CHAPTER XVIII.

PROGRESS OF AFFAIRS IN GUATEMALA.

1541-1550.

MOURNING FOR ALVARADO—GRIEF OF DOÑA BEATRIZ—AN ANOMALOUS GOVERNMENT—A FEMALE RULER—A BEAUTIFUL BUT TREACHEROUS MOUNTAIN—A NIGHT OF HORRORS—DEATH OF DOÑA BEATRIZ—DESTRUCTION OF SANTIAGO—A RUINED CITY—BURIAL OF THE DEAD—GLOOM OF CONSCIENCE-STRICKEN SURVIVORS—JOINT GOVERNORS—REMOVAL OF CITY RESOLVED UPON—A NEW SITE DISCUSSED—ANOTHER SANTIAGO FOUNDED—MALDONADO APPOINTED GOVERNOR—ACTION OF THE AUDIENCIA RELATIVE TO ENCOMIENDAS—CONTROVERSIES AND RECRIMINATIONS—REMOVAL OF THE AUDIENCIA TO SANTIAGO—PRESIDENT CERRATO OFFENDS THE SETTLERS—HIS MODE OF ACTION.

When the news of Alvarado's death arrived in Santiago[XVIII‑1] during the last days of August 1541, demonstrations of sorrow were on every side; the cathedral was draped in black,[XVIII‑2] and the city put on habiliments of woe; for however bad the man there are few who do not take pleasure in conventional mourning.

But the effect of the intelligence upon the adelantado's wife, Doña Beatriz, was so severe as apparently to affect her reason. She beat her face and tore her hair, weeping, screaming, and groaning in a very ecstasy of grief. For days she neither ate nor slept, refusing all consolation. She caused her house to be stained black, both inside and out, and draped it in deepest mourning. All efforts to appease her met with passionate outbursts expressed in language accounted impious,[XVIII‑3] and she repulsed alike the appeals of friends and the religious consolation offered by the priests—all of which was quite pathetic on the part of the bereaved woman. Meantime funeral obsequies were celebrated by Bishop Marroquin with all possible solemnity, prayers being offered each day for the repose of the late conqueror's soul.

But while due observance of mourning was shown for the loss which the colonists had sustained in Alvarado's death, it was necessary to decide upon the important matter of the government of the province. Francisco de la Cueva had been left lieutenant-governor, but although this appointment was approved by the viceroy[XVIII‑4] and the cabildo was ordered by him to recognize Cueva until his Majesty's wishes should be known, the members took the matter into their own hands and elected Doña Beatriz governor. This anomalous proceeding was discussed at a special session, and the reasons assigned for taking such a step were that it was deemed necessary for the peace, security, and interest of the country. As soon as the decision was reached the cabildo went in a body to the house of Doña Beatriz and tendered her the appointment. Her violent grief for the loss of her lord did not prevent her from assuming rulership according to the wish of the authorities. Thanking the municipality for the honor, she accepted the position and promised to serve his Majesty with zeal and devote herself to the welfare of the province in the prescribed form of words. The ceremony of installation immediately followed in the presence of the bishop and Francisco de la Cueva, after which the widow of Alvarado took the oath in due form, and thereupon appointed her brother, Francisco de la Cueva,[XVIII‑5] lieutenant-governor, giving him full power to act for her in all matters pertaining to the government, except the disposal of repartimientos of Indians which might become vacant; this prerogative she reserved to herself. Her brother's appointment was recognized by the cabildo on the following day, Saturday the 10th of September.[XVIII‑6]

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[Sidenote: DESTRUCTION OF SANTIAGO.]

But it was not fated that this unfortunate lady should long enjoy her high position. Her doom with that of many others was sealed. The rains during this year had been excessive, and from Thursday the 8th of September until noon of the following Sunday it rained continuously, while an unusually violent wind prevailed.[XVIII‑7] The reader is aware that the city of Santiago was situated on the slope of the lofty volcan de Agua.[XVIII‑8] This mountain is a beautifully symmetrical cone nearly fifteen thousand feet above the sea, and in its enormous crater was a small lake, which, owing to the heavy rainfall, had risen to the top of the enclosing sides. On the 10th of September,[XVIII‑9] about two hours after nightfall, a volcanic eruption dislodged an immense volume of water, or the imprisoned lake burst its barrier. However that may have been, at this fearful moment down came the impetuous flood upon the doomed city, ten thousand feet below, and not more than a league distant from the top, bringing great trees and masses of rock[XVIII‑10] and hurling them upon the inhabitants. The wind and rain and darkness rendered the disaster all the more appalling. Many were killed, not knowing what had come upon them. There was no selection of victims; Spanish colonist and Indian servant were stricken down, the gambler at his dice and the worshipper kneeling at the shrine. In that night of horror each, as he struggled solitary from the seething torrent, might fancy himself the only survivor. Numbers perished, and many were cast from its embrace upon firm ground, with mangled limbs and bodies crushed.[XVIII‑11]

