volume 1, AUSTRIA: A. D. 1866-1867]. It dates from 1867, and

has to be renewed every ten years. It establishes the share which Hungary must pay toward the expenses of the imperial government. Hungary is a kingdom (the Emperor of Austria is its King), and has its own parliament and governmental machinery. But it has no foreign office, and it has no army—at least its army is a part of the imperial army, is paid out of the imperial treasury, and is under the control of the imperial war office. The ten-year rearrangement was due a year ago, but failed to connect. At least completely. A year's compromise was arranged. A new arrangement must be effected before the last day of this year. Otherwise the two countries become separate entities. The Emperor would still be King of Hungary—that is, King of an independent foreign country. There would be Hungarian custom-houses on the Austrian frontier, and there would be a Hungarian army and a Hungarian foreign office. Both countries would be weakened by this, both would suffer damage. The Opposition in the House, although in the minority, had a good weapon to fight with in the pending 'Ausgleich.' If it could delay the 'Ausgleich' a few weeks, the government would doubtless have to withdraw the hated language bill or lose Hungary.

"The Opposition began its fight. Its arms were the Rules of the House. It was soon manifest that by applying these Rules ingeniously, it could make the majority helpless, and keep it so as long as it pleased. It could shut off business every now and then with a motion to adjourn. It could require the ayes and noes on the motion, and use up thirty minutes on that detail. It could call for the reading and verification of the minutes of the preceding meeting, and use up half a day in that way. {40} It could require that several of its members be entered upon the list of permitted speakers previously to the opening of a sitting; and as there is no time limit, further delays could thus be accomplished. These were all lawful weapons, and the men of the Opposition (technically called the Left) were within their rights in using them. They used them to such dire purpose that all parliamentary business was paralyzed. The Right (the government side) could accomplish nothing. Then it had a saving idea. This idea was a curious one. It was to have the President and the Vice-Presidents of the parliament trample the Rules under foot upon occasion! …

"And now took place that memorable sitting of the House which broke two records. It lasted the best part of two days and a night, surpassing by half an hour the longest sitting known to the world's previous parliamentary history, and breaking the long-speech record with Dr. Lecher's twelve-hour effort, the longest flow of unbroken talk that ever came out of one mouth since the world began. At 8.45, on the evening of the 28th of October, when the House had been sitting a few minutes short of ten hours, Dr. Lecher was granted the floor. … Then burst out such another wild and frantic and deafening clamor as has not been heard on this planet since the last time the Comanches surprised a white settlement at midnight. Yells from the Left, counter-yells from the Right, explosions of yells from all sides at once, and all the air sawed and pawed and clawed and cloven by a writhing confusion of gesturing arms and hands. Out of the midst of this thunder and turmoil and tempest rose Dr. Lecher, serene and collected, and the providential length of him enabled his head to show out above it. He began his twelve-hour speech. At any rate, his lips could be seen to move, and that was evidence. On high sat the President imploring order, with his long hands put together as in prayer, and his lips visibly but not hearably speaking. At intervals he grasped his bell and swung it up and down with vigor, adding its keen clamor to the storm weltering there below. Dr. Lecher went on with his pantomime speech, contented, untroubled. … One of the interrupters who made himself heard was a young fellow of slight build and neat dress, who stood a little apart from the solid crowd and leaned negligently, with folded arms and feet crossed, against a desk. Trim and handsome; strong face and thin features; black hair roughed up; parsimonious mustache; resonant great voice, of good tone and pitch. It is Wolf, capable and hospitable with sword and pistol. … Out of him came early this thundering peal, audible above the storm:

"'I demand the floor. I wish to offer a motion.'

"In the sudden lull which followed, the President answered, 'Dr. Lecher has the floor.'

"_Wolf._ 'I move the close of the sitting!'

"_President._ 'Representative Lecher has the floor.' [Stormy outburst from the Left—that is, the Opposition.]

"_Wolf._ 'I demand the floor for the introduction of a formal motion. [Pause.] Mr. President, are you going to grant it, or not? [Crash of approval from the Left.] I will keep on demanding the floor till I get it.'

