CHAPTER XIII.

THE CONQUEST OF CHIAPAS.

1520-1529.

ORIGIN OF THE CHIAPANECS—THEY SUBMIT TO THE SPANIARDS AFTER THE MEXICAN CONQUEST—BUT RISE IN ARMS WHEN REQUIRED TO PAY TRIBUTE—CAPTAIN LUIS MARIN UNDERTAKES THE CONQUEST OF THE PROVINCE—HIS BATTLES WITH THE NATIVES—THE PANIC-STRICKEN ARTILLERYMAN—CAPTURE OF THE STRONGHOLD OF CHIAPAS—THE CHAMULANS RISE IN REVOLT—THEIR FORTRESS BESIEGED—REPULSE OF THE SPANIARDS—BERNAL DIAZ IN PERIL—FLIGHT AND SURRENDER OF THE CHAMULANS—MARIN RETURNS TO ESPÍRITU SANTO—SECOND REVOLT OF THE CHIAPANECS—THEIR SUBJUGATION BY DIEGO DE MAZARIEGOS—THIRD REBELLION—THEIR SELF-DESTRUCTION—PEDRO PUERTOCARRERO IN THE FIELD—HIS DISCOMFITURE—FOUNDING OF VILLA REAL—JUAN ENRIQUEZ DE GUZMAN TAKES THE RESIDENCIA OF MAZARIEGOS—HIS MALADMINISTRATION.

For many centuries before the beginning of the Christian era, and probably for two or three hundred years later, the site where now stand the ruins of Palenque in Chiapas[XIII‑1] was the centre of one of the most powerful monarchies in the western world, the great Maya empire of the Chanes. To Votan, the culture hero, who, according to Maya tradition, claiming his descent from Chan, the serpent, first introduced civilization into America, and after his disappearance was worshipped as a god, is ascribed the foundation of this ancient dynasty about three thousand years ago.[XIII‑2]

It is related in the oldest records obtained from the archives of Mexican history, that the Tzendales, a tribe dwelling in the neighborhood of Palenque, shared with the Zoques the northern part of Chiapas, while the southern and central portions were occupied by the Zotziles and Quelenes and also by the Chiapanecs, who, though at first confined to a narrow strip of territory, finally overran the entire region.[XIII‑3] Whether the Chiapanecs came originally from Nicaragua, or were a detachment from the great Toltec swarm that swept southward into Guatemala, or were descended from the mythic Chan, is a question that is yet involved in some mystery. We know, however, that after their arrival they built a stronghold which proved impregnable until the advent of the Spaniard with his superior skill and weapons, and that here, for centuries before the conquest, they maintained their independence and extended their possessions.[XIII‑4]

It is probable that, as early as 1520, Spaniards penetrated into this region under the auspices of Montezuma, while friendly relations were still maintained between that monarch and Cortés. After the fall of the Mexican capital, dismay at the achievements of the great conqueror was so widely spread that many independent tribes sent in their allegiance, and among them the Chiapanecs.[XIII‑5] These different territories were soon portioned out in repartimientos, and Chiapas was assigned with other districts to the Spanish settlers in Espíritu Santo. No sooner, however, was the attempt made to render these repartimientos profitable by the exaction of tribute, than the natives rose in arms. Many settlers were killed, some offered in sacrifice, and all the efforts of the colonists to pacify the revolted districts were unavailing.[XIII‑6]

[Sidenote: EXPEDITION OF MARIN.]

In 1523 the settlement at Espíritu Santo was in charge of Captain Luis Marin, an officer who had fought under Cortés, and whom Bernal Diaz describes as a man about thirty years of age, bowlegged, but robust and of good stature, with russet beard and features marked with the small-pox, one excelling in horsemanship and conversational powers, of gentle disposition, and without a trace of ill-nature. Deeming it imprudent to march against the Chiapanecs with the slender force at his command, Marin repaired to Mexico to ask aid from Cortés, and was at once supplied with an auxiliary band of thirty men, and instructed to proceed to Chiapas with all the troops he could muster, and establish there a Spanish town.

