iv. 116, 'Por la costa del Norte tiene hasta Veragua, que lo

que con aquel corresponde en la costa del Sur puede ser la punta de Chame, que está quince leguas al Poniente de Panamá, é desde allí para arriba seria Castilla del Oro hasta lo que respondiesse ó responde de Norte á Sur.' The _Descripcion Panamá_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ix. 82, says the official name was _Provincia de Castilla del Oro y reino de Tierra Firme_, and so remained till the beginning of the 17th century, and afterward _Bética áurea_, or _Castilla del oro_, is written in _Décadas_, _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, viii. 14.

[VI-4] And no wonder misunderstandings should arise over a cédula dividing territory in such words as, 'á vos el dicho Diego de Nicuesa en el parte de Veragua y el dicho Alonso de Hojeda en el parte de Urabá.' _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, iii. 116.

[VI-5] Peter Martyr, dec. ii. cap. i., gives Nicuesa 795, and Ojeda 300 men. Herrera, dec. i. lib. vii. cap. xi., says that 700 sailed from Española with Nicuesa and 300 with Ojeda. 'No pudiendo Hojeda por su pobreza aprestar la expedicion, la Cosa y otros amigos le fletaron una nao, y uno ó dos bergantines, que con doscientos hombres.' _Noticias biográficas del capitan Alonso Hojeda_, _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, iii. 170. Benzoni, who pays little heed to numbers or dates, says, _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 37, 'Hoieda comprò quattro naui e fece più di quattrocento soldati alle fue spese, e cosi partì san Domenico.'

[VI-6] 'Bachiller,' says the English translator of Benzoni, 'has a wider meaning than our word bachelor, signifying also an inferior order of knighthood.' This is a mistake. The word has the same corresponding significance in both languages. It is true that the degree exempts the possessor from certain obligations, such as personal service, military and municipal, imprisonment for debt, etc., and grants him certain privileges enjoyed by noblemen. But this does not make him noble. The next degree, which is that of licentiate, carries with it still further privileges, but even this does not constitute knighthood. The degree of doctor, which follows that of licentiate and is the highest conferred by the university, gives the possessor the right to prefix Don to his name, and places him in nearly every respect on a par with noblemen.

[VI-7] The word _alcalde_ is from the Arabic _al cadi_, the judge or governor. _Alcalde ordinario_ used formerly to designate the officer having the immediate superintendency of a town or city, with cognizance of judicial matters except those of persons enjoying some privilege (_fuero_). _Alcalde mayor_ signifies a judge, learned in the law, who exercises ordinary jurisdiction, civil and criminal, in a town or district. The office is equivalent to that of district judge in the United States, the audiencia standing for the supreme court. There were, however, in the early years, alcaldes mayores who were not law judges, or men learned in the law; they governed for the king a town or city not the capital of a province.

_Corregidor_, a magistrate having civil and criminal jurisdiction in the first instance (_nisi prius_) and gubernatorial inspection in the political and economical government in all the towns of the district assigned to him. There were _corregidores letrados_ (learned in the law), _políticos_ (political), _de capa y espada_ (cloak and sword), and _políticos y militares_ (holding civil and military authority). All had equal jurisdiction. When the corregidor or mayor was not by profession a lawyer, unless he had an _asesor_ of his own, the alcalde mayor, if possessed of legal knowledge, became his adviser, which greatly increased the importance of the latter. The alcalde mayor was appointed by the king. He must be by profession a lawyer, twenty-six years of age, and of good character. He could neither be a native of the district in which he was to exercise his functions, nor could he marry a wife in his district. _Recop. de Indias_, ii. 113-27 and note. So much for the law. Practically in cases of this kind, where the governor was not learned in the law, civil, criminal, and some phases even of military authority devolved on the alcalde mayor, the two first _ex officio_, and the last as the legal adviser of the military chief. In new colonies this officer was invested with powers almost equal to those of the governor, though of a different kind.

[VI-8] A document prepared by the united wisdom of church and state, for general use in the Indies, setting forth the obligations of all good savages to their dual head of Spain and Rome, with a list of punishments which were to follow disobedience. Of which more hereafter.

[VI-9] To this day there are tribes in the vicinity of the Atrato River which have never been subjugated.

[VI-10] I am unable to find this place on any map. Gomara, _Hist. Ind._, 68, says: 'Començo luego vna fortaleza, y pueblo, donde se recoger, y assegurar en el mismo lugar que quatro años antes lo auia comẽçado Iuan dela Cosa. Este fue el primer pueblo de Españoles en la tierra firme de Indias.' If the author refers his first town to the former visit of Juan de la Cosa four years before, I should say that could scarcely be called an attempted settlement, still less an established town. If he intimates that this fort of Ojeda's was the first settlement, then is he wrong, for Belen, in Veragua, was before this. Whatever he means, and that often is impossible to determine, in this instance it is safe to say that he is in error, as San Sebastian can by no possibility have been the first settlement in Tierra Firme. Herrera writes, i. vii. xvi.: 'Entrò en el golfo de Vrabà, y buscò el rio del Darien, que entre los Indios era muy celebrado de oro, y de gente belicosa, y no le hallando, sobre vnos cerros assentó vn pueblo, al qual llamò la villa de san Sebastian, tomandole por abogado contra las flechas de la yerua mortifera: y esta fue la segunda villa de Castellanos que se poblò, en todo la tierra firme, auiendo sido la primera la que començò a poblar el Almirante viejo, en Veragua.' Words to the same effect are in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, iii. 172. It seems rather premature to call these futile attempts establishing towns.

[VI-11] The first in Tierra Firme, Oviedo says, but he forgets the landing, for the same purpose, of Bartolomé Colon at Cape Honduras, Sunday, August 14, 1502.

[VI-12] When Oviedo gravely asserts that Ribero intended desertion, and was stealing by Belen when he was captured by Olano, he goes out of his way to make palpable nonsense appear as truth. Admit them inhuman monsters, which they were not, whither would four starved helpless wretches desert on this deadly shore?

[VI-13] Chagre, not Chagres, was the name of the native province through which this river flows. Near its mouth empty several small streams, and it was only below the confluence of these that the term Lagartos for any length of time applied. Says Alcedo, _Dic._, i., of the River Chagre:—'Lo descubrió el de 1527 Hernando de la Serna llamándole rio de Lagartos, y antes su boca Lope de Olano el de 1510.' Oviedo remarks upon it:—'Algunos han querido deçir que los de aquesta armada le dieron este nombre, porque ninguna cosa viva saltaba de los navíos que en pressençia de la gente no se la comiessen luego muy grandes lagartos, lo qual se experimentó en algunos perros. Este rio es la boca del rio Chagre.' _Hist. Gen._, ii. 467. Acosta is somewhat loose in the statement, _Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada_, 34, 'En la boca del rio Chagres, que entonces llamaban de los Lagartos por la multitud de caimanes que Colon habia visto en él.' Vaz Dourado places, on _Munich Atlas_, no. x., 1571, in this vicinity a river with the word _chi_. _Munich Atlas_ no. ix. has it _Chiche_. De Laet writes _R. de Chagre_; Dampier, _R. Chagre_; Jefferys, _R. Chagre_ and _Ft. Chagre_.