"_President._ 'I call Representative Wolf to order. Dr. Lecher has the floor.' …

"'Which was true; and he was speaking, too, calmly, earnestly, and argumentatively; and the official stenographers had left their places and were at his elbows taking down his words, he leaning and orating into their ears—a most curious and interesting scene. … At this point a new and most effective noisemaker was pressed into service. Each desk has an extension, consisting of a removable board eighteen inches long, six wide, and a half-inch thick. A member pulled one of these out and began to belabor the top of his desk with it. Instantly other members followed suit, and perhaps you can imagine the result. Of all conceivable rackets it is the most ear-splitting, intolerable, and altogether fiendish. … Wolf went on with his noise and with his demands that he be granted the floor, resting his board at intervals to discharge criticisms and epithets at the Chair. … By-and-by he struck the idea of beating out a tune with his board. Later he decided to stop asking for the floor, and to confer it upon himself. And so he and Dr. Lecher now spoke at the same time, and mingled their speeches with the other noises, and nobody heard either of them. Wolf rested himself now and then from speech-making by reading, in his clarion voice, from a pamphlet.

"I will explain that Dr. Lecher was not making a twelve-hour speech for pastime, but for an important purpose. It was the government's intention to push the 'Ausgleich' through its preliminary stages in this one sitting (for which it was the Order of the Day), and then by vote refer it to a select committee. It was the Majority's scheme—as charged by the Opposition—to drown debate upon the bill by pure noise—drown it out and stop it. The debate being thus ended, the vote upon the reference would follow—with victory for the government. But into the government's calculations had not entered the possibility of a single-barrelled speech which should occupy the entire time-limit of the sitting, and also get itself delivered in spite of all the noise. … In the English House an obstructionist has held the floor with Bible-readings and other outside matters; but Dr. Lecher could not have that restful and recuperative privilege—he must confine himself strictly to the subject before the House. More than once, when the President could not hear him because of the general tumult, he sent persons to listen and report as to whether the orator was speaking to the subject or not.

"The subject was a peculiarly difficult one, and it would have troubled any other deputy to stick to it three hours without exhausting his ammunition, because it required a vast and intimate knowledge—detailed and particularized knowledge—of the commercial, railroading, financial, and international banking relations existing between two great sovereignties, Hungary and the Empire. But Dr. Lecher is President of the Board of Trade of his city of Brünn, and was master of the situation. … He went steadily on with his speech; and always it was strong, virile, felicitous, and to the point. He was earning applause, and this enabled his party to turn that fact to account. Now and then they applauded him a couple of minutes on a stretch, and during that time he could stop speaking and rest his voice without having the floor taken from him. …

{41}

"The Minority staid loyally by their champion. Some distinguished deputies of the Majority staid by him too, compelled thereto by admiration of his great performance. When a man has been speaking eight hours, is it conceivable that he can still be interesting, still fascinating? When Dr. Lecher had been speaking eight hours he was still compactly surrounded by friends who would not leave him and by foes (of all parties) who could not; and all hung enchanted and wondering upon his words, and all testified their admiration with constant and cordial outbursts of applause. Surely this was a triumph without precedent in history. …

"In consequence of Dr. Lecher's twelve-hour speech and the other obstructions furnished by the Minority, the famous thirty-three-hour sitting of the House accomplished nothing. … Parliament was adjourned for a week—to let the members cool off, perhaps—a sacrifice of precious time, for but two months remained in which to carry the all-important 'Ausgleich' to a consummation. …

"During the whole of November things went from bad to worse. The all-important 'Ausgleich' remained hard aground, and could not be sparred off. Badeni's government could not withdraw the Language Ordinance and keep its majority, and the Opposition could not be placated on easier terms. One night, while the customary pandemonium was crashing and thundering along at its best, a fight broke out. … On Thanksgiving day the sitting was a history-making one. On that day the harried, bedeviled and despairing government went insane. In order to free itself from the thraldom of the Opposition it committed this curiously juvenile crime: it moved an important change of the Rules of the House, forbade debate upon the motion, put it to a stand-up vote instead of ayes and noes, and then gravely claimed that it had been adopted. … The House was already standing up; had been standing for an hour; and before a third of it had found out what the President had been saying, he had proclaimed the adoption of the motion! And only a few heard that. In fact, when that House is legislating you can't tell it from artillery-practice. You will realize what a happy idea it was to sidetrack the lawful ayes and noes and substitute a stand-up vote by this fact: that a little later, when a deputation of deputies waited upon the President and asked him if he was actually willing to claim that that measure had been passed, he answered, 'Yes—and unanimously.' …

"The 'Lex Falkenhayn,' thus strangely born, gave the President power to suspend for three days any deputy who should continue to be disorderly after being called to order twice, and it also placed at his disposal such force as might be necessary to make the suspension effective. So the House had a sergeant-at-arms at last, and a more formidable one, as to power, than any other legislature in Christendom had ever possessed. The Lex Falkenhayn also gave the House itself authority to suspend members for thirty days. On these terms the 'Ausgleich' could be put through in an hour—apparently. The Opposition would have to sit meek and quiet, and stop obstructing, or be turned into the street, deputy after deputy, leaving the Majority an unvexed field for its work.

