CHAPTER II.

CASTILLA DEL ORO.

1527-1537.

ADMINISTRATION OF PEDRO DE LOS RIOS—HE IS SUPERSEDED BY THE LICENTIATE ANTONIO DE LA GAMA—BARRIONUEVO'S REIGN—A PROVINCE IN NUEVA ANDALUCÍA GRANTED TO PEDRO DE HEREDIA—HE SAILS FOR CARTAGENA—CONFLICTS WITH THE NATIVES—TREASURE UNEARTHED—THE DEVIL'S BOHÍO—PROSPERITY OF THE SETTLEMENT—ALONSO HEREDIA SENT TO REBUILD SAN SEBASTIAN—IS OPPOSED BY JULIAN GUTIERREZ—CAPTURE OF GUTIERREZ—THE GOLDEN TEMPLE OF DABAIBA ONCE MORE—EXPEDITIONS IN SEARCH OF THE GLITTERING PHANTOM, FRANCISCO CÉSAR AND OTHERS—AUDIENCIA ESTABLISHED AT PANAMÁ—MALEADMINISTRATION—COMPLAINTS OF THE COLONISTS—DESTITUTION IN THE PROVINCE—BISHOPS OF CASTILLA DEL ORO—MIRACULOUS IMAGE OF THE VIRGIN—BIBLIOGRAPHICAL.

[Sidenote: PEDRO DE LOS RIOS.]

Mention has already been made of the appointment of Pedro de los Rios as governor of Castilla del Oro in place of Pedrarias Dávila, of the arrival of his fleet at Nombre de Dios in 1526, and of the death of Pedrarias at Leon in 1530. The new governor was instructed that the conversion of the natives rather than their conquest should be his main purpose; they were to be treated indeed as vassals of the crown but not as slaves; and his Majesty the emperor Charles V. was pleased to declare that in the foundation of new colonies he had less regard for his own aggrandizement than for the spread of the holy Catholic faith. Pedro de los Rios was a man unfit to govern a community of wild and turbulent adventurers in a strange and half-settled territory. Instead of pursuing the right course at the right moment, he seemed to go out of his way to commit blunders. As occurred at his meeting with Salcedo in Nicaragua, when the mere threat of a fine made him beat a hasty retreat to Panamá, he was often found wanting in the hour of trial. His lack of ambition and ever-present regard for his own personal ease and safety, caused his administration to prove tame and uneventful.

The _auri sacra fames_ was a vice so prevalent among the rulers of Castilla del Oro that it is but a tiresome iteration again to allude to it; but Rios' thirst for riches far surpassed the greed of all his predecessors. His avarice was only exceeded by that of his wife, who, as Oviedo tells us, held him under complete control and governed the province through the governor. He appropriated all that he could lay hands on, whether public or private property, and his malefeasance in office soon became so notorious as to attract the attention of the emperor. He was enjoined from crossing the boundaries of his province, ordered to surrender to the royal treasurer the Pearl Islands, the revenues of which, it will be remembered, were placed under his control by the crown, and to give all needful aid to Francisco Pizarro and Diego de Almagro in the prosecution of their exploring expeditions.

But it was no part of the policy of Rios to build up other territories at the expense of his own, and his neglect of these instructions, united with the malign influence of the crafty Pedrarias, whom the slender-witted Rios never ceased to persecute, soon wrought his downfall.[II‑1] Such, finally, were the complaints laid before the council of the Indies, that some time before the expiration of his three years' term of office, the licentiate Antonio de la Gama was sent to take his residencia, and the governor, dissatisfied with the result, proceeded to Spain and demanded justice. His cause came up before the council of the Indies, Oviedo acting as attorney for the city of Panamá, and Pedro de los Rios was fined, despoiled of office, ordered home, and forbidden ever to return to the Indies.[II‑2] His wife, whom he had left behind, refused to make the journey to Spain without the company of her husband, and as he declined to return for her, she remained at Panamá to the day of her death.

