CHAPTER I.

PIZARRO AND PERU.

1524-1544.

ORIGIN AND CHARACTER OF THE CONQUEROR—THE TRIUMVIRATE COPARTNERSHIP OF PIZARRO, FRIAR LUQUE, AND DIEGO DE ALMAGRO FOR CONTINUING THE DISCOVERY OF ANDAGOYA—DEPARTURE—ATTITUDE OF PEDRARIAS—SLOW DEVELOPMENT OF THEIR PLANS—RETURN AND REËMBARKATION—PERSISTENCE OF PIZARRO—SUFFERINGS ON GALLO ISLAND—FATE DEFIED—DISCOVERY OF TUMBEZ AND THE COAST BEYOND—RETURN TO PANAMÁ—PIZARRO VISITS SPAIN—A NEW EXPEDITION—ABORIGINAL HISTORY OF PERU—THE RIVAL INCAS—ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SPANIARDS AT SAN MIGUEL—ATAHUALPA AT CAXAMALCA—THE SPANIARDS VISIT HIM THERE—SEIZURE OF THE INCA—PACIFICATION OF PERU—ARRIVAL OF ALMAGRO—DEATH OF FATHER LUQUE—JUDICIAL MURDER OF THE INCA—A KING'S RANSOM—DOWNFALL OF THE PERUVIAN MONARCHY—DISPUTES AND VIOLENT DEATHS OF THE ALMAGROS AND PIZARROS.

In a society like that of Panamá, where politics were so unjust and morality so diabolical, we could expect nothing else than that the worst men should prove the most successful. Among those who came early to Darien, and whom we have frequently encountered in the wars upon the natives, was one who now enters the arena as the conqueror of Peru. His origin was of the lowest. Born in bastardy, he was laid by his mother on the church steps, whence he was taken by a swine-herd to be suckled by a sow. Escaping this master he fled to Seville and lived no one knows how, until he took ship to Santo Domingo, no one knows when. Thenceforward to the day of his assassination, his merciless courage found congenial occupation; neither his ignorance nor his beastly instincts nor his infamous cruelty and treachery standing in the way of fame and fortune.

He was now not far from fifty-three, having been born at Trujillo, in Estremadura, about 1471. After both had become famous a distant kinship was traced between Pizarro and Hernan Cortés. The development had been, in every respect, in keeping with the origin and environment. Except Pedrarias there was not a man in all the Indies more detestable. Innately he was the coarsest of all the conquerors. I have not seen of his a single noble sentiment expressed or a single noble action recorded. The Christianity which as a Spaniard he was obliged to wear had in it not the slightest tincture of piety or pity, and the civilization under which his genius grew developed in him only the savage cunning which he afterward displayed when in pursuit of human prey. Under this same influence Cortés and other captains of a generous, lordly nature might wade through horrors to a determined goal, while appalling tragedies and blood-reeking treacheries were not what their souls delighted in. But incarnate vulgarity was Francisco Pizarro, and a devouring sea of iniquity, beside whom beasts were heavenly beings; for when man sinks to his lowest, we must enter the domain of hideous fancy to find his prototype.

Up to this time Pizarro had displayed little of that signal ability, that marvellous determination and readiness of resource which carried through one of the most remarkable undertakings of any age. Soldier of fortune and petty farmer were the only distinctions he could boast. No talents of a higher order than those exhibited by the other captains in Darien had as yet appeared, except perhaps a cooler cruelty in his treatment of the natives, and a more selfish heartlessness in his intercourse with his comrades. He was made of admirable stuff for an executioner, brave, obedient, merciless, remorseless; and as he had not manifested sufficient ambition to excite the jealousy even of Pedrarias he had been a useful tool of the governor. Great deeds do not always spring from greatness of soul. It may have been merely owing to the decline of physical powers with advancing age that Pizarro's mind was led to serious reflection on what at various times he had heard of the region southward of the Isthmus, of what Panciaco had said, and the Pearl Islanders, and Tumaco, and last of all of what Andagoya had reported concerning Birú. It was known what Cortés had done in the north; might not the same feat be accomplished in the south?

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[Sidenote: ORGANIZATION OF AN EXPEDITION.]

Whencesoever sprang the purpose, on the return of Andagoya unsuccessful from Birú, Pizarro determined if possible to undertake an expedition in that direction. Notwithstanding a long career of successful robbery he had little to venture, except that worthless article his life. Two requirements were necessary, money and the consent of the governor, both of which might be obtained through Fernando de Luque, acting vicar of Panamá, and formerly school-master of the cathedral of Darien. Father Luque, or Loco as he was later called for this folly, had influence with Pedrarias, and the proceeds of his piety thus far amounted to twenty thousand castellanos. He joined with himself a comrade, Diego de Almagro, and winning over the priest and the governor by a promise of one fourth each, the company was complete. Almagro was a few years older than Pizarro, and with an origin perhaps as low, for he was likewise a foundling. Ill-favored by nature, the loss of an eye but increased a sinister expression that had played from infancy over his features. It is but faint praise to say of him that his impulses were nobler than those of Pizarro. Though fiery he was frank, and abhorred treachery; nor could he nurse a wrong more easily than his colleague. Pizarro was to command the expedition; Almagro to take charge of the ships; the vicar, besides his money, was to contribute his prayers, while the governor was to have an eye watchful for himself.

In a small caravel with about a hundred men and four horses,[I‑1] Pizarro sailed from Panamá November 14, 1524, leaving Almagro to follow as soon as he could equip another vessel. After touching at Toboga and at the Pearl Islands, Pizarro coasted southward past Puerto de Piñas where terminated the voyages of Vasco Nuñez and Andagoya, and entered the river Birú in search of provisions, but finding none put to sea, and after buffeting a storm for ten days again landed, and again failed to procure food. The ground was soft, and the foragers suffered severely. At a place subsequently called El Puerto del Hambre he waited for six weeks with part of the men, all on the verge of starvation, while the ship, in command of Gil de Montenegro, went back to the Pearl Islands for supplies. When his forces were again united he put to sea and landing at various points found food and gold abundant. Presently the vessel required repairs, and fearful lest if he should return the expedition would be broken up, Pizarro caused himself and all his followers, save only those needed to manage the ship, to be put ashore, while Nicolás de Ribera, the treasurer, went with the vessel and the gold collected to Panamá.

* * * * *

Three months after the departure of Pizarro from Panamá, Almagro followed with seventy men, and after some search, and the loss of an eye in fighting savages, he found his colleague, left with him his surplus men, and returned with his vessel to the assistance of Ribera. By this time Pedrarias, although he had invested nothing, was dissatisfied and sullen over the result. The ships were wanted for Nicaragua, he said, and half the men embarked in this mad southern venture were dead. Almagro was finally glad to get rid of him by paying him a thousand pesos. Pizarro was obliged to return, and the three associates bound themselves by oath, solemnized by the sacrament, that the entire returns and emoluments of the expedition should be equally divided; Father Luque dividing the wafer into three parts and each partaking of one.

[Sidenote: SECOND EXPEDITION.]