Returning to Espíritu Santo, Marin lost no time in carrying out his orders. After some delay, caused by opening a road through the intervening forests and morasses, he arrived at the bank of the river Mazapan[XIII‑7] and slowly marched up the stream toward the stronghold of the Chiapanecs, then known to the Spaniards by the name of Chiapas. Before nearing this fortress the commander held a muster of his forces. According to Bernal Diaz, who accompanied the expedition, they consisted of 15 cross-bowmen, 8 arquebusiers, 60 foot-soldiers armed with swords and shields, 27 horse, about 80 Mexicans, and the caciques and other principal men of Cachula with their followers. Marin had also a field-piece in charge of one whom he supposed to be a competent artilleryman.[XIII‑8] The escribano Diego de Godoy was his second in command.

[Sidenote: THE ATTACK.]

The Spaniards now continued their march with much caution. As they approached the populated district, four soldiers, one of whom was Bernal Diaz, were sent to reconnoitre about half a league in advance of the main body, but were soon discovered by native hunters, who immediately spread the alarm by smoke signals. The army soon afterward reached cultivated lands with wide and well constructed roads. When within four leagues of Chiapas they entered the town of Iztapa, whence the natives had fled, leaving an abundant supply of provisions. While resting here the videttes reported the approach of a large body of warriors,[XIII‑9] but the invaders being on the alert placed themselves in position before the enemy came up. The battle which ensued was indecisive. The Chiapanecs, deploying with much skill, almost surrounded the small Spanish force, and at their first discharge killed two soldiers and four horses, and wounded Luis Marin and sixteen other Spaniards, besides many of the allies. The contest was maintained with great fury till nightfall, when the natives retired, leaving numbers of their men on the field so severely injured as to be unable to follow their comrades.[XIII‑10] Two of the captives, who appeared to be chieftains, gave information that the confederated bands of all the surrounding districts were prepared to renew the attack on the following day.

All night vigilant watch was kept. The soldiers slept under arms; and the horses, ready saddled and bridled, were tethered within reach of their riders. There was not one of the Spaniards who did not expect a night attack and dread it. Numbers of them were sorely wounded; their leader was faint from loss of blood; and the unflinching firmness of the Chiapanecs had dulled their self-confidence; but no call to arms aroused them from their fitful slumbers, and at sunrise they wearily buckled on their armor and prepared to renew the fight.

During the engagement of the previous day, the horsemen, disregarding the instructions of Marin and the advice of his veterans, had suffered severely from using their lances too early in the fray, their weapons being wrested from their grasp and turned against themselves. Orders were now given for them to charge in squads of five, to carry their lances poised out of reach, and not to use them until the enemy were fairly ridden down and their formation broken. The field-piece was loaded, and their preparations being now completed, the Spaniards advanced toward Chiapas.[XIII‑11]

Long before the invaders arrived in sight of the stronghold, the enemy appeared, formed in compact order, and advancing to the attack with deafening war-cries. They were armed with javelins, which they hurled from implements fashioned for the purpose; with bows and arrows, and weapons similar to toothed swords; with slings, also, and lances longer than those of the Spaniards; and wore as a protection aprons of twisted cotton reaching from head to foot, which, when in retreat, they could roll up and carry under the arm.[XIII‑12] Marin quickly put his men in array, and ordered the artilleryman to open fire. But the gunner, who had entertained his comrades during a long march with stories of his brave deeds in Italy, blanched before the coming onset. His legs trembled, and grasping his piece to support himself, he was unable either to train or fire it. At length the loud execrations and angry shouts of his comrades, heard above the clamor of the foe, roused him from his helplessness, and with shaking hand he discharged his cannon. But his clumsy work was worse than his inaction, for the only result was the wounding of three of his companions.[XIII‑13]

