Part 194

The revolt of 1558 was renewetl in 1564, but ended in 1567, upon the death of its leader, Sampiero. For the next century and a half, Corsica remained inactive; "depressed and miserable under renewed Genoese exactions and tyrannies, but too exhausted to resume hostilities. In 1729, however, fighting again broke out, suddenly roused by one of the many private wrongs then pressing upon the lower orders, and the rebellion soon spread over the whole island. It was well organized under two leaders of energy and ability, and was more determined in its measures than ever. … Genoa had recourse to the emperor of Germany, from whom she bought several thousand mercenaries, who were sent across the sea to try their skill upon these unconquerable islanders. … The courage and chivalry of his insular foes … won for them the regard of the opposing General Wachtendonk; and, chiefly through his mediation, a treaty, supposed to be favourable to the islanders, was concluded between Genoa and the Corte legislative assembly in 1732. Wachtendonk remained in the island another year to see the treaty carried out, and in June, 1734, the German general returned to his own country. … But he had scarcely retired before the treaty was broken. Genoa began anew her system of illegal arrests and attempted assassinations; and, once more, the people arose under Hyacinth Paoli, an obscure native of the little village of Morosaglia, but a man of spirit and talent, and a scholar. Under the direction of this man, and of Giafferi, his colleague, a democratic constitution, in the highest degree prudent and practical, was framed for the Corsican people. … Early in the next year occurred a strange and romantic adventure in this adventureful country. A man, handsome and well-dressed, surrounded by obsequious courtiers, and attended by every luxury, landed in the island from a vessel well-furnished with gold, ammunition, and arms. This man was a German adventurer, Baron Theodore von Neuhoff, who, after a romantic youth, had suddenly conceived a desire to become king of Corsica. He was a man of great talent and personal fascination, of good judgment, and enthusiastic disposition. He had fallen in love with the bravery and determination of the Corsicans, and longed to head such a nation. He had put himself into communication with the leading islanders; and, having really some little influence at the continental courts, persuaded them that he had much more. He offered to obtain such assistance from foreign potentates, by his persuasions, as should effectually oust the Genoese; and, in return, requested the crown of Corsica. His genius and his enthusiasm were so great, and his promises so dazzling, that, after some hesitation, the poor Corsicans, in their despair, seized upon this last straw; and in March, 1736, Theodore was crowned king. His exertions for the good of this country were untiring. He established manufactures and promoted with all his power art and commerce, at the same time that, with all the force of his genius, he endeavoured to persuade foreign powers to lend their assistance to his new subjects in the field. {616} His style of living meanwhile was regal and sumptuous. … Towards the conclusion of his first year of sovereignty, Theodore left Corsica on a continental tour, with the avowed object of hastening the promised succour. In two years he returned, bringing with him three large and several smaller war vessels, handsomely laden with ammunition, which had actually been raised by means of his talents and persuasive faculties, chiefly amongst the Dutch. But, meanwhile, the Corsicans had had other affairs to which to attend. France had interfered at the request of Genoa; and negotiations were actively going on, which the arrival of the pseudo-king could only interrupt. Theodore, although now so well attended, found himself unheeded and disregarded; and after a few months was forced to leave his new kingdom to its fate, and to return to the continent. Five years later, in 1743, he again returned, again well equipped, this time with English vessels, but with the same ill success. Convinced now that his chance was over and his dream of royalty destroyed, Theodore returned to England with a sore heart, spending his remaining years in this asylum for dethroned kings and ruined adventurers. His tomb may be seen in Westminster Abbey. For the next five and twenty years the war continued between Corsica and Genoa, still fought out on the blood-deluged plains of the unhappy little island. But the republic of Genoa was now long past her prime, and her energies were fading into senility; and, had it not been for the ever-increasing assistance of France, her intrepid foes would long ere this have got the better of her. In May, 1768, a treaty was signed between Genoa and France, by which the republic ceded her now enfeebled claims on Corsica to her ally, and left her long-oppressed victim to fight the contest out with the French troops. During this time, first Gaffori, then Pasquale Paoli, were the leaders of the people. Gaffori, a man of refinement, and a hero of skill and intrepidity, was murdered in a vendetta in 1753, and in 1755 Pasquale, youngest son of the old patriot Hyacinth Paoli, left his position as officer in the Neapolitan service, and landed, by the general desire of his own people, at Aleria, to undertake the command of the Corsican army. … From 1764 to 1768 a truce was concluded between the foes. … In August, 1768, the truce was to expire; but, before the appointed day had arrived, an army of 20,000 French suddenly swooped down upon the luckless island. … It was a hopeless struggle for Corsica; but the heroism of the undaunted people moved all Europe to sympathy. … The Corsicans at first got the better of their formidable foe, at the Bridge of Golo, in the taking of Borgo, and in other lesser actions. … Meanwhile, the country was being destroyed, and the troops becoming exhausted. … The battle of Ponte Nuovo, on the 9th of May, 1769, at once and forever annihilated the Corsican cause. … After this victory, the French rapidly gained possession of the whole island, and shortly afterwards the struggle was abandoned. … In the same year, 1769, Napoleon Buonaparte was born in the house out of the Place du Marché at Ajaccio. 'I was born,' he said himself in a letter to Paoli, 'the year my country died.'"

