CHAPTER VI.

INDIAN REVOLTS AND CIVIL FACTIONS IN GUATEMALA.

1529-1530.

ALVARADO RETURNS TO SPAIN—HE IS ARRAIGNED BEFORE THE COUNCIL OF THE INDIES—HIS ACQUITTAL—HIS MARRIAGE—HE RETURNS TO MEXICO—HIS TRIAL BEFORE THE AUDIENCIA—FRANCISCO DE ORDUÑA ARRIVES AT SANTIAGO—AND TAKES THE RESIDENCIA OF JORGE DE ALVARADO—THE CONFEDERATED NATIONS IN REVOLT—JUAN PEREZ DARDON'S EXPEDITION TO THE VALLEY OF XUMAY—THE SPANIARDS ATTACK THE STRONGHOLD OF USPANTAN—THEIR REPULSE AND RETREAT—THE PLACE AFTERWARD CAPTURED BY FRANCISCO DE CASTELLANOS—THE CIRCUS OF COPAN BESIEGED BY HERNANDO DE CHAVES—GALLANT CONDUCT OF A CAVALRY SOLDIER—ALVARADO'S RETURN TO SANTIAGO—DEMORALIZED CONDITION OF THE PROVINCE.

[Sidenote: ALVARADO IN SPAIN.]

Soon after his meeting with Cortés in Mexico Pedro de Alvarado returned to Spain. Arriving early in 1527, he soon learned, as we may well imagine, that charges of a serious nature were being preferred against him. Gonzalo Mejía, the colonial procurator, had accused him before the India Council of obtaining wealth by embezzling the royal dues, and by unfair appropriation of the spoils of war. The amount thus secured was estimated at one hundred thousand pesos. Many acts of injustice were also laid to his charge, all of which Mejía affirmed could be substantiated by documents which he laid before the council. The result was that an order was issued directing a formal investigation to be made both in Madrid and New Spain, and directing that his gold which amounted to fifteen thousand ducats be seized as security for any fine in which he might be mulcted. He was required moreover to appear at court, in person, without delay.

Alvarado had now no easy task before him, but there was much in his favor. His great renown, his handsome presence,[VI‑1] and remarkable conversational powers won for him many friends, among others the king's secretary, Francisco de los Cobos, who personally interested himself in his defence, and with such success that the conqueror of Guatemala was acquitted, his gold restored, and he soon had an opportunity to plead his own case before the emperor.

Once in the royal presence the cavalier does not hesitate to inform his Majesty of his many doughty deeds during the conquest of Mexico, and to mention that the subjugation of Guatemala was achieved at his own expense.[VI‑2] The king listens with marked attention, particularly when he advances schemes for ship-building on the southern shore of Guatemala for the discovery of the coveted Spice Islands, and for the development of South Sea commerce.[VI‑3] The royal favor is won, and honors and appointments follow. The cross of Santiago is bestowed upon him, and he is appointed a comendador.[VI‑4] He is also made governor and captain general, as Arévalo tells us, of Guatemala, of Chiapas, Cinacantan, Tequepampo, Omatan, Acalan, and all other territories adjoining and belonging to that province. In return he enters into an engagement with his royal master to send forth expeditions of discovery and thoroughly to explore the waters of the South Sea.[VI‑5]

The favors which he thus received from the emperor were due in part to his marriage with a ward of the secretary Cobos. It is true that he was already betrothed to Cecilia Vazquez, a cousin of Cortés, but a mere vow could not be allowed to stand between him and high connection. Cortés had been a true friend; but Alvarado could now win stronger support than ever the conqueror of Mexico could bestow on him, and what mattered friendship when help[VI‑6] was no longer needed? A few months after his arrival in Spain, he had offered himself as a suitor for the hand of the accomplished Doña Francisca de la Cueva, daughter of the conde de Bedmar, and niece of the duke of Albuquerque. Secretary Cobos received his offer approvingly, arranged the marriage, and at the ceremony gave the bride away.[VI‑7]

Alvarado was now prepared to return to the western world, and on the 26th of May 1528,[VI‑8] entered his appointments and despatches at the India House in Seville according to form. While he was there waiting to embark Cortés arrived at Palos. But the new adelantado was no longer so anxious to meet his former commander as he had been when he marched to his aid through the wilds of Honduras. He knew how deeply he had wounded his pride in the two most sensitive points, and he received with a feeling of relief the news that Cortés had gone direct to Madrid.

