CHAPTER XVII.

AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS.

1537-1549.

FRANCISCO DE MONTEJO APPOINTED GOVERNOR—REVOLT OF THE CACIQUE LEMPIRA—DASTARDLY ARTIFICE OF THE SPANIARDS—ESTABLISHMENT OF NEW COLONIES—CONDITION OF THE SETTLEMENTS—MINING IN HONDURAS—RETURN OF PEDRO DE ALVARADO—MONTEJO DEPOSED FROM OFFICE—ALONSO DE MALDONADO THE FIRST PRESIDENT OF THE AUDIENCIA OF THE CONFINES—MALTREATMENT OF THE NATIVES—RIVAL PRELATES IN HONDURAS—THEIR DISPUTES—LAS CASAS PRESENTS A MEMORIAL TO THE AUDIENCIA—HE IS INSULTED BY THE OIDORES—HIS DEPARTURE FOR CHIAPAS—MALDONADO'S GREED—HE IS SUPERSEDED BY ALONSO LOPEZ DE CERRATO—THE SEAT OF THE AUDIENCIA MOVED TO SANTIAGO DE GUATEMALA.

In answer to the petition of the settlers at Trujillo, the emperor appointed as ruler of Honduras and Higueras Francisco de Montejo, the governor of Yucatan. It is not recorded that he brought with him either reënforcements or supplies in aid of the fast decaying colony. On his arrival he found a small band of starving men, destitute of all resources. The Spaniards who were able to make their way out of the province had already taken their departure. Even Juan de Chavez, appointed by Alvarado as his successor, not finding in Honduras any profitable field for his enterprise, had abandoned the territory and returned to Guatemala.[XVII‑1] The governor first proceeded to San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos, where he at once annulled the repartimientos granted by Alvarado, bestowing them on his friends or appropriating them to his own use,[XVII‑2] and despatched an expedition to the neighboring sierra for the purpose of pacifying the Indians. As no attempt was made to enslave or maltreat them, many returned voluntarily to the settlement. Montejo then visited Gracias á Dios, where he ascertained that certain Spaniards, journeying from Comayagua toward Guatemala, had been murdered by the natives in the province of Cerquin. He repaired to the spot, and arresting the ringleaders caused them to be punished in the presence of their caciques, who were then dismissed to their homes, professing to be satisfied that their penalty was deserved.

[Sidenote: LEMPIRA AND HIS STRONGHOLD.]

But their satisfaction was only feigned, and the colonists, who now imagined that they had established friendly relations with the Indians, were quickly undeceived. The most warlike and implacable of their enemies was the chief Lempira, a name signifying the Lord of the Mountains. He had long been a terror to the settlers, and a warrior of note among his own countrymen. With his own hand he was reputed to have slain in a single conflict with a hostile tribe one hundred and twenty of his foes. Such was the terror which his presence inspired that his enemies fled before him as from one bearing a charmed life, for in all the innumerable battles which he had fought he had never received a wound. Occupying a stronghold, known as the rock of Cerquin, in close proximity to Gracias á Dios,[XVII‑3] he had bid defiance to Alvarado when on his way to the relief of Cereceda at the head of a strong party of Spaniards and two thousand friendly natives. Juan de Chavez before his return to Guatemala had attacked Lempira's fortress with all the forces he could muster, but was foiled in his attempt, and the natives now believed their position to be impregnable.

Fired with the ambition to deliver his country, the cacique assembled the neighboring chieftains—their followers mustering in all some thirty thousand warriors—and invited them to join him in an effort to exterminate the invaders. He pointed out the disgrace of allowing themselves to be held in subjection by a handful of strangers, urged them to take arms against the Spaniards, and offering to place himself at their head promised to lead them to victory or lay down his life in the attempt. It was resolved to open hostilities at once, and a number of settlers were killed before any tidings of the revolt reached Gracias á Dios. Captain Cáceres with a well equipped force was despatched by Montejo to quell the insurrection, whereupon Lempira retired to his stronghold and put to death the messengers sent to require his surrender, stating that he acknowledged no master and obeyed no laws other than those of his own people.