At this mishap Martin at once ordered his cavalry to charge, while the infantry were rapidly formed in column. After a long and obstinate contest the Chiapanecs were finally routed; but on account of the nature of the ground pursuit was impossible. Advancing toward the town the Spaniards unexpectedly discovered after ascending some hills on their line of march, a still larger host of the enemy awaiting them. The Indians had provided themselves with long ropes and deer-nets with which to entrammel and capture the horses. In the ensuing battle the invaders sustained unusual casualties. Several of the horsemen lost their lances; five horses and two cavaliers were slain; and so continuous and well directed were the discharges of javelins, arrows, and stones that ere long nearly all of Marin's command were wounded. At this juncture a hideous object appeared in the centre of the Chiapanec ranks. An Indian woman, nude, wrinkled, and obese, her body painted all over with ghastly designs rendered more effective by tufts of cotton, had arrived upon the battle-field. No Empusa could be more frightful. The creature—so ran the report—was regarded by the Chiapanecs as their divinity, and her presence she had predicted would insure them victory.[XIII‑14] But the native auxiliaries recognized the significance of her arrival, and drawn up by their leaders in a compact body, dauntlessly fought their way up to her, "and hacked to pieces the accursed goddess," as Bernal Diaz affirms.

[Sidenote: DISCOMFITURE OF THE EVIL ONE.]

Though disconcerted the natives do not yield, relying on their numbers and their courage; and the hard-pressed Spaniards, supported by the prayers and benediction of their priest,[XIII‑15] fight with renewed vigor. The cavalry again and again ride through the foe, crushing them down and trampling them under foot until their ranks are broken and scattered. At length the Chiapanecs seek safety, some on the neighboring rocks, and others by swimming the deep and rapid Mazapan.

After devoutly thanking God for the victory, and singing the salve regina, the Spaniards advance to a small village not far from the city itself, and pitch their camp for the night, great precaution being taken to prevent surprise. Assistance now comes from an unexpected quarter. About midnight ten Indians cross the river in canoes, and allow themselves to be quietly captured. Brought before Marin they state that they are natives of Xaltepec, and have been conquered and enslaved by the Chiapanecs, twelve years before. They offer to aid the Spaniards by supplying them with canoes to cross the river, and by pointing out a ford, and, moreover, inform Marin that many of the forces of the Chiapanecs, having been pressed into the ranks, are anxious to throw off the yoke, and that they will go over to him in the next engagement.

Marin at once accepts the offer, and it is agreed that twenty canoes shall be brought early in the morning. The remainder of the night is passed without further interruption, though the enemy is heard mustering on the other side of the river with noise of drums and conchs. At daylight the canoes arrive, and the army proceed to the ford. The crossing is effected with great difficulty, the water being breast-high and the stream rapid. As they approach the opposite bank, the enemy rains down upon them such showers of missiles that again hardly a man escapes unhurt.[XIII‑16] For some time they are unable to effect a landing, and Marin's position is critical, when fortunately their new allies cause a diversion by assailing the Chiapanecs in the rear. The cavalry are thus enabled to gain a footing on the bank, and the infantry soon follow; the natives are put to flight in all directions. This is their final struggle. The summons to surrender is immediately complied with, and the Spaniards enter the city without further opposition.[XIII‑17]

All the neighboring towns were now ordered to send in their allegiance, and such an effect had the subjection of the hitherto invincible Chiapanecs upon the different tribes that resistance was not even thought of, Cinacantlan, Gopanaustla, Pinula, Huehueiztlan,[XIII‑18] Chamula, and other towns tendering their submission. The conquest of the country was now considered complete, and Marin had already apportioned out certain repartimientos when harmony was interrupted by the conduct of one of the soldiers.

While at Cinacantlan, whither the army had proceeded, Francisco de Medina left camp without permission, and taking with him eight Mexicans went to Chamula, where he demanded gold of the natives in the name of Marin. A few trinkets were given him, but not satisfied with these he seized the cacique in the expectation of extorting a ransom. The Chamulans, however, rose to a man, and Medina was glad to get back to Cinacantlan, where he was arrested.[XIII‑19]

No overtures or explanations on the part of Marin availed to pacify the indignant people of Chamula, who had, moreover, induced those of Huehueiztlan to join them in the revolt. His messages of peace were received with defiance. On the 29th of March Godoy was sent into the disaffected district with a small force, but found the attitude of the natives so threatening that he deemed it best to avoid hostilities and returned to report. Marin was at this time encamped in a beautiful vale surrounded by pine groves, at no great distance from Cinacantlan.[XIII‑20] He now considered it necessary to reduce Chamula by force of arms, and demanded of the Chiapanecs a contingent of two hundred warriors, which was at once supplied. Messages were also sent to the friendly cacique of Cinacantlan[XIII‑21] soliciting an equal number.