In October 1528, the governor of Guatemala, accompanied by a number of noble gentlemen, friends, and relatives, again arrived at Vera Cruz, and hastening on to Mexico hoped soon to reach the capital of his own province. But the officers of the royal treasury informed him that he need be in no haste to leave; for now the investigations were not to be lightly treated. It was a serious matter, that of accounts, very serious the question how much he owed his Majesty. And near at hand were those immaculate men, the oidores of Mexico's first audiencia, who were jealous for the rights of the king, and more jealous that any other subjects should be permitted to outsteal them. Upon the heels of Alvarado they entered Mexico, bearing a document in which was a clause which read thus: "You will also inform yourselves whether it is true that, when Pedro de Alvarado was in Guatemala, there was not proper care in the collection of the fifths, and that he did not present himself to the treasurer with the portion pertaining thereto."[VI‑9] The Guatemalan governor was at once informed that he might answer to the charges on record against him.

[Sidenote: TRIAL OF ALVARADO.]

The celebrated trial which followed was protracted as long as party faction, envy, and personal enmity could make it last. The more important accusations were three—embezzlement of royal fifths and soldiers' booty, cruelty, and illegal warfare; but any act of Alvarado's previous life that could be used against him was pertinent. The total number of charges preferred was thirty-four, and there were ten witnesses for the prosecution. On April 6, 1529, the examination commenced; on the 4th of June Alvarado presented his reply; and on the 10th began the examination of his witnesses who numbered thirty-two, the chaplain Juan Diaz being one. Eighty-four questions were submitted, and in addition to verbal evidence twelve documents were filed for the defence.[VI‑10] On the 5th of July the defence was closed and the case submitted, but all efforts to obtain a speedy decision were unavailing. The oidores would have the governor of Guatemala feel their power yet a little longer.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: GOVERNMENT OF THE PROVINCE.]

Soon after Alvarado's arrival in Mexico, his brother Jorge, who had been left in charge of the province of Guatemala, received from him a copy of the former's appointment as governor and captain general.[VI‑11] At the same time the adelantado, being so empowered, constituted Jorge his lieutenant. The documents, being read before the cabildo, were duly recognized by that body; whereupon Jorge declared that he ceased to exercise the powers he had hitherto held from the governor of Mexico,[VI‑12] took the oath in the usual manner, and assumed the duties laid upon him by his new appointment.

The audiencia of Mexico was quickly notified of these proceedings, and in July 1529 it was known in Santiago that a judge and captain general had been appointed to take the lieutenant-governor's residencia. A bold though unsuccessful attempt was made to avoid the threatened investigation. Jorge compelled the procurator, syndic, and notary public to draw up a formal representation, urging, in the name of the cabildo, that Pedro de Alvarado and no other person should be obeyed as captain general and governor. This action had, however, no effect in averting his speedy fall from power. On the 14th of August Francisco de Orduña, the official appointed by the oidores, arrived at Santiago, and presenting his credentials took the customary oath the same day.[VI‑13]

The audiencia could not have selected a man more unfitted for this important office, or one less likely to promote the interests of the colony. He came at a time when of all others prudence and dispassionate action were needed. The redistribution of lands and the assignment of encomiendas in spite of all efforts to the contrary had caused discontent; the new-comers were jealously regarded by the conquerors and the settlers were already divided into factions. To reconcile differences was not Orduña's object. His policy was to be guided by self-interest, and by enmity to Alvarado and his party. A man of coarse nature, irascible and unscrupulous, he was often guilty of gross indecency in speech and of unseemly personal violence; after acts of gross injustice he insulted all who claimed redress.