Cáceres then laid siege to the place, but although assistance was summoned from Comayagua and San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos the Indians made good their defence. For six months the Spaniards beleaguered the fortress, their numbers rapidly diminishing from want, exposure, and ceaseless encounters with the natives. So untiring were the latter in their efforts that the besiegers, who were divided into eight parties, found little time to rest, being harassed day and night by sorties from the garrison. At length Cáceres, seeing no prospect of taking the stronghold, resolved to gain by a base stratagem the success which he had failed to win by force of arms. A horseman was ordered to approach within arquebuse-shot of the rock and summon Lempira to a colloquy under pretence of opening negotiations for peace, while a foot soldier who accompanied him, screened from view by the mounted man, was bid to take deliberate aim at the cacique and fire upon him when sure of his mark. The artifice succeeded only too well. The unsuspecting chieftain came forth to meet the messenger and while held in parley was brought to the ground by a shot from the arquebusier. His lifeless body rolled over the rock, and his followers, panic-stricken, made no further resistance, most of them taking to flight, and the rest giving themselves up to the Spaniards.[XVII‑4] It is but just to add that the captives were well treated and that the governor, who does not appear to have been responsible for this outrage, succeeded by his humane policy in pacifying many of the fugitives and inducing them to return to their abodes and till the soil.

During the administration of Montejo the settlers of Honduras again enjoyed an interval of repose,[XVII‑5] though his conduct was distasteful to many of the colonists, who still remembered with regret the time when slave-hunting was permitted throughout the territory. The arrival at Gracias á Dios, in 1538, of the licentiate Cristóbal de Pedraza, bearing the title of protector of the Indians, was of material service to the governor in settling the many difficulties that arose with the encomenderos. He was cordially welcomed and received every assistance in the discharge of his duties.

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[Sidenote: INTEROCEANIC HIGHWAY.]

Montejo now turned his attention to the construction of roads and the development of the resources of his province which had already given promise of a prosperous future. Wheat had been successfully cultivated and the prospects of a largely increased production were encouraging, while the same favorable results had attended the planting of the vine. In 1539 the governor addressed a letter to the emperor, urging the expediency of constructing a road for pack-animals between the bay of Fonseca and Puerto de Caballos, by way of Comayagua. The whole distance was but fifty-two leagues, and it was pointed out that the road might afterward be improved, so as to be available for wheeled vehicles. It was claimed that this would prove a more favorable route for the transport of merchandise between Spain and Peru than that by way of Nombre de Dios and Panamá, the harbors on either side being safe and easily accessible. The country through which it was to pass, moreover, possessed an excellent climate, rich mines, a fruitful soil, good pasturage, and many fine streams of water. His Majesty was asked to furnish negroes for the prosecution of the work, as the natives were not to be relied on for such labor. A few of the colonists were soon afterward induced to form a settlement near the spot abandoned by Gil Gonzales Dávila and Sandoval's party.[XVII‑6] To this was given the name of San Juan del Puerto de Caballos. The site was in many respects favorable for a commercial emporium, but its sickly climate was already too well known to the Spaniards.

Soon after the Indian revolt, which terminated with the death of Lempira, the governor determined to establish a settlement in the district of Comayagua, and with that view despatched Cáceres to find a suitable location midway between the two oceans. A spot was selected in the centre of a fertile valley, distant about twenty-six leagues from either sea, and connected by a good road with an Indian village, whence a navigable river flowed northward toward Puerto de Caballos. Here was founded, in 1539, the town of Comayagua,[XVII‑7] and so prosperous were the affairs of the new colony that a few years later[XVII‑8] it was raised to the rank of a city.

The settlements founded by the early colonists of Honduras were slow of growth. In a letter addressed by Pedraza to the audiencia of the Confines, dated May 1, 1547, he states that the seven Spanish towns which the province then contained[XVII‑9] "were always increasing as were the villages;" and yet we find that Trujillo, which had then become the largest of them, contained but fifty settlers, while none of the others numbered more than thirty. The absence of communication with the South Sea, and the distance from the highways of commerce between Spain and the new world, no doubt retarded greatly the increase of population; for the agricultural and mineral resources of the territory were not inferior to those of other provinces which contained more than ten times the number of inhabitants. The want of good roads and of facilities for travel was also a serious drawback; and it is probable that to make a tour of the different settlements in Honduras, all lying within a radius of less than forty leagues, occupied, in the middle of the sixteenth century, almost as much time as would now be required to accomplish the circuit of the globe.[XVII‑10]

[Sidenote: GOLD-MINING.]