After the condemnation of Rios in 1529, the licentiate refused to surrender his badge of office, retaining his post as governor for about five years. Notwithstanding some complaints of his summary method of dealing with judicial matters, a few even going so far as to say that if Rios chose to return he might do so with impunity, the general verdict of the colonists was in his favor, and during his administration many public improvements were made. An inordinate craving for wealth was, as usual, the cause of his removal,[II‑3] and in the spring of 1534 he was superseded by Captain Francisco de Barrionuevo, a soldier who had gained some distinction at Cartagena. Barrionuevo had received his commission nearly two years before, and set sail from Spain in command of a force of two hundred men, furnished at the expense of the crown. He was ordered to touch at Española, where the governor was instructed to furnish all needed supplies; and the expedition arrived at Nombre de Dios with ranks somewhat thinned by disease, and by casualties incurred through rendering assistance in quelling an Indian revolt in Santo Domingo.

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[Sidenote: NUEVA ANDALUCÍA.]

Amidst the throng of adventurers who, dazzled by marvellous reports of the wealth of the incas and of the fabled treasures of Dabaiba, petitioned the emperor for grants of territory south of Castilla del Oro was Pedro de Heredia, who had already done good service at the settlement of Santa Marta and elsewhere in the Indies. To him was assigned in Nueva Andalucía a province whose limits extended from the River Atrato to the Magdalena, and from the North Sea to the equator. Sailing from Spain in 1532 with three vessels and about one hundred men, he landed at a port then called Calamari, but to which he gave the name of Cartagena.[II‑4] It was hereabout that Ojeda's command was annihilated in 1509, and here that Nicuesa avenged the defeat of his late rival by putting to the sword the people.

After a brief rest the Spaniards marched inland and came ere long to a town where they met with stout resistance. The natives made good use of their poisoned arrows and clubs of hard wood, man, matron, and maid fighting side by side, and though all destitute of clothing or any defensive armor, confronted the fire-arms and swords of the Europeans without flinching. A few prisoners were taken during the skirmish, one of whom, on the return of the party to Cartagena, offered to act as guide to some of the largest towns in that vicinity, thinking that his captors must surely be there overpowered and exterminated. On the way they were attacked by a large body of natives who, after a sharp contest, were driven into a neighboring stronghold, enclosed with several thickly planted rows of trees. In hot pursuit the Spaniards followed, and forced their way into the enclosure side by side with the fugitives. Fresh bands of Indians soon arrived and, turning the scale, drove out the invaders, and in the plain beyond, where was room for the use of artillery and cavalry, even here pressed them so hard that they held their ground with difficulty. During the fight Heredia, becoming separated from his men, was surrounded, and would surely have been killed had not one of his soldiers forced his way through the enemy's ranks, and thrusting his sword through the body of one, and cutting the bowstring of another, held the foe in check till others could come to his assistance. Finally the savages were driven back, leaving their town in the hands of the captors, who found there provisions and a little gold.

Returning to Cartagena, Heredia fell in with a vessel newly arrived from Española with troops on board that raised his command to one hundred foot and as many horse. Thus reënforced, he penetrated the province as far as the town of Cenú, in the valley of a river which still bears that name. Here was found in two boxes or chests gold to the value of 20,000 pesos, and in a place which went by the name of "El bohío del diablo,"[II‑5] a pit with three compartments, each about two hundred and fifty feet in length, was a hammock supported by four human figures, and containing gold to the value of 15,000 pesos, amid which, according to Indian tradition, his sable majesty was wont to repose. In a sepulchre near by, gold-dust was unearthed to the amount of 10,000 pesos.