"Certainly the thing looked well. … [But next day, when the President attempted to open the session, a band of the Socialist members made a sudden charge upon him, drove him and the Vice President from the House, took possession of the tribune, and brought even the semblance of legislative proceedings to an end. Then a body of sixty policemen was brought in to clear the House.] Some of the results of this wild freak followed instantly. The Badeni government came down with a crash; there was a popular outbreak or two in Vienna; there were three or four days of furious rioting in Prague, followed by the establishing there of martial law; the Jews and Germans were harried and plundered, and their houses destroyed; in other Bohemian towns there was rioting—in some cases the Germans being the rioters, in others the Czechs—and in all cases the Jew had to roast, no matter which side he was on. We are well along in December now; the new Minister-President has not been able to patch up a peace among the warring factions of the parliament, therefore there is no use in calling it together again for the present; public opinion believes that parliamentary government and the Constitution are actually threatened with extinction, and that the permanency of the monarchy itself is a not absolutely certain thing!

"Yes, the Lex Falkenhayn was a great invention, and did what was claimed for it—it got the government out of the frying-pan."

_S. L. Clemens (Mark Twain), Stirring Times in Austria (Harper's Magazine, March, 1898)._

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (December). Imperial action.

On the last day of the year the Emperor closed the sittings of the Austrian Reichsrath by proclamation and issued a rescript continuing the "Ausgleich" provisionally for six months.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898. Prolongation of factious disorders. Paralysis of constitutional government.

Though scenes in the Austrian Chamber were not quite so violent, perhaps, as they had become near the close of 1897, the state of factious disorder continued much the same throughout the year, and legislation was completely stopped. The work of government could be carried on only by imperial decrees. The ministry of Baron von Gautsch, which had succeeded that of Count Badeni, attempted a compromise on the language question in Bohemia by dividing the country into three districts, according to the distribution of the several races, in one of which German was to be the official tongue, in another Czech, while both languages were to be used in the third. But the Germans of the empire would accept no such compromise. In March, Baron von Gautsch retired, and Count Thun Hohenstein formed a Ministry made up to represent the principal factions in the Reichsrath; but, the scheme brought no peace. Nor did appeals by Count Thun, "in the name of Austria," to the patriotism and the reason of all parties, to suspend their warfare long enough for a little of the necessary work of the state to be done, have any effect. The turbulence in the legislature infected the whole community, and especially, it would seem, the students in the schools, whose disorder caused many lectures to be stopped. In Hungary, too, there was an increase of violence in political agitation. A party, led by the son of Louis Kossuth, struggled to improve what seemed to be an opportunity for breaking the political union of Hungary with Austria, and realizing the old ambition for an independent Hungarian state. {42} The ministry of Baron Banffy had this party against him, as well as that of the clericals, who resented the civil marriage laws, and legislation came to a deadlock nearly as complete in the Hungarian as in the Austrian Parliament. There, as well as in Austria, the extension of the Ausgleich, provisionally for another year, had to be imposed by imperial decree.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (April). Withdrawal from the blockade of Crete and the "Concert of Europe."

See (in this volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (June). The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

See (in this volume) SUGAR BOUNTIES.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (September). Assassination of the Empress. Jubilee of the Emperor's reign.