The mines of Honduras had already begun to yield a moderate amount of treasure, and but for the wholesale destruction of the natives and the want of negro labor could have been made to produce far greater returns. As far back as the days of Pedrarias Dávila it was known that those in the Olancho valley were extremely rich, but for want of the necessary tools they could not be worked. With only their stirrup irons the Spaniards in two months scraped up gold to the value of sixteen thousand pesos de oro, and "with proper implements," Herrera states, "they might have taken out two hundred thousand pesos." The early prosperity of Gracias á Dios was due to the discovery of rich mines in its vicinity, and it soon became one of the most prosperous settlements in the province. The richest one was that of San Andrés de Nueva Zaragoza, in a mountain west of the town and east of the Copan valley. Gold could here be scratched out of the earth with a stick. In another mine, belonging to one Bartolomé Martin de Sanabria, more than a pound of gold was daily collected by himself and a single slave. Later the yield became so large that alcaldes mayores were appointed to collect the royal fifth, with power to compel one fourth of the Indians within a circuit of twelve miles to labor in them. "Near Comayagua," says Oviedo, "they took out and smelted ore which yielded sixty thousand pesos de oro, and forty thousand more were supposed to have been stolen."[XVII‑11]

While Montejo was engaged in various projects for promoting the welfare of the province, Pedro de Alvarado arrived at Puerto de Caballos in command of his powerful and well appointed force,[XVII‑12] and proceeding thence to San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos, soon afterward despatched a messenger to Gracias á Dios to notify the governor of his arrival. Montejo was at a loss how to conduct himself under this changed aspect of affairs. As ruler of Yucatan his career had been unsuccessful, and in Honduras he found himself unpopular. With his few and scattered followers ill-fed, ill-clad, and obliged to maintain a constant struggle with the natives, he was in no position to cope with a powerful rival. Although holding his authority by appointment from the crown, he was ignorant as to what extent the visit of Alvarado to Spain affected his government. He knew not what representations had been made to the emperor by his rival and had every reason to fear that the worst construction had been placed on his conduct. He had indeed never felt quite secure in his position. More than a year before it had been the intention of the crown, in answer to the petition sent from Trujillo, to place Honduras under the jurisdiction of the audiencia of Española. This measure had been abandoned only on account of the great distance and infrequency of communication; and now after some previous negotiation for an exchange of territory[XVII‑13] Alvarado had landed in person to demand the annexation of his province to Guatemala. He had long before expressed his opinion that Honduras could not stand alone, but that if joined to the adjacent province it would contribute to the emperor's treasury a hundred thousand castellaños yearly, whereas at that time it yielded almost nothing.[XVII‑14] Montejo on the other hand had ridiculed the other's views. "In the hour of trial," he said, "when the whole country was overrun by hostile natives, he sent many urgent requests to Guatemala for help, but aid was refused him, although he asked only for the assistance of two hundred friendly Indians, and he had to fight his battles as best he might." He declared his belief that if Honduras were annexed to Guatemala, not an Indian would be found in the province in a few months, and that in less than two years the territory would be beggared.

[Sidenote: ALVARADO AND MONTEJO.]

After more than a month had elapsed since the despatch of his message without any reply being received, Alvarado determined to set forth toward Gracias á Dios; and, collecting his forces, marched in the direction of the capital. Montejo meanwhile was ill at ease. He knew well that any attempt at intimidation would but work his own destruction, and yet was unwilling to throw himself on the generosity of his rival. Acting on the advice of his friends, however, he resolved to receive him courteously, and on his approach to the settlement went forth to meet him. At a spot distant about fifteen leagues from the city the rival governors met, and Montejo found that his worst fears were more than realized. "His Majesty had been informed," said the conqueror of Guatemala, "of the manner in which he had entered Honduras and of his subsequent career, and was further advised that Alvarado had at great cost and labor saved the province from destruction. It was therefore ordered that Montejo should immediately deliver up all the property which he had wrested from the people of the province and all revenues received by him since his assumption of office."