[VI-14] The name familiar to cartographers often assumed in those days peculiar orthography on the maps. Thus Fernando Colon writes this name _nõbre_; Ribero, _nõb_; Agnese, _nõmbre de dio_; Vaz Dourado, _nöbre de dios_; Ramusio, _Nome de dio_; Hondius, in Purchas, _Nom de Dios_; Mercator, Dampier, Ogilby, the author of _West-Indische Spieghel_, Jefferys, and their successors, contrary to their frequent custom, all write the words correctly. This place, as we shall hereafter see, was for a long time famous as the chief post on the northern coast of Tierra Firme through which passed the merchandise from Spain and the gold from Peru. Says Benzoni, _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 79: 'Questa Città stà situata nel mare di Tramontana. Sogliono adunque communemente ogn'anno andare di Spagna al Nome di Dio, da quattordici, ò quindici naui, fra piccole, e grande, e la maggior porterà mille, e ottocento salme; cariche di robbe diuerse.' Dampier about a century later found the spot where the city had stood overgrown with trees. Its abandonment was owing to poisoned air, the same unwholesome climate that broke up all the early settlements on this coast, the last being always regarded as the worst.

[VI-15] The original authorities for this chapter are: _Real Cédula_, etc., in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, iii. 116; _Memorial presentado al Rey por Rodrigo de Colmenares_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, iii. 387; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Ind._, ii. 61; _Oviedo_, ii. 465-78; _Noticias biográficas del capitan Alonso Hojeda_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, iii. 163; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 69; _Peter Martyr_, dec. ii. 2; _Herrera_, dec. i. lib. vii. cap. vii. Reference, mostly unimportant, to the doings of Ojeda and Nicuesa may be found in _Ramusio_, _Viaggi_, iii. 18-22; _Roberts' Nar. Voy._, xviii.-xix.; _Dalton's Conq. Mex. and Peru_, 37-38; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, 62-65; _Morelet_, _Voy. dans l'Amérique Cent._, ii. 300-1; _Laharpe_, _Abrégé_, ix. 160-84; _Ogilby's Am._, 66-67, 397; _March y Labores_, _Marina Española_, i. 391-402; _Juan_ and _Ulloa_, _Voy._, i. 94; _Acosta_, _Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada_, 26-36; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 163; _Andagoya_, _Nar._, 4-5; _Nouvelle An. des Voy._, cxlviii. 7-10; _Dufey_, _Résumé Hist. Am._, i. 66-71, 371-75; _Helps' Span. Conq._, i. 295-334; _Gordon's Hist. Am._, ii. 62-72; _Holmes' Annals Am._, i. 29-30; _Lardner's Hist. Discov._, ii. 37-40; _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, ii. 57; _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 'Vasco Nuñez,' 1-10, and 'Pizarro,' 42-43; _Robinson's Acct. Discov. in West_, 171-95; _S. Am. and Mex._, i. 12-14; _Snowden's Am._, 70-1; _Robertson's Hist. Am._, i. 191-95; _Irving's Col._, iii. 66-31; _Russell's Hist. Am._, i. 43-8; _Drake's Voy._, 155-58; _London Geog. Soc., Jour._, xxiii. 179; _Du Perier_, _Gen. Hist. Voy._, 110-13; _Pizarro y Orellana_, _Varones Ilvstres_, 53-61; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 36-47; _Morelli_, _Fasti Novi Orbis_, 14; _Bastidas_, _Informacion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 439; _Décadas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, viii. 14; _Mesa y Leompart_, _Hist. Am._, i. 85-86; _Touron_, _Hist. Gen. Am._, i. 275-87; _Lallement_, _Geschichte_, i. 22.

[VII-1] So named by the early settlers of Antigua, probably because of its being on the other side of the gulf from them, toward the Carib country. It is now known as Punta Arenas. Some maps make two points, and give one of the names to each.

[VII-2] Oviedo, ii. 426, says that, with the assistance of one Hurtado, Vasco Nuñez was hidden in a ship's sail.

[VII-3] 'Der Name _Darien_ (_Dariena_, oder _Tarena_) scheint zunächst mit dem indianischen Namen des grossen Flusses Atrato, welcher sich in den Golf von Uraba ausgiesst, seinen Anfang genommen zu haben. Der erste Eroberer, der in diesen Golf einsegelte, war Bastidas 1501. Ob er schon den Fluss Darien gesehen und den Namen nach Europa gebracht hat, ist ungewiss. Gewiss ist es, das der Name des Flusses Darien bereits in den Dokumenten und Theilungspakten zwischen Nicuesa und Ojeda in Jahre 1509 genannt wird.' _Kohl_, _Die Beiden ältesten General-karten von Amerika_, 116. On Peter Martyr's map, _India beyond the Ganges_, 1510, is _tariene_; on the globe of Orontius, 1531, the gulf is called _Sinus vraba_, the river _vrabe_, and the Isthmus _furna dariena_. Salvat de Pilestrina, _Munich Atlas_, no. iv., 1515, places on the west side of the gulf of Urabá the word _dariem_. Maiollo, _Munich Atlas_, no. v., 1519, calls the place _daryen_; Fernando Colon, 1527, writes _darien_; Diego de Ribero, 1529, _dariẽ_; _Munich Atlas_, no. vi., 1532-40, _dariem_; Vaz Dourado, 1571, _dariem_; Robert Thorne, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, _Darion_; _Mercator's Atlas_, 1569; _West-Indische Spieghel_, 1624; _Ogilby's Map of America_, 1671; Dampier, 1699, and subsequent cartographers give the present form.

[VII-4] Ogilby, _Am._, 66, entertains a dim conception of the fact when he says, 'Ancisus pursuing, found in a Thicket of Canes, or Reeds a great Treasure of Gold.'

[VII-5] 'De que hoy no quedan ni vestigios,' says Acosta. Nor do I find laid down on any map in my possession the town of Santa María, or Antigua, or Darien, by which names this place has been severally designated. Puerto Hermoso, placed by Colon at the south-western extremity of the gulf of Urabá, _p: hermosso_, and also by Ribero, _po hmoso_, is supposed to have been the anchorage of Enciso and the harbor of Antigua. Oviedo, i. 4, in endeavoring to fasten upon the place the name _La Guardia_, confuses himself beyond extrication. 'En la cibdad del Darien (que tambien se llamó antes la Guardia) é despues santa Maria del Antigua.'

