned toward the Pearl Islands, the best place from which to seize the treasure-ships. They arrived there the 25th, having captured on the way a ninety-ton vessel laden with flour. Then they careened and cleaned their vessels, and by February 14th all was in readiness. The marauders then proceeded to Perico and engaged in correspondence with the president of Panamá for the release of two of their men who had fallen into the hands of the Spaniards.[XXX‑18] The result was an exchange of prisoners, the crew of the vessel last taken, to the number of about forty, being surrendered as ransom for the two freebooters.

Meanwhile the Spaniards continued in their puerile efforts to rid themselves of the vipers. On one occasion a pretended merchant, under pretext of wishing to traffic, steered a vessel laden with combustibles close up to them while at anchor. Having ignited his fire-ship, he and his crew escaped in canoes, while the buccaneers were forced to cut their cables in all haste to avoid destruction.[XXX‑19]

Soon afterward they were joined by no less than two hundred and eighty French and English buccaneers who had crossed the Isthmus, and who reported that one hundred and eighty more English were following under Captain Townley.[XXX‑20] This accession was gratifying; the ninety-ton prize was at once surrendered to the French, who numbered two hundred under Captain Grogniet, while the English were received on board the ships of Swan and Davis.[XXX‑21]

On the 3d of March they were joined by Townley, who had captured two barks at the mouth of the Santa María, and a few days later an Indian brought word that another band, three hundred strong, were on their way overland from the North Sea.[XXX‑22]

For the next two months they cruised about the bay of Panamá, vigilantly watching for the treasure-fleet. Meanwhile they took the town of Chepo, made some captures, and intercepted letters from which they ascertained that the pilots of Lima had been in consultation as to the best course which could be adopted in order to elude the pirates, and had given directions accordingly. They also learned that the fleet was to be manned with all the available strength of Peru, but had orders not to engage with the buccaneers if a battle could possibly be avoided.

On the 28th of May the pirate fleet lay between Pacheca Island and the mainland, Captain Grogniet being a mile to the northward. It consisted of ten sail carrying fifty-two guns and nine hundred and sixty men.[XXX‑23] About eleven o'clock the weather, which had been rainy, cleared, and the Spanish fleet numbering fourteen ships[XXX‑24] beside piraguas, carrying one hundred and seventy-four guns and manned by more than three thousand sailors and marines, was seen approaching. Disparity of numbers did not, however, intimidate the buccaneers, and for the great prize that now lay in sight they would have engaged with even half their force.[XXX‑25] Being to windward of the Spaniards they weighed anchor about three o'clock in the afternoon, but night fell upon them before they could effect more than the exchange of a few shots.

[Sidenote: SPANISH STRATAGEM.]

Although Spanish arms had greatly deteriorated since the days of the conquerors, there was still something of the Spanish stratagem left which in this instance proved a match even for pirate cunning. When the darkness had set in the admiral of the treasure-fleet hung out a light as a signal for his vessels to come to anchor. In half an hour the light was extinguished, but some time afterward the buccaneers saw it again, stealing away from Panamá. Being well to the windward they kept under sail all night in sight of the signal, but when morning dawned they discovered that they had been decoyed to the leeward by a solitary vessel sent in that direction and that the enemy had now the weather-gage, and was bearing down upon them with all sail set. Thus were the tables turned, and their only safety lay in flight. During the whole day they maintained a running fight, and having sailed almost round the bay of Panamá anchored their now battered vessels again off the isle of Pacheca.[XXX‑26] In the morning three leagues to leeward the Spanish fleet was observed at anchor, and a light south breeze presently springing up it sailed away to Panamá, without attempting to press further the advantage gained.[XXX‑27]

[Sidenote: IN NICARAGUA.]