* * * * *

Among the ecclesiastics then resident in Honduras was one already mentioned whom Montejo styles "The padre Cristóbal de Pedraza, the protector of the Indians, and calling himself bishop." His official appointment to the see of Honduras Alvarado brought with him on his return from Spain. When Pedraza first arrived in the province, the governor received him cordially, placing at his disposal his own residence and a large number of slaves. To him he now appealed for aid in this his dire distress, and through the prelate's intercession[XVII‑15] with Doña Beatriz matters were adjusted without further dispute. The revenues derived from lands and mines during the governor's term of office were estimated at twenty-eight thousand ducats,[XVII‑16] and "of this sum," says Herrera, "Alvarado without solicitation immediately remitted a moiety, and two months later was easily persuaded to forgive the other half." It was agreed that Montejo should surrender to him all claim to the government of Honduras and Higueras, and that Alvarado should cede in return the Ciudad Real de Chiapas and the town of Suchimilco in Mexico, giving also a money compensation of two thousand castellanos.

[Sidenote: ALONSO DE CÁCERES.]

In a despatch to the emperor, written soon afterward, the ex-governor complains bitterly of the wrongs which he had suffered through the machinations of his enemies; but, as he himself remarks in his letter, "a little favor at court is of more avail than the most faithful service." The agreement was ratified by the crown, and about the close of 1539 Montejo departed from the province after a brief and somewhat inglorious career, while about the same time Alvarado returned to Guatemala, leaving Alonso de Cáceres as his representative in Honduras, and Pedraza a year or two later took ship for Spain where, after some delay, he received the papal bull of confirmation and was duly consecrated, occupying his time meanwhile by making contracts for negro slaves in the name of the crown, with a view of utilizing their labor in the development of the mines.[XVII‑17]

On his return to the province in 1545, the bishop[XVII‑18] undertook a pastoral tour through the province, lasting eighteen months. He complains bitterly of the hardships which he endured and of the demoralized and poverty-stricken condition of the colonists. "The natives," he says, "have nearly all fled to the mountains, being in terror of the Spaniards, who have continued to enslave them for so many years. Many Portuguese, Italians, and other foreigners have propagated disease and vice among them so that even Indian maidens of tender age are corrupted to a sad extent, while bigamy and polygamy are of frequent occurrence." Valdivieso, who was residing at the time at Gracias á Dios, awaiting consecration as bishop of Nicaragua, also relates that the church was held in contempt, that the Spaniards were as a rule extremely lax in their observance of all religious duties, and that they led a more vicious life than had ever been known among Christians.

Though Pedraza brought with him from Spain a number of friars, they do not seem to have been very zealous in the work of reforming the settlers or converting the natives. At times many days passed during which no divine service was held, and the cabildo attributed the omission to the neglect of the bishop, "who," they said, "was too busy with his worldly affairs to attend to his duties properly." The ecclesiastics appear, however, to have been very successful in selling papal bulls among the Indian villages, a practice which was continued till 1547, when a royal cédula put an end to this shameful traffic. Their charges for saying mass or for funeral services were exorbitant. To confess a person residing at a distance of one league cost thirty castellanos, and to watch for a single night by the bedside of a deceased cacique, one hundred and thirty xiquipilli of cacao. Desirous of making at least some show of missionary zeal the prelate recommended that a cathedral be erected and schools established in all Indian towns which were in the neighborhood of Spanish settlements. The former recommendation was adopted, and notwithstanding the protestations of the audiencia of the Confines, the site selected was at Trujillo,[XVII‑19] the bishop's salary being fixed at five hundred thousand maravedís, though soon afterward he petitioned that his stipend be increased to two thousand ducats.

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[Sidenote: AUDIENCIA DE LOS CONFINES.]

When the new code of laws abolished the audiencia of Panamá and appointed the audiencia of the Confines,[XVII‑20] Alonso de Maldonado was elected its first president[XVII‑21] through the recommendation of Las Casas, the remaining oidores being the licentiates Diego de Herrera, of whom mention has been made in connection with the province of Nicaragua, Pedro Ramirez de Quiñones, and Juan Rogel. Maldonado was directed to establish the seat of government at Comayagua, which was thenceforth to be known as Nueva Villa de Valladolid, but finding that location unsuitable he selected as a more favorable site Gracias á Dios, where in 1545 the first session of the tribunal was held.[XVII‑22] The arrival of Maldonado was celebrated with much rejoicing among the settlers; but their joy was short-lived, for one of the first measures of the audiencia was the publication of the new code of laws which, they declared, was to be strictly and immediately enforced so far as it related to the manumission of the Indians.