Well satisfied with the results of his expedition Heredia returned to head-quarters, and was soon afterward joined by a fresh reënforcement of three hundred men. The tidings of his success soon attracted numbers of dissatisfied colonists from Castilla del Oro, and toward the close of the sixteenth century Cartagena became a place of considerable note,[II‑6] the fleet that supplied the New World with the merchandise of Spain touching there on the way to Portobello. The latter was but a small village, tenanted chiefly by negroes, and possessing, next to Nombre de Dios, the most sickly climate of all the settlements in Tierra Firme. So deadly were the exhalations from its rank and steaming soil that a small garrison maintained there to guard the fleet was changed four times a year. Notwithstanding its unwholesome atmosphere an annual fair was held there lasting forty days, during which time its streets were crowded with merchants from every quarter of the Indies. Not many years afterward the Peruvian herder, climbing the mountain side in quest of his stray llama, discovered the silver-mines of Potosí,[II‑7] and the place became, for a few weeks in the year, the most redundant mart of commerce in the world. A fleet, freighted with all that was required to supply the real and artificial wants of an opulent community, called there once a year, and as soon as it appeared in sight the treasures of the mines and pearl-fisheries were conveyed by land from Panamá to Cruces, and thence down the Rio Chagre to Portobello.

[Sidenote: SAN SEBASTIAN.]

When the conquest and exploration of his territory had been partially effected, Pedro de Heredia despatched his brother Alonso to the gulf of Urabá to rebuild there the town of San Sebastian.[II‑8] The site selected was some leagues south of the ruins of the settlement which Ojeda had founded, and where his lieutenant Francisco Pizarro and his band suffered from hunger and pestilence before Vasco Nuñez led them to the South Sea. On a spot distant about half a league from the eastern shore of the gulf, among some hillocks near which were groves of tall cocoa-nut palms,[II‑9] the settlement was founded, sorely against the will of Julian Gutierrez, who, having married the sister of the cacique Urabá, had accumulated a fortune by bartering for gold such cheap baubles as the natives most preferred.[II‑10] Inciting the natives to harass Heredia's party at every opportunity, Gutierrez proceeded to build a fort on the banks of the Rio Caiman, at no great distance from San Sebastian. In this enterprise he was joined by a number of malecontents from Castilla del Oro, who had been on the point of embarking for Peru, but were persuaded to take service under Gutierrez. Chief among them was one Francisco César, who soon afterward figures prominently in the history of Cartagena.

Heredia at once marched with all his forces against Gutierrez, and bid him withdraw from the limits of his province. The latter replied that he was acting under instructions from the governor of Castilla del Oro and could not neglect his orders. Heredia pretended to be satisfied with this answer and withdrew his troops, but returning after nightfall stormed the enemy's camp and put most of the garrison to the sword. Gutierrez and his Indian wife were carried captives to Cartagena. César with a few of the survivors escaped to the woods and afterward took service under Heredia. News of the disaster soon reached Panamá, whereupon Barrionuevo immediately crossed over to Nombre de Dios, took ship for Cartagena, procured the release of his lieutenant, and concluded an arrangement with Pedro de Heredia by which the Atrato was made the southern boundary of Castilla del Oro.

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[Sidenote: THE GOLDEN TEMPLE OF DABAIBA.]

In the vicinity of a temple in the valley of the Cenú River the colonists of San Sebastian discovered numerous tombs, some of them of such ancient date that their contents betokened the lapse of centuries. Here the natives buried their caciques in a sitting posture, side by side with their favorite wives, best trusted servants, and dearest friends; and in the vaults which contained the remains were placed all their gold, gems, and armor. This, perchance, may have been the golden temple of Dabaiba, the quest of which had already cost the lives of so many Spaniards, and was yet to cost the lives of hundreds more as they pursued this glittering phantom far south toward the verge of the province. South-east of the gulf of Urabá lay the territory of the cacique Dabaiba, whose name is still applied to the sierra that skirts the bank of the Atrato, forming a western spur of the cordillera. Between the gulf and the town of the cacique was a forest ten or twelve leagues in length, dense with palm-trees, and matted with tropical undergrowth, through which flowed to the sea mountain streams, dammed in places with fallen trees, and covering the neighborhood with vast tracts of lagoon and marsh land. Through this region the natives, with their light portable canoes, made their way with little difficulty, but to the Spaniard with his heavy armor and cumbersome accoutrements the forest was almost impervious. Beyond it lay a rugged and broken country in which roads were unknown and where the tortuous bed of a mountain torrent afforded for a brief space during the dry season the only means of access to the realms of the Indian chief. The sierra of Dabaiba had for many years barred the progress of Spanish exploration and conquest, but there, if report were true, lay hidden stores of gold that outshone even the riches of an Atahualpa or a Montezuma. Closely guarded indeed must be the treasure that could escape the keen scent of the Spaniard, and great the obstacles that could stay his path when in search of his much loved wealth.