[Sidenote: CHAMULAN STRONGHOLD.]

On the 30th of March, about ten o'clock in the morning, the troops arrived at the foot of the eminence on which Chamula[XIII‑22] was situated. The ascent, at the only point where attack was possible, was impracticable for horsemen. Marin therefore ordered the cavalry to take up a position on the level ground below, and to protect his rear while the assault was being made.[XIII‑23] The infantry and allies then scaled the height and were soon in front of the fortifications, which they found to be of a formidable character. A palisade of strong cross-timbers let deep into the ground and firmly bound together was the first obstacle to their entrance, and behind it was a bulwark of stone and mud nearly twelve feet high and four feet in thickness, into which were inserted strong beams. This again was surmounted, along its whole length, by a wall of heavy boards six feet high, supported by strong crossbars on both sides, all firmly lashed together, while at intervals loop-holed turrets had been erected commanding the approach. At the strongest part of this bulwark was the single entrance, which was approached by a narrow flight of steps leading to the top.

[Sidenote: HARD FIGHTING.]

Though astonished at the strength of these ramparts, the Spaniards did not hesitate to assault them; but during the whole of the day all they could effect was the destruction of the outer stockade. Repeated attempts were made to mount the steps, but at each effort the assailants were driven back by the long heavy spears of the defenders. Incessant volleys of missiles were directed against them; their ranks suffered severely; and it soon became evident that some other plan of attack must be adopted.[XIII‑24] The only practicable one which suggested itself was to break open the wall with picks and crow-bars under cover of wooden sheds. Natives were therefore despatched for implements to the valley where the baggage and wounded had been sent under the protection of ten of the cavalry; and the besiegers now constructed several strong frames, each capable of holding twenty men.[XIII‑25] These were pushed up to the wall, and under cover of them the Spaniards began to break through it. The Indians poured on them burning pitch, scalding water, firebrands, and hot embers,[XIII‑26] and finally crushed them with heavy rocks, making it necessary to withdraw them for repairs. Then in mockery and contempt they threw golden ornaments[XIII‑27] at the retreating Spaniards, and with taunting words derided them. "Is it gold you want? We have abundance of it; why come ye not in and take it?"

But their success was of short duration. The sheds were soon strengthened, and again the pick and crow-bar were plied against the wall, now almost pierced. About the hour of vespers[XIII‑28] two openings had been made, and the assailants, rushing through, engaged in a hand to hand encounter with the Chamulans, who bore themselves with such unyielding firmness that the cross-bowmen placed their weapons close to the breast of the foe and discharged them without taking aim. The contest was terminated by a furious storm of rain, and so murky became the sky that the combatants could barely distinguish one another. Marin withdrew his men under shelter, and, the storm abating in an hour, again advanced on the stronghold. No missiles were aimed at them as they approached the barricade, but a serried line of spears confronted them, and no orders were given to storm the position. At length Bernal Diaz with a single comrade crept up to one of the openings, and peering in found the place unprotected. Then mounting the ramparts he beheld the Indians in full retreat by a precipitous path leading to the valley below. The Chamulans had fled, but not all. The two Spaniards were soon attacked by a body of two hundred warriors still left within the enclosure, and but for the timely arrival of the Cinacantlan allies, Bernal Diaz had never lived to write the 'True History of the Conquest of Mexico.'[XIII‑29] The retreating host was at once pursued, and a number of captives were made, principally women and children. No gold or other valuables fell to the lot of the Spaniards, but they found in the town what was of more benefit to them—a store of provisions—for, as Godoy relates, the men had not tasted food for two days.[XIII‑30]

On the following day, the 1st of April, Marin returned to his camp, whence he sent six of his prisoners to the Chamulans summoning them to allegiance, bidding them to return to their stronghold, and promising that all the captives should be released if they submitted. These inducements had their effect, and the deserted town was soon again repeopled.[XIII‑31]