On the 10th of September, Elizabeth, Empress of Austria and Queen of Hungary, was assassinated at Geneva by an Italian anarchist, named Luigi Luccheni, who stabbed her with a small stiletto, exceedingly thin and narrow in the blade. The murderer rushed upon her and struck her, as she was walking, with a single attendant, on the quay, towards a lake steamer on which she intended to travel to Montreux. She fell, but arose, with some assistance, and walked forward to the steamer, evidently unaware that she had suffered worse than a blow. On the steamer, however, she lost consciousness, and then, for the first time, the wound was discovered. It had been made by so fine a weapon that it showed little external sign, and it is probable that the Empress felt little pain. She lived nearly half an hour after the blow was struck. The assassin attempted to escape, but was caught. As Swiss law forbids capital punishment, he could be only condemned to solitary confinement for life. This terrible tragedy came soon after the festivities in Austria which had celebrated the jubilee year of the Emperor Francis Joseph's reign. The Emperor's marriage had been one of love: he had suffered many afflictions in his later life; the state of his realm was such as could hardly be contemplated without despair; men wondered if he could bear this crowning sorrow and live. But he had the undoubted affection of his subjects, much as they troubled him with their miserably factious quarrels, and that consciousness seems to have been his one support.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899 (May-July). Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume) PEACE CONFERENCE.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1900. Continued obstruction by the German parties in Austria. Extensive secession of German Catholics from their Church, and its significance. Withdrawal of the Bohemian language decrees. Obstruction taken up by the Czechs.

During most of the year the German parties in the Austrian Reichsrath continued to make legislation impossible by disorderly obstruction, with the avowed purpose of compelling the government to withdraw the language decrees in Bohemia. A still more significant demonstration of German feeling and policy appeared, in a wide-spread and organized movement to detach German Roman Catholics from their church, partly, it would seem, as a proceeding of hostility to the Clerical party, and partly as a means of recommending the Germans of the Austrian states to the sympathy of the German Empire, and smoothing the approach to an ultimate union of some of those states with the Germanic federation. The agitation against the Catholic Church is called "Los von Rom," and is said to have had remarkable results. "Those acquainted with the situation in Austria," says a writer in the "Quarterly Review," "do not wonder that in various parts of the Empire there is a marked tendency among the German Catholics to join Christian communions separated from Rome. Many thousand Roman Catholics have recently renounced their allegiance to the Holy See. Further secessions are announced as about to take place. The movement is especially strong in great centres like Eger, Asch, and Saatz, but has made itself felt also in Carinthia, and even in coast districts. This is a grave political fact, for it is a marked indication of serious discontent, and a sure sign that some arrangement under which certain districts of Austria might be joined to Germany would not be unwelcome to a section of the people."

_Quarterly Review, January, 1899._

In September the Austrian Ministry of Count Thun resigned, and was succeeded by one formed under Count Clary-Aldingen. The new premier withdrew the language decrees, which quieted the German obstructionists, but provoked the Czechs to take up the same rôle. Count Clary-Aldingen resigned in December, and a provisional Ministry was formed under Dr. Wettek, which lasted only until the 10th of January, 1900, when a new Cabinet was formed by Dr. von Körber. In Hungary, Baron Banffy was driven from power in February, 1899, by a state of things in the Hungarian Parliament much like that in the Austrian. M. Koloman Szell, who succeeded him, effected a compromise with the opposition which enabled him to carry a measure extending the Ausgleich to 1907. This brought one serious difficulty of the situation to an end.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1901. Attitude towards impending revolt in Macedonia.

See (in this volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901; and BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900. Military and naval expenditure.

See (in this volume) WAR BUDGETS.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (February). Attempted pacification of German and Czech parties by a Conciliation Board.

"On Monday last [February 5] the German and Czech Conciliation Board met for the first time in Vienna, under the presidency of the Austrian Premier, Dr. von Körber, and conferred for two hours. … Dr. von Körber is at the head of what may be called a 'business' Ministry, composed largely of those who had filled subordinate offices in previous Ministries. It was hoped, perhaps, that, since the leading politicians with a political 'past' could apparently do nothing to bring about a settlement, men with no past, but with a capacity for business, and in no way committed on the racial question, might do better in effecting a working arrangement. The appointment of this Conciliation Board seemed a promising way of attempting such a settlement. Dr. von Körber opened Monday's proceedings with a strong appeal to both sides, saying: 'Gentlemen, the Empire looks to you to restore its happiness and tranquillity.' It cannot be said that the Empire is likely to find its wishes fulfilled, for when the Board came down to hard business, the old troubles instantly revealed themselves. {43} The Premier recommended a committee for Bohemia of twenty-two members, and one for Moravia of fifteen members, the two sitting in joint session in certain cases. Dr. Engel then set forth the historical claims of the Czechs, which immediately called forth a demand from Dr. Funke, of the German party, that German should be declared the official language throughout Austria. Each speaker seems to have been supported by his own party, and so no progress was made, and matters remain in 'statu quo ante.' The singularly deficient constitution of this Board makes against success, for it seems that the German Nationalists and Anti-Semites have only one delegate apiece, the Social Democrats were not invited at all, while the extreme Germans and extreme Czechs, apparently regarding the Board as a farce, declined to nominate delegates to its sittings. … There is unhappily little reason for believing that the Board of Conciliation will effect what the Emperor himself has failed to accomplish."