The first to attempt the conquest of this territory was Francisco César, now a captain of infantry, and one whose skill and gallantry had gained for him the confidence of his men. Starting from San Sebastian in 1536, in command of eighty foot and twenty horse, he travelled southward through a pathless wilderness. Ten months the party journeyed, and arriving at length at the Guaca[II‑11] Valley were suddenly attacked by an army of twenty thousand natives. While thus surrounded and cut off from all hope of retreat, there appeared above them in the heavens the image of Spain's patron saint. Three hours thereafter the enemy was routed, and the Spaniards proceeded at once to look for gold. After much tedious search, a crumbling sepulchre was discovered, wherein was hidden treasure to the value of thirty thousand castellanos. The remnant of César's band then returned to San Sebastian, accomplishing their homeward journey in seventeen days.

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[Sidenote: HEREDIA'S EXPEDITION.]

Less fortunate was Pedro de Heredia, who in the same year organized an expedition to invade the realms of the cacique Dabaiba and to gain possession of his treasures. At the head of two hundred and ten mail-clad men, Heredia set out from San Sebastian, and directed his course along the banks of the Atrato. He soon arrived at the verge of the forest through which he must cut his way as best he could, with frequent and vexatious delays for the felling of trees and the construction of rafts to bridge the marshy ground, impassable else for man or beast. Rain fell in torrents; poisonous snakes and swarms of wasps and mosquitoes haunted the gloomy solitudes. No fires could be kindled, and famine and pestilence soon became familiar guests in the Spanish camp. Some natives who served as guides were accused of having purposely led them astray. They answered: "We go from the river to the mountains in three days, while you and your horses require as many months."

When the storm cleared away a detachment of Spaniards was sent in advance to reconnoitre, the rest remaining in camp to await their report. After a few days' march they arrived at a spot where the smoke of expiring embers and the skins of animals indicated a recent encampment of savages. After diligent search huts were discovered built amidst the boughs of the forest-trees, the natives thus securing themselves from venomous reptiles. After a slight resistance two of the natives were captured, and from their information the party brought back news to their comrades that they were travelling in a wrong direction. Heredia and his men, too much dispirited to make any further effort, turned their faces homeward and arrived at San Sebastian empty-handed and in sorry plight, the return journey occupying forty days, and the entire expedition about three months.

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[Sidenote: FRANCISCO CÉSAR'S EXPEDITION.]

The survivors of the two Spanish companies soon became clamorous for fresh adventure, and in 1538 Francisco César, with Heredia's permission, equipped a force about equal in number to his first command, resolved this time to penetrate at all hazard the fastnesses of the mysterious sierra. After leaving San Sebastian, César marched along the coast in the direction of the Rio Verde, thence turning eastward toward the cordillera. The party suffered severely, and on arriving at the Guaca Valley mustered but sixty-three men capable of bearing arms. Nevertheless César advanced boldly on the first town which fell in his way after ascending the sierra. The inhabitants, assured by interpreters that the invaders had no hostile intent, brought forth an abundant supply of roots, corn, fruit, and such other provisions as they possessed. The horses were treated with special care, and homage was paid to them as to superior beings.