In Honduras the new code was regarded with no less disfavor than in the other provinces, and it was probably due only to the sparse population of this territory that we read of no such outbreak among the colonists as that of Gonzalo Pizarro in Peru, and of the Contreras brothers in Nicaragua. The settlers were fain to content themselves with making ineffectual protests, and with sending procurators to advocate their cause at the court of Spain. It does not appear that the natives were at all benefited by the regulations enacted in their favor; for a year or two later, on the arrival at Gracias á Dios of Las Casas and Valdivieso, the former declares that despite all the royal ordinances to the contrary, the Indians placed under the protection of the crown were so grossly maltreated that they preferred to return to the service of their former masters rather than enjoy their new and doubtful liberty.

* * * * *

On the first of June 1549 a royal cédula was issued ordering that the natives should not be used as pack-carriers, except in cases of extreme necessity, and that all employed in whatever capacity should receive payment for their services. These regulations appear, however, to have made their lot still more grievous, for the Spaniards, no longer owning them as human chattels and caring not for their lives, treated them even more harshly than before. At Gracias á Dios we learn that they were offered for hire at public auction, and after being disposed of to the highest bidder were sent to the mines or to the sea-shore forty miles distant. They were driven together, Las Casas tells us, within a circuit of ten or fifteen leagues, and a guard being placed over them, were enclosed in a corral like cattle. They were then divided by an alguacil among the settlers, and after working hard for a month received two reales, sometimes being required to serve an entire year for a single peso. When used as beasts of burden they were compelled to carry a load of seventy-five or one hundred pounds through a country abounding in swamp and forest. Their food consisted of a few hard cakes of maize, and at night, their blankets being taken from them to prevent their running away, they were often left to sleep in the open air almost naked and without shelter.

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[Sidenote: CHURCH AND STATE.]

In addition to Las Casas and Valdivieso, the latter of whom was sojourning at the capital awaiting consecration as bishop of Nicaragua, there were now present at Gracias á Dios the prelates Marroquin of Guatemala, and Pedraza of Honduras.[XVII‑23] It was not of course to be expected that all these dignitaries of the church should work in harmony with each other, and much less with the members of the audiencia. While Las Casas and Valdivieso strove to enforce the unconditional liberation of all Indians, Marroquin and Pedraza, who themselves possessed several encomiendas, were exceeding loath to part with them; and when Las Casas threatened with excommunication all who should refuse to give up their bondsmen, Marroquin assured the settlers that he would grant them quick absolution. The removal of the latter was then demanded by his opponents, who wrote to the emperor denouncing him as "one undeserving of royal favor, having made his fortune at the expense of his honor and that of the people, in violation of the law and the emperor's orders." Pedraza, on the other hand, while discussing the question of establishing schools in the native villages, exclaims: "Would to God that to this purpose the efforts of Las Casas were applied, instead of to the general perdition of the province, his discourse being like that of one demented with rage, himself blindly covetous and ambitious of honor profane. For thirty years was he striving for a bishopric until at length he obtained one by the force of a hundred thousand lies."