[Sidenote: DEATH OF DOÑA BEATRIZ.]

Doña Beatriz—truly La Sin Ventura, the hapless one, as she had signed herself the day before—at the first alarm, gathering her maids around her, hastened to the oratory. But of what avail was prayer? The waters were upon them, and at the second outburst swept down the chapel and buried beneath its ruins the lady-governor and her handmaidens.[XVIII‑12] Before striking Alvarado's house the flood had washed away two others with their occupants. There were in the dwelling other members of the household, and among them Doña Leonor, the eldest natural daughter of Alvarado. These Doña Beatriz sent for, but most of them were carried away by the torrent, though Doña Leonor and some others escaped. A large number of Indians of both sexes belonging to the household were also drowned. Two chaplains who were in the house were swept through a window and carried for some distance to the plaza where they were rescued. Several attempts were made during the night to reach Alvarado's house, but only one person, Francisco Cava, succeeded. Doña Beatriz' apartment which she had left was the only portion of the building left standing. Had she remained there, instead of rushing to the church, she and those with her would have been saved. Many supernatural horrors were reported to have occurred during the night, the particulars of which are related by Bernal Diaz.

While this blow was falling upon Alvarado's house and household, his kinsman Francisco de la Cueva was in extreme peril. At the first roar of the descending flood, heard above the raging tempest, he imagined that some violent disturbance had occurred in the town and rushed out lance in hand, only to be driven back, however, by the avalanche of water. Retiring with the Spaniards of his house to his study, he escaped the danger, though that apartment was the only portion of the building left standing.[XVIII‑13]

When day dawned the scene of desolation was heartrending. The water had passed away, and on all sides the ruins of the city were exposed to view. Most of the houses had been overthrown or swept away, and the few which remained were so filled with mud that they were untenantable. Whole families had perished.[XVIII‑14] The streets were choked up with accumulated debris, trunks of mutilated trees, and huge rocks. Scattered in all this wreck lay disfigured corpses and carcasses of drowned cattle.[XVIII‑15]

[Sidenote: GATHERING UP THE DEAD.]

And now began the sad, sad search for the dead, followed by mournful burial. Many of the lost were never found. The bodies of Doña Beatriz and those who perished with her were recovered with one exception. Her remains were interred with due solemnity near the high altar of the cathedral,[XVIII‑16] and those of her companions in death were reverently laid side by side in one common grave.[XVIII‑17] While the last rites of the church were duly performed for the behoof of this hapless lady, the stricken community regarded the catastrophe which had befallen them as a manifestation of divine wrath; and though most of the survivors looked upon it as a merited punishment for their own sins, there were not wanting those who attributed the cause of God's anger to the intemperate language made use of by Doña Beatriz in her frenzied grief.[XVIII‑18] So much insane foolishness can be wrapped in words of wisdom! The bishop endeavored to encourage his flock though in such deep dejection. A penitential procession was held and the litany chanted before the high altar. He enjoined them, moreover, to fast and pray on Wednesdays, Fridays, and Saturdays. Further to cheer them he recommended all mourning to be put aside.

Nevertheless the gloom which had fallen upon the community was not soon dispelled, and at every threatening change of the sky the panic-stricken settlers sought safety on the hills. A unanimous desire to abandon the spot prevailed; many of the inhabitants left it and went to reside on their farms,[XVIII‑19] while those who remained[XVIII‑20] expressed their determination to go elsewhere. To arrest total abandonment and dispersion the cabildo, on the 22d of October, issued a decree prohibiting any citizen from leaving under a penalty of one hundred pesos de oro.[XVIII‑21] And long after the capital had been removed to another site, a penitential procession, attended by the civil and ecclesiastical orders, left the new city at daybreak on each anniversary and visited the former capital in mournful commemoration of this calamity. Bearing crosses in their hands, chanting the litany, and praying for the safety of their city, the people marched in all humility to the former cathedral.[XVIII‑22] There mass was celebrated and the graves of the dead were decorated, after which the procession dispersed.[XVIII‑23]

[Sidenote: CUEVA AND MARROQUIN.]