While the Spaniards were enjoying here a few days of repose the chief of the district, Nutibara by name, quietly assembled an army of two thousand men, thinking to crush this presumptuous little band, for no tidings had yet reached him of the dread prowess of the strangers. A stubborn conflict ensued, terminated only by the death of Quinunchú, brother of Nutibara, who fell by the hand of César. Santiago on his white horse again appeared in behalf of his followers, and to him was ascribed the glory of the carnage that followed. The conquerors soon ascertained that the country for many leagues around was rising in arms against them, and having now secured treasure to the value of forty thousand ducats they returned by forced marches to San Sebastian.[II‑12]

News of César's expedition was soon carried to Cartagena, whence in December 1537 the licentiate Juan de Badillo set forth to explore further the region south of the gulf of Urabá. A force of three hundred and fifty men was collected, with five hundred and twelve horses, a number of Indians and negroes, and ample stores of provisions and munitions of war. Francisco César was second in command, and the treasurer Saavedra one of the captains. Starting from the port of Santa María near the mouth of the Atrato they arrived, with no adventure worthy of note, at the valley of Los Pitos[II‑13] where was a fort defended by a large force of natives. Saavedra, leading an attack on this stronghold at the head of sixty men, was beaten back, and César, coming to his support about nightfall, posted his men in readiness to renew the assault at daybreak. The defenders, perceiving their design, determined to anticipate them, and fell on the Spaniards unawares, but after some sharp fighting were repulsed.

Badillo then continued his march through the Guaca Valley, arriving at the domains of the chief Quinachi. It was here that César, on his first expedition, had unearthed treasure to the value of thirty thousand castellanos, and hence one reason for selecting this route. In June the expedition arrived at the valley of Norí,[II‑14] with ranks somewhat thinned by famine and by ceaseless encounters with the natives. Meeting with a friendly cacique they questioned him as to the whereabouts of the great treasure of Dabaiba. He replied: "There is no treasure, for they have no need of any; but when they want gold to purchase food or redeem a captive, they pick it up in dry weather from under the rocks in the river-beds." Exploring parties were sent in all directions, but with little success. They could not scale the steep sierra or cross the treacherous marshes, and they were constantly harassed by bands of Indians. Acosta relates that one detachment sent out toward the mountains in a westerly direction passed underneath a village, built amidst the overhanging boughs of forest-trees, whence the natives plied them with arrows, rocks, hot water, and lighted fagots.

The cacique of Norí, anxious to be rid of the Spaniards, presented Badillo with gold to the value of two thousand pesos, and offered to conduct him to an auriferous region, then known as the Buritica Valley. After a six days' march they came to a native stronghold, which was captured after a sharp struggle, the chieftain, with his young wife, being taken captive. The latter was released on payment of a large ransom, accompanied with a promise from her husband to act as guide to a spot where rich mines were known to exist. With a heavy iron collar round his neck, and fastened by chains between four stalwart soldiers, the cacique led the way till he came to the verge of a precipice, whence he threw himself headlong, dragging with him his guards. Unhappily the fall did not prove fatal, and the Spaniards, though sorely hurt, had yet life enough left to drag their bruised victim into the presence of Badillo, who at once ordered his slaves to burn him alive.

Want, sickness, and the ceaseless hostility of the natives had now spread havoc in the Spanish ranks. Many who had come in search of wealth had found a grave; and the survivors, worn with hardship and disgusted with the meagre results of their long-protracted toil, threatened to abandon the expedition and set their faces homeward. The discontent was greatly increased by the death of Francisco César, a much loved and well trusted officer, and one who, had fortune cast his lot in a wider or nobler sphere of action, might have become one of the foremost captains of his age. Nevertheless, the march was continued, and on Christmas-eve, after a journey lasting one year and three days, the expedition arrived at the province of Calí, in the valley of the Cauca River. Here the soldiers well nigh broke out into open mutiny. Badillo confronted them with drawn sword, exclaiming: "Let him return who chooses; I will go forward alone till fortune favors me." Nevertheless the men crowded around him still clamoring to be led back to Urabá, whereupon he ordered a division to be made of the spoil, hoping thus to put them in better heart. To complete his discomfiture it was found that the treasure-chest had disappeared. This last was a heavy stroke, for the worthy licentiate was of course suspected of the theft. Alone and broken-hearted he stole away to Popayan, some twenty leagues to the south in the same valley. Thence he made his way to Panamá, was there arrested, and after being sent a prisoner to Cartagena, the city from which he had departed in pursuit of fame and riches, ended his days at Seville, before his trial was concluded, friendless and a pauper.