One of his first measures was to call in question the legality of Jorge's administration. The alcalde Gonzalo Dovalle, a creature of Orduña's, brought the matter before the cabildo, claiming that all repartimientos which he had assigned, and all suits which he had decided, from the time that he had received from his brother the appointment of lieutenant-governor, were annulled. The question was a delicate one, inasmuch as the cabildo had recognized the authority of Jorge, and their own powers and rights were thus endangered. Nevertheless they did not venture to oppose the jurisdiction of the audiencia, and within three months after Orduña's arrival he found himself in control of the ayuntamiento.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: THE XUMAY WAR.]

The natives were not slow to take advantage of the discord among the Spaniards, and during the latter portion of 1529 it became necessary to send out numerous expeditions to suppress revolt or repel encroachments.[VI‑14] Several of the confederated nations which had sustained defeat at the hands of Alvarado on his return from Honduras[VI‑15] began to make inroads on portions of the province which hitherto had always been held in subjection. The valley and town of Xumay was the principal seat of the outbreak, and against this point a force of eighty foot, thirty horse, and one thousand native auxiliaries was despatched under command of Juan Perez Dardon.[VI‑16]

The march of the troops was uninterrupted until they reached the river Coaxiniquilapan.[VI‑17] Here they found their passage disputed by a large force posted on the opposite bank. Not deeming it prudent to attempt the crossing in the face of the enemy, Dardon withdrew his troops, and making a rapid detour under cover of a range of hills, arrived unperceived at a point above on the stream. By the aid of a wooden bridge which he hastily threw across it he passed his army over, and marched into the valley of Xumay. Here he encountered a strong body of the enemy, who, after a spirited opposition, suddenly retreated to a steep eminence,[VI‑18] hotly pursued by the Spaniards. The latter failed more than once in their attempts to carry this position, but the natives falling short of provisions and becoming enfeebled through hunger were at length dislodged with great slaughter.

The town of Xumay now lay at the mercy of the Spaniards; and the chief of the confederated tribes,[VI‑19] finding himself unable to cope with the enemy, determined on stratagem; but his astuteness could suggest nothing better than the oft-tried ruse of making treacherous overtures of peace. Dardon was not to be imposed upon by so trite an artifice, and apprised him that he was thoroughly aware of his design, whereupon the cacique threw off the mask, and resolving to make one last effort, attacked the Spaniards with all the forces he could collect, but was routed with heavy loss. On entering the town Dardon found the place abandoned, and in vain sent a number of his prisoners with promises of pardon to their countrymen on condition of their return. They had even less confidence in the word of the Spanish commander than he himself had shown in the good faith of their chieftain. It was therefore ordered that the place should be burned, and parties were sent to hunt down the scattered fugitives, many of whom were captured, and among them a number of caciques. All were indiscriminately branded as slaves, and hence a village afterward built near the spot, as well as the Rio Coaxiniquilapan received the name of Los Esclavos.[VI‑20]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: DISCOMFITURE BEFORE USPANTAN.]