The death of Doña Beatriz had left the province without a ruler. Cueva's position at the head of the government was no longer recognized, and in the crisis of affairs the cabildo met on the 16th and 17th of September, and after some discussion elected Cueva and Bishop Marroquin joint governors provisionally.[XVIII‑24]

The bishop in a letter addressed to the king, dated February 20, 1542, informs his Majesty that in accepting the appointment he had not been influenced by any desire of wealth, honor, or power but by the actual state of affairs, and at the same time urgently brings before his notice the necessity of his appointing a governor of great influence and ability. He had previously suggested certain individuals,[XVIII‑25] whom he deemed fully capable and worthy of filling the office. These recommendations he now reiterates, holding himself responsible should the king be pleased to act in accordance with his views. The bishop, moreover, intimates that the municipal government had fallen into unworthy hands, owing to the resignation or death of honorable regidores who had been members of previous cabildos. The necessity of selecting men of good judgment and zealous in the royal service, is pointed out, and of such vital importance is the election of such men to the welfare of the province, that Marroquin implores his Majesty to order that those who had resigned should resume office.[XVIII‑26]

While describing the country as tranquil he pictures the colony as almost in a state of dissolution. The late calamity had involved the settlers in great poverty,[XVIII‑27] and the contrast between their present condition and the state of prosperity to which they had arrived under Alvarado's rule induced them to meditate leaving the province altogether. To obviate this evil Marroquin distributed a portion of the Indians which had belonged to the adelantado among a few of the most deserving who were thus induced to remain.[XVIII‑28]

[Sidenote: THE NEW SANTIAGO CITY.]

After the election of the joint governors the important question of removal was discussed by the authorities and citizens. That the interests of the country demanded such a step was the almost unanimous opinion,[XVIII‑29] and the selection of a new site at once occupied general attention. On this matter opinions were more varied and several localities were proposed. The argument in favor of the valley of Tianguez in the plains of Chimaltenango was again revived and found supporters, while by others the valley of Petapa or that of Mixco were preferred. There were, however, objections to the removal of the city to any great distance from its existing site. It was borne in mind that the valley of Almolonga was already cultivated, and that in its vicinity were cattle farms which owing to the prevailing poverty and the necessities of the inhabitants should not be abandoned;[XVIII‑30] and after a careful investigation of the advantages offered by different localities,[XVIII‑31] those of the valley of Panchoy were considered to be so superior that in cabildo held on the 22d of October it was ordered that the future city should be there erected.[XVIII‑32]

At no greater distance therefore than half a league from the ruins of Santiago, on the site occupied by the present Antigua Guatemala, the Spaniards once more laid out a city. The customary assignment of lots was made, town commons set apart, and the natives again made to toil in the erection of buildings for their oppressors.[XVIII‑33] Nevertheless the work did not progress with the rapidity which the authorities seem at first to have expected,[XVIII‑34] and though during 1542 some progress was made, even the house of the cabildo had not been completed in April 1543. The exact date of the formal removal of the municipality to the new city is not known,[XVIII‑35] but on the 10th of March 1543 a session was held there.[XVIII‑36] On the 12th of June following the host was transferred from the church of the ruined town in solemn procession, attended by the civil authorities, and all the people present in the city.

At a session held on the 21st of May 1543 a decree was passed by the cabildo that the city should retain the title of the one destroyed,[XVIII‑37] and the notaries were ordered to use in all documents the heading Ciudad de Santiago and no other, under penalty of a fine of ten pesos de oro. This decree was publicly proclaimed on the 13th of June following.[XVIII‑38]

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[Sidenote: ALONSO DE MALDONADO.]