[VII-6] _Carta dirigida al Rey por Vasco Nuñez de Balboa desde Santa María del Darien, 20 de Enero de 1513_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, iii. 358. That Enciso has been properly represented as a vain and shallow man is proved by a reference to his book, _Suma de Geographia_, 2, wherein he does not hesitate to patronize the boy-emperor 'whose youth had not permitted him to read much of geography.' 'Por tanto yo Martin Fernandez de Enciso alguazil mayor dela tierra firme delas Indias ocidentales llamada castilla dl oro. Desseando hazer algun seruicio a vuestra. s. c. c. m. que le fuesse agradable y no menos prouechoso, cõsiderando que la poca edad de vuestra real alteza no ha dado lugar a que pudiesse leer los libros que dela geographia hablan.' And that he was as beastly in his bigotry and cruelty as his less learned companions we may know from what he himself wrote the king, _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, i. 449, about the caciques who kept men dressed as women, and used as such, 'and when I took Darien, we seized and burned them, and when the women saw them burning they manifested joy.' Compare _Oviedo_, ii. 425-27, 472-76; and iii. 7; _Herrera_, dec. i. lib. viii. cap. v.-vii.; and lib. ix. cap. l; or, if one will have it in Dutch, _Ezquebel_, _Aankomst_, 30-8, in _Gottfried_, _Reysen_, i.; _Acosta_, _Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada_, 33-8; _Drake's Voy._, 157-58; _Norman's Hist. Cal._, 10; _Patton's Hist. U. S._, 11; _Ogilby's Am._, 399; _March y Labores_, _Marina Española_, i. 413-23; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 41-5; _Harper's Mag._, xviii. 468; _Bidwell's Panamá_, 27-28; and _Heylyn's Cosmog._, 1087.

[VII-7] As I have before observed, there were alcaldes of various denominations, duties, and jurisdictions. In new discoveries, when the chief of the expedition had not contracted with the king for the appointing of authorities, the settlers met and elected one or more alcaldes and regidores. The alcalde, in the absence of the governor or military chief, presided over the municipal council, composed of regidores who governed the municipality, or _regimiento_, as it was then called. The alcalde was also the executive power, exercising the functions of judge, with original jurisdiction in all matters civil and criminal, those relating to the natives excepted. In the absence of the adelantado he was therefore chief in authority, and when the governor was present, the alcalde was second. Alcaldes in new settlements, and in early times, were different from those created later. Their duties covered the emergency. In the present instance, had Enciso continued to exercise the office of alcalde mayor, regidores might still have been elected to attend to the affairs of the municipality, in which case no alcaldes would have been elected, for Enciso himself would have presided.

[VII-8] Regidores, or members of the municipal council, were elected by the residents of a ward or district. Cities were entitled to twelve, towns to six, and villages or small settlements were limited to three or even less.

[VII-9] The name of a Spanish settlement midway between Cape de la Vela and Cartagena, and sometimes applied to the territory in that vicinity.

[VII-10] The _procurador de la ciudad_, called afterward _síndico procurador_, and later still _síndico_, was an officer of the municipal council, whose duty it was to see the city ordinances enforced, bring suit for and defend the city in any suit, performing the functions of city attorney, beside having a seat in the common council of the city.

[VII-11] Benzoni asserts that after leaving Antigua, Nicuesa followed the coast for some distance, but landing one day for water, he was seized by cannibals, who captured the vessel and devoured the men. 'E cosi Niquesa molto dolente se ne parti, e per quella costa andando salto in terra per piglior acqua, e su da paesani ucciso, e poi mangiato con tutti i suoi compagni, e questo su la fine della vita di Diego di Niquesa, con la sua armata di Veragua.' _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, i. 47. A story was current for a time that they had been thrown on Cuba, where all perished, leaving inscribed upon a tree, 'Here ended the unfortunate Nicuesa.' Las Casas and Herrera, however, are of opinion that his vessel foundered at sea. 'Algunos imaginaron que aportò a Cuba, y que los Indios le mataron, porque andando ciertos Castellanos por la isla hallarõ escrito en un arbol: Aqui feneciò el desdichado Nicuesa: pero esto se tuvo por los hombres mas verdaderos, por falso, porque los primeros que entraron en Cuba, afermaron nunca aver oydo tal nueva. Lo que se tuvo por mas cierto, es, que como llenava tan mal navio, y las mares de aquellas partes son ton bravas, y vehementes, la mesma mar lo tragara facilmente, o que pereceria de hãbre, y de sed.' _Herrera_, i. viii. viii. But his fate must forever remain a mystery; and he one among the many whose visionary hopes have been buried beneath these waters; one among the many who, having left home with sanguine expectations, sailed over these seas in quest of gold or adventure, never again to be heard from! It is easy, after a failure, to find the mistake. Many of Nicuesa's misfortunes sprang not from any fault, and yet faults, in place of nobler qualities, were developed by his misfortunes.

[VIII-1] Oviedo, ii. 477, is obviously wrong in saying over six hundred.

[VIII-2] 'Il Baccelliero non poteva mostrare le Reali sue prouisioni per bauerle per dute nella naue, che si ruppe nel Golfo d'Vraua.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, i. 47. There were those who told Peter Martyr that Enciso was thus punished by providence for having advised the expulsion of Nicuesa.

[VIII-3] Martin Fernandez de Enciso first came to the Indies with Bastidas. After practising law for a time successfully at Santo Domingo, he was tempted to this expedition, as we have seen, by Ojeda, upon the promise of the office of alcalde mayor. Though a pettifogger in his profession, he was nevertheless possessed of worth and ability in other directions. In Darien, while in the main well meaning, he was unable to cope successfully with shrewder intellects sharpened by New World experiences. After his return to Spain he published a work, entitled _Suma de geografiã q̃ trata de todas las partidas & prouincias del mundo: en especial de las indias, y trata largamẽte del arte del marear: Juntamete con la esphera en romãce: con el regimiento del Sol & del norte: nueuamente hecha_. As the title indicates, the book purports to be a compendium of universal geography, treating of all parts of the world, but including the little that was then known of the Indies. That part relating to the New World was made up in a great measure from his own observations. And yet it resembles too nearly the usual summaries of the period to be of much value. The first third of the work is devoted to the science of geography, with astronomical tables and a résumé of early Spanish history. Then the physical features of Spain, and Europe generally, are given, and finally a rambling account of Asia, Africa, and America. It was printed at Seville by a German, Jakob Cromberger, in 1519. Other editions appeared in 1530 and 1546. My edition is dated 1530, the part relating to America occupying the last eight folios of the book. Bibliographers believe this the first book relative to the New World printed in the Spanish language. 'Livre curieux, parce qu'il est le premièr traité de géographie impr. en Espagne, où l'on trouve des détails sur l'Amérique.' _Brunet_, _Manuel du Libraire_. 'Apparently the first book printed in Spanish relating to America.' _Rich_, _Bibliotheca Americana Vetus_. 'L'ouvrage rare et très remarquable.' _Humboldt_, _Examen Critique_, iv. 306. 'A great hydrographer and explorer, his work is invaluable for the early geographical history of the continent.' _Harrisse_, _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_. Navarrete says: 'Escribió Enciso un papel muy curioso sobre si los conquistadores españoles podian tener y poseer indios encomendados, contra los frailes dominicos que decian que no, y se opusieron al despacho de la expedicion de Pedrarias Dávila, so pretexto de que el Rey no podia enviar á hacer tales conquistas.' And in his _Epitome_, Pinelo remarks: 'Trata en su _Suma Geografia_ del Arte de Navegar, de la Esfera, y de las quatro partes del Mundo, especialmente de las Indias, i es el primero que imprimió _Obra Geografica_ de ellas.' Indeed, this last was said in 1738, and subsequent bibliographers have repeated it.