While the confederated tribes were thus again being brought under subjection, an expedition directed against the stronghold of Uspantan[VI‑21] met with signal failure. Shortly after Orduña's arrival the reduction of this place was decided on by the cabildo; and a force of sixty foot and three hundred experienced Indian auxiliaries[VI‑22] was despatched for that purpose under command of the alcalde Gaspar Arias.[VI‑23] The mountainous district in which this fortress was situated lay on the borders of the present departments of Vera Paz and Totonicapan, and was inhabited by fierce roaming tribes that were continually urging the conquered Quichés to revolt. Surrounded with deep ravines, and occupying one of those naturally fortified positions that were ever selected by the natives as a refuge against the Spaniards, Uspantan was deemed almost as impregnable as Patinamit and the mountain stronghold of Sinacam. No sooner had Arias taken up his position in front of this fortress, after capturing several towns that lay on the line of his march, than he received news that Orduña had deposed him from office and appointed another alcalde in his place.[VI‑24] Indignant at this proceeding, he resolved to return at once to Santiago,[VI‑25] delegating his command to Pedro de Olmos, a man in whom he had confidence, but who, as the result proved, was unfitted for the post. Heeding not the instructions left him, or the advice of his fellow-soldiers, he determined to carry the place by storm, hoping thus to win for himself a reputation. The result was most disastrous. While the assault was being made at the single point where an entrance could be effected, his rear was assailed by two thousand of the enemy placed in ambush in anticipation of the attack. The surprise was complete. In the brief conflict which ensued a large portion of the Spaniards were wounded, Olmos himself among the number, while the slaughter of the auxiliaries was fearful. To complete their discomfiture a number of prisoners captured by the enemy were immediately stretched upon the altar in sacrifice.[VI‑26] Then the allies fled and made their way back to Santiago.

Nothing now remained but retreat; and sullenly the small remnant of Olmos' command, ill-provided with food and overladen with baggage, turned their backs upon the stronghold of Uspantan to fight their way homeward. Day by day they pressed onward, constantly assailed by the enemy posted in ambuscade along the route. The final struggle occurred on approaching the district of Chichicastenango. Here three thousand of the enemy had collected to dispute with them a mountain pass through which lay their only line of retreat. No hope for the Spaniards now, unless they could cut their way through this dense throng of warriors. Provisions and baggage were cast aside and each soldier, grasping his weapons, prepared for the conflict which was to determine his destiny. The fight was obstinate and bloody, but sword and arquebuse prevailed as usual against the rude arms of the natives, and at length the Spaniards rested unopposed on the opposite side of the range, the survivors finally reaching Utatlan, haggard and gaunt with famine.

[Sidenote: WAR AT CHICHICASTENANGO.]

Orduña, recognizing that his indiscretion had been the cause of this disaster, hastened to repair his mistake. He met with much difficulty in raising a sufficient force, as he had already made himself unpopular with most of the colonists, but at the beginning of December he left the city accompanied by forty foot-soldiers, thirty-two horse, and four hundred Mexican and Tlascaltec allies,[VI‑27] the latter commanded by Spanish officers. As Orduña had little faith in his own abilities as a leader, and his soldiers had none, the command of this force was intrusted to the treasurer Francisco de Castellanos, a man of spirit and ability. On arriving in Chichicastenango Orduña sent envoys to Uspantan with a summons to surrender.[VI‑28] The reply was of a practical nature: the emissaries were immediately put to death.

The natives must now be brought under subjection by force of arms, and Orduña sent forward Castellanos with the greater portion of the troops to undertake the fighting, while he himself remained in safe quarters at Chichicastenango.[VI‑29] The latter first directed his march against the important stronghold of Nebah. On arriving at the river Sacapulas he found for some time an impassable obstacle, on account of the precipitous nature of the ravine down which it flowed. By moving up stream, he discovered at last a spot where he could descend, and throwing a bridge over the river made good his crossing. Ascending the opposite slope, he encountered on the summit a body of five thousand warriors gathered there from Nebah and neighboring towns. They retired on his approach, and took up a position at a narrow mountain pass, whence they were driven only after a sharp and protracted struggle.

Castellanos then advanced without further opposition to Nebah, which like many other Indian towns he found to be a natural stronghold. Such reliance did the natives place on the protection of the precipices which surrounded it, that they did not think it necessary to post sentinels, and all collected to defend its only entrance. This over-confidence wrought their destruction. While the assault was being made, a few Tlascaltecs and Mexicans succeeded, by clinging to tendrils and creepers, in scaling the height in the rear of the town. Then approaching unobserved they set fire to some houses. The conflagration spread; the defence was soon abandoned; and the Spaniards rushing through the narrow entrance were soon masters of the town. On the following day all the inhabitants were branded; and such was the effect of the fall of this fortress, that the neighboring villages as well as the large town of Chahúl surrendered without opposition.