Thus after nearly six months of planning and patient expectation their great prize eluded their grasp, and the disappointed and exasperated pirates bore away for the isles of Quibo. There a consultation was held, which resulted in a determination to attack the city of Leon in Nicaragua. They at once began preparations and built a number of canoes in which to effect their landing.[XXX‑28] These being completed they sailed for the port of Realejo on the 20th of July,[XXX‑29] and arrived on the coast about eight leagues distant from the harbor on the 9th of August. They now manned their canoes, to the number of thirty-one, with five hundred and twenty men, and made for the harbor, the others taking charge of the ships. On the way there were two heavy squalls which placed them in extreme peril, but by dint of hard rowing the marauders entered the port that night. At daylight on the following morning they rowed up the creek leading to Leon, at the head of which, on the river bank, they found a breastwork. Their approach was discovered by the watchmen who fled to Leon and reported it.[XXX‑30]

The pirates now quickly effected a landing and four hundred and seventy men were detailed in four detachments under the command of Townley, Swan, Davis, and Knight,[XXX‑31] while Dampier with the remainder was left in charge of the canoes.[XXX‑32]

Townley with his company entered the town about two miles in advance of the others, and overthrew a body of nearly two hundred horsemen who charged him in the main street. The infantry, to the number of five hundred, were drawn up in the plaza, but perceiving the discomfiture of the cavalry fled without offering resistance, and Leon, captured by eighty men, lay at the mercy of the freebooters.[XXX‑33]

At noon on the following day the governor sent in a flag of truce with offers to ransom the town,[XXX‑34] but the demands of the marauders were so exorbitant[XXX‑35] that all he could do was to endeavor to prolong capitulations until he could assemble a force strong enough to dislodge the invaders. In a few days, however, they became aware of his design, and on the 14th of the month, having collected all available booty, they set the city on fire and marched back to their canoes.

[Sidenote: VISIT TO REALEJO.]

The pirates next directed their attention to Realejo, which they entered without opposition. But here again they were balked, finding nothing but empty houses. So, for a week, they ravaged the surrounding country, killing cattle and sacking sugar-mills. Then they burned the town, and returning to their canoes rejoined their ship. The following day, which was the 25th, Davis and Swan agreed to separate, the former being anxious to return to the South American coast, while Swan was desirous of trying his fortune off the shores of Mexico. Their separation was, however, amicable, and the two freebooters, when they parted company on the 27th, fired salutes as they turned their prows in opposite directions.[XXX‑36]

But the unfortunate cities of Nicaragua were not fated to be left in peace after the departure of this band. Grogniet, with three hundred and twenty men in his ship and five canoes, after separating from Swan cruised slowly northward. His first operations, however, were of little importance. During their voyage along the coast the party landed at Realejo, which they found abandoned, and thence marched to Leon, but did not attack the town, finding it too strongly garrisoned.[XXX‑37] They then proceeded against Pueblo Viejo, and having foraged the surrounding country again directed their course southward and entered the bay of Calderas with the intention of taking Esparza, to execute which design fifty men were sent ashore. They were deterred, however, from making the attempt by learning that the Spaniards had gathered in considerable force to oppose them. Their sufferings from hunger became excessive, and they were compelled to kill and eat some horses which they captured, after four days' starvation.[XXX‑38]

Their ship had been despatched to the island of San Juan de Pueblo as their general place of rendezvous,[XXX‑39] and thither the canoes now turned their course. Their next operations were directed against Chiriquita, which they succeeded in surprising on the 9th of January 1686 with a force of two hundred and thirty men. Having secured a number of prisoners, for whom they afterward obtained a ransom, they burned the town and retired.[XXX‑40]

On their return to Pueblo a Spanish fleet of seven ships, twelve piraguas, and three long barks made its appearance, and was recognized as a squadron sent against them from Peru. Their ship being no longer serviceable through want of sails, they ran her aground, and took up a favorable position on the banks of a river, where they had already begun building large-sized piraguas. Here the enemy dared not attack them, and having burned the stranded vessel bore away.

[Sidenote: TOWNS ABANDONED.]