[VIII-4] For definition see chapter xv. note 1, this volume.

[VIII-5] It was the _cárcel_, whether jail or pen. In newly settled towns, and in some country villages where jails were not built, it was customary to construct a small enclosure on the plaza near the _casa consistorial_, or municipal hall, in which to confine prisoners till sent to the capital of the province, or elsewhere, for trial. Those convicted of petty municipal offences were likewise incarcerated in this pen. Inside were stocks, the better to secure great offenders.

[VIII-6] In popular parlance, _acogerse á santuario_, or _acogerse á sagrado_, or _tomar iglesia_, the protection afforded criminals who sought refuge in a church or other sacred asylum. As we shall often meet with the custom in this history I will state briefly what it was. It is well known that from the earliest times, in both heathen and Jewish societies, the right of asylum, or right of sanctuary, has existed, in degrees more or less modified by time, down to the present day. In Spanish-America it was in vogue as late as a quarter of a century ago. Originally the idea implied the right of appeal from the judgment of men to the justice of God. The Creator himself, it is said, set the example by placing a mark on Cain, the first murderer, that none might kill him; and Moses and Joshua, under divine sanction, established cities of refuge, whither certain involuntary offenders might flee and find safety. Later, the founders of cities offered asylum to outlaws for the purpose of increasing the population. To this custom is attributed in a measure the existence, or at least the importance, of Athens, Thebes, and other cities. Instead of making the whole city an asylum, a certain locality was sometimes assigned for that purpose; thus tradition says that one of the first acts of Romulus preparatory to building his city was to set apart Palatine Hill as a place of refuge. Sacred groves were asylums; also temples to the gods, and religious houses. Notably the groves of the Grecians, and the Erechtheium of Athens, the temple of Artemis at Ephesus, and that of Apollon at Miletus. With the advent of Christianity, to increase their influence, the clergy secured this privilege for their churches. In the time of Constantine all Christian churches afforded refuge, and Theodosius II. included in this right all houses belonging to the church, with their courts and gardens. In France and Spain not only the church and its surroundings afforded protection, but all chapels, cloisters, abbeys, monasteries, cemeteries, tombs, crosses, and in short all religious monuments. Frequently a stone bench, called the stone of peace, was placed for refugees within the church near the altar. The priests assured the people that they would be visited by dire calamities if they violated this right. Gradually, however, the practice diminished. Though the culprit must not be forcibly dragged from the church, he might be enticed thence, or starved out, or smoked out. Then the more abhorred criminals, as heretics and murderers, were denied protection; and the number of places was reduced. Clement XIV., in 1772, limited the number to one or two in each town, though no one sheltered by the roof of a church might be torn thence without an order from the ecclesiastical judge. The right of churches to extend protection over minor offenders was recognized long after it became the custom for the clergy to deliver rank offenders for punishment. The superstition was respected, as we have seen, in the wilds of the New World by the distempered colonists of Darien. Nor was England free from it; to this day there are places in France, and in Scotland, Holyrood abbey and palace, where a debtor may not be arrested. For a good treatise on right of sanctuary, and on immunity of religious persons and places, see _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 288 et seq.

[VIII-7] Peter Martyr, dec. ii. cap. iv., thinks Valdivia carried away 300 pounds of gold. In the words of his quaint English translator:—'This pound of eight ounces, the Spanyardes call Marcha, whiche in weight amounteth to fiftie pieces of golde called Castellani, but the Castilians call a pound Pesum. We conclude therefore, that the summe hereof, was xv. thousande of those peeces of gold called Castellani. And thus is it apparent by this accompt, that they receiued of the barbarous kings a thousande and fyue hundred poundes, of eight ounces to the pounde: all the whiche they founde readie wrought in sundry kindes of ouches, as cheynes, braselets, tabletes, and plates, both to hang before their brestes, and also at their eares, and nosethrils.

[VIII-8] Quintana thinks the amount was too small, or that it never reached him; for as events unfolded Pasamonte proved himself no less friendly to Enciso than hostile to Vasco Nuñez. It seems never to occur to a Spaniard that a public officer could refuse a bribe. As it was, Pasamonte did favor Vasco Nuñez.

[VIII-9] We shall see everywhere, from Darien to Alaska, Indian towns and provinces frequently called by the name of the ruling chief. For instance, adventurers and geographers who knew only the chief's name, called his village Careta's village, or Careta; his country, Careta's country, or Careta. Maiollo, 1519, writes on his map, where the province of Careta should be, _aldea de machin_; and adjacent north-west, _P. scatozes_. Vaz Dourado, _Munich Atlas_, nos. x. and xi., 1571, labels the province _careta_; De Laet, 1633, gives _Careta_; Jefferys, 1776, _Pta Carata_; and Kiepert, 1858, _Pto Carreto_. Alcedo mentions the river _Careti_. 'De la Provincia y Gobierno del Darien y Reyno de Tierra-Firme: nace en las montañas del N. y sale al mar en la Ensenada de Mandinga.'

[VIII-10] Map-makers give—Vaz Dourado, _comogra_, De Laet, _Comagre_, and _Pta de Comagre_, 'which according to Keipert,' says Goldschmidt, _Cartography Pac. Coast_, MS. i. 67; 'as near as I can determine, is now _P. Mosquitos_.'

[VIII-11] Peter Martyr, dec. ii. cap. iii., says this building measured 150 by 80 paces. See _Bancroft's Native Races_, i. 758.

[VIII-12] 'Estas palabras célebres,' says Quintana, 'conservadas en todas las memorias del tiempo, y repetidas por todos los historiadores, fueron el primer anuncio que los españoles tuvieron del Perú.' _Vasco Nuñez de Balboa_, 13. To which I would remark, first, that it is not certain Panciaco referred to Peru; and secondly, that vague allusions of a similar kind were made to Columbus, which historians apply to Peru.

[VIII-13] This on the authority of Herrera. Gomara places the king's fifth at 20,000 ducats, and Bernal Diaz at 10,000 pesos de oro.

[VIII-14] The strange story of Aguilar is given by _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 21-22; _Torquemada_, i. 371; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yucathan_, 24-9; and by _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. v. He was kept seven years in this captivity.

[VIII-15] The name is variously rendered _Dabaybe_, _Dabaibe_, _Davaive_, _Daibaba_, _Abibe_, _Abibeja_, and _d'abaibe_. 'Auch der Rio Atrato wurde nicht selten _Rio Dabeyba_ genannt. Das 'D' im Anfang dieses Namens ist nur eine Abbreviatur von 'de,' und das Wort sollte wohl eigentlich: _d'Abaibe_ geschrieben werden.' _Kohl_, _Beiden ältesten karten_, 125. Maps mark the region, Colon and Ribero, _dabaybe_, at the southern extremity of the gulf, and De Laet gives the _Montanas de Abibe_.