[Sidenote: BRANDING OF PATRIOTS.]

The Spaniards then marched on Uspantan, where ten thousand warriors belonging to that district, aided by an equal number of allies, disdained submission. This place was also practically impregnable, and again but for excess of confidence the garrison might have remained in security. But when they saw the little army under Castellanos impudently sitting down before their door, the men of Uspantan resolved to go forth and sweep them from the earth. The Spaniards took up their position, the infantry being divided into two equal bodies, and stationed on the wings, while the horsemen occupied the centre somewhat in advance. As soon as the onset was made and the assailants were engaged with the cavalry, the foot, rapidly deploying to right and left, fell upon the enemy's flanks simultaneously and overthrew them with great slaughter. So many prisoners of high position were taken that the submission of Uspantan and the allied towns was secured, and Castellanos, having branded and reduced to slavery a large number of his captives, returned to Santiago about the beginning of 1530.

* * * * *

During the same year the confusion caused by Orduña's maleadministration held out a hope to the stubborn Cuzcatecans of even yet winning back their independence, and once more they rose in revolt. Diego de Rojas was sent by the captain general with a small force to aid the Spanish settlers in that part of the province in suppressing the insurrection. His efforts were successful; but when about to accept the surrender of a fortress that lay beyond the river Lempa he heard the unwelcome news that a party of Spaniards were approaching from the south. Rojas determined to reconnoitre in person, and his curiosity was soon gratified, for while doing so he was made prisoner with a number of his followers. The intruders proved to be a party of two hundred men despatched by Pedrarias Dávila, under Martin Estete, for the purpose of making possession of Salvador and making that province an appendage to Nicaragua. If a man of ability had been in charge of this expedition it is not improbable that its purpose might have been accomplished; but Estete, though by name a soldier, had neither courage nor military skill. In the hour of trial he deserted his men; and it has already been related that about half of his force joined the colonists of Guatemala.

* * * * *

At the foot of a precipitous mountain range near Gracias á Dios is the circus of Copan, where lie the ruins of an ancient town which are yet an object of interest to travellers. Fuentes, writing about the close of the seventeenth century, describes it as a space surrounded by pyramids of stone, eighteen feet in height, at the base of which were sculptured figures attired in Castilian costume. The place was garrisoned by thirty thousand troops well supplied with provisions, and was guarded, at the only point where approach was possible, by a deep fosse and a barricade of earth, pierced with loop-holes. To this stronghold Hernando de Chaves, who had been ordered to quell an uprising in the adjoining province of Chiquimula, now resolved to lay siege. Drawing up his forces in front of it he approached within bow-shot of the town at the head of a small band of horse and demanded its surrender. He was answered with flights of arrows directed with such good aim that he was glad to make his escape.

On the following morning an assault was made upon the intrenchment, but without success; and though the attack was renewed again and again during the day, and the arquebuses and cross-bows of the Spaniards spread havoc among the defenders, at nightfall no impression had been made, and Chaves was compelled to draw off his forces sorely discomfited. He had exceeded his orders and was acting on his own responsibility in attempting the subjugation of Copan. He was compelled to admit his rashness; but the question was now which way should he turn in his present dilemma? To capture the stronghold with his slender force was all but impossible, while failure and retreat would bring disgrace upon the Spanish arms and dishonor on himself. When brooding over the difficulties of his position the welcome news was brought that a spot had been discovered where the depth and width of the fosse were comparatively small, and on the following day he again led his men to the attack. The struggle was long and doubtful. The Spaniards obstinately refused to withdraw, though time after time, as they attempted to scale the rampart, they were repelled by lance-thrusts, or crushed under falling rocks.

[Sidenote: REDUCTION OF COPAN.]