_Spectator (London), February 10, 1900._

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (June-December). Co-operation with the Powers in China.

See (in this volume) CHINA.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (September-December). Warnings by the Emperor. Clerical interference in politics. The attitude of Hungary. Economic decline of Austria. Pessimistic views in Vienna. The pending elections.

The Vienna correspondence of the "London Times" seems to be the best source of information concerning the critical conditions that are prevailing in the composite Empire, as the Nineteenth Century closes, and the events by which those conditions are from time to time revealed. The writer, whose reports we shall quote, is evidently well placed for observation, and well prepared for understanding what he sees.

In a dispatch of September 14, he notes the significance of a reprimand which the Emperor had caused to be administered to the Archbishop of Sarajevo, for interference in political affairs:

"The chief of the Emperor's Cabinet called the Archbishop's attention to newspaper reports of a speech made by him at the close of the Catholic Congress recently held at Agram, in which he was represented to have expressed the hope that Bosnia would be incorporated with Croatia at the earliest possible date. As that question was a purely political one and foreign to the sacred vocation of the Archbishop, and as its solution fell exclusively within the jurisdiction of certain lay factors, and more especially within the Sovereign prerogatives of his Majesty, the chief of the Cabinet was instructed, in case the reports were correct, to communicate to his Grace the serious warning and firm expectation of the Emperor that his Grace would abstain in future, both in word and deed, from interference in political questions. As was to be expected, this sharp reprimand to an ecclesiastic of such high position and repute has made a great sensation. It meets with warm approval from the entire Hungarian Press. … There is, on the other hand, bitter mortification in Clerical circles. It is evidently felt that the warning to abstain from politics may be of more than mere local and individual significance."

In another dispatch on the same day the correspondent reported a still more significant imperial utterance, this time from the Emperor's own lips: "Yesterday the Emperor, who is attending the manœuvres in Galicia, received the Polish Parliamentary Deputation and, addressing their president, informed him that the dissolution of the Reichsrath and the coming elections were the last constitutional means which would be employed by his Government. That implies that, if the new Parliament will not work, the Constitution will be suspended. … The dissolution of the Reichsrath takes place in opposition to the wish of the moderate element of all parties, who did their utmost to dissuade the Prime Minister from taking such a drastic measure. The opinion of those who did not approve of dissolution is that in the absence of a new suffrage the next Parliament will prove more unruly than the last. … Yesterday's Imperial warning requires no comment. It means no more than it says—namely, an eventual suspension of the Constitution. It does not point to any alternative regime in case the Parliamentary system should break down. Indeed, there is nothing to show that any such alternative has been under the consideration of the Emperor and his Ministers. No less an authority than Dr. Lueger, the Anti-Semitic burgomaster of Vienna, has just expressed his opinion on the subject to a local journalist in the following words:

'I am firmly convinced that nobody, not a single man in Austria, including all statesmen and Parliamentary politicians, has the faintest idea of how the situation will develop.'"

A few days later (September 25) the "Times" correspondence summarized an important speech by the Hungarian statesman, Count Apponyi, to his constituents, in which the same forecast of a political catastrophe in Austria was intimated. Count Apponyi,—"after dwelling upon the importance of maintaining the Ausgleich, remarked that affairs in Austria might take a turn which would render its revision indispensable owing either to a complete suspension of the constitutional system in Austria, the maintenance of which was one of the conditions of the arrangement of 1867, or such modifications thereof as would make the existing form of union between the two countries technically untenable or politically questionable. In either case the revision could only confirm the independence of Hungary. But even then Count Apponyi believed that by fallowing the traditions of Francis Deák it would be possible to harmonize the necessary revision with the fundamental principles of the Dual Monarchy. It would, however, be a great mistake to raise that question unless forced to do so by circumstances. Count Apponyi went on to say that the importance of Hungary, not only in the Monarchy but throughout the civilized world, was enormously increased by the fact that it secured the maintenance of Austria-Hungary, threatened by the destructive influence of the Austrian chaos, and thus constituted one of the principal guarantees of European tranquillity. The peace-abiding nations recognized that this service to the dynasty, the Monarchy, and the European State system was only possible while the constitutional independence and national unity of Hungary was maintained. It was clear to every unprejudiced mind that Hungarian national independence and unity was the backbone of the Dual Monarchy and one of the most important guarantees of European peace. But the imposing position attained by Hungary through the European sanction of her national ideal would be imperilled if they were of their own initiative to raise the question of the union of the two countries and thus convert the Austrian crisis into one affecting the whole Monarchy."