[VIII-16] The Atrato discharges through several channels, one of which was called the Rio del Darien; one the Rio Grande de San Juan; one the Rio de las Redes, from the snares or nets found there for taking wild beasts; one the Rio Negro, from the color of its water. Often the Spaniards had scoured these parts in search of food and gold.

[IX-1] Galvano says 290, which for him is quite near the mark. Oviedo places the number at 800, which probably was intended to include the natives afterward added.

[IX-2] The Spaniards must have had quite accurate information from the natives as to the trend of the southern coast, though there was then little communication between the northern and southern seaboards. But, without such knowledge, Balboa naturally would have undertaken the ascent of the river Atrato, which flows directly from the south, rather than have sailed some distance to the north-west before attempting to cross. The direct march to the gulf of San Miguel, from which course a deviation would have almost doubled the distance, is another evidence of his having obtained the most reliable information before or during the march.

[IX-3] Enciso, _Suma de Geographia_, 57, calls the country 'tierra rasa y buena de muchos mãtenimientos y caças.' 'Experience had proved that moving a body of men sufficient to act as a protecting force and to carry the necessary provisions was attended with great risk and great delay.' _Gisborne's Survey of Darien_, in _London Geog. Soc., Jour._, xxvii. 193. 'Mr Hopkins was lately prevented by the Indians from ascending the Chepo river towards Mandinga, or San Blas Bay; and Dr Cullen was stopped likewise by the aborigines while endeavoring to ascend the Paya river.... _Climate_ and _natives_ are at present the only serious impediments to a regular survey.' _Fitz-Roy's Isth. Cent. Am._, in _London Geog. Soc., Jour._, xx. 161. 'The Panama railroad, a most stupendous work, considering the excessively swampy nature of the country over which it has been carried.' _Cullen's Darien_, 95. For obstacles overcome in surveying and constructing the Panamá railway, see _Otis' Isthmus Panama_, 15-36. The climate inclines 'to the wet extreme, for two thirds of the year, the Rains beginning in _April_.' _Defence of the Scots Settlement at Darien_, 64. On the Atrato 'the trees approach to the very edge of the stream, which their branches overhang. The trees are frequently concealed by dense masses of vines which entirely envelope them, and in certain lights present plays of color comparable only to those of the richest velvet.... But like the plumes and velvet of the funeral pageant, they serve but to conceal and adorn corruption. Behind them stretches, far away, the pestiferous swamp, through the dreary wilds of which even the birds refuse to sport; and whose silence is broken only by the sighing of the breeze, or the sullen growl of the roving tiger. Venomous reptiles often fall into the boats from the branches overhead; wasps' nests are frequent and troublesome; natural levees of soft mud stretch along the banks. Floods are common, and the houses are built on stilts.' _Trautwine_, in _Franklin Inst., Jour._, xxvii. 220-4. In 1853, Carl Scherzer, a German naturalist, travelling in Costa Rica with a civil engineer and a force of thirty-two men, attempted to make a survey for a road from Angostura to Limon Bay; but on account of scarcity of provisions, illness, and the difficulties of the route, they failed in their purpose; and after having penetrated to within eight leagues of their destination, they were obliged to return, having travelled only ten leagues in two weeks. See _Wagner and Scherzer_, _Costa Rica_, 358-407. In December of the same year, a party under J. C. Prevost, of H. M. S. _Virago_, set out with fourteen days' provisions from the gulf of San Miguel for Caledonia Bay, on the opposite side of the Isthmus. Their route was essentially that of Vasco Nuñez on his return. As he ascended the Sabana River, the attention of Captain Prevost was attracted by the débris on the overhanging branches, which marked the height of water attained during certain seasons. The dense foliage was enlivened by birds of gay plumage; brilliant flowers carpeted the ground; and the chattering monkeys, which they shot in great numbers, furnished the guides food. The country even then was as wild as when traversed by Vasco Nuñez; the natives, however, had exchanged their wooden weapons for fire-arms. Swamps and hills alternate, and 'dense was the forest we had cut our way through.' The flora then changed, and 'instead of the small underwood, we came on almost impenetrable thickets of the prickly palm or aloe, rather more than six feet in height, through which we with great difficulty cut our way.' They crossed 'deep ravines, whose steep and slippery sides caused many a tumble.' The attempt was finally abandoned. Returning, on arriving at one of their ranchos or encampments, where had been left three sailors to guard the provisions, they found the men murdered and the camp sacked. 'So toilsome was our journey,' says Captain Prevost, 'that we spent fifteen days in performing a distance of little more than twenty-six miles, having to force our slow and laborious path through forests that seemed to stretch from the Pacific to the Atlantic shores. The trees, of stupendous size, were matted with creepers and parasitical vines, which hung in festoons from tree to tree, forming an almost impenetrable net-work, and obliging us to hew open a passage with our axes every step we advanced.' _London Geog. Soc., Jour._, xxiv. 249. Nothing could more aptly illustrate the difficulties surmounted by the Spaniards than this narrative of failure, by a British officer of the nineteenth century, who operated under conditions far more favorable than those so successfully overcome by a company of ill-accoutred and poorly fed adventurers more than three hundred years before. With the material before me, these illustrations could be greatly multiplied; but I have given enough to show that the transit of the Isthmus, by a small party of Europeans, over an unknown or unexplored route, is even to-day esteemed a desperate undertaking.

[IX-4] _Carta dirigida al Rey por Vasco Nuñez de Balboa desde Santa María del Darien_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, iii. 368.

[IX-5] A strategy which continues through the centuries. 'The Indians, although offering no direct hostility, abandoned their villages at our approach.' _Gisborne's Survey of Darien_, _London Geog. Soc., Jour._, xxvii. 193.

[IX-6] Among the dogs which accompanied the expedition was one, the property of the commander, whose pedigree and physical and metaphysical traits and mighty deeds are minutely recorded by contemporary historians. His name was Leoncico, little lion, descendant of Becerrico, of the Island of San Juan. He was in color red with black snout, of medium size and extraordinary strength. In their foragings Leoncico counted as one man, and drew captain's pay and share of spoils. Upon these conditions his master frequently loaned him; and during the wars of Darien he gained for Vasco Nuñez more than one thousand pesos de oro. He was considered more efficient than the best soldier, and the savages stood in the greatest terror of him. He readily discriminated between wild and tame Indians. When a captive was missing from the fields, and Leoncico was told, 'He is gone; seek him!' the dog tracked the poor fugitive, and did not harm him if he returned quietly, but if the Indian resisted, the dog would destroy him. The hero of many a conflict, he was covered with wounds; but like Cæsar he escaped the wars to meet his death by treacherous hands. He was poisoned. See _Oviedo_, iii. 9-10.