_G. Forde, A Lady's Tour in Corsica, volume 2, chapter 18._

ALSO IN: _P. Fitzgerald, Kings and Queens of an Hour, chapter 1._

_J. Boswell, Journal of a Tour to Corsica._

Corsica: A. D. 1794. Conquest by the English.

See FRANCE: A. D. 1794 (MARCH-JULY).

Corsica: A. D. 1796. Evacuated by the English. Reoccupied by the French.

See FRANCE: A. D. 1796 (SEPTEMBER).

Corsica: End----------

CORTENUOVA, Battle of (1236).

See ITALY: A. D. 1183-1250.

CORTES, HERNANDO, Conquest of Mexico by.

See MEXICO: A. D. 1519 to 1521-1524.

CORTES, The early Spanish. The old monarchical constitutions of Castile and Aragon.

"The earliest instance on record of popular representation in Castile occurred at Burgos, in 1169; nearly a century antecedent to the celebrated Leicester parliament. Each city had but one vote, whatever might be the number of its representatives. A much greater irregularity, in regard to the number of cities required to send deputies to cortes [the name signifying 'court'] on different occasions, prevailed in Castile, than had ever existed in England; though, previously to the 15th century, this does not seem to have proceeded from any design of infringing on the liberties of the people. The nomination of these was originally vested in the householders at large, but was afterwards confined to the municipalities,—a most mischievous alteration, which subjected their election eventually to the corrupt influence of the crown. They assembled in the same chamber with the higher orders of the nobility and clergy, but on questions of moment, retired to deliberate by themselves. After the transaction of other business, their own petitions were presented to the sovereign, and his assent gave them the validity of laws. The Castilian commons, by neglecting to make their money grants depend on corresponding concessions from the crown, relinquished that powerful check on its operations so beneficially exerted in the British parliament, but in vain contended for even there till a much later period than that now under consideration. Whatever may have been the right of the nobility and clergy to attend in cortes, their sanction was not deemed essential to the validity of legislative acts; for their presence was not even required in many assemblies of the nation which occurred in the 14th and 15th centuries. The extraordinary power thus committed to the commons was, on the whole, unfavorable to their liberties. It deprived them of the sympathy and cooperation of the great orders of the state, whose authority alone could have enabled them to withstand the encroachments of arbitrary power, and who, in fact, did eventually desert them in their utmost need. … The Aragonese cortes was composed of four branches, or arms; the ricos hombres, or great barons; the lesser nobles, comprehending the knights; the clergy; and the commons. The nobility of every denomination were entitled to a seat in the legislature. The ricos hombres were allowed to appear by proxy, and a similar privilege was enjoyed by baronial heiresses. The number of this body was very limited, twelve of them constituting a quorum. {617} The arm of the ecclesiastics embraced an ample delegation from the inferior as well as higher clergy. It is affirmed not to have been a component of the national legislature until more than a century and a half after the admission of the commons. Indeed, the influence of the church was much less sensible in Aragon than in the other kingdoms of the Peninsula. … The commons enjoyed higher consideration and civil privileges. For this they were perhaps somewhat indebted to the example of their Catalan neighbors, the influence of whose democratic institutions naturally extended to other parts of the Aragonese monarchy. The charters of certain cities accorded to the inhabitants privileges of nobility, particularly that of immunity from taxation; while the magistrates of others were permitted to take their seats in the order of hidalgos. From a very early period we find them employed in offices of public trust, and on important missions. The epoch of their admission into the national assembly is traced as far back as 1133, several years earlier than the commencement of popular representation in Castile. Each city had the right of sending two or more deputies selected from persons eligible to its magistracy; but with the privilege of only one vote, whatever might be the number of its deputies. Any place which had been once represented in cortes might always claim to be so. By a statute of 1307, the convocation of the states, which had been annual, was declared biennial. The kings, however, paid little regard to this provision, rarely summoning them except for some specific necessity. The great officers of the crown, whatever might be their personal rank, were jealously excluded from their deliberations. … It was in the power of any member to defeat the passage of a bill, by opposing to it his veto or dissent, formally registered to that effect. He might even interpose his negative on the proceedings of the house, and thus put a stop to the prosecution of all further business during the session. This anomalous privilege, transcending even that claimed in the Polish diet, must have been too invidious in its exercise, and too pernicious in its consequences, to have been often resorted to. This may be inferred from the fact that it was not formally repealed until the reign of Philip II., in 1502. … The cortes exercised the highest functions, whether of a deliberative, legislative, or judicial nature. It had a right to be consulted on all matters of importance, especially on those of peace and war. No law was valid, no tax could be imposed, without its consent; and it carefully provided for the application of the revenue to its destined uses. It determined the succession to the crown, removed obnoxious ministers, reformed the household and domestic expenditure of the monarch, and exercised the power, in the most unreserved manner, of withholding supplies, as well as of resisting what it regarded as an encroachment on the liberties of the nation. … The statute-book affords the most unequivocal evidence of the fidelity with which the guardians of the realm discharged the high trust reposed in them, in the numerous enactments it exhibits for the security both of person and property. Almost the first page which meets the eye in this venerable record contains the General Privilege, the Magna Charta, as it has been well denominated, of Aragon. It was granted by Peter the Great to the cortes at Saragossa, in 1283. It embraces a variety of provisions for the fair and open administration of justice; for ascertaining the legitimate powers intrusted to the cortes; for the security of property against exactions of the crown; and for the conservation of their legal immunities to the municipal corporations and the different orders of nobility. … The Aragonese, who rightly regarded the General Privilege as the broadest basis of their liberties, repeatedly procured its confirmation by succeeding sovereigns. … The judicial functions of the cortes have not been sufficiently noticed by writers. They were extensive in their operation, and gave it the name of the General Court."