The colonists of course had no sympathy with Las Casas, leaving him to complain and sometimes almost to starve unheeded. Those who were secretly his friends, through fear of exposing themselves to persecution, were unwilling to minister to his necessities. The oidores refused to listen to him or to afford him redress, and on one occasion when a certain colonist threatened to assassinate the prelate he was allowed to go unpunished.[XVII‑24] In a letter to the emperor Maldonado states that "Las Casas has become so proud since his return from Spain that it is impossible to deal with him, and the best place for him would be in some convent in Castile." It was proposed by Marroquin to settle the long-vexed Indian question by referring the matter to a commission composed of the viceroy of Mexico, the audiencias, the bishops, and other competent persons both lay and clerical, or to a committee to be chosen by them, and that their decision be submitted to the crown for approval; but Las Casas would admit of no such compromise and insisted that the new laws be immediately enforced. It was finally agreed that the bishops should present to the audiencia a memorial embodying their grievances, asking for redress, and stating explicitly their demands in reference to the treatment and disposition of the natives. Soon afterward Las Casas read this document before the oidores, who, as he now had the support of all his fellow-bishops, did not venture to refuse him an audience. They were requested to render assistance to the ecclesiastical authorities in the exercise of their jurisdiction, and to aid them in punishing all who sinned against God and the church, by committing sacrilege or holding in contempt the episcopal dignity. It was demanded that the natives should not be forced to pay excessive tribute, should not be used as beasts of burden, or required to render any but voluntary service, and that all who were illegally enslaved should be liberated and placed under the protection of the bishops; for it was claimed that Las Casas and his colleagues were their protectors and held the right of adjudication in all cases of alleged maltreatment. It was urged that officials in charge of Indian villages should be held strictly responsible for their trust and punished in case of malfeasance as the new laws prescribed.[XVII‑25] The memorial concluded by threatening the president, oidores, and other officials with excommunication, should they neglect to obey these orders within the space of three months.

[Sidenote: ILL-FEELING TOWARD LAS CASAS.]

Great was the indignation of the members of the audiencia toward the prelate who thus dared place himself above the highest tribunal in the land. They were accustomed to regard the ecclesiastics as men whose presence must indeed be tolerated for appearance' sake, but whose duty it was only to conduct religious services in which the wives and children of the colonists might perhaps wish to participate, and to make such progress as they could in the conversion of the natives. That they should presume to interfere with their own schemes for self-aggrandizement was not to be tolerated. Maldonado and the oidores gave vent to their ire in such abusive language that three days later Las Casas and Valdivieso addressed a letter to the emperor, stating that neither in the days of Alvarado or Nuño de Guzman, nor during the rule of any of the former tyrants, were the ministers of the church so insulted and oppressed, nor were ever such enormous crimes committed as under the present audiencia of the Confines. The bishops, moreover, expressed their belief "that the devil had filled the oidores with ambition and covetousness when they came to the country," and declared that unless the enforcement of the new laws were intrusted to their own hands the province must go to ruin.[XVII‑26] Meanwhile Marroquin, who was in secret a bitter foe to Las Casas, also sent a despatch to the court of Spain, wherein he speaks of him as one filled with pride, envy, and hypocrisy, and denounces his assumption in daring to present so offensive a memorial to the audiencia.[XVII‑27]

Las Casas waited in vain for an answer to his demands. Not discouraged, however, by the studied inactivity of the oidores he pressed his claims with untiring zeal, exasperating them by his pertinacity, and frequently exposing himself to gross insult and contumely. On one occasion, while entering the hall of the audiencia, he was greeted with shouts of "Throw out that lunatic!" At another time he was coarsely affronted by the president himself;[XVII‑28] and when, notwithstanding all rebuffs, he made a final appeal, demanding compliance with the new laws, and administering to Maldonado a public rebuke, the latter replied: "You are a knave, a bad man, a bad priest, a bad bishop, one lost to all shame and worthy of punishment!" Though stunned, for a moment, by this answer from one whose appointment was due to his own recommendation, the prelate meekly bowed his head, and with the words, "I very well deserve all that your worship says, Señor Licenciado Alonso Maldonado," quietly withdrew from his presence.

[Sidenote: EXCOMMUNICATION.]

All now expected that the president would be excommunicated. As the consecration of Valdivieso was to take place two days later and none could be present who were under the ban of the church, Maldonado resolved to make some effort at reconciliation. To repair to the house of the bishop and there tender an apology was a humiliation which his pride would not tolerate, while it could not be expected that Las Casas, after all the indignities he had suffered, would consent to visit the other's residence. Through the intervention of friends it was finally arranged that the two should meet, as though by accident, at the president's dwelling. Uncovering, and speaking in a respectful tone, Maldonado began to express his sorrow for what had occurred, but the prelate at once burst forth: "Hence! Away! You are excommunicated!" and took his departure without uttering another word.