The charge of peculation against Badillo proved to be unfounded, for the chest containing two thousand six hundred castellanos was afterward discovered.

The share of each foot-soldier was ascertained to be five castellanos, from which it would appear that the Spaniards lost about half their number before arriving at Calí. The remainder of the band followed the course of the Cauca River northward as far as the Indian province of Umbrá, where most of them took service under one Jorge Robledo, who made further explorations on the right bank of the Cauca in the mountainous region which now bears the name of Antioquia.

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[Sidenote: THE AUDIENCIA OF PANAMÁ.]

In 1533[II‑15] the audiencia real y chancillería of the city of Panamá was established, the _personnel_ of which included a president, four oidores, a fiscal, a relator, two secretaries, and for local government two alcaldes and three ministers of justice. The territory under the jurisdiction of the audiencia originally included Peru with the exception of the port of Buenaventura, but was afterward bounded by Costa Rica, Cartagena, and the two oceans, and was divided into the three provinces of Castilla del Oro, Darien, and Veragua, all of which were included under the one name of Tierra Firme. During the administration of Pedrarias, as we have seen, an interdict was passed forbidding lawyers and magistrates to reside in Castilla del Oro, and the minions of the governor decided civil cases always in favor of the party who paid the heaviest bribe. There was no appeal but to the governor himself except in cases where the amount exceeded five hundred pesos. A transcript of proceedings might in such cases be sent to the audiencia of Española, which at that time held jurisdiction over the inferior courts of Castilla del Oro. Some few years after the demise of Pedrarias the prohibition was removed, when there fell upon the fated land an avalanche of lawyers. "A magistrate," writes Oviedo to the emperor, "is worse than a pestilence, for if the latter took your life it at least left your estate intact." After the establishment of the audiencia of Panamá certain changes were made, but they were of little benefit to the community, for in 1537 we find the alcalde mayor holding the threefold office of presiding judge and attorney both for plaintiff and defendant, "passing sentence," as Oviedo says, "on him whom he least favored."[II‑16] The government of the three provinces was in fact little else than a legalized despotism. Complaint was sometimes made to the emperor, but the colonists soon found that the complainant was only made to suffer the more for his presumption. "Only that an ocean lay between Charles and his downtrodden subjects," exclaims Vazquez, "nineteen out of twenty would have thrown themselves at his feet to pray for justice."

The corruption extended to the municipal officers, and the provinces became rapidly impoverished. To make matters worse, multitudes of vagrants, the scum of the Spanish population, had for years been swarming into the New World settlements. At one time the hospitals and churches of Panamá were insufficient to shelter the hordes of poverty-stricken and houseless vagabonds that crowded the city. As they would not work, many were near starving.

Charles knew little of all this, if indeed he cared. As an instance of his ignorance as to the true condition of affairs in Tierra Firme, it may be mentioned that on the appointment of Fray Vicente de Peraza as the second bishop of Castilla del Oro, he was enjoined by the monarch to render aid to the faithful Pedrarias Dávila in securing the conversion and proper treatment of the natives. It is probable that the good bishop worked a little too conscientiously in the cause of the savage to suit the taste of Pedrarias, for as it has already been stated, he died of poison supposed to have been administered by that worthy ruler.

[Sidenote: BISHOP BERLANGA'S BOX.]