_W. H. Prescott, History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, introduction, sections 1-2._

"Castile bore a closer analogy to England in its form of civil polity than France or even Aragon. But the frequent disorders of its government and a barbarous state of manners rendered violations of law much more continual and flagrant than they were in England under the Plantagenet dynasty. And besides these practical mischiefs, there were two essential defects in the constitution of Castile, through which perhaps it was ultimately subverted. It wanted those two brilliants in the coronet of British liberty, the representation of freeholders among the commons, and trial by jury. The cortes of Castile became a congress of deputies from a few cities, public spirited, indeed, and intrepid, as we find them in bad times, to an eminent degree, but too much limited in number, and too unconnected with the territorial aristocracy, to maintain a just balance against the crown. … Perhaps in no European monarchy except our own was the form of government more interesting than in Aragon, as a fortunate temperament of law and justice with the royal authority. … Blancas quotes a noble passage from the acts of cortes in 1451. 'We have always heard of old time, and it is found by experience, that seeing the great barrenness of this land, and the poverty of the realm, if it were not for the liberties thereof, the folk would go hence to live and abide in other realms and lands more fruitful.' This high spirit of freedom had long animated the Aragonese. After several contests with the crown in the reign of James I., not to go back to earlier times, they compelled Peter III. in 1283 to grant a law called the General Privilege, the Magna Charta of Aragon, and perhaps a more full and satisfactory basis of civil liberty than our own." They further "established a positive right of maintaining their liberties by arms. This was contained in the Privilege of Union granted by Alfonso III. in 1287, after a violent conflict with his subjects; but which was afterwards so completely abolished, and even eradicated from the records of the kingdom, that its precise words have never been recovered. … That watchfulness over public liberty which originally belonged to the aristocracy of ricos hombres … and which was afterwards maintained by the dangerous Privilege of Union, became the duty of a civil magistrate whose office and functions are the most pleasing feature in the constitutional history of Aragon. The Justiza or Justiciary of Aragon has been treated by some writers as a sort of anomalous magistrate. … But I do not perceive that his functions were, in any essential respect, different from those of the chief justice of England, divided, from the time of Edward I., among the judges of the King's Bench. … {618} All the royal as well as territorial judges were bound to apply for his opinion in case of legal difficulties arising in their courts, which he was to certify within eight days. By subsequent statutes of the same reign it was made penal for anyone to obtain letters from the king, impeding the execution of the Justiza's process, and they were declared null. Inferior courts were forbidden to proceed in any business after his prohibition. … There are two parts of his remedial jurisdiction which deserve special notice. These are the processes of juris firma, or firma del derechio, and of manifestation. The former bears some analogy to the writs of 'pone' and 'certiorari' in England, through which the Court of King's Bench exercises its right of withdrawing a suit from the jurisdiction of inferior tribunals. But the Aragonese juris firma was of more extensive operation. … The process termed manifestation afforded as ample security for personal liberty as that of juris firma did for property."