The Spaniards now advanced against Huehueiztlan, where the inhabitants, discouraged by the fall of Chamula, made but a feeble resistance, and then took to flight. Several of the towns in the sierra were then summoned to surrender, but no answer was returned, and Marin, not venturing to march against them with his slender force, returned to his camp near Cinacantlan. Here a warm discussion was held respecting the carrying-out of Cortés' instructions to found a town. Opinion was divided; but the final decision, supported by Marin, was that it would be dangerous to do so owing to the smallness of their numbers and the want of necessaries.[XIII‑32]

Marin now set his face homeward. Marching along the bank of the Mazapan he passed through a number of towns, in all of which he met with a friendly reception, and was greeted with offers of submission. While traversing a portion of Tabasco he encountered bands of refractory natives, but reached Espíritu Santo in safety at the beginning of April 1524.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: REVOLT OF THE CHIAPANECS.]

Between this date and the close of 1526 little is known of the events which occurred in Chiapas, and much confusion exists in the statements of the leading chroniclers. During the interval there is little reason to doubt that the natives again rose in revolt, but we have no particulars as to this outbreak, except that Diego de Mazariegos was sent against them from Mexico with a well appointed force, and quickly reduced them to submission.[XIII‑33]

[Sidenote: CHIVALROUS SELF-SACRIFICE.]

For a time the Chiapanecs yielded to their fate, but the exactions and cruelties of Juan Enriquez de Guzman, who had been appointed captain of the province by Marcos de Aguilar,[XIII‑34] drove them to desperation, and during the latter part of 1526 they once more broke out in rebellion. Again Mazariegos marched against them from Mexico, at the head of a powerful corps,[XIII‑35] supplied with five pieces of artillery. Retiring to the stronghold of Chiapas the Indians made good their defence for several days; but at last the Spaniards battered down their fortifications and advanced to the assault. Still the Chiapanecs flinched not, and fought until they could no longer wield their weapons.[XIII‑36] Then followed a tragedy as strange and appalling as any recorded on the page of history. The self-destruction of the Taochi was indeed akin to it; but this act of the Chiapanecs blanched the cheek even of these Spaniards, whose business was butchery, and whose pretensions were something more chivalrous than lay within the conception of any other people; here was something done by aboriginal Americans which in the way of chivalry, of lofty self-sacrifice, of determined deliverance from abasement, has few parallels. And what is most significant about it, had they known all, it was the best they could have done for themselves, to escape from Christian bondage at any cost. This is what they did:

Scorning to yield themselves as slaves, the entire population of the town rushed to the verge of a cliff, which overhung the Mazapan, and thence husbands and wives, parents and children, locked in close embrace, hurled themselves headlong, thousands of them, upon the rocks below or into the swift-running river. The Spaniards attempted to interfere, but of all the multitude only two thousand could be saved.[XIII‑37] These were removed to a plain a league down the river, and from this settlement sprung the town of Chiapas de los Indios, which became in time a populous city.[XIII‑38]

* * * * *

While Mazariegos was thus occupied at the stronghold of the Chiapanecs, he learned that a competitor had appeared on the field. Pedro Puertocarrero had invaded the province from the Guatemalan frontier,[XIII‑39] and Mazariegos regarding him as an encroacher, now marched against him. He found the interloper stationed at Comitlan, and his lamb-like followers would probably, by way of variety, have indulged in a conflict with their countrymen, had Puertocarrero been strong enough to meet them. But his forces were too few to hold out any prospect that it would terminate pleasantly to himself. Besides, Mazariegos was humane and prudent. He spoke the intruders smoothly and in a Christian spirit, represented to them how glad he would be to receive them as brothers, and generously offered them repartimientos in Chiapas. So no blood was shed. But many of Puertocarrero's men deserted him, and he retraced his steps in angry mood, having engaged in an expedition worse than profitless.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: ADMINISTRATION OF MAZARIEGOS.]