{44}

An article in the "Neue Freie Presse," of Vienna, on the hostility of the Vatican to Austria and Hungary was partially communicated in a despatch of October 11. The Vienna journal ascribes this hostility in part to resentment engendered by the alliance of Catholic Austria with Italy, and in part to the Hungarian ecclesiastical laws.

See above: A. D. 1894-1895.

It remarked: "Never has clericalism been so influential in the legislation and administration of this Empire. The most powerful party is the one that takes its 'mot d'ordre' from the Papal Nunciature. It guides the feudal nobility, it is the thorn in the flesh of the German population, it has provoked a 20 years' reaction in Austria, and, unhindered and protected, it scatters in Hungary that seed which has thriven so well in this half of the Monarchy that nothing is done in Austria without first considering what will be said about it in Rome." A day or two later some evidence of a growing resentment in Austria at the interference of the clergy in politics was adduced: "Thus the Czech organ, inspired by the well-known leader of the party, Dr. Stransky, states that a deputation of tradespeople called on the editor and expressed great indignation at the unprecedented manner in which the priests were joining in electoral agitation. They added that they 'could no longer remain members of a Church whose clergy took advantage of religious sentiment for political purposes.' The Peasants' Electoral Association for Upper Austria has just issued a manifesto in which the following occurs:—'We have for more than 20 years invariably elected the candidates proposed by the Clerical party. What has been done during that long period for us peasants and small tradespeople? What have the Clerical party and the Clerical members of Parliament done for us? How have they rewarded our long fidelity? By treason. … We have been imposed upon long enough. It is due to our self-respect and honour to emancipate ourselves thoroughly from the mamelukes put forward by the Clerical wirepullers. We must show that we can get on without Clerical leadingstrings.'"

On the 26th of October the writer summarized a report that day published by the Vienna Stock Exchange Committee, as furnishing "fresh evidence of the disastrous effects of the prolonged internal political crisis." "The report begins by stating that the Vienna Stock Exchange, formerly the leading and most important one in Europe, and which, in consequence of the geographical situation of the town, was called upon to be the centre of financial operations with the Near East, has for years past been steadily declining. Every year the number of those frequenting the Bourse diminishes, and there has been an annual decrease in the amount of capital that has changed hands. Of late years, and particularly within the last few months, this has assumed such dimensions that it has become an imperative duty for the competent authorities to investigate the causes of the evil and to seek a remedy. It is recognized that the deplorable domestic situation has largely contributed to the decline of the Bourse. The deadlock in the Legislative Assembly has occasioned stagnation in industry and commerce, whereas outside the Monarchy there has been an unprecedented development of trade. Further prejudice has been caused by what is called in the report the anti-capitalist tendencies, which represent all gains and profits to be ill-gotten. The profession of merchant has been held up by unprincipled demagogues as disreputable. The authorities are reproached with having encouraged those tendencies by undue tolerance."

Early in November, the Vienna letters began accounts of the electioneering campaign then opening, though elections for the new House were not to take place until the following January: "Every day," wrote the correspondent, "brings its contingent of electoral manifestos, and all parties have already had their say. Unfortunately, nothing could be less edifying. It may be said of them all that they have profited little by experience, and it is vain to search for any indication of a conciliatory disposition among Czechs or Germans, Liberals or Clericals. One and all are as uncompromising as ever, and neither the leaders nor the rank and file are prepared to reckon with the real exigencies of the situation, even to save their own Parliamentary existence. The feudal nobility, who stand aloof from Parliamentary strife, have alone lost nothing of their position and influence. They disdainfully refuse to take either the requirements of the State or the legitimate wishes of the Crown into account. They are preparing in alliance with Ultramontanism to hold their own against the coming storm. Their action in the pending electrical campaign is of an occult nature; their proceedings are seldom reported by the newspapers, and when they meet it is by groups and privately.