_H. Hallam, The Middle Age, chapter 4 (volume 2)._

For some account of the loss of the old constitutional liberties of Castile and Aragon, under Charles V.,

See SPAIN: A. D. 1518-1522.

"The councils or meetings of the bishops after the reconquest, like the later Councils of Toledo, were always 'jussu regis,' and were attended by counts and magnates 'ad videndum sine ad audiendum verbum Domini.' But when the ecclesiastical business was ended, it was natural that the lay part of the assembly should discuss the affairs of the kingdom and of the people; and insensibly this after-part of the proceedings grew as the first part diminished in importance. The exact date when the Council merged into the Curia or Cortes is difficult to determine; Señor Colmeiro takes the so-named Council of Leon in 1020 as the true starting-point of the latter. The early monarchy of Spain was elective, and the acclamation of the assembled people (plebs) was at least theoretically necessary to render the king's election valid. The presence of the citizens at the Cortes or Zamora, though stated by Sandoval and Morales, is impugned by Señor Colmeiro; but at the Council of Oviedo in 1115 were present bishops of Spain and Portugal 'cum principibus et plebe praedictae regionis,' and these latter also subscribed the Acts. Still, though present and making their influence more and more felt, there is no record of a true representation of cities until Alfonso IX. convoked the Cortes of Leon in 1188, 'cum archiepiscopo, et episcopis, et magnatibus regni mei et cum electis civibus ex singulis civitatibus'; from this time the three estates—clergy, nobles, citizens—were always represented in the Cortes of Leon. Unfortunately, the political development of Castille did not synchronise with that of Leon. In general, that of Castille was fully half a century later. We pass by as more than doubtful the alleged presence of citizens at Burgos in 1169; the 'majores civitatum et villarum' at the Cortes of Carrion in 1188 were not deputies, but the judges or governors of twenty-eight cities. It is not till the united Cortes of both kingdoms met at Seville in 1250, that we find true representation in Castille. Castille was always more feudal than Leon. It is in this want of simultaneous development, and in the presence of privileged classes, that we find the germ of the evils which eventually destroyed the liberties of Spain. Neither the number of deputies nor of the cities represented was ever fixed; at Burgos, in 1315, we find 200 deputies (procuradores) from 100 cities; gradually the number sank till seventeen, and finally twenty-two, cities alone were represented. The deputies were chosen from the municipality either by lot, by rotation, or by election; they were the mere spokesmen of the city councils, whose mandate was imperative. Their payment was at first by the cities, but, after 1422, by the king; and there are constant complaints that the salary was insufficient. The reign of Juan II. (1406-54) was fatal to the liberties of Castille; the answers to the demands and petitions of the deputies were deferred; and, in fact, if not in form, the law that no tax should be levied without consent of the Cortes was constantly violated. Still, but for the death of Prince Juan, in 1497, and the advent of the Austrian dynasty with the possession of the Low Countries, the old liberties might yet have been recovered. … With the Cortes of Toledo, in 1538, ended the meeting of the three estates. The nobility first, then the clergy, were eliminated from the Cortes, leaving only the proctors of the cities to become servile instruments for the purposes of taxation."

_W. Webster, Review of Colmeiro's "Cortes de los Antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla" (Academy, August 16, 1884)._

CORUNNA, Battle of (1809).

See SPAIN: A. D. 1808-1809 (AUGUST-JANUARY).

CORUPEDION, Battle of.

A battle fought in western Phrygia, B. C. 281, in which Lysimmachus, one of the disputants for Alexander's empire, was defeated by Seleucus, and slain.

_C. Thirlwall, History of Greece, chapter 60._

CORVÉE.

One of the feudal rights possessed in France (under the old regime, before the Revolution) "by the lord of the manor over his subjects, by means of which he could employ for his own profit a certain number of their days of labour, or of their oxen and horses. The 'Corvée à volonté,' that is to say, at the arbitrary will of the Seigneur, had been completely abolished [before the Revolution]: forced labour had been for some time past confined to a certain number of days a year."

_A. de Tocqueville, On the State of Society in France before 1789, note 4 E. (p. 499)._

CORVUS, The Roman.

See PUNIC WAR, THE FIRST.

COS, OR KOS.

One of the islands in the Ægean called the Sporades, near the Carian coast of Asia Minor. The island was sacred to Asclepius, or Æsculapeus, and was the birthplace of the celebrated physician Hippocrates, as well as of the painter Apelles. It was an Æolian colony, but joined the Dorian confederacy.

COSIMO DE' MEDICI, The ascendancy at Florence of.

See FLORENCE: A. D. 1433-1464.

COSMOS, COSMIOS, COSMOPOLIS.

See DEMIURGI.

{619}

COSSACKS, The.