[IX-7] Again a general difference occurs in an important date, and, according to my custom, I am governed by the authorities I deem most reliable. Oviedo follows the expedition from day to day, noting places and dates; and he says, iii. 10: 'Y un mártes, veynte é cinco de septiembre de aquel año de mill é quinientos y trece, á las diez horas del dia,' at 10 o'clock in the morning. So Gomara also writes, _Hist. Ind._, 77: 'Vio Valboa ala mar del Sur a los veynte y cinco del Setiembre del año de treze;' and Las Casas, _Hist. Ind._, iv. 109: 'Llegaron á la cumbre de las más altas sierras á 25 dias de Setiembre de dicho año de 1513;' and Herrera, i. x. i.: 'A veynte y cinco de Setiembre, deste año, de donde la mar se parecia.' Careful writers following these first authorities also name the day correctly, as Humboldt, _Exam. Crit._, i. 319, who says: 'Vasco Nuñez de Balboa vit la Mer du Sud, le 25 septembre 1513, du haut de la Sierra de Quarequa;' and Acosta, _Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada_, 50: 'Esto pasó el dia 25 de setiembre del año de 1513 poco antes de medio dia y forma una de las épocas notables en el descubrimiento de la América;' and Quintana, _Vidas de Españoles Célebres_, 'Balboa,' 20: '25 de setiembre;' and Chevalier, _L'Isthme de Panama_, 15: 'Le vingt-cinquième jour, le 25 septembre;' and Campbell, _Hist. Span. Am._, 23: 'the 25th of _Septembre_;' and Helps, _Span. Conq._, i. 361: '25th of September;' etc. In the face of which, Irving, _Columbus_, iii. 198, shows gross carelessness when he writes 'the 26th of September.' To support him he has Ramusio, who, _Viaggi_, iii. 29, falls into a mistake of Peter Martyr's, 'alli ventisei adunque di Settembre,' and Du Perier, _Cen. Hist. Voy._, 139, and, to copy his error, Dalton, _Conq. Mex. and Peru_, 43, and a host of others. Not quite so often mentioned as Columbus' voyages is this discovery of Vasco Nuñez, though nearly so. After Oviedo and Las Casas probably Peter Martyr gives the best original account. Herrera copied from all before him. The following popular accounts are most of them meagre and unreliable:—_Nouvelles An. des Voy._, cxlviii. 11-12; _Goodrich's Man upon the Sea_, 201-8; _Voyages, New Col._, i. 180-6; _World Displayed_, i. 153-9; _Monson's Tracts_, in _Churchill's Voy._, iii. 372; _March y Labores_, _Marina Española_, i. 413-50; _Dufey_, _Résumé Hist. Am._, i. 75-86; _Gottfriedt_, _Newe Welt_, 239-41; _Juarros_, _Guat._, 122; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, 66-72; _Ogilby's Am._, 69-72; _Norman's Hist. Cal._, 10-11; _Patton's Hist. U. S._, 11; _Pim's Gate of Pacific_, 99; _Hazlitt's Gold Fields_, 3; _Roberts' Nar. Voy._, xx.; _Isth. Panama_, 5; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, i. 17; _Lallement_, _Geschichte_, i. 25; _Bidwell's Panamá_, 23-7; _Andagoya's Nar._, 19; _Galvano's Discov._, 123-4; _Cavanilles_, _Hist. España_, v. 290-1; _Greenhow's Mem._, 22; _Farnham's Adv._, 119; _Fédix_, _L'Orégon_, 67-8; _Span. Emp. in Am._, 23; _Burney's Discov. South Sea_, i. 8-9; _Niles' S. Am. and Mex._, 14-15; _Kerr's Col. Voy._, ii. 67-8; _Colton's Jour. Geog._, no. 6, 84; _Douglas' Hist. and Pol._, 44; _Holmes' Annals Am._, i. 32-3; _Inter-Oceanic Canal and Monroe Doct._, 11; _Hesperian_, ii. 27-33; _Lardner's Hist. Discov._, ii. 40-1; _Harper's Mag._, xviii. 469-84; _Macgregor's Prog. Am._, i. 10-11; _Mofras_, _L'Orégon_, i. 88-9; _Ovalle_, _Hist. Rel. Chile_, in _Pinkerton's Col._, xiv. 142-4; _Mesa y Leompart_, _Hist. Am._, i. 88-94; _Mavor's Am. Hist._, xxiv. 52-5; _Holinski_, _Cal._, 62-4; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 47-8; _Morelli_, _Fasti Novi Orbis_, 15; _Rivera_, _Hist. Jalapa_, i. 20.

[IX-8] The testimonial with the sixty-seven names attached, as given by Oviedo, iii. 11-12, is as follows:—'Diré aqui quién fueron los que se hallaron en este descubrimiento con el capitan Vasco Nuñez, porque fué servicio muy señalado, y es passo muy notable para estas historias, pues que fueron los chripstianos que primero vieron aquella mar, segund daba fée de ello Andrés de Valderrábano, que allí se halló, escribano real é natural de la villa de Sanct Martin de Valdeiglesias, el qual testimonio yo vi é lei, y el mismo escribano me lo enseñó. Y despues quando murió Vasco Nuñez, murió aqueste con él, y tambien vinieron sus escripturas á mi poder y aquesta decia desta manera:' Los cavalleros é hidalgos y hombres de bien que se hallaron en el descubrimiento de la mar del Sur, con el magnífico y muy noble señor el capitan Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, gobernador por Sus Altezas en la Tierra Firme, son los siguientes: 'Primeramente el señor Vasco Nuñez, y él fué el que primero de todos vido aquella mar é la enseñó á los infrascriptos. Andrés de Vera, clérigo; Françisco Piçarro; Diego Albitez; Fabian Perez; Bernardino de Morales; Diego de Texerina; Chripstóbal de Valdebuso; Bernardino de Cienfuegos; Sebastian de Grijalba; Françisco de Ávila; Johan de Espinosa; Johan de Velasco; Benito Buran; Andrés de Molina; Antonio de Baracaldo; Pedro de Escobar; Chripstóbal Daça; Françisco Pesado; Alonso de Guadalupe; Hernando Muñoz; Hernando Hidalgo; Johan Rubio de Malpartida; Álvaro de Bolaños; Alonso Ruiz; Françisco de Luçena; Martin Ruiz; Pasqual Rubio de Malpartida; Françisco Gonçalez de Guadalcama; Françisco Martin; Pedro Martin de Palos; Hernando Diaz; Andrés Garçia de Jaen; Luis Gutierrez; Alonso Sebastian; Johan Vegines; Rodrigo Velasquez; Johan Camacho; Diego de Montehermoso; Johan Matheos; Maestre Alonso de Sanctiago; Gregorio Ponçe; Françisco de la Tova; Miguel Crespo; Miguel Sanchez; Martin Garçia; Chripstóbal de Robledo; Chripstóbal de Leon, platero; Johan Martinez; Valdenebro; Johan de Beas Loro; Johan Ferrol; Johan Gutierrez de Toledo; Johan de Portillo; Johan Garçia de Jaen; Matheo Loçano; Johan de Medellin; Alonso Martin, asturiano; Johan Garçia Marinero; Johan Gallego; Françisco de Lentin, siciliano; Johan del Puerto; Françisco de Arias; Pedro de Orduña; Nuflo de Olano, de color negro; Pedro Fernandez de Aroche.' Andrés de Valderrábano, escribano de Sus Alteças en la su córte y en todos sus reynos é señorios, estuve pressente é doy fée dello, é digo que son por todos sessenta y siete hombres estos primeros chripstianos que vieron la mar del Sur, con las quales yo me hallé é cuento por uno dellos; y este era de Sanct Martin de Valdeiglesias.