"The political speeches which have hitherto been delivered in various parts of the country are bewildering. The Germans are split up into several fractions, and even on the other side there have been separate manifestos from the Young Czechs and also from the Old Czechs, who have long ceased to play a part in the Reichsrath. It is confusion worse confounded, in fact complete chaos. The prospect of a rallying of the heterogeneous and mutually antagonistic groups on the basis of resistance to Hungarian exigencies, though possible, is not yet at hand, whatever the future may reserve. … The words of warning that came from the Crown as to this being the last attempt that would be made to rule by constitutional methods has clearly failed to produce that impression among Parliamentary politicians which might justly have been anticipated. Not even the most experienced and best informed among the former members of the Reichsrath are disposed to make any prophecy as to what will follow the dissolution of the next Chamber."

{45}

In the following month, a significant speech in the Reichsrath at Buda-Pesth, by the very able Hungarian Prime Minister, M. Szell, WIIS reported. "He foreshadowed the possibility of a situation in which Austria would not be able to fulfil the conditions prescribed in the Ausgleich Act of 1867 with regard to the manner of dealing with the affairs common to both halves of the Monarchy. He himself had, however, made up his mind on the subject, and was convinced that even in those circumstances the Hungarians would by means of provisional measures regulate the common affairs and interests of the two States, 'while specially asserting the rights of Hungary and its independence.' Another version of this somewhat oracular statement runs as follows:—'Hungary, without infringing the Ausgleich law, will find ways and means of regulating those affairs which, in virtue of the Pragmatic sanction, are common to both States, while at the same time protecting her own interests and giving greater emphasis to her independence.' Dr. Szell added:—'When the right time comes I shall explain my views, and eventually submit proposals to the House. Meanwhile, let us husband our strength and keep our powder dry.' The self-confident and almost defiant tone of this forecast, coming from a responsible statesman accustomed to display such prudence and moderation of language as M. Szell, has made a profound impression in Austria. It assumes the breakdown of the Austrian Parliamentary system to be a certainty, and anticipates the adoption by Hungary of one-sided measures which, according to M. Szell, will afford more effective protection to its interests and confirm its independence. This seems to be interpreted in Vienna as an indication that the Hungarian Premier has a cut and dry scheme ready for the revision of the Ausgleich in a direction which bodes ill for Austria. The gravity of the Ministerial statement is recognized by journals of such divergent views as the semi-official 'Fremdenblatt,' the pan-Germanic and Anti-Semitic 'Deutsche Zeitung,' and the 'Neues Wiener Tagblatt,' which is the organ of the moderate German element. The 'Neues Wiener Tagblatt' frankly acknowledges that, in addition to all her other cares, Austria has now to consider the crucial question of the form which her relations with Hungary will assume at no distant date. Commercial severance and declarations of independence are, it says, being discussed by the initiated sections of the community in both countries, as if it were a matter of merely economic concern, instead of the greatest and most perilous political problem that the Monarchy has been called upon to solve since the establishment of the Dual system, which, in spite of its complexity, has worked well for such a long period. The 'Neues Wiener Tagblatt,' nevertheless, admits that things have now reached a stage at which economic severance is no longer impossible." In a subsequent speech on New Year's Day, M. Szell declared that it "would be a fatal mistake to sever the ties which had so long connected the two countries, as the objects for which they were called into existence still remained and their fundamental basis was not shaken."

The Vienna journals, on that New Year's Day of 1901, reviewed the past and surveyed the prospects of the future in gloomy and pessimistic tones. Heading its article "Progress Backward," the "Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung" said: "It is true that Austria has at her disposal a larger and more efficiently trained army than ever. The natural resources of the country have been better developed than in the past. The progress of the century has not been without influence upon ourselves. But, whereas other nations are more vigorous, greater, and mightier, we have become weaker, smaller, and less important. The history of the world during the second half of the past century has been made at our expense. … In the new partition of the world no room has been reserved for Austria. The most important events which will perhaps give the world a new physiognomy are taking place without Austria's being able to exercise the slightest influence thereon. We are living upon our old reputation, but in the long run that capital will prove insufficient."

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (December). Census of Vienna.