The day was at last decided by the desperate courage of a cavalry soldier, one Juan Vazquez de Osuña, who, enraged at the repulse of his comrades, plunged the spurs into his horse and rode him straight at the ditch. The steed cleared the fosse, striking the barricade with his barbed chest. The works could not withstand the shock: palisades and earth gave way; the frightened horse, urged on by his impetuous rider, struggled through the debris and plunged amidst the mass of warriors, scattering them in every direction. Other horsemen came to Osuña's support. The whole Spanish force followed, swarming through the breach, and formed in line inside the defences. The contest which ensued was no exception to the usual issue of Spanish warfare in America. The horsemen spread terror and death through the ranks of the natives, while the foot-soldiers followed up the work of carnage. The cacique rallied his scattered troops upon a strong body of reserves posted in a favorable position, and attempted to retrieve the day, but the resistance was brief; their ranks were soon broken, and Copan was in the hands of the victors. Not even yet, however, did the chieftain abandon hope. Leaving his capital to the foe, he retreated to Sitalá, on the confines of his domain. Here he rallied all the men he could muster, and soon at the head of a formidable army he made a desperate effort to win back Copan. Twice he assailed the Spaniards with desperate courage, and twice was driven back, his best warriors being left dead on the field. At length, convinced of the uselessness of further resistance, he tendered his submission, and from his mountain retreat sent the tributary offering of gold and plumage. His surrender was graciously accepted by Chaves, who received him with the condescension and courtesy becoming a conqueror.[VI‑30]

[Sidenote: CIVIL FACTIONS IN GUATEMALA]

About the middle of 1530, Pedro de Alvarado returned to Guatemala, having at length extricated himself from the net spread by his adversaries. Complaints that the audiencia was misinterpreting the king's instructions remained unheeded; representations that he was being unjustly deprived of opportunities to prosecute new conquests, and to reap some benefit from the great outlay he had incurred, had brought to his enemies a secret satisfaction. But later the political aspect of affairs had favored him. The audiencia and a strong party of their supporters were hostile to Cortés and spared no effort to prevent his return to Mexico.

[Sidenote: RETURN OF ALVARADO.]

None of the enemies were more active than the king's factor, Gonzalo de Salazar, who seized and imprisoned a number of the leading men of the opposite faction, and among them the brothers of Alvarado. Indignant at this proceeding the latter challenged Salazar to mortal combat,[VI‑31] and insurrectionary movements in the city excited the alarm of the oidores and their partisans. At this juncture information was received that Cortés was already on his way to Mexico. A compromise was agreed upon, and Alvarado was at last permitted to continue his long-delayed journey to Santiago.[VI‑32]

Such is the version given by Remesal of Alvarado's escape from the investigation, but it is probable that he was compelled to disgorge much of his ill-gotten gains in making so-called presents to oidores and influential personages, and that he angrily shook the dust from his feet when he left Mexico, stripped of his wealth. Alas Tonatiuh! He was indeed a much injured highwayman who had fallen among thieves.[VI‑33]

On the 11th of April 1530 the adelantado arrived at the capital and was heartily welcomed; for to his absence were attributed all the evils wrought by Orduña. On the same day he presented to the cabildo his original appointment under the royal signature. The document was acknowledged with becoming gravity. It was passed round, kissed and otherwise honored, and finally enthroned in turn on the head of each member, all promising to obey it as a royal command. Then placing his right hand on the cross of the order granted to him by the emperor, Alvarado spoke the customary oath and took his seat as president of the cabildo.

Orduña's administration was now at an end, and on his return to Santiago no time was lost in instituting proceedings against him. He was ordered to give bonds in the sum of thirty thousand pesos de oro, and thereafter his name appears no more in the chronicles of his age. But we may conclude that one who had shown such animosity toward the Alvarado party, and had been so successful in winning the hatred of a community, would not escape unharmed from the fire which he had built around him. Either this, or he had been doing that which best pleased those in power, in which case his punishment can scarcely be severe.