Of Fray Tomás de Berlanga, who filled the episcopal chair a few years after Peraza's decease,[II‑17] it is stated that during his return voyage to Spain, in 1537, being overtaken by a heavy storm, he arrayed himself in his pontifical robes, and kneeling with the rest of the company chanted a litany to the virgin. In response there appeared on the waves what seemed at first a small boat, but proved to be a box containing, as was supposed, merchandise. The gale moderated and the captain readily assented to the bishop's proposition that if the box contained a saint's image or other sacred thing, it should become the property of the prelate, but if it held anything of monetary value it should be claimed by the former. Soon the sea was calm; the box was opened, and there, sure enough, was the image of Our Lady of the Immaculate Conception. On his arrival in Spain Berlanga placed the image in the convent of Medina de Rioseco, where he afterward founded a similar institution, chanting his first mass there on the 19th of January 1543.[II‑18]

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[Sidenote: CASTELLANOS, SIMON, PIEDRAHITA.]

With the trio of travellers and observers, Benzoni, Acosta, and Thevet, may be classed Juan de Castellanos, whose _Elegías de Varones Ilustres de Indias_ recount not only the glories of the military, ecclesiastic, and civil conquerors who figured in the early annals of the region extending over the Antilles, the Isthmus, and the northern part of South America, but give special histories of the New Granada provinces. Himself one of the horde which came over from Spain for glory and plunder, he had as cavalry soldier taken active part in a number of the expeditions so graphically described. With the acquisition of a fortune came a sense of the injustice exercised in its accumulation, and remorse perhaps for ill-treatment of the Indians, mingled largely with discontent at the poor recognition of his services, caused him to join the church. He received the appointment of _canónigo tesorero_ at Cartagena, but resigned it after a brief tenure for the curacy of Tunja, erroneously assumed by some writers to be his birthplace. Here he found ample time to seek solace by unlocking the gates of a natural eloquence, and letting forth the remembrances of glorious deeds and events. The gown is forgotten, and the old soldier dons again in fancy the rusty armor, though he modestly, too modestly, refrains from intruding himself. It is in prose that he first relates his story, but finding this too quiet for his theme of heroes and battles, he transposes the whole into verse, a work of ten years.

His is not the artificial refinement of the epic writer, whose form he follows from a love of rhythm, but merely versified narrative, with a generally honest adherence to fact, though form and metre suffer:

Iré con pasos algo presurosos, Sin orla de poéticos cabellos Que hacen versos dulces, sonorosos A los ejercitados en leerlos; Pues como canto casos dolorosos, Cuales los padecieron muchos dellos, Parecióme decir la verdad pura Sin usar de ficcion ni compostura.

The ease and variety of the lines indicate the natural poet, however, and even when form departs the sentences retain a certain elegance. The first part was published as _Primera Parte de las Elegías_, etc., Madrid, 1589, 4o, used by De Bry in his eighth part on America, and given in the fourth volume of _Biblioteca de Autores Españoles_, 1850. The second and third parts, provided with maps and plans, and dedicated, like the first, to King Philip, remained in manuscript in the library of the Marqués del Carpio—_Pinelo_, _Epitome_, ii. 590—till issued by Ariban, together with the first part, in 1857, as a special volume of the above _Biblioteca_. A fourth part, perhaps the best and most important, as it must have recorded the latest and freshest recollections of Castellanos, was used by Bishop Piedrahita for his history, and has since disappeared. He found the original with Consejero Prado, and refers to "las otras tres partes impressas." _Hist. Conq. Granada_, preface.

The three published parts are divided into elegies, eulogies, and histories, according to the theme, though Castellanos evidently stretches a point to obtain so many subjects under the first heading, inscribing them, as a rule, 'to the death' of some noted captain. The subdivision forms octave stanzas of the Italian form, undecasyllabic triple measure, in feminine rhyme, of triple alternating lines, with a finishing couplet. Toward the end a continuous and chiefly blank verse is used. The facility for versification in Spanish can hardly find a better illustration than these sustained triplets of double rhyme, which reflect no small credit on Castellanos' patience and power of expression. The usual faults of writers of his age are, of course, to be found; incredulity, pedantry, and contradiction, chiefly due to the readiness with which he accepted statements from chroniclers and from participants in the events related. His own versions may, Muñoz' slurs notwithstanding, be regarded as faithful recitals, so far, at least, as memory and military ardor permitted, while everywhere are to be found clear, vivid descriptions of battles, scenes, and people.