See (in this volume) VIENNA: A. D. 1900.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1901. Parliamentary elections. Weakening of the Clerical and Anti-Semitic parties. Gains for the ultra-radical German parties. Disorderly opening of the Reichsrath. Speech of the Emperor from the throne.

From the parliamentary elections held in January the Clerical and Anti-Semitic parties came back to the Reichsrath shorn of about one-third of their strength, while the various radical factions, especially those among the Germans, appear to have made considerable gains. Even in the Tyrol, one of the strongest of the Clerical leaders, Baron Di Pauli, was defeated, and in Vienna the Anti-Semitic majority was cut to less than one-fourth of what it had been three years before. "The Pan-Germanic group," writes "The Times" correspondent from Vienna, "which only numbered five in the last Parliament, now musters 21. It will be remembered that it openly advocates incorporation with the German Empire, and as a preparatory measure the wholesale conversion of the German population of Austria to Protestantism. It has hitherto been to a certain extent boycotted by the other German parties, being excluded from their so-called union for mutual defence and joint action." "But the programme which had thus been boycotted by the bulk of the German members has been the most successful of all in the recent general election. The position of its leading representative, Herr Schönerer, has been so strengthened that he has been able to impose upon the whole group the title of Pan-Germanic Union, and to enforce the acceptance of the principle of 'emancipation from Rome.' The latter demand caused a certain hesitation on the part of some of his new followers, who, however, ultimately decided to adopt it, although not to the full extent of renouncing the Roman Catholic faith, as Herr Schönerer and his principal lieutenant, Herr Wolf, themselves had done. At a conference of the party its programme was declared to be the promotion of such a federal connexion of the German provinces of Austria with the German Empire as would furnish a permanent guarantee for the maintenance of the German nationality in this country. The party would oppose every Government that resisted the realization of that object, and it could not participate in any manifestations of loyalty while such a Government policy was maintained. At the same time, the party regarded it as their obvious duty to emancipate themselves from Rome in a political but not religious sense—that is to say, to free themselves from the influence of the Roman Curia in affairs of State.

{46}

"This boycotted party and programme now threatens to win the voluntary or enforced adherence of the advanced section of the other German groups which had hitherto declined to commit themselves to such an extreme policy. The most moderate of all the German parties, that of the constitutional landed proprietors, has felt called upon to enter an energetic and indignant protest against the foregoing Pan-Germanic programme. While they are convinced supporters of the Austro-German alliance, they unconditionally reject aspirations which they hold to be totally inconsistent with the tried and reliable basis of that agreement, and which would constitute an undignified sacrifice of the independence of the Monarchy. They further decline to make their manifestations of loyalty to the Sovereign dependent upon any condition; and they strongly condemn the emancipation from Rome movement as a culpable confusion of the spheres of religion and politics, and an infringement of the liberty of conscience which is calculated to sow dissension among the German nationality in Austria.

"It now remains to be seen to which side the bulk of the German representatives will rally; to that of the Moderates, who have re-affirmed their devotion to the Dynasty and the existing Constitution, or to that of the Pan-Germanic revolutionaries, who have decided to make their manifestations of loyalty dependent upon the adoption by the Crown of their programme.

"The outlook has thus undergone, if anything, a change for the worse since the last Reichsrath was dissolved. The only reassuring feature of the situation is that the fall of the Ministry is not a primary end with any of the parties in the Reichsrath. Dr. von Körber, who is a politician of great tact and experience, has avoided friction on all sides."

The opening session of the newly elected Reichsrath was held on the 31st of January, and the disorderly temper in it was manifested upon a reference by the President to the death of Queen Victoria, which called out cries of hostility to England from both Germans and Czechs.

"In the course of the proceedings some of the members of the Extreme Czech fraction warned the Prime Minister in threatening terms against introducing a single word hostile to the Czech nation in the coming Speech from the Throne. They also announced their intention of squaring accounts with him so soon as the Speech from the Throne should be delivered. The whole sitting did not last an hour, but … what happened suffices to show that not only the Pan-Germanic Union, but also the Extreme section of the German People's party and a couple of Radical Czechs, are ready at a moment's notice to transform the Reichsrath into a bear garden."

On the 4th of February the two Houses of the Reichsrath were assembled at the Palace and addressed by the Emperor, in a speech from the throne of which the following is a partial report: "His Majesty referred to various features of legislation, including the Budget, the revision of the Customs tariff, the promotion of trade, industry, and navigation, the protection of