To wring redress from Orduña was, however, an easier matter than to correct the disorder which he had produced. The colonists were divided into numerous cliques, entertaining bitter animosities toward each other. The unfair distribution of repartimientos had developed feuds which threatened bloodshed at any moment; and those who had taken part in the conquest of the country saw with anger new-comers preferred before them in election to public office.

The independent spirit of the artisan and operative placed them in direct antagonism to the more aristocratic orders, who hated them for the extortions they practised and the disrespectful indifference they displayed. Numbers of mechanics, having acquired repartimientos and wealth, charged what they pleased, in defiance of law, and worked only when they felt inclined.[VI‑34] But even this class was divided against itself, and year by year the religious processions were attended with disgraceful tumults caused by those engaged in rival trades being thus brought together. The community was even threatened with dissolution. Many had left the province in disgust to settle in Mexico or Nicaragua, or to engage in mining ventures, and others were preparing to depart. The sites allotted for residences were unoccupied by their owners; the streets were almost impassable, and horses and hogs roamed at large, causing destruction of crops, while blood-hounds were let loose and permitted to hunt down the unfortunate natives almost within sight of Santiago.

[Sidenote: SOCIAL CONDITION]

Such was the condition of affairs when Alvarado returned, and there is no doubt that his timely arrival saved the colony from destruction.[VI‑35] He recognized at once that the occasion required prompt and vigorous action, and struck at the root of the evil by prohibiting, under pain of death and confiscation, all serious quarrelling, whether by word or writing. Other measures for the correction of abuses and the reorganization of the affairs of the province quickly followed. A new distribution of repartimientos was ordered, and the conditions of military service were regulated. Whoever had two thousand Indians assigned to him must always be provided with a double set of weapons and two horses, and be ready to take the field at an hour's notice. He who had one thousand must possess a single set of arms and one horse. The encomendero of five hundred natives must be provided with a cross-bow or arquebuse, and with sword and dagger, and must furnish a horse if he could.

* * * * *

The laws existing in Guatemala as to the acquisition, tenure, and conveyance of land would, under a proper administration, and in a territory rich as was that province in natural resources, have assured prosperity to all but the unthrifty and improvident. Gold-mining met with fair return, and notwithstanding the ravages of wild beasts, the industries of stock-raising and agriculture were successfully conducted.[VI‑36]

Though the settlers were few in number,[VI‑37] they were sufficient, when acting in concert, to hold the natives in subjection. The citizens were for the most part required to do duty as soldiers in time of need. None but citizens could obtain a title to land; nor was that title confirmed until after a long term of service; nor could any acquire, even by purchase, more than his due share of the public domain.[VI‑38] But such was the mischief wrought by the maleadministration of Orduña that most of the Spaniards were on the verge of destitution.

On the 25th of September 1529 we find that the payment of debts was suspended for four months by order of the cabildo, on the ground that the horses and arms of the colonists would else be sold to others and the services of their owners lost to the province. Moreover the high price of all imported commodities added greatly to the distress of the more impoverished settlers. A dozen horseshoes sold for fifteen pesos, a common saddle for fifty, and a cloth coat could not be had for less than seventy pesos. The distance from the confines of Guatemala to Mexico, whence all such articles were obtained, was two hundred and seventy leagues. Two portions of the road, one of forty-five and the other of sixty leagues, led through a wilderness impassable during the rainy season, except to Indians, on account of the swollen rivers and marshes.

* * * * *

During the remainder of the year 1530 few incidents worthy of note occurred in the province. The natives were frequently in revolt; but to describe each petty insurrection would be but tiresome repetition. One Luis Moscoso was despatched with a hundred and twenty men to the district beyond the Lempa, and after pacifying the natives founded there a settlement which Juarros declares to have been the town of San Miguel.[VI‑39] Diego de Alvarado, at the head of a hundred and seventy men, conducted an expedition to Honduras and founded in the northern part of that territory the town of San Jorge de Olancho,[VI‑40] but owing to famine and misfortune in April of the following year he was obliged to return with the shattered remnant of his command in such sorry plight that he was forced to ask the cabildo to receive and provide for them.