The control over the province was a matter of dispute on more than one occasion. That it was included in the governorship of Guatemala is evident from the provision extended by the king to Alvarado in 1527, but the fact that he took no part in its conquest would seem to invalidate his claim. That nevertheless he acquired a certain amount of control appears from a cédula issued April 14, 1531, and quoted by Remesal, in which he grants permission to the settlers to deal with escaped slaves as if they were branded. Again in 1532 we find that the cabildo furnished him with two cannon for his South Sea expedition, though the members confessed that they did so only through fear of his causing them fresh trouble.[XIII‑40] The country, being now subjugated and free from outside interference, lay ready to be portioned out to the conquerors in repartimientos. This process occupied some time, and the rest of the year was passed in reorganizing the province and arranging for its colonization. It was expedient to found a Spanish settlement, and on the 1st of March 1528 Mazariegos, with the aid of Indians, constructed a number of huts on a spot distant about a league to the east of the depopulated town of Chiapas. A meeting was then held at which the lieutenant-governor explained that the site he had selected was not necessarily intended to be permanent, and that if a more advantageous spot were found, the colony should be removed to it. In the mean time, in the name of his Majesty, he appointed municipal officers, and a few days afterward an enrolment of citizens took place, more than fifty names being recorded. The town was named Villa Real after Mazariegos' native city, Ciudad Real of La Mancha. The newly appointed cabildo then went into session and the appointments of Luis de Luna, as visitador general, and Gerónimo de Cárceres, as escribano, were recognized and accepted.[XIII‑41]

But it was soon discovered that the locality was unfavorable. It was hot, unhealthy on account of the neighboring swamps, and infested with mosquitoes and bats. The site was therefore removed to the plain of Huey Zacatlan,[XIII‑42] twelve leagues distant. Here were rich, arable, and pasture lands, while a winding river and numerous streams afforded an abundant supply of water. A town was formally laid out, lots were assigned to citizens, buildings begun, repartimientos granted, and the territory portioned in caballerias and peonias. It was afterward ordered at a session of the cabildo held on the 17th of August 1528, that all who desired to obtain land from the natives should do so by purchase. Protection was also extended to them by regulations framed to prevent the appropriation of their produce or its destruction by animals. Any Spaniard who sent his servant to gather maize from their fields was to forfeit ten pesos de oro for the first offence, and for the second to lose his servant, who was to be publicly flogged. Regulations passed during the early part of the following year required that all encomenderos should assemble the sons of the caciques at their residences to be instructed in the doctrines of the church. Christianized natives were to receive Christian burial, and others were to be decently interred outside the city.

[Sidenote: RULE OF GUZMAN.]

The administration of Mazariegos appears to have been based on humane principles and to have had in view the welfare of the settlers. But this condition of affairs was of brief duration. In 1529 Juan Enriquez de Guzman was ordered by the audiencia of Mexico to take his residencia, and appointed captain general and alcalde mayor of Chiapas. His investigation was conducted in a spirit of vindictiveness which can be accounted for only by the fact that the latter had previously been his juez de residencia. He stripped him and his friends of their repartimientos, and gave them to his own creatures; he appropriated his dwelling and town allotments, and when the man whom he thus despoiled soon afterward set forth for Mexico, gave further proof of his enmity by changing the name of the town to Villa Viciosa. By a royal cédula of July 7, 1536, its name was again changed to Ciudad Real.[XIII‑43]

Guzman now exercised his power without restraint, and laid the foundation of permanent evils. All official positions were filled by favorites of his own to the exclusion of those entitled to them; the encomiendas were taken from those to whom they had been assigned, and distributed among undeserving followers; and in a few months the whole colony was embroiled in dissensions. At a later date all offices except those of the two alcaldes, the procurador syndic, and the city majordomo became salable.[XIII‑44] The province was divided into numerous repartimientos, and in every principal town a lieutenant of the alcalde mayor was stationed. "Not," says Mazariegos, "for the administration of justice, but rather to superintend his large and scandalous repartimientos and to collect tribute dues." This system of government by encomenderos was oppressive and exhausting to the country, and to it the ruin of the towns of Chiapas is to be attributed. The province was subject to the captain general and the audiencia of Mexico; but their control was exercised with little attention to the improvement of the system. This state of affairs lasted until 1544, when the audiencia of the Confines was established, and Chiapas was included in its jurisdiction.[XIII‑45]