[IX-9] Herrera calls the second Blas de Atiença, but that name is not in Oviedo's list. Irving refers to Herrera, but fails to reproduce him correctly in his text. Compare _Oviedo_, iii. 11-12; _Herrera_, i. x. ii.

[IX-10] The form of taking possession, or the declaration of proprietary rights to the lands seized by Europeans, as we have seen, differs with different discoverers, and with the same discoverer at different times. Sometimes mass was said; sometimes a cross was erected; sometimes prayer was offered, of which the following is said to have been the prescribed form used by Columbus, Vasco Nuñez, Cortés, and Pizarro: Domine Deus æterne et omnipotens, sacro tuo verbo cœlum, et terram, et mare creâsti; benedicatur et glorificetur nomen tuum, laudetur tua majestas, quæ dignita est per humilem servum tuum, ut ejus sacrum nomen agnoscatur, et prædicetur in hac altera mundi parte. But always this seizure, whether by Spanish, English, French, or Dutch, and by whatsoever other formalities attended, was accompanied by a loud proclamation, before God and man, of the deed then and there consummated. This proclamation was made with drawn sword, by the commander of the party taking possession, and sometimes attended by the throwing of earth toward the four cardinal points, as was common, and is now in Spanish America, in giving judicial possession in granting lands, and planting the royal standard. All present were called upon to witness the act, which was done for and in the name of the sovereign authority recognized by the party. Then the notary, or, if none were present, a clerk, or a person or persons appointed to act as such, took down in writing what had been done, and each member of the party signed it. Examples might be multiplied indefinitely. We have seen what Columbus did in one or two instances, and how Vasco Nuñez conducted himself on the mountain overlooking Panamá Bay. That which I have just given in the text is a literal translation of Balboa's address to the four corners of the Pacific Ocean as reported by _Oviedo_, iii. 11-12. At the beginning the meaning of the orator is clear enough, but toward the latter part he lapses into verbiage. It is likely that he had in view, while taking possession of that sea or so much of it as his sovereigns should at any future time please to claim, the papal bull which divided the heathen world between Spain and Portugal, and a desire to avoid all words and acts which might prejudice the Spanish claim. A lengthy account is given of the taking possession of the province of Paque, on the Pacific shore of the Isthmus, west of Panamá, in 1519, by Pedrarias Dávila. The party was standing at the head of an inlet, two notaries, a clergyman, several captains, soldiers, and seamen, beside the commander, being present. First, Pedrarias called on the notaries and all present to witness the acts he was about to perform. Then he took in his right hand a white silk flag, on which was represented the image of the Virgin Mary, and holding it aloft all knelt; the trumpet sounded, and in loud tones the commander offered the following prayer: 'Oh! mother of God, quiet the sea, and render us worthy of being and of moving under thy protection. May it please thee that under it we may discover these seas, and lands of the southern sea, and convert the people thereof to our holy Catholic faith.' Following the prayer was a long speech by Pedrarias, declaring possession after the usual form, similar to that employed by Vasco Nuñez, interspersed with divers acts in consummation of what he said. He declared the possession previously taken renewed, especially the 'possession _vel casi_ of all the coast of the new land and of the southern sea, and of all the ports and inlets and coves and roadsteads ... being as I am, in the name of their highnesses and as their lieutenant-general in the said coast of the said southern sea, from the stones of the rivers to the leaves of the forests, eating the grass and drinking the waters, and razing, devastating, and cutting the woods of the said coast, upon the said site and province of Paque.' As a token of possession and seizure thereof, civilly, naturally, and bodily, he continued: 'I raise this royal standard of the said Queen Doña Juana and King Don Cárlos, her son, our lords, which is of red damask having thereon painted and stamped the royal arms of their highnesses the said kings, our lords;' the trumpeters were then ordered to sound; after which, in concert with Pedrarias, all said, 'Castilla del Oro and Tierra Firme, and new land, and southern sea, and coasts thereof, and island and islands, and all land and provinces that may be therein, for the most high and most illustrious Queen Doña Juana, our lady, and the King Don Cárlos, her son, our lord; and after them for their successors to Castile.' 'All of which new lands and southern sea and coast thereof and the whole Tierra Firme and kingdoms of Castilla del Oro, and all thereunto annexed and appertaining, and all that has been or may be hereafter discovered therein, is and must be of the royal crown of Castile, and you must testify how I, Pedrarias Dávila, in the name of the said kings, our lords, and of their successors to the royal crown of Castile, cut trees, and mow the grass in said land, and enter the water of the said southern sea, corporeally and standing on my feet therein, and stamp the new land and waters of the said southern sea.' Again the trumpets were sounded, and again Pedrarias reiterated in a loud voice his claims; and he called upon the notaries to witness as further proof of their possession that four ships had been built and navigated on the southern sea. Another flourish of trumpets, and by way of doxology three times repeated, 'Viva la muy alta é muy poderosa reyna doña Juana,' etc., concluded the ceremony. _Testimonio de un acto de posesion que tomó el Gobernador Pedrárias Dávila_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 549-56. Although the custom was universal from the beginning, Philip II. deemed best to decree, in 1568, that all captains or others discovering any island or mainland should, on landing, take possession in the king's name. _Recop. de Indias_, ii. 7.

[IX-11] Colon gives _g. de san migel_; Agnese, _G. de S. miguell_; Vaz Dourado, _Saö migell_; Mercator, _S. Miguel_; Hondius, in _Drake's World Encompassed_, _Michael_; _Ogilby's Am._, _G. S. Miguel_; Jacob Colom, _G. del S. Miguel_; Jefferys, _G. de St. Miguel_, and emptying into it _R. Canty_, _R. Savanas_, _R. Congo_.