Nearly two years were thus occupied when the two captains, made equal by the new contract, and each in command of a ship, embarked a second time with Bartolomé Ruiz as pilot and one hundred and sixty men, and standing well out sailed directly to the Rio San Juan, the farthest point yet discovered. Meeting here with fair success, Almagro was sent to Panamá with the plunder; Pizarro with most of the men remained on shore; while Ruiz with the other vessel continued the discovery beyond the equator, and returning reported a more opulent people with a higher culture than any yet found in the Indies. Among other wonderful objects which he had seen was a large trading _balsa_, or raft, made by lashing together with vines porous timbers, which were overlaid with a floor of reeds, and navigated by lateen cotton sails. The people of the raft displayed spun and raw wool, and scales for weighing gold, while those upon the shore ran to and fro leaping and shouting to the homeless wanderers, the hairy exiles, children of the sea-foam, descendants of the sun, as they called the glittering serpents that were so soon to envenom their land.

Soon afterward Almagro appeared. He too had been successful. Pedrarias was deposed; and with Pedro de los Rios, the new governor, had come fresh aspirants for adventure and a grave, eighty of whom were soon launched with Father Luque's blessing in the Peruvian expedition.

During the absence of the vessels death had taken fourteen of Pizarro's men, and the remainder now clamored loudly to be carried to Panamá. But this was not to be considered. Refreshed by Almagro's stores and cheered by Ruiz' tale hope revived, the phantom of despair took flight, and joyous expectation thrilled the hearts of those who had so lately dreamed of death.

How happy was Pizarro as he went to prove the golden report of good Ruiz! A storm which drove him under the lee of Gallo Island, and obliged him to repair at San Mateo Bay, only made the populous cities and cultivated fields of maize and cacao the more beautiful to behold. And the gems and precious metals that glistened everywhere, how they made the black blood of the pirate to tingle! But little could be done with such a force as his against ten thousand warriors that opposed his landing; for with increase of wealth and intelligence was increased power to defend possession. The soldiers were not pleased to have the ships go back to Panamá without them, and the leaders came almost to blows over the quarrel; but it was finally arranged that Pizarro should remain with the men on Gallo Island, while Almagro with one of the ships should seek a stronger force. Some sent letters denouncing the commanders, and begging that the governor might be informed of the miserable condition of the men; which letters, of course, were not delivered, none save one which Juan de Sarabia inclosed in a ball of cotton which was to be presented to the wife of the governor as a specimen of native industry.[I‑2]

[Sidenote: A MOMENTOUS DECISION.]

Fearful lest the men might seize the remaining ship, Pizarro despatched it also to Panamá for recruits, leaving himself with only eighty-five men. But the missile projected by the verse-maker struck home. The governor was indignant that the king's subjects should be held in continued jeopardy of their lives by their unprincipled leaders, ordered the expedition stopped, and sent the licentiate Tafur with two ships to bring the wanderers home. Father Luque, however, wrote to Pizarro not to abandon the enterprise. The arrival of Tafur at the island places Pizarro in a most trying position. And we can almost forget the hideousness of the man's nature, which assumes yet darker deformity as we proceed, when he rises under the inspiration of his energy in defiance of destiny. The very impudence of his obstinacy commands our admiration. What is the situation? Here stands a single Spaniard. Yonder are the organized armies of Peru with their tens of thousands of fighting men. The rupture between the ruling powers, preliminary to yet more dire convulsions, has not yet occurred. Humanly regarded it as insensate folly for Pizarro to dream of seizing this powerful realm, or any part of it, with his handful of vagabonds as would be his attempt to drink the ocean dry, or to pocket Parnassus. Yet what shall we say in view of the result? And sure I am it is no upright deity that aids him.

When Tafur landed and told the men to get on board the ships, Pizarro cried "Stop!" Drawing his sword he marked a line from west to east. Then pointing toward the south he said: "Countrymen and comrades! Yonder lurk hunger, hardships, and death; but for those who win, fame and wealth untold. This way is Panamá, with ease, poverty, and disgrace. Let each man choose for himself. As for me, sooner will I hang my body from some sun-smitten cliff for vultures to feed on, than turn my back to the glories God has here revealed to me!" Thus saying he stepped across the line, and bade those who would to follow. The pilot Ruiz was the first; then Pedro de Candia; and finally eleven others. All the rest went back with Tafur to Panamá. Ruiz was ordered to accompany him and lend the associates his assistance. Pizarro then crossed his army of twelve on a raft to the small island of Gorgona, at a safer distance from the main shore, and there awaited Almagro. Alone, anchored on a cloud-curtained sea, near a fearfully fascinating shore, they waited five months.

* * * * *

This rash act of the now thoroughly inspired Pizarro was viewed differently by different persons at Panamá. The governor was angry at what he deemed suicidal obstinacy. Father Luque was enthusiastic, and Almagro was not idle. The general sentiment was that in any event these Spaniards, so chivalrous in the service of their king, should not be abandoned to certain destruction. To permit it would be infamous on the part of the governor, and a disgrace to every man in Panamá. Thus forcibly persuaded, Pedro de los Rios permitted Luque and Almagro to despatch a vessel to their relief, but stipulated that unless it returned within six months they should be subject to heavy penalties.

[Sidenote: COASTING SOUTHWARD.]

We may well imagine that Pizarro was glad to see the faithful Ruiz, although his force was not greatly increased thereby. And now he would go forward; with an army of ten thousand or alone he would match his destiny against that of Peru. Passing Gallo, Tacames, and the Cabo Pasado, the limits of former discovery, twenty days after leaving Gorgona they anchored off an island sacred to sacrificial purposes, opposite the town of Tumbez. More brilliant than had been their wildest hopes was the scene surrounding them. Stretching seaward were the bright waters of Guayaquil, while from the grand cordillera of the Andes, Chimborazo and Cotopaxi lifted their fiery front into the regions of frozen white. Tame enough, however, were a new earth and a new heaven to these souls of saffron hue, without the evidences of wealth that here met their greedy gaze, of wealth weakly guarded by the unbaptized. All along the shore by which they had sailed were verdant fields and populous villages, while upon the persons and among the utensils of the inhabitants, seen principally in the trading balsas that plied those strange waters, were emeralds, gold, and silver in profusion.

[Sidenote: ARRIVAL AT TUMBEZ.]

Two natives captured in the former voyage and kindly treated for obvious reasons, were put on shore to pave the way, and soon maize, bananas, plantains, cocoa-nuts, pineapples, as well as fish, game, and llamas were presented to the strangers by the people of Tumbez. Shortly afterward a Peruvian nobleman, or _orejon_, as the Spaniards called him, from the large golden pendants which ornamented his ears, visited the ship with a retinue of attendants. Pizarro gave him a hatchet and some trinkets, and invited him to dine. Next day Alonso de Molina and a negro were sent on shore to the cacique with a present of two swine and some poultry. A crowd of wonder-stricken spectators surrounded them on landing. The women were shy at first, but presently could not sufficiently admire the fair complexion and flowing beard of the European, and the crisp hair of the ebony African, whose laugh made them dance with delight. Never were pigs so scrutinized; and when the cock crew they asked what it said. Molina was promised a beautiful bride if he would remain, and he was half inclined to accept the offer. The cacique of Tumbez was equally pleased and astonished. He lived in some state, having vassals at his doors and gold and silver among his utensils. Conspicuous among the buildings of Tumbez was the temple built of rough stone. There was a fortress surrounded by a triple row of walls. In the valley without the town was a palace belonging to Huayna Capac, the reigning inca, near which was a temple with its sacred virgins, glittering decorations, and beautiful gardens dedicated to the sun.

More witnesses to such facts as these must be obtained before leaving this place. So next day Pedro de Candia was permitted to go ashore armed cap-à-pie. Candia was a Greek cavalier of extraordinary size and strength; and when he presented himself in bright mail, with his clattering steel weapons, and arquebuse vomiting fire and smoke, there is little wonder these simple people should take him for one of their children of the sun. Returning to the ship Candia testified to the truth of all Molina had said, and more. He was received as a heavenly guest, and conducted through the temple which he affirmed was laid with plates of gold; whereat the Spaniards were wild with delight, says an ancient chronicler. Pizarro thanked God that it had been permitted him to make this great discovery, and he cursed the luckless fortune which prevented his landing and taking immediate possession. But God did for Pizarro better than Pizarro could do for himself. Had the five hundred he then so desired been five thousand, the probability is all would have been lost as soon as ventured.

Continuing southward some distance beyond the site of Trujillo, a city subsequently founded by him, the evidences of wealth and intelligence meanwhile diminishing, and the reports of an imperial city where dwelt the ruler of all that region becoming fainter, Pizarro returned to Panamá, carrying back with him two native youths, one of whom, called by the Spaniards Felipillo, became notorious during the conquest. The men had been ordered to treat gold with indifference, that the future harvest might be greater.[I‑3]

* * * * *

The pirate's paradise was found; it next remained to enter it. Pizarro reached Panamá late in 1527, and instantly the town was wild with excitement. Father Luque wept tears of joy. But although Pedro de los Rios forgot his threats of punishment he did not regard with favor another expedition, which would tend to depopulate his own government and establish a rival colony. This selfish policy of the governor hastened the defeat of its own aims. Unable to do more at Panamá, early in 1528 Pizarro set out for Spain. Through the aid of Father Luque fifteen hundred ducats had been raised to defray his expenses. It was not without misgivings that Alamagro saw him go, and the ecclesiastic himself was not without his suspicions that foul play might come of it. "God grant, my sons," he said at parting, "that you do not defraud yourselves of his blessing." Pedro de Candia accompanied Pizarro, and they took with them specimens of the natives, llamas, cloth, and gold and silver utensils of Peru.

[Sidenote: THE DISCOVERER IN SPAIN.]

Two notable characters were encountered by Pizarro immediately on his arrival in Spain. One was Hernan Cortés, revelling in the renown of an overthrown northern empire as Pizarro was about to revel in the overthrow of a southern. Cortés told Pizarro how he had conquered Mexico and gave him many valuable hints in empire-snatching.[I‑4] The other was no less a personage than the Bachiller Enciso, who, still nursing revenge, seized the now famous discoverer of Peru and imprisoned him on the old charge of injuries at Antigua. Released by royal order, Pizarro presented himself before the emperor at Toledo with all the impudence of unlettered merit, and received the appointment of governor, captain general, and alguazil mayor of all lands which he had discovered or might discover for a distance of two hundred leagues south from Santiago. His government was to be independent from that of Panamá, with the right to erect fortresses, maintain forces, grant encomiendas, and enjoy the rights and prerogatives of absolute authority. His salary was to be 725,000 maravedís, to be drawn from the resources of his own government and without cost to the crown. In return for these privileges he was to enlist and equip for a Peruvian expedition two hundred and fifty men, one hundred of whom he was at liberty to draw from the colonies. For his associates he was satisfied with much less; though it had been stipulated that for Almagro should be asked the office of adelantado, thus dividing the honors. As it was, he obtained for Almagro only the post of captain of the fortress of Tumbez, with an income of 300,000 maravedís, and for Father Luque the bishopric of Tumbez, with a salary of one thousand castellanos. Bartolomé Ruiz was to be grand pilot of the South Sea; Pedro de Candia, commander of artillery, and the brave thirteen who so gallantly stood by their captain at the Isle of Gorgona were elevated to the rank of knights and cavaliers.

Pizarro's commission was signed at Toledo July 26, 1528. Thence he proceeded to Trujillo, his native place, where he was joined by four brothers, Fernando, Juan, and Gonzalo Pizarro, and Francisco Martin de Alcántara, all except the first like himself illegitimate, all poor, ignorant, and avaricious. Fernando, however, possessed some superiorities, and played a conspicuous part in the conquest. He was a man of fine form, repulsive features, and infamous character. As arrogant, jealous, and revengeful as he was capable, he soon acquired unbounded influence over his brother, and was the scourge of the expedition.

Small as was the force required by his capitulation with the crown, Pizarro was unable to raise it. With the assistance of Cortés he managed to make ready for sea three small vessels, in one of which, by eluding the authorities, he embarked, and awaited his brothers at the Canary Islands. By liberal bribery and the solemn assurance of Fernando that all requirements of the king had been complied with, and that the specified number of men were with his brother who had gone before, the other two ships were allowed to depart, and the three vessels arrived at Nombre de Dios in January 1530. There Pizarro was met by Almagro and Father Luque, who when they learned how the royal honors had been distributed, and saw the insolent bearing of the vulgar brothers, upbraided him for his perfidy; and it was with difficulty that Almagro was prevented by fresh promises from withdrawing from the partnership and engaging in conquest on his own account.

Crossing to Panamá, an expedition was organized with one hundred and eighty men, thirty horses, and three ships, though all had been procured with no small difficulty. On the day of St John the evangelist imposing ceremonies were held in the cathedral; the royal banner and the standard of the expedition were unfurled and consecrated; a sermon was preached, and to every one of the pirates the holy sacrament was administered, thus giving this marauding expedition the color of a religious crusade. The Pizarros set sail early in January 1531, leaving Almagro, as in the first instance, to follow with reënforcements. Tumbez was their objective point; but turned from their purpose by adverse winds, and eager for a trial of their steel, the Spaniards landed at a bay which they called San Mateo, surprised a village in the province of Coaque, and secured, besides provisions, gold, silver, and emeralds to the value of twenty thousand pesos, which enabled them to send back the ships at once, one to Nicaragua and the other to Panamá, for reënforcements.

The Spaniards then continued their course toward Tumbez by land; and burdened as they were by weapons and armor, marching over hot sands under an equatorial sun, the journey soon became painful in the extreme. To add to their torments, an ulcerous epidemic broke out among them, from which many died, with curses on their commander. But their hearts were gladdened one day by the approach of a ship from Panamá having on board the royal officers appointed to accompany the expedition, whom Pizarro in his haste had left in Spain, and soon they were joined by thirty men under Captain Benalcázar. Meeting with no resistance from the natives, Pizarro continued his march until he arrived at the gulf of Guayaquil, opposite the isle of Puma. Possession of this island was deemed desirable preparatory to the attack on Tumbez. While meditating on the best method of capturing the island, Pizarro was gratified by a visit from its cacique, who invited the Spaniards to take up their abode with him. It appears that there existed an hereditary feud between the people of Puma and those of the mainland; and although forced to submission by the powerful incas, the islanders never ceased to inflict such injuries as lay in their power on the town of Tumbez. The friendship of the strangers would give them great advantages; hence the invitation. Pizarro gladly accepted the proffered hospitality, and passing over to the island with his army he awaited the arrival of reënforcements before attacking Tumbez.

By their arrogance and apparent intimacy with the people of Tumbez, the strangers soon became intolerable to the islanders, who caught in a conspiracy were attacked and driven to hiding-places by their guests. Nevertheless, but for the opportune arrival of Fernando de Soto with one hundred men and some horses it would have gone hard with the Spaniards. Pizarro now resolved to cross at once to the mainland and set the ball in motion.

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[Sidenote: CIVIL WAR IN PERU.]

Not least among the speculations that stirred the breast of the Spanish commander was the rumor that from time to time had reached his ear of discord between the rival candidates for the throne of the monarch lately deceased. Civil war would be a providence indeed at this juncture, not less kind than that which gave Montezuma's throne to Cortés.

Tradition refers the aborigines of Peru to a time when the entire land was divided into petty chiefdoms, composed of wild men who like wild beasts roamed primeval forests. After the lapse of ages, time marking no improvement, there appeared one day on the bank of Lake Titicaca two personages, male and female, Manco Capac and Mama Ocollo, of majestic mien and clad in glistening whiteness. They declared themselves children of the sun, sent by the parent of light to enlighten the human race. From Lake Titicaca they went northward a few leagues and founded the city of Cuzco, whither the chiefs throughout that region assembled and acknowledged the sovereignty of the celestial visitants. Under the instruction of Manco Capac the men became skilled in agriculture; Mama Ocollo taught the women domestic arts, and the migratory clans of the western slope of the cordillera thus became cemented under the beneficent rule of the heavenly teachers. Originally the dominion of Manco Capac extended no more than eight leagues from Cuzco, but in the twelve succeeding reigns, which formed the epoch prior to the advent of the Spaniards, the empire of the incas, or lords of Peru, was greatly extended.

[Sidenote: ABORIGINAL HISTORY.]

It naturally followed from their celestial origin and superior intelligence that the incas were adored as divinities, as well as obeyed as sovereigns. Not alone their person, but everything coming beneath their touch was sacred. Their blood was never contaminated by mortal intermixtures, and their dress it was unlawful for any to assume. The empire under Huayna Capac, twelfth monarch from the foundation of the dynasty, embraced more than five hundred leagues of western sea-coast, and extended to the summit of the Andes. This politic and warlike prince died about the beginning of the year 1526. His father, Tupac Inca Yupanqui, during whose reign the imperial domain had been enlarged by the addition of Quito on the one side and of Chile on the other, exhibited martial and administrative talents of a high order. This vast inheritance, together with the wisdom and virtues of the father, descended to the son. In addition to a wife, who was also his sister, Huayna Capac had many concubines. The lawful heir to the throne, son of his sister-wife, was named Huascar, next to whom as heir apparent stood Manco Capac, son of another wife who was his cousin. But his favorite son was Atahualpa, whose mother was the beautiful daughter of the last reigning monarch of Quito, and concubine of Huayna Capac. From boyhood Atahualpa had been the constant companion of his father, who on his death-bed, contrary to custom, divided the realm, or ordered rather that Quito, the ancient kingdom of his vanquished ancestors, should be given to Atahualpa, while all the rest should belong to Huascar. Four years of tranquillity elapsed, and the impolitic measure of Huayna Capac bid fair to prove successful. Huascar was satisfied, and his brother appeared content. But now a martial spirit was manifest in Atahualpa. Gradually drawing to his standard the flower of the Peruvian army, he marched against Huascar, overthrew him near the base of Chimborazo, and pressing forward again defeated the Peruvians before Cuzco, captured his brother, and took possession of the imperial city of the incas.

It was in the midst of this struggle that the Spaniards gathered before Tumbez bent on plunder. We see clearly now, that had they attempted invasion before the opening of the war between the rival brothers, their effort would have been what it appeared to be, chimerical and absurd. But these few swift years had ripened this land for hellish purposes, and the demons were already knocking at the door. Crossing to the mainland, not without some slight opposition, Pizarro found Tumbez deserted. Gone were the gold of the temple and the rich ornaments of the merry wives. "And is this your boasted Tumbez?" exclaimed the disappointed cavaliers. "Better far and richer are the elysian fields of Nicaragua; better have remained at home than to come so far for so barren a conquest." After some search the cacique was found. He charged the destruction of the town to the islanders of Puma. As he professed willingness to submit to the Spaniards, and as Pizarro deemed it prudent to hold Tumbez peaceably, he gave the cacique his liberty. This was in May 1532. Keeping a watchful eye on his disaffected soldiers, Pizarro set about planting a colony. He selected for his operations the valley of Tangarala, some thirty leagues south of Tumbez and near the sea, and thither repairing with his men erected a fortress, church, and other buildings, partitioned the adjacent lands, distributed repartimientos, organized a municipality, and called the place San Miguel. So thoroughly had the work of devastation been carried on by the islanders on one side, and the soldiery of Atahualpa on the other, that the Spaniards met with little opposition.

But these were not the men to waste time in establishing friendship upon a devastated seaboard when there was a world of wealth somewhere thereabout. One thing troubled Pizarro, however. By late arrivals he had been informed that Almagro still thought seriously of establishing for himself a colony. Pizarro needed Almagro's aid, and he wanted no rival there. So drawing in his talons he wrote Almagro begging him for the love of God and the king, if such were his plans to change them and come to his assistance. This letter with the gold thus far collected he despatched by ship to Panamá.

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[Sidenote: FATAL DISRUPTIONS.]

Meanwhile the rumors of battle between the rival princes become more defined. It is known that when the Spaniards landed at San Mateo the war was raging. While Pizarro was marching southward toward Tumbez with one hundred and eighty men, Atahualpa was also marching southward toward Cuzco with 140,000 men to meet Huascar with a force of 130,000. And Atahualpa the victor now rests in the vale of Caxamalca, beyond the cordillera, but not more than twelve days' journey hence. Pizarro resolves to visit him; peradventure there to throw the die which is to determine many fates.[I‑5]

It is the 24th of September when Pizarro sets out from San Miguel with one hundred and ten foot-soldiers, sixty-seven horsemen, and two Indian interpreters. Atahualpa is well aware of the presence of the Spaniards, of their works within Peruvian domain, and of their approach. And he is curious to behold them. There is nothing to fear, unless indeed they be gods, in which case it were useless to oppose them. Along the way the natives cheerfully provide every requirement for the courteous strangers.

Arrived at the western base of the cordillera the sixth day, permission is given to all who may choose to withdraw from the hazardous venture beyond. Nine, four foot and five horsemen, avail themselves of the opportunity and return to San Miguel. On the march next day Pizarro is informed that the general in charge of Atahualpa's forces garrisoned at Caxas, a village lying directly on the route to Caxamalca, is prepared to question his progress should he attempt to pass that way. Hernando de Soto, with a small detachment, is sent forward, while the main body of the little army await results at Zaran. Proceeding wonderingly by the great upper road or causeway of the incas, which extends along the rugged Andes the entire length of the empire from Quito to Cuzco, and so wide that six horsemen can ride there abreast, Soto finds the Peruvian general, recites the stale story of the world's greatest monarch who sends his master information of the maker of the universe and this earth's saviour, and begs permission on behalf of the Spanish captain to proceed on his heavenly and peaceable errand. At this juncture a messenger arrives with an invitation from the inca for the Spaniards to visit him. While on the way presents are exchanged by the heads of the respective powers, and, as the Spaniards draw near the Peruvian encampment, another messenger from the inca wishes to know on what day the strangers will enter Caxamalca, that a suitable reception may be prepared.

[Sidenote: ARRIVAL AT CAXAMALCA.]

At length from the terraced heights above Caxamalca, through the openings of the foliage, the white tents of the Peruvian host are seen stretching for miles along the fertile valley. It is a sight at which the heart of the stoutest cavalier might beat despondingly, and that without prejudice. But these audacious Spaniards halt only to don their brightest armor, and unfurling their banner they march down the mountain. Next day, the 15th of November, Pizarro divides his force into three companies and enters the town about the hour of vespers. Some two thousand houses surround a triangular plaza of extraordinary size, walled in by solid masonry and low adobe barracks, and entered from the streets through gates. From a large stone fortress broad steps descend to the plaza on one side, while on the other a secret staircase leads to the street. Without the now deserted town stands the temple of the sun, and on an eminence near by is another and more formidable fortress of hewn stone. A spiral wall, which thrice encloses the citadel, renders the place impregnable to native soldiery, while ascent from the plain is made by a winding staircase. Between the village and the Peruvian encampment, a league distant, a causeway runs, forming a fine road over the soft fertile lands intervening.

As with heavy tread the Spaniards march through the silent streets in which no living thing is visible save a few knots of ancient, witch-like crones who predict in low mournful regrets the destruction of the strangers, the adventure at this point assumes ghostly shape, like the confused manœuvrings of a dream and Caxamalca a phantom city. Quartering his troops in the plaza, Pizarro sends Hernando de Soto with fifteen horsemen,[I‑6] and the interpreter Felipillo, to ask the inca the time and place of the approaching interview; and lest accident should befall the embassy Hernando Pizarro is ordered to follow and assist as occasion requires. Over the causeway toward the imperial camp rushes first one cavalcade and then the other, past manly men and modest women who gaze in mute astonishment as the apparitions emerge from the murky twilight and sweep by and disappear midst clatter of hoofs and clang of arms never before heard in this quarter of the earth. Presently is encountered the Inca's army drawn up in distinct battalions, archers, slingers, clubmen, and spearmen, standing expectantly.[I‑7] The royal pavilion occupies an open space near the centre of the encampment. Within a short distance are the bath-houses, and a rustic dwelling, with plastered walls colored in various tints and surrounded by corridors. On one side is a stone fountain, and a reservoir into which flows water, both hot and cold, from rivulets and springs through aqueducts which intersect the valley in every direction. On the other side are the royal gardens and pleasure-grounds.

[Sidenote: MEETING WITH ATAHUALPA.]

As the horsemen draw up before the royal quarters the inca is discovered seated on an ottoman in front of his tent and surrounded by groups of courtiers, while beautiful damsels in brilliant attire flit about the grounds. Elegance, discipline, and the profound deference of the nobles toward their chief are apparent at the first glance. The inca, although arrayed less gaudily than his attendants, is easily distinguished by the famous imperial head-dress, or borla, worn by Peruvian monarchs in place of a crown, consisting of a crimson woollen fringe, which Oviedo describes as a tassel of the width of the hand, and about one span in length, gathered upon the crown in the form of a flat brush, the fringe descending over the forehead down to the eyes, and partially covering them, so that the wearer can scarcely see without raising the lower part of it with his hand. The Christians who have heard many tales of his craft and ferocity, look in vain for traces of extraordinary passion or cunning. The borla, according to Jeres, throws a shade of melancholy over the features of Atahualpa; aside from this, however, his face is grave, passionless, and cold. With a single horseman on either side, Hernando de Soto rides forward a few paces, and without dismounting respectfully addresses the inca through Felipillo, the interpreter. "I come, most mighty prince, from the commander of the Christians, who through your courtesy now rests at Caxamalca, ardently longing to kiss your royal hand, and deliver you a message from his puissant master, the king of Spain." Immovable, silent, with eyes downcast, sits the inca as if listening he hears not, as if unaware of any extraordinary occurrence. After an embarrassing pause, a nobleman who stands nearest the august monarch answers, "It is well."

At this juncture Hernando Pizarro rides up and joins in the parley. When informed that a brother of the Spanish captain has arrived, Atahualpa raises his eyes and speaks: "Say to your commander that to-day I fast, but to-morrow I will visit him at Caxamalca." Hereupon the ambassadors turn to depart; but the inca, slow to speak, is slower still to cease speaking, and the Spaniards are motioned to pause. "My cacique Mayzabilica informs me," continues Atahualpa, "that the Christians are cowards, and not invincible as they would make us believe; for on the banks of the Turicara he himself had killed three Spaniards and a horse in revenge for outrages on his people." Checking his rising choler with the thought of the stake for which he played, Hernando Pizarro explains: "Your chieftain tells you false when he says that the Christians dare not fight, or even that they can be overcome. Ten horsemen are enough to put to flight ten thousand of the men of Mayzabilica. My brother comes to offer terms of amity. If you have enemies to be subdued direct us to them, and we will prove the truth of this I say." With an incredulous smile Atahualpa drops the subject and offers refreshments to his visitors. But at this moment the attention of all is directed to another scene.

Hernando de Soto is an expert horseman and superbly mounted. He marks the smile of incredulity with which the broad boast of his comrade had been received by the Peruvians, and in order to inspire a more healthful terror, he drives his iron heel into the flanks of his impatient steed, and darting off at full speed, sweeps round in graceful curves, prancing, leaping, running; then riding off a little distance he wheels and dashes straight toward the royal pavilion. The nobles throw up their hands to shield the sacred person of the inca; a moment after they fly in terror. But when with one more bound the horse would be upon the monarch, the rider reins back the animal to a dead stop. Not the twitching of a muscle is discernible in the features of the inca; though for their cowardice in the presence of strangers, we are told that the nobles next day suffered death. The cavaliers decline food, saying that they, too, are holding a fast; but _chicha_, or wine of maize, being offered them in golden goblets by dark-eyed beauties, and Atahualpa brooking no refusal, the Spaniards without dismounting drink it off, and then slowly ride back to Caxamalca.

[Sidenote: PREMEDITATED TREACHERY.]

As the night wears away, while Atahualpa lies dreaming of the twilight apparition, Francisco Pizarro matures his plans. Little as there was in the brief survey of the inca's camp to inspire confidence in attempting here the seizure trick, the Spaniards nevertheless determine to venture it. The details of the proposed perfidy and butchery are arranged with consummate audacity and executed with a cool indifference to human rights and human suffering which would do honor to the chief of anacondas. In issuing to his officers their instructions for the day, which are nothing less than to seize the inca and murder his attendants, Pizarro says: "The project is more feasible than at first glance one might imagine. To administer to us the rites of hospitality, the Indians will not come arrayed in hostile humor. No more can be admitted to the plaza than may be easily vanquished; and with the inca, whom his soldiers worship as a god, within our grasp, we may dictate terms to the empire. Farther than this our case is desperate. Atahualpa has permitted our insignificant force, which he could crush at pleasure, to advance even to the border of his sacred presence; he will scarcely suffer us to depart in peace, did we wish it. Of your hearts make a fortress; for though we be few in number, God will never forsake those who fight his battles."

Mass, attended by pious chants, follows the early clarion call the 16th of November, and dread-dispelling action soon clears the atmosphere of every gloomy foreboding. Arms and armor are put in order and burnished; the horses are decorated with bells and jingling trappings, that they may present a terrifying appearance. A sumptuous repast is spread in one of the halls opening into the plaza in which the inca is to be received. The cavalry is divided into three squadrons under Hernando de Soto, Hernando Pizarro, and Sebastian de Benalcázar, and stationed within the halls on the three sides of the plaza. The foot-soldiers, with the exception of twenty men reserved by Pizarro as his body-guard, occupy rooms adjoining the court, but few being visible. Two small field-pieces are planted opposite the avenue by which the Peruvians approach. Near the artillerymen are stationed the cross-bowmen, and in the tower of the fortress a few musketeers are placed. Thus the Spaniards await their victim till late in the afternoon, when from the tower they behold that which causes trepidation not less than courage-cooling delay. Three hundred warriors in gay uniforms clear the way of sticks or stones or other obstruction for the royal procession, which is headed by Atahualpa, seated on a throne of gold, in a plumed palanquin garnished with precious stones, and borne on the shoulders of his vassals. On either side and behind the royal litter walk the counsellors of the realm, and behind it follows battalion after battalion of the forces of the inca until thirty thousand soldiers in martial array occupy the causeway from the Peruvian camp half way to Caxamalca. Surely the projected seizure in the midst of such a host were madness, and without a miracle it would seem that the Christians must abandon their pious purpose. The miracle, however, is not wanting. Just before reaching the entrance in the city, Atahualpa pitches his tents with the intention of passing there the night and entering Caxamalca the next morning. This, the death-blow to the high hopes of the day, Pizarro determines if possible to prevent. Despatching a messenger to the inca, he beseeches him to change his purpose, and to sup with him that night. The inca assents, saying that in view of the lateness of the hour he will bring only a few unarmed attendants. And to his subjects he remarks, "Arms are unnecessary in our intercourse with those engaged in so holy a mission." Hence the miracle.

[Sidenote: VISIT OF ATAHUALPA.]

Though few in comparison with his entire army, the attendants of Atahualpa numbered several thousands, as just before sunset, slowly and with measured tread, they march up the main avenue toward the plaza keeping step to the sonorous music of the singers and with the dancers who amble before the royal litter. Nearest the person of the monarch are the _orejones_, as the Spaniards styled the Peruvian noblemen, richly attired with armor and crowns of gold and silver, some walking, others in litters, according to their several ranks. Around his neck over a sleeveless waistcoat, the inca wears a band of large emeralds; under the magic borla, the dull, cold, listless look of the preceding evening had given place to an expression of enkindled majesty. Entering the plaza the royal procession deploy to right and left, Atahualpa and his nobles taking their station in the centre, and the Peruvian soldiery filling the remaining space. Profound quiet fills the place, and so hidden behind the forms of his own swarthy warriors are the few Spaniards appearing that Atahualpa, without descending from the litter, casts about him an inquiring glance and asks an attendant, "Have the strangers fled?"[I‑8] At this moment a priest, Vicente de Valverde, accompanied by the interpreter, emerges from one of the halls. In one hand he bears a bible and in the other a crucifix.[I‑9] Approaching the royal litter, the ecclesiastic harangues the inca, beginning with the doctrines of the trinity, creation, redemption, and delegation of authority,[I‑10] and ending with faith, hope, and charity, as manifest in the person of the pirate Pizarro.

The contemptuous smile which mounts the features of the inca at the opening of the address, changes to looks of dark resentment as he is told to renounce his faith and to acknowledge the sovereignty of the king of Spain. "Your sovereign may be great," he exclaims, fire flashing from his eye, "but none is greater than the inca. I will be tributary to no man.[I‑11] As for your faith, you say your god was slain and by men whom he had made. Mine lives," pointing proudly to the setting sun, "omnipotent in the heavens.[I‑12] Your pope must be a fool to talk of giving away the property of others."[I‑13] Then after a moment's pause he demands, "By what authority do you speak thus to me?" The priest places in his hand the bible. "In this," he says, "is given all that is requisite for man to know." The inca takes the book and turns the leaves. "It tells me nothing," he exclaims. Then exasperated by what he deems intentional insult he throws the book upon the ground,[I‑14] saying, "You shall dearly pay for this indignity, and for all the injuries you have done in my dominions." It is enough. God and the king rejected, and the holy evangelists trampled under foot.[I‑15] "Why do you delay?" cries the enraged monk to Pizarro as he picks up the sacred volume. "In God's name at them! Kill the impious dogs!"[I‑16]

[Sidenote: SEIZURE OF THE INCA.]

The zealous commander needs no second exhortation. Unfurling a white banner, the signal for assault, he springs from his retreat; the sentinel in the tower discharges his musket, and loud rings the war-cry Santiago! as every Spaniard rushes to the charge. To their brutal instinct was added a spiritual drunkenness which took them out of the category of manhood and made them human fiends. We wonder how men could so believe; but greater still is our wonder how men so believing could so behave. The guns fill the place with reverberating noise and smoke; with shrill blast of trumpets and jingling of bells the horsemen ride upon the panic-stricken crowd; the infantry with clang of arms appear and all unite in quick succession in sheathing their sharp swords in the unprotected bodies of the natives. At first they turn to fly, but at every point they are met by a blood-thirsty foe. Those nearest the gates escape, but soon the passages are blocked by heaps of dead bodies. The carnage is fearful. And above all the din of slaughter is heard the shrill voice of the man of God crying to the soldiers, "Thrust! thrust! thrust with the point of your swords, lest by striking you break your weapons."[I‑17] When the first fierce charge is made, Pizarro, who with twenty chosen men had assumed the task of capturing the inca, rushes for the royal litter, but quick as are their movements the devoted followers of Atahualpa are before him, and crowding round their imperilled sovereign, struggle to shield his person. As one drops dead another hastens to take his place. Each one of Pizarro's guard strives for the honor of the capture; but for a time they are prevented by the surges of the crowd which carry the monarch hither and thither and by the desperate defence made by the Peruvians.

[Sidenote: AT THE BANQUET.]

Fearful lest in the darkness which is now coming on the victims should escape, one of the Spaniards strikes with his sword at the inca. In warding off the blow, Pizarro receives a slight wound in the hand; then threatening death to any who offer violence to Atahualpa, he hews his way through the fortress of faithful hearts which guard the royal person, and thrusting his sword into the bearers of the litter brings down the monarch, whom he catches in his arms. The borla is torn from Atahualpa's forehead and he is led away to the fortress, where he is manacled and placed under a strong guard.[I‑18] Meanwhile the butchery continues in and beyond the plaza. And in the slaughter of about five thousand men which occupied not more than half an hour it is said that no Spanish blood was spilled save that drawn from the hand of Pizarro by one of his own men.[I‑19] Following their instincts these fiends incarnate spend the night in rioting and drunkenness.[I‑20] Thus during the swift glimmer of a tropical twilight, the conquest of Peru is accomplished; the sun of the inca sets lurid, blood-colored; true to their engagement, Pizarro and Atahualpa sup together that night![I‑21]

* * * * *

We have seen how the opulent empire of Peru was found; how its powerful chieftain was treacherously taken captive by a crew of Spanish invaders; now witness for a moment how peace was made by ambassadors of the Prince of Peace.

So suddenly fell the blow that Atahualpa failed to realize his situation. It was but an affray of the hour; the idea of his subjugation had not yet even occurred to him. At the banquet he praised the skill with which the bloody work was done, and to his lamenting followers he said, "Such are the vicissitudes of war, to conquer and to be conquered." By Pizarro and his comrades the august prisoner was treated as a dish fit for the gods. His women and his nobles were permitted to attend him, and for his life or prolonged imprisonment he was told to have no fear. Meanwhile the Spaniards were exhorted to watchfulness; they were reminded that they were but a handful of men surrounded by millions of foes. "Our success," said Pizarro, "was miraculous, for which God who gave it us should be devoutly praised." The Peruvians made no effort to rescue their chief; and while the sacred person of their inca was a prisoner they were powerless and purposeless. Thirty horsemen were sufficient to scatter the imperial army and rifle the encampment. And while Pizarro preached[I‑22] Christianity to his chained captive, his soldiers were out gold-gathering, desecrating the Peruvian temples, killing the men, and outraging the women.[I‑23] It was quickly discovered that the wealth of the country far exceeded the wildest dreams of the conquerors, and soon gold and silver ornaments and utensils to the value of one hundred thousand castellanos were heaped up in the plaza.[I‑24]

[Sidenote: A KING'S RANSOM.]

Atahualpa was not slow to perceive that neither loyalty nor their vaunted piety was the ruling passion of his captors, but the love of gold. And herein was a ray of hope; for as the days went by a dark suspicion of their perfidy and evil intention concerning him had filled his mind. Calling Pizarro to him he said: "The affairs of my kingdom demand my attention. Already my brother Huascar, having heard of my misfortune, is planning his escape. If gold will satisfy you, I will cover this floor with vessels of solid gold, so you but grant me my freedom." Pizarro made no reply. The Spaniards present threw an incredulous glance around the apartment. The room was twenty-two feet in length by sixteen in width. Inferring from their silence that the ransom was too small and distressed at the prospect of long confinement, he exclaimed: "Nay, I will fill the room as high as you can reach with gold, if you will let me go." And to make the offer the more tempting he stepped to the wall and on tiptoe stretching out his arm made a mark nine feet from the floor. Still his tormentors were silent. At last he burst out excitedly: "And if that is not enough," pointing to a smaller apartment adjoining, I will fill that room twice full with silver."[I‑25] The proposal was accepted. It was safe enough to do so, although the infamous Pizarro never for a moment intended his royal prisoner should leave his hands alive; for by this means might the wealth of the empire be most speedily collected, and if successful a pretext for breaking the promise of liberation might easily be found. Two months were allowed the captive in which to gather this enormous treasure. Hollow vessels and all utensils were to be contributed in manufactured form, not melted down. Valuable jewels were to enrich the collection, and the friendship of the inca was to crown the visionary ransom.

Immediately after the recording of this stipulation by the notary, Atahualpa sent out in every direction messengers with instructions to gather and bring to Caxamalca with the least possible delay, the requisite articles for the ransom. The treasures of the inca were chiefly lodged in the royal palaces of Cuzco and Quito and in the temples of the sun throughout the empire. All governors and subalterns were urged to use the utmost alacrity in the execution of this order. Meanwhile the pirates were masters of the situation. Each beastly boor of them was a lord waited on by male and female attendants. They drank from vessels of gold and shod their horses with silver. Their captain was king of kings; one king his prisoner, another his prisoner's prisoner. One of the chroniclers states that shortly after his capture Atahualpa received intelligence of an important battle won by his army on the day of his fall. "Such are the mysteries of fate," exclaimed the unhappy monarch, "at the same moment conquered and a conqueror." Huascar who was at this time confined at Andamarca not far distant from Caxamalca hearing of the capture of Atahualpa and of the immense ransom offered for his release sent to Pizarro offering a much larger amount for his own liberation. Pizarro saw at once the advantage to be derived in acting the part of umpire between these rival claimants to the throne, and consequently the overtures of Huascar were encouraged. But Atahualpa although closely confined was kept fully informed of the events transpiring throughout the empire, and his word was yet law. Pizarro imprudently remarked to him one day, "I wait with impatience the arrival of your brother in order that I may judge between you and render justice where it may be due."[I‑26] Shortly afterward Huascar was secretly put to death; and Pizarro had the mortification of finding himself outwitted by a manacled barbarian.

While waiting the gathering of the gold, Hernando Pizarro with twenty horsemen raided the country with rich results. Three soldiers, it is said, were sent by Pizarro under the inca's protection to Cuzco, where after desecrating the temples and violating the sacred virgins they returned to Caxamalca with two hundred _cargas_ of gold and twenty-five of silver, the transportation of which required no less than nine hundred Indians.

[Sidenote: GATHERING THE GOLD.]

Time passed wearily with the imprisoned monarch. The influx of gold at first rapid, soon fell off, and unfortunately for Atahualpa much of it was in flat plates which increased the bulk but slowly. Nevertheless as the matter went Pizarro felt justified in granting the prisoner an extension of time. In February 1533 Almagro arrived at Caxamalca with two hundred men, fifty of whom were mounted, and demanded for himself and company equitable participation in the spoil, according to compact. This Pizarro refused, but agreed to divide what should be thereafter taken. The dispute was finally settled by allowing Almagro for his expenses one hundred thousand pesos, and for his men twenty thousand.

Yet more slowly came in the gold; the people were now hiding it; the Spaniards desired the death of Atahualpa with the liberty to devastate and pillage after the old manner. They determined the inca should die;[I‑27] but first they would melt down and divide the gold; they determined to kill the inca, but first he should have a fair trial. It was no difficult matter to frame an indictment. Huascar's death, pretended insurrections, delay in the ransom, refusal to accept baptism; these charges, or any of them, were amply sufficient. Then Felipillo desired one of Atahualpa's wives, and did what he could to hasten his death.[I‑28]

The native artisans to whom the task was allotted were occupied more than a month in running into bars the immense mass of gold and silver collected. It was in value 1,326,539 castellanos,[I‑29] equal in purchasing power to over twenty millions of dollars at the present day. "It is the most solemn responsibility of my life," exclaimed Pizarro, as he seated himself in the golden chair of the inca, to act as umpire in the partition, "and may God help me to deal justly by every man;" after which prayer the pirate's dealings might well be watched. And first he gave himself the golden chair in which he sat, valued at 20,000 castellanos, golden bars, 57,222 castellanos, and 2,350 marks of silver. Next his brother Hernando received 31,080 castellanos of gold, and 2,350 marks of silver, nearly twice as much as was given to Hernando de Soto, his equal in rank and talent. Horsemen received 8,880 castellanos in gold and 362 marks of silver. Some of the infantry received half that amount, others less. To the church of San Francisco was given 2,220 castellanos of gold.[I‑30] Father Luque had died shortly before the departure of Almagro from Panamá; no mention is made of him or of his legal representative, Gaspar de Espinosa, in the distribution.

Hernando Pizarro and Hernando de Soto were both opposed to harsh measures with regard to the inca, treating with the contempt they deserved the thickening rumors of revolt. But Pizarro and Almagro, impatient to pursue their ambitious schemes, had long since determined Atahualpa's fate. The accusations and the trial would both be laughable were they not so diabolical. Pizarro and Almagro acted as judges. Among the charges were attempted insurrection, usurpation and putting to death the lawful sovereign, idolatry, waging unjust warfare, adultery, polygamy, and the embezzlement of the public revenues since the Spaniards had taken possession of the country! What more cutting irony could words present of the Christian and civilized idea of humanity and the rights of man then entertained than the catalogue of crimes by which this barbarian must unjustly die, every one of which the Spaniards themselves had committed in a tenfold degree since entering these dominions. The opinion of the soldiers was taken.[I‑31] It is unnecessary to say that the prisoner was found guilty. He was condemned to be burned alive in the plaza.

[Sidenote: DEATH OF ATAHUALPA.]

At the appointed hour the royal captive, heavily chained, was led forth. It was nightfall, and the torch-lights threw a dismal glare upon the scene. By the inca's side walked the infamous Father Vicente, who never ceased pouring into the unwilling ear of his victim his hateful consolations. Upon the funeral pile, Atahualpa was informed that if he would accept baptism he might be kindly strangled instead of burned. "A cheap escape from much suffering," thought the monarch, and permitted it to be done. The name of Juan de Atahualpa was given him. The iron collar of the garrote was then tightened, the Christians recited their credos over the new convert, and the spirit of the inca hied away to the sun. Thus one more jewel was added to the immortal crown of Father Vicente de Valverde![I‑32]

* * * * *

With the death of Atahualpa the empire of the incas fell to pieces, and the Spaniards were not slow to seize upon the distracted country. It is said that the gold and silver obtained by the conquerors at Cuzco equalled that furnished by the inca. Official statements place the amount at 580,200 castellanos of gold, and 215,000 marks of silver.[I‑33] After another distribution government was organized by the Spaniards with Manco Capac crowned inca of Peru for a figure-head, behind whom and in whose name the grim conquerors might unblushingly pursue their work of destruction. Sebastian Benalcázar took possession of Quito, where he was shortly afterward confronted by Pedro de Alvarado, one of the conquerors of Mexico and governor of Guatemala.

[Sidenote: ALVARADO IN PERU.]

It appears that Alvarado, having fitted out a fleet of twelve ships for a voyage to the Spice Islands, was turned from his purpose as will be hereafter related, by the reported marvellous successes of the Peruvian adventures. Believing or affecting to believe that the province of Quito was without the jurisdiction of Pizarro, he determined to conquer that country for himself. His army on landing presented the strongest front of any in Peru, but the march across the snowy sierra was one of the most disastrous in Spanish colonial history.[I‑34] Although the distance was short the entire way was strewn with the dead; more than one hundred Spaniards and two thousand Indians perished. Enough however survived to enable Alvarado to make equitable arrangements with Almagro and Benalcázar. A portion of the vessels and the entire forces of Alvarado were transferred to the associates for one hundred thousand castellanos. Alvarado then visited Pizarro at Pachacamac, where the latter was awaiting the development of events at Quito; after which Alvarado took his departure. Benalcázar remained at Quito and eventually became governor of that province.

* * * * *

After this in the history of Peru comes the feud between the associate conquerors; for here as elsewhere no sooner are the savages slain than their destroyers fall to fighting among themselves. Almagro and Pizarro are old men, old friends, copartners; yet instead of dividing their immense acquisition and devoting the brief remainder of their days to peaceful pursuits, so deadly becomes their hatred that each seems unable to rest while the other lives. Hernando Pizarro reports proceedings in Spain, and Almagro is placed in command of Cuzco, while Pizarro founds his capital at Lima. The king confirms Pizarro in his conquest and makes him Marqués de los Atavillos, and grants Almagro two hundred leagues along the sea-shore commencing from the southern limit of Pizarro's territory. Hernando Pizarro takes Almagro's place at Cuzco. While Benalcázar is at Quito, Almagro in Chile, and the forces of Pizarro divided between Cuzco and Lima, the inca, Manco Capac, revolts. With two hundred thousand men he besieges Cuzco, Lima, and San Miguel simultaneously, and massacres the settlers on plantations. The Spaniards are reduced to the greatest extremity. Cuzco is laid in ashes, and Pizarro, unable to coöperate with his brother Hernando, despatches ships to Panamá and Nicaragua for aid.

The chief point of dispute between the associates is the partition line dividing their respective governments. Each claims the ancient capital of Cuzco as lying within his territory. Almagro, returning from a disastrous expedition into Chile, makes overtures to gain the friendship of Manco Capac; failing in this he defeats the inca in a pitched battle, takes possession of Cuzco, makes Hernando Pizarro his prisoner, and captures his army. Instead of striking off his head as urged to do by Orgoñez, and marching at once on Lima, Almagro falters and thereby falls.

Meanwhile Hernan Cortés sends his imperilled brother-conqueror a vessel laden with provisions; a kingly gift. Gaspar de Espinosa, Father Luque's successor, presents himself about this time in Peru, and is sent to Almagro by Pizarro to effect a settlement of their difficulties, but the latter remains firm, and the sudden death of Espinosa terminates the present overtures. Finally by many solemnly sworn promises, which are broken immediately, his point is gained, Francisco Pizarro obtains the release of his brother; then with seven hundred men, on the plain before Cuzco, he engages and defeats Almagro's force of five hundred men under Orgoñez, captures Almagro, whom he places in chains, and after a mock trial puts him to death. Hernando Pizarro is afterward arrested in Spain for the murder of Almagro, kept confined a prisoner for twenty years, is liberated, and dies at the age of one hundred years.

[Sidenote: BLOODY TERMINATION.]

And now appears on the scene, as heir to the feud, Almagro's illegitimate son Diego, who henceforth lives but to avenge his father's death. There are those who will not serve the murderer of their master, 'men of Chile,' they are called, and so they see distress and carry thin visages and tattered garments about the streets of Cuzco. These to the number of twenty, with Juan de Rada their leader, meet at the house of young Almagro, and bind themselves by oath to kill Francisco Pizarro on the following Sunday the 26th of June 1541. Almagro's house adjoins the church, while Pizarro's is on the other side of the plaza. They will slay him as he leaves the church after mass. But the governor does not attend church that day; so they cross the square and enter through an open gate into the court-yard, from which stairs lead to an upper room, where Pizarro is at dinner with several friends. Suddenly the diners hear a shout from below, "Long live the king! Death to tyrants!"

Accustomed to danger Pizarro acts on the instant, directs his chief officer Francisco de Chaves to make fast the door, and steps into an adjoining room with his half-brother, Martinez de Alcántara, to arm himself. Chaves springs forward and closes the door, but instead of securing it he parleys with the assailants who are now at the top of the stairs. A sword thrust into the officer's breast cuts short the conference, and the body is flung below. Perceiving blood, most of the guests fly, climbing over a corridor and dropping to the ground; two or three who had come forward with Chaves are quickly despatched by the conspirators. Although his armor is ill-adjusted Pizarro springs forward sword in hand. "How now, villains! would you murder me?" cries this veteran of a hundred fights. Then to Alcántara, "Let us hold bravely against these traitors, for I swear to God we two are enough to slay them all." The men of Chile fall back before him, but only for a moment; again crowding forward one after another of the conspirators is stretched on the ground. The conquest however is too unequal to continue; yet after Alcántara, the two pages of the governor, and every person present except the chief lie dead upon the floor, Pizarro still fights on. At length Rada, exasperated, grasps one of his comrades, named Narvaez, and hurls him against Pizarro's sword. It is death to Narvaez, but it is victory for Almagro; for while the sword of Pizarro is sheathed in the body of the luckless conspirator, the weapon of another strikes him in the throat, and brings him to the floor. "Kill him! kill him!" cry the assailants as they close round the fallen chieftain, thrusting into his body their swords.[I‑35] True to his religious instincts, the expiring hero raises himself on his arm, traces with his own blood upon the floor the sacred emblem of his faith, sighing "Jesu Cristo!" then while he bows his head to kiss the cross which he had made, a blow more dastardly than all the rest terminates his eventful life. Thus perish in sanguinary brawl, each by the hand of the other, these renowned chieftains, whose persistent steadfastness of purpose and manly courage under difficulties were equalled only by their avarice, treachery, and infamous cruelty.

The bloody work accomplished, the conspirators rush forward and cry, "Long live the king! The tyrant is dead! Long live our lawful governor Almagro!" The Almagroists continue in power till the latter part of 1542, when they are exterminated by Vaca de Castro, sent as commissioner by the crown to quiet the country. Almagro is executed, and the name becomes extinct. Juan Pizarro is killed by the Indians while capturing the fortress of Cuzco, and after the defeat of Vasco Nuñez Vela at Añaquito had been avenged by the execution of Gonzalo Pizarro at Xaquixaguana, the affairs of Peru lapse into the hands of the viceroys.[I‑36]