Meantime another change had taken place in the government. On the 2d of March 1542 the viceroy of New Spain appointed the oidor Alonso de Maldonado provisional ruler of Guatemala, pending instructions from the crown, and on the 17th of May following the new governor presented his commission to the cabildo and was placed in office the same day.[XVIII‑39]

During the following year excitement prevailed in Guatemala owing to information having been received in October of the new code of laws and the establishment of the audiencia of the Confines. It was at once resolved to make an appeal to the throne, and on the 12th of the same month the cabildo met to appoint procurators to Spain. The opinion of the inhabitants having been taken,[XVIII‑40] a committee invested with power of electing representatives was appointed,[XVIII‑41] but it was unable to agree, and on the 29th of February 1544 Hernan Mendez presented a petition to the cabildo proposing that a mass meeting be held in the principal church in order that the general vote of the people might be taken.[XVIII‑42] Nevertheless considerable delay occurred, and it was not until the following August that the appointments were decided upon, when an examination of the votes showed that Hernan Mendez and Juan de Chavez were elected. The latter, however, declined to accept, and a still further delay was caused by Mendez insisting upon proceeding to Spain by way of Vera Cruz instead of through Puerto de Caballos. At length, on March 16, 1545, Mendez received his papers and instructions, and departed for Spain.[XVIII‑43]

[Sidenote: INDIAN POLICY.]

The bitter controversy which took place during the sessions of the audiencia in 1545 has been described in the preceding chapter, but it remains to be added that Maldonado and the oidores, although they had avowed their intention of enforcing the new laws, practically discountenanced their enforcement so far as they related to repartimientos. In a letter addressed to the king dated the 30th of December 1545 they state that if all Indians were liberated whose owners had no legitimate title none would be left to serve, and many Spaniards would be reduced to poverty. The same result would occur to those who were married and had families, if encomiendas as they became vacant were transferred to the crown.[XVIII‑44]

In 1545 the new laws were repealed, and at a somewhat later date the concession of perpetual repartimientos was granted to the colonists of Guatemala.[XVIII‑45]

Meanwhile the controversy relating to the treatment of the Indians was being vigorously carried on. The tribute which had been imposed upon them by Marroquin and Maldonado was a ground of complaint against those functionaries,[XVIII‑46] and I find that Marroquin considered himself obliged to explain that it had been levied without sufficient knowledge of facts, and that some changes were necessary.[XVIII‑47]

Among other suggestions made by Marroquin for the amelioration of the condition of the natives was that the authority of the bishop over them should include the right to inflict corporal punishment and to settle their difficulties. He moreover strongly recommended that for the purposes of better instruction and government Indian towns should be consolidated and subjected to a system of police.[XVIII‑48]

Meanwhile Alonso Lopez Cerrato had been appointed president of the audiencia of the Confines. It was already admitted that Gracias á Dios was not a suitable place for the seat of that body, and both Cerrato and bishop Marroquin made representations to the king advising its removal.[XVIII‑49] Accordingly his Majesty by royal cédula authorized the president and oidores to move to the city of Santiago,[XVIII‑50] where they arrived in 1549, and according to Remesal accepted Bishop Marroquin's offer of his palace for their use.[XVIII‑51]

[Sidenote: ATTITUDE OF THE SETTLERS.]

Cerrato's administration as president of the audiencia caused grievous offence to the settlers of Guatemala, and in a representation to the king they charge him with being ungenerous, undignified, wanting in zeal for the honor of God, and unconscientious.[XVIII‑52] The grounds of their objection to him naturally originated in his action regarding the protection of Indians, and they bitterly complain of his nepotism in assigning encomiendas to relatives of various degrees. Justice at his hands they could not obtain; consequently many of the best colonists had left the province and others were preparing to do so. Bishop Marroquin's remonstrances with Cerrato only developed hostile feelings in the latter, which were publicly evinced by his absenting himself for a long time from the services of the church,[XVIII‑53] conducted by the prelate.

But the settlers in Guatemala were obstinately opposed to any measures which clashed with their own views, and consequently represented matters from their own point of view. Under the first audiencia of the Confines, divided as it was against itself, they had to a great extent maintained their previous position relative to the natives;[XVIII‑54] but in Cerrato they perceived one who recognized them as merciless taskmasters,[XVIII‑55] and possessed both the determination to arrest the existing destructive system, and the courage to inflict punishment upon them for any gross infringement of the law.[XVIII‑56]