An ambition with the monks and missionaries who assisted to develop the conquest was to become chroniclers of general history, of expeditions, or of provinces, and as brethren of the hood abounded narratives were numerous enough to form the most perfect record of events that could be desired; but the deplorable fact remains that so few have been preserved, in print or manuscript. New Granada, which includes the southern part of the Isthmus, was long without a public chronicle. The conqueror Quesada had prepared one, and Medrano had left a history just begun, which Aguado completed in two volumes, but neither saw the light, and Castellanos' poetical record was published only in part. They existed in manuscript, however, and with them for guide, Pedro Simon was encouraged to undertake the task anew. Born at La Parilla in 1574 he had early joined the Franciscan order, and came to New Granada 30 years later as teacher and missionary, rising in 1623 to the office of provincial. The same year he began the history for which he had during several years been gathering material and experience. Three stout folio volumes were speedily completed, each divided into seven historiales; but of these only the _Primera Parte de las Noticias historiales de las Conquistas de tierra firme_, Cuenca, 1627, relating to Venezuela, came to be published; the other two, on Santa Marta, and on the region adjoining Darien, remaining in manuscript at Bogotá, whence Muñoz obtained a copy for the Madrid Academy. The published volume opens with a dissertation on geographic knowledge among the ancients, and on the origin of the Indians, and proceeds with the discovery and naming of America. The Isthmus receives at first considerable attention, as one of the earliest explored portions, but soon the narrative concentrates upon the conquest and settlement of Venezuela, devoting a considerable space to the custom and condition of the natives, but entering very little upon religious affairs. The work is decidedly the most important history of the province for the sixteenth century, and the failure to publish that of the other provinces is highly to be regretted. The simple, verbose style is that common to the convent chroniclers of the period, and the only serious fault is in giving too ready credence to statements.

Simon's non-success with the printer gave the rank of leading historian of the province to Bishop Lucas Fernandez Piedrahita, who wrote 50 years later. A creole of Bogotá by birth, his whole career as priest and prelate is bound up with his native country. While yet a student he gave evidence of a literary taste by writing comedies, of which no traces remain however. His ability procured rapid advancement in the church. While governor of the archdiocese, till 1661, he incurred the enmity of a visitador and was obliged to appear in Spain for trial, but passed the ordeal, and received in compensation the bishopric of Santa Marta. It was while waiting the slow progress of the trial that he found time to write the _Historia General de las Conqvistas del Nvevo Reyno de Granada_, 1688. In 1676 he was promoted to the see of Panamá, where he died, 1688, at an age of over 70 years, revered for his extreme benevolence and sanctity. In the preface to the volume, just then passing through the press, Piedrahita admits that it is merely a reproduction of _Quesada's Compendio_, and of the fourth part of _Castellanos' Elegías_, both now lost, and the text shows indeed but little of the research, speculation, and variety manifest in Simon, whom he excels however in beauty and clearness of style. He confines himself more to the special history of New Granada than Simon, and instead of learned dissertations on America in general, he devotes the first two of the 12 books to an account of native customs and ancient history. He then takes up the conquest and settlement of the provinces in question and carries the history to 1563. The first title is bordered with cuts of Indian battle scenes, and the portraits of seven leading kings and caciques, while that of the first libro has 12 minor chiefs in medallions. The title-page of the third libro, again, which begins the conquest, bears the likenesses of 12 Spanish captains. At the close of the work is promised a continuation, but this never appeared.

A modern publication covering the same field and period as the preceding is Joaquin Acosta's _Compendio Histórico del Descubrimiento y Colonizacion de la Nueva Granada en el siglo decimo sexto_. Paris, 1843. Lacking in critique it nevertheless fills the want of a popular chronologic review, and exhibits considerable labor. Acosta was an officer of engineers in the Colombian service who had taken an active part in scientific investigations, and written several archæologic essays.