While yet engaged in his controversy with the audiencia, Las Casas received news from Ciudad Real that disorder was rife in his own diocese, and, wishing to return to Chiapas as soon as possible, once more urged the oidores to render a decision. In order to rid themselves of his ceaseless importunity they at length compromised the matter by conceding a portion of his demands, but refused to recognize him or his colleagues as protectors of the Indians. As this was the main point in his memorial, and without this concession the new laws must be inoperative, or at least difficult of execution, the prelate found that like other premature reformers, he had gained little, and had added greatly to his unpopularity.[XVII‑29]

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Toward the close of the year 1545 the bishops departed for their several provinces. Of the oidores, Rogel accompanied Las Casas to Ciudad Real;[XVII‑30] Quiñones was soon afterward engaged in levying a force in aid of Gasca's expedition to Peru; and the president, who, together with Herrera, still remained at Gracias á Dios, busied himself in accumulating wealth, fearing that the day was not far distant when he would be required to render an account. He met with little opposition, for the remonstrances of the cabildo were entirely unheeded, and Pedraza the bishop was a man too much after his own heart to throw any serious obstacles in his path. Maldonado with his friends and relatives already owned about one third of all the encomiendas in the province, and received besides his share of the tribute obtained by the oidores from the Indian villages, the ownership of which was for appearance' sake placed in the name of certain alcaldes and alguaciles. The latter received one third of the gross income, and those employed to collect the tribute also received a portion and were permitted to wring what else they could from their hapless victims, whom they hunted like blood-hounds, day and night, enslaving all who were unable to contribute their share.

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[Sidenote: ALONSO LOPEZ DE CERRATO.]

The condition of affairs in the province of Honduras soon became known to the council of the Indies, and by the recommendation of Las Casas the licentiate Alonso Lopez de Cerrato was appointed judge of residencia and president of the audiencia of the Confines. For several years he had presided over the audiencia of Santo Domingo, and had there made the acquaintance of the bishop, who well knew his worth and the zeal with which he labored in behalf of the Indians. It was one of his principles always to suppose them to be in the right until the contrary were proven, and little cared he for the good or bad opinion of the Spaniards. Neither threat nor promise nor supplication could divert him from the execution of his purpose. Being himself a priest he was of course a good friend to the ecclesiastics, and assisted them in their endeavors to alleviate the sufferings of the natives; so that the settlers exclaimed, after he had been a short time in the province: "Our day has passed and that of the friars has begun."[XVII‑31]

In 1548 the licentiate arrived at Gracias á Dios, and at once proceeded to take the residencias of the president and of the oidores Rogel and Herrera. After concluding his investigation he reports to the emperor that since the establishment of the audiencia no royal decree nor any of the new laws have been executed or enforced. On the contrary, the president and oidores have been the first to disregard them in order to ingratiate themselves with the settlers; they have never thought of liberating any slaves or of abolishing the use of the natives as beasts of burden.[XVII‑32]

Cerrato had undoubtedly expected to find matters in a better condition, for he brought with him none to supersede the oidores who might be displaced. Maldonado, however, appears to have escaped all punishment other than loss of office.[XVII‑33] Herrera, although Las Casas and Valdivieso had previously declared that he alone among the oidores was worthy of his position, was the only one that was fined, and with the exception of the president, the only one that was not reinstated.[XVII‑34]

Although Cerrato was accused by the settlers of partiality in the administration of justice, he enjoyed the full confidence of the emperor,[XVII‑35] who gave orders that all matters of grave import pertaining to the government of Honduras, Nicaragua, and Guatemala should be referred to his decision. Moreover, the bishops of Nicaragua, Guatemala, and Chiapas showed their appreciation of his worth by begging him to visit their dioceses and aid them in their labors on behalf of the natives, as the oidores sent to those provinces were unable to enforce the new laws. During the brief term of Cerrato's residence in Honduras nothing occurred that is worthy of note, with the exception of a revolt among the negro slaves at San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos, which was promptly quelled by a force despatched against them by the audiencia.

In 1549 the seat of the audiencia of the Confines was removed from Gracias á Dios to Santiago de Guatemala. The former town, now containing but eighteen settlers, was situated in a neighborhood where food for man and beast was difficult to obtain, and was far remote from the more important colonies. In other settlements the condition of affairs was little more prosperous. In Honduras, as elsewhere in Spain's western dominions, the apathy of the Spanish monarch and the disorders caused by the ceaseless struggle for wealth, or the craving for insignificant authority, added greatly to the misery and privation which the early history of colonization throughout the world seldom fails to present.