On the 14th of March, having completed the construction of the piraguas, they left Pueblo in two barks, a forty-oared galley, ten piraguas, and ten canoes, and having held a muster of their men, found that their number had been reduced by thirty since their separation from the English freebooters.[XXX‑41] Their design was to carry out a previously formed intention to attack Granada in Nicaragua, but being half dead with hunger they attempted a descent upon Pueblo Nuevo, and were somewhat roughly handled by a detachment of the Spanish fleet left at the mouth of the river.[XXX‑42] Hereupon the pirates again visited the bay of Calderas and the town of Esparza, which they found abandoned. They obtained, however, some provisions from a plantation on the bay. They now consulted as to their method of attack on Granada, and made certain regulations among themselves which they thought would ensure the success of their enterprise.[XXX‑43]

On the 22d Grogniet fell in with Townley and one hundred and fifty men in five canoes, and by way of retaliation for the treatment which his men had received at the hands of the English buccaneers, made them prisoners. After keeping them in durance for several hours the Frenchmen gave them to understand that no harm would be done them, and restored their canoes to them. This led to friendship, and Townley and his men eagerly requested to be admitted as associates in the meditated operations against Granada, a proposition which was listened to with satisfaction.

The combined forces on the 7th of April 1686[XXX‑44] landed three hundred and forty-five men,[XXX‑45] who by forced marches advanced into the interior; but notwithstanding all possible precautions they were discovered, and the alarm conveyed to Granada while they were still at a considerable distance.[XXX‑46] Perceiving that a surprise could not be effected, on the 9th they halted to rest and refresh themselves, enfeebled as they were with hunger and fatigue. On the following day they advanced upon the city which they found to be well fortified and protected by fourteen pieces of cannon and six swivels, the inhabitants having intrenched themselves in the great square.[XXX‑47] Nevertheless they at once charged up the leading street with a recklessness that astonished their foes;[XXX‑48] and having put to flight a strong force which they encountered in the suburbs, were soon actively engaged with the fort.

The fire of the artillery was heavy and rapid, but rendered in a great measure ineffective by the pirates adroitly bending to the ground at every discharge, so that the balls passed over them; seeing which the Spaniards ignited false primings, and postponed the discharge of their guns till the freebooters had assumed an upright position. Then the latter ranged themselves beside the houses, and having gained a small eminence at a convenient distance, so plied the defenders with bullets and hand-grenades that after a brave resistance for an hour and a half they abandoned the inclosure and sought refuge in the principal church. They were quickly dislodged, however, and the city of Granada was in possession of the pirates, who had only four killed and eight wounded,[XXX‑49] while the loss of the Spaniards was severe.

[Sidenote: GRANADA TAKEN.]

Now French filibusters were no less devoted servants of God and followers of the gentle Christ than were the English freebooters.[XXX‑50] Though they were reckless of their lives and bodies, it was far otherwise with regard to their souls. They might, it is true, burn towns and cut off the heads of captives whose ransom was not promptly forthcoming, but they did not neglect their devotions. So they reverently chanted the te deum in the great church of Granada; then hunted for plunder and women, and getting neither, opened negotiations by means of a prisoner for the ransom of the city from fire.[XXX‑51] The Spaniards, however, were indifferent, fully relying upon the assertion of a straggler whom they had captured, that his companions would not set fire to Granada, as it was their intention to return some months later, and pass through the country by the lake to the North Sea,[XXX‑52] and that the destruction of the city would be inconvenient. But the others thought differently, and exasperated at their bootless and toilsome journey, burned the cathedral and principal buildings.[XXX‑53]

The pirates now deemed it prudent to retire, and on the 15th began their march to the sea, directing their course to the town of Masaya, situated on the lake of that name. Their sufferings were great on their return march. Parched with thirst, scorched by the vertical sun, and choked with the stifling dust, they toiled along discontented and miserable, incessantly exposed to ambushed foes.[XXX‑54] For a day they rested in Masaya, where the Indians received them kindly and implored them not to burn their town. On the 17th, as the freebooters were emerging from the forest upon an open plain, they were opposed by a body of five hundred Spaniards, who had hoisted a red flag in token that no quarter would be given. But the pirates, never fearing, attacked and overthrew the enemy, capturing fifty of their horses.

After this, feeling more secure, they slowly wended their way to the ocean, halting at convenient places and resting from the fatigues of their exhausting march. By the 26th they reached the sea-shore, where they again embarked. They now once more made a raid on Realejo, captured a number of the inhabitants,[XXX‑55] and then proceeded to Chinandega and burned the town. During these forays they suffered greatly from hunger, since the Spaniards systematically destroyed all provisions wherever the freebooters made their appearance, and had also driven their cattle from the coast.

It was a profitless enterprise that these rovers had been engaged in, from first to last. Their booty was insignificant,[XXX‑56] many of their wounded had died from privation and the effect of the climate, and difference of opinion as to future movements finally displayed itself. At a consultation held on the 9th of May a separation was decided upon, and a few days later a division of barks, canoes, and provisions was made. One hundred and forty-eight of the French with the English under Townley sailed for Panamá, while Grogniet with the remainder of his countrymen steered westward up the coast.

Townley's project was to attack Villa de los Santos[XXX‑57] on the Rio Cubita. He succeeded in surprising the town and captured merchandise estimated to be worth a million and a half of pesos, besides fifteen thousand pesos in money and three hundred prisoners of both sexes. But disaster was in store for the marauders on their return, and parties of them were surprised by ambuscades; many were killed and the booty retaken by the Spaniards. Then followed mutual retaliation. The bodies of the slain pirates were mutilated and their heads fixed on poles, while their comrades, out of revenge, decapitated a number of their captives and treated the heads in like manner. Yet these pastimes did not interrupt negotiations; the remainder of the prisoners were ransomed, and the Spaniards purchased a bark of which their amiable visitors had deprived them.

Townley, having thus arranged matters with the inhabitants of Los Santos, bore away for Pearl Islands, and for the next two months cruised about the bay of Panamá making descents on the land and capturing prizes. The slaughter of the Spaniards in some of these engagements was great. On the 21st of August the buccaneers attacked a frigate and a bark, the former of which vessels had eighty killed and wounded out of a crew of one hundred and twenty, and of the crew of the latter only eighteen out of seventy remained unhurt. But Townley's career now came to a close. During the next two days they captured three more vessels, and in one of the engagements the captain of the pirates was mortally wounded, and died on the 8th of September.

During the remainder of the year the buccaneers cruised among the islands and in the bays on the coast of Veragua, frequently landing on the main in order to procure food, and so dire was their necessity that on occasions they imperatively demanded provisions as a ransom for their captives instead of money.[XXX‑58]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: COSTA RICA.]

At the beginning of 1687 freebooters were again off the Costa Rica coast and infesting the gulf of Nicoya, keeping the Spaniards in a state of constant alarm, wringing from them ransom for captives, and torturing prisoners to obtain information.[XXX‑59] On the 26th of January they were rejoined by Captain Grogniet, whose movements had been principally confined to the bay of Fonseca and the coast of Nicaragua, but dissension occurring, eighty-five of his men separated from him, and with the remaining sixty he turned once more toward Panamá.[XXX‑60]

Again this brood of ocean-banditti directed their course to the rich coast of South America, where they and their fraternity had acquired so infamous a reputation that the women they captured were in dread of being eaten by them.[XXX‑61] After amassing immense wealth they sailed northward and coasted along the Central American and Mexican shores as far as Acapulco, burning, destroying, and murdering as was their wont. But in spite of their sufferings from toil, hunger, and thirst, the pirates had amassed much wealth, and they now wished to return to the North Sea, where their hardships would end, and they could squander and enjoy their ill-gotten riches. Having consulted as to the best course to pursue, they decided to march overland through the province of Segovia to Cape Gracias á Dios. So on the 2d of January 1688, after they "had said their Prayers," they started on their perilous journey, two hundred and eighty in number.[XXX‑62]

Their overland march through the wildest part of Central America was somewhat extraordinary. The journeys of the pirates across the Isthmus, like those of the discoverers and conquerors, were full of danger and sufferings; but the difficulties overcome by these dauntless villains in some respects surpassed anything on record.

[Sidenote: NUEVA SEGOVIA.]

Their route lay from the bay of Fonseca to Wank River, down which they proposed to descend on rafts. Marching first to Nueva Segovia, they found the inhabitants ready to oppose them. In the woods their road was impeded by felled trees; in the open country the grass was set on fire, so that to avoid suffocation they were often compelled to halt until the fire should spend itself. The cattle were driven away and provisions removed or destroyed, while ambushed Spaniards assailed them everywhere.

There was nothing for them, however, but to trudge along, which they continued to do until they reached Nueva Segovia on the 11th. The town was deserted. Everything that could maintain life had been carefully removed. As they continued famished and footsore toward the river, now twenty leagues distant, they were harassed by a force of three hundred Spanish horse, constantly threatening their annihilation.

The road, which led over a steep mountain, was found on the second day from Segovia to be intrenched. Thus beset in front and rear, between two bodies each largely outnumbering their own, what were the pirates to do? Blood-besmeared and determined, they were now to the effeminate Spaniards what the early Spaniards had been to the Indians. It was on a bright moonlit night that the filibusters encamped before the intrenchment. Nevertheless two hundred of them managed to steal into the forest unperceived by their enemies.[XXX‑63] With incredible labor they worked their way round rocks and through quagmires, till, guided by the voices of the Spaniards at morning prayer, by daylight they found themselves in the road above, and in the rear of the intrenched Spaniards. A dense mist which had arisen just before dawn concealed them from sight, but while it in some measure aided them, it rendered their operations more dangerous from the nature of the ground. It appeared that there were three intrenchments, one behind the other, and with the reversed position the defenders of the rear one were not protected. Upon this exposed detachment, numbering five hundred men, the freebooters fell so suddenly that the Spaniards fled panic-stricken, and the successful assailants were in possession of the barricade. It was equivalent to victory. There was no hope for the Spaniards now. Guided in their aim by the flashes of the enemy's fire, the pirates, well protected, poured volley after volley upon the Spaniards, who did not know where to shoot or what to do. For an hour they held out; but when, still enveloped in the mist, the pirates charged upon them, unperceived till almost within reach of sword-blow, they turned and fled. What followed was mere butchery. The Spaniards, impeded in their flight by their own defences, were slaughtered till the ferocious victors, "weary of running after them and killing," desisted.[XXX‑64]

[Sidenote: INTERNAL DISSENSIONS.]

The cutthroats are now master of all before them, but nature still interposed her forces to the best of her ability. On the following day, it is true, they arrived at another intrenchment, but the terror they had inspired was so great that they passed it unmolested, and on the 17th reached the banks of the longed-for river which was to carry them to the sea.[XXX‑65] The current was swift, and for leagues the waters rushed down rapids or plunged in cataracts over opposing rocks, eddying and seething in their course. Yet the freebooters hailed it with delight, and with wild enthusiasm constructed for themselves small rafts each capable of carrying two men.[XXX‑66] Trusting to these they launched themselves, many of them to their death. Besides paddles they were provided with long poles to aid them in avoiding the rocks. It was a fearful passage; the boldest trembled, and his brain grew giddy as he was swept past an overhanging precipice or whirled about in the surging flood. Most of the rafts were so overweighted that the men stood up to the waist in water. Among those who had escaped with their lives were many who had lost all their gains acquired by years of hardship and of crime.[XXX‑67] Numerous portages and the building of new rafts long delayed them, and it was not until the 20th of February that they arrived at the broader and less impetuous part of the river. In the mean time, in spite of peril and suffering, the evil passions of human nature were not dormant. As there were no Spaniards present to kill they killed each other as occasion offered.[XXX‑68]

When the river became navigable for boats the freebooters built canoes, and on the 1st of March one hundred and twenty of them,[XXX‑69] in four boats, started down the river, and arrived at the mouth the 9th of March. On the 14th an English vessel arrived from the isles of Pearls,[XXX‑70] on board of which about fifty of them, among whom was Lussan, embarked. This band of the survivors eventually reached French settlements in the West Indies. Of the subsequent fate of those left behind little is known;[XXX‑71] but the gratitude of the devout ruffians whom Lussan accompanied for their deliverance is thus chronicled: "When we were got all ashoar to a People that spoke French, we could not forbear shedding Tears of Joy, that after we had run so many Hazards, Dangers, and Perils, it had pleased the Almighty Maker of the Earth and Seas, to grant a Deliverance, and bring us back to those of our own Nation."[XXX‑72]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: BUCCANEER BIBLIOGRAPHY.]

A peculiar feature in the history, particularly of Spanish America, is presented by the buccaneers, a New World revival of the vikings, whose adventures were the absorbing theme of the old Norsemen, as preserved in the sagas, and a counterpart of their successors, the corsairs, who maintained equal sway in sunnier climes, spreading terror over entire kingdoms and exacting tribute to support a regal state of their own. The European hordes who under the name of conquerors were ever alert for plunder under the pretence of extending the domain of their divine and royal masters scattered freely the seeds from which sprang the freebooters, to whom the rivalry between Saxon and Latin races gave a desired opportunity to prey upon cities and commerce. Next to the early-discovery voyages none are so absorbing as the expeditions of these wild fellows, culled from all nationalities, and their narratives include not only daring raids, bloody feuds, and hair-breadth escapes by sea and land, but cover the usual topics of exploring voyages. Indeed, their transgressions against society, while covered in most cases by the mask of patriotism and of just war, or retaliation, were frequently condoned by discoveries for the benefit of trade and science, by the extension of geographic knowledge, of natural history, ethnology, and other branches.

The first special account of the buccaneers appears to be the _Zee Roover_, by Klaes Compaen; Amsterdam, 1663; but the great original for the many subsequent works on them is the book written by A. O. Exquemelin, corrupted by the English into Esquemeling, and by the French into Oexmelin. An employé of the French West India Company, he had in 1666 gone out to the Tortuga Island, but trade failing here, the company sold its effects and transferred its servants. Exquemelin fell into the hands of the lieutenant-governor, under whom he suffered great hardship till a new and kinder master left him at liberty. Finding nothing better to do, he joined the filibusters and sailed with them till 1672, sharing in many notable exploits. He then returned home to Holland, and employed his leisure in writing a history of buccaneer expeditions in the Antilles and adjoining regions, including his own adventures. This was issued as _De Americaensche Zee-Roovers_. _Behelsende een Partinent Verhael van alle de Roverye en Onmenselÿcke Vreetheeden die de Engelsche en France Roovers Tegens de Spanÿaerden in America Gepleeght Hebben_; t'Amsterdam bÿ Jan Ten Hoorn, 1678, sm. 4o, 186 pp. Few books have been so extensively used, wholly or in part, or as a foundation for romances and dramas; but the ones used have generally been of the numerous foreign editions, particularly the Spanish, published with more or less variation, and often without credit to the author. The original is exceedingly rare, one copy only besides my own being known to Müller. It is a black-letter specimen, on coarse paper, illustrated with curious maps and plates, depicting battle scenes, burning towns, and portraits of leading captains, as Morgan and L'Olonnois. The title-page is bordered by eight scenes of freebooters' warfare and cruelty. Beginning with his voyage to the West Indies, Exquemelin proceeds to depict the geography and political and social condition of the islands, including the rovers' retreat, and then relates their doings in general. In a second and third part he gives special sketches of the different leaders and their expeditions; and in an appendix are found some valuable statistics for the Spanish possessions on wealth, revenue, and officials. The information is not only varied, but has been found most reliable. The English edition was first published in London by Th. Newborough in 1699, under the title of _The History of the Buccaneers of America_. The second and third editions of this translation appeared in 1704.

Several of the buccaneers have become known to readers in special treatises by their own hand, or by biographers, as _Raveneau de Lussan_, _Journal d'un Voyage_, Paris, 1689; _Dampier's New Voyage_, London, 1697, and others, which have also proved rich sources for compilers. To the edition of Exquemelin, issued in 1700, Ten Hoorn added two parts, one being an account of English buccaneer voyages under Sharp, Sawkins, and others, written by Basil Ringrose, who had also been a member of the fraternity, and had kept a journal from which the first edition was prepared and issued in 1684. The second part gives Lussan's Journal, followed by the _Relation de Montauban_, captain of freebooters, on the coast of Guinea in 1695.

Ringrose's account furnishes some particulars not found in other buccaneer narrators of the same expeditions. Though he disapproved of Sharp as a leader, his statements may be considered truthful as well as fuller than those of the other writers, all of whom corroborate Ringrose in the main points. His narrative is also published in the above mentioned work, _The History of the Buccaneers of America_, under the title of _The Dangerous Voyage and Bold Attempts of Capt. Bartholomew Sharp and others in the South Sea_. It contains numerous rude cuts of islands, points, capes, etc., on the western coast of America. Ringrose was killed with all his company near a small town 21 leagues from Compostela, in Jalisco, owing to the insubordination of his men. Dampier, _Voy._, i. 271-2, says: 'We had about 50 Men killed, and among the rest my Ingenious Friend Mr _Ringrose_ was one.... He was at this time Cape-Merchant, or Super-Cargo of Capt. Swan's Ship. He had no mind to this Voyage, but was necessitated to engage in it or starve.' The most important other authorities for the history of this enterprise are _Capt. Sharp's Journal of his Expedition, Written by Himself_, published by William Hacke in _A Collection of Original Voyages_ (London, 1699). Sharp omits all mention of the defection of the men whom Dampier accompanied across the Isthmus.

_The Voyages and Adventures of Capt. Barth. Sharp._ London, 1684. The author is anonymous, and was a strong partisan of Sharp, omitting much told against him in other accounts and frequently bestowing upon him fulsome praise. Many pages of the narrative are taken up by mere log-book entries of the ship's sailing and contain no other information. _Dampier_, _A New Voyage round the World._ London, 1697-1709, 3 vols. This writer touches in his introduction very briefly upon Sharp's expedition 'because the World has accounts of it already in the relations that Mr _Ringrose_ and others have given' of it; but his account of his return across the Isthmus is interesting and minutely described. Wafer, _A New Voyage and Description of the Isthmus of America, Giving an Account of the Author's Abode there_. London, 1699, also only cursorily alludes to Sharp's voyage, but supplies a valuable description of the Isthmus at that time. Wafer, who accompanied Dampier on his return, had been compelled to stay behind on account of a severe wound caused by an explosion of gunpowder, and remained several months with the Indians on the Isthmus. His treatise is principally confined to a description of the physical features of the country, its flora and fauna, and the occupations and customs of the inhabitants. It contains several copper-plates in illustration of these latter, as well as a map of the Isthmus and charts of coast-lines.

A _Collection of Original Voyages_, by Captain Wm. Hacke, London, 1699, 12o, with some rude cuts and map, contains among other narratives Cowley's Voyage round the Globe, touching Central America, written by himself. As a sequel to these publications may be named _Johnson's General History of the Robberies and Murders of the most Notorious Pyrates_; London, 1724, which was added as a fourth volume to the French Exquemelin collection of 1744 and later editions. Similar combinations, more or less complete and changed, exist in different languages, from the early _Bucaniers of America_, London, 1684, to the _History of the Buccaniers of America_, Boston, 1853, and later editions. The first thorough book on the subject, however, and one which enters into the causes of the filibuster movement, carrying on the narrative till its suppression in the beginning of the eighteenth century, is Admiral Burney's _History of the Buccaneers_, London, 1816, a special issue of a part of his _Chronological History of Discovery_.