[IX-12] It was not for some years after this discovery that the name Pacific was applied to any part of the ocean; and for a long time after parts only of it were so termed, this part of it retained the original name of South Sea, so called because it lay to the south of its discoverer. The lettering of the early maps is here significant. All along from this time to the middle of the seventeenth century, the larger part of the Pacific was labeled _Oceanus Indicus Orientalis_, or _Mar del Sur_, the Atlantic, opposite the Isthmus, being called _Mar del Norte_. Sometimes the reporters called the South Sea _La Otra Mar_, in contradistinction to the _Mare Oceanus_ of Juan de la Cosa, or the _Oceanus Occidentalis_ of Ptolemy, as the Atlantic was then called. Indeed, the Atlantic was not generally known by that name for some time yet. Schöner, in 1520, terms it, as does Ptolemy in 1513, _Oceanus Occidentalis_; Grynæus, in 1532, _Oceanus Magnus_; Apianus, appearing in the Cosmography of 1575, although thought to have been drawn in 1520, _Mar Atlicum_. Robert Thorne, 1527, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, writes _Oceanus Occiden._; Bordone, 1528, _Mare Occidentale_; Ptolemy, 1530, _Occean Occidentalis_; Ramusio, 1565, _Viaggi_, iii. 455, off Central America, _Mar del Nort_, and in the great ocean, both north and south, _Mar Ociano_; Mercator, 1569, north of the tropic of cancer, _Oceanius Atlanticvs_; Hondius, 1595, _Mar del Nort_; _West-Indische Spieghel_, 1624, _Mar del Nort_; De Laet, 1633, _Mar del Norte_; Jacob Colon, 1663, _Mar del Nort_; Ogilby, 1671, _Oceanus Atlanticum_, _Mar del Norte_, and _Oceanus Æthiopicus_; Dampier, 1699, _the North or Atlantick Sea_. The Portuguese map of 1518, _Munich Atlas_, iv., is the first upon which I have seen a name applied to the Pacific; and there it is given, as I have elsewhere remarked, as _Mar visto pelos Castelhanos_, Sea seen by the Spaniards. On the maps of Baptiste Agnese, Vallard de Dieppe, Diego Homem, and others, is the name _Mar del Sur_, but the lettering is small, and seems applied only to the waters between Peru and Guatemala. We have noticed on the globe of Martin Behaim, 1492, a multitude of islands, scattered and in groups, situated between the coast lines of western Europe and eastern Asia. In that part of the globe where the north Pacific Ocean should be represented, are the words _Oceanus orientalis Indie_. On the globe of Johann Schöner, 1520, the two continents of America are represented with a strait dividing them at the Isthmus. The great island of _Zipangri_, or Japan, lies about midway between North America and Asia. North of this island, and in about the same locality as on the globe of Behaim, are the words _Orientalis Oceanus_, and to the same ocean south of the equator the words _Oceanus Orientalis Indicus_ are applied. Diego Homem, in 1558, marks out upon his map a large body of water to the north-west of _Terra de Florida_, and west of Canada, and labels it _Mare leparamantium_. Neither Maiollo nor Vaz Dourado gives a name to either ocean. Colon and Ribero call the South Sea _Mar del Svr_. In _Hakluyt's Voy._ we find that Robert Thorne, in 1527, wrote _Mare Australe_. Ptolemy, in 1530, places near the Straits of Magellan _Mare pacificum_. Ramusio, 1565, _Viaggi_, iii. 455, off Central America, places _Mar del Sur_, and off the Straits of Magellan, _Mar Oceano_. Mercator places in his atlas of 1569 plainly, near the Straits of Magellan, _El Mar Pacifico_, and in the great sea off Central America _Mar del Zur_. On the map of Hondius, about 1595, in _Drake's World Encompassed_, the general term _Mare Pacificvm_ is applied to the Pacific Ocean, the words being in large letters extending across the ocean opposite Central America, while under it in smaller letters is _Mar del Sur_. This clearly restricts the name South Sea to a narrow locality, even at this date. In Hondius' Map, _Purchas_, _His Pilgrimes_, iv. 857, the south Pacific is called _Mare Pacificum_, and the central Pacific _Mar del Sur_.

[IX-13] In his _Novus Orbis_, i., De Laet inserts a map on which he places _Tumaco_ to the north of Chiapes. North of Tumaco is Quareca. The northern cape of _G. de S. Miguel_ he calls _Pta de Garachine_. Debouching here is the _R. de Congos_. See _Goldschmidt's Cartography Pac. Coast_, MS. ii. 5.

[IX-14] Colon and Ribero mark the group _y: de perlas_ and _y∴a de plas_; Vaz Dourado, _I∴ de perollas_; _West-Indische Spieghel_, _I Perles_; De Laet, _Ias de Perlas_; Jacob Colom, _I de Perlas_; Jefferys, _I del Rey or Perlas_, _Toboga, I_. Keipert in 1858 calls the group _Archipielago de las Perlas_, and the largest, that which Balboa called Isla Rica, _I. S. Miguel_; others of the group he calls _I. St. Elmo_, _I. Galera_, _I. Pajaros_, _I. Chapera_, _I. Contradora_, _I. Pacheca_, _I. Saboga_, _I. Bayoneta_, _I. Pedro Gonzales_, and _I. S. José_. 'Da die Haupt-Insel mehrere guten Schutz gewährende Ankerplätze hatte, so wurde sie bald das Rendezvous und der Ausgangs-Punkt der Flotten, die vom Golfe von Panama zur Entdeckung des Westens (Nicaragua) und des Südens (Peru) ausliefen. Auch war ihre Anhöhe stets für alle von Panama auslaufenden Flotten ein Merkzeichen zur Orientirung.' _Kohl_, _Beiden ältesten karten_, 104.

[IX-15] Sabana. See note 3, this chapter.

[IX-16] It is impossible from the rambling narratives which constitute the groundwork of Central American history to locate with certainty these two villages. Thus of Pocorosa Vasco Nuñez, in a letter to the king, says, 'Está un cacique que se dice Comogre y otro que se dice Pocorosa, estan tan cerca de la mar el uno como el otra;' and of Tubanamá, 'Hase de hacer otra fuerza en las minas de Tubanamá, en la provincia de Comagre.' _Carta por Vasco Nuñez_ in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, iii. 366, 369.

[IX-17] A hundred thousand castellanos, Gomara says. 'Passo muchos trabajos y hambre, traxo sin las perlas, mas de cien mil castellanos de buen oro, y esperança, tornando alla, de auer la mayor riqueza, que nũca los nacidos vieron, y con esto estaua tan vfano, como animoso.' _Hist. Ind._, 82.

[X-1] According to Oviedo, iii. 4, 'hermano de Johan Arias Dávila, que despues fué el primero conde de Puñoenrostro.'

[X-2] Though it was never popularly so designated. 'Gobernar á Castilla del Oro en la Tierre Firme,' write the chroniclers; but in his instructions the king says, _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, iii. 343, 'é agora la mandamos llamar _Castilla Aurifia_.' Oviedo, iii. 4, gives Pedrarias a broad domain, from Cape de la Vela to Veragua, and from ocean to ocean; 'señalándole por gobernaçion desde el Cabo de la Vela hasta Veragua, y desde estos limites, que son en la costa del Norte, corriendo la tierra adentro háçia la parte austral, todo aquello que oviesse de mar á mar, con las islas que en ello concurriessen.'

[X-3] 'Caicedo and Colmenares reached Spain in May, 1513; the date of Pedrarias' appointment is July 27, 1513, so that it is very probable, especially since Enciso and his complaints reached the court of Spain before these deputies, that the appointment of a governor was settled before they arrived.' _Helps' Span. Conq._, i. 373. See _Título de Capitan general y Gobernador de la provincia del Castilla del Oro en el Darien, expedido por el Rey-Católico á Pedrarias Dávila_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, iii. 337.

[X-4] The Licenciado Zuazo, in a letter to M. De Xevres, _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, i. 304-32, places the cost of the outfit at 40,000 ducats; Las Casas, _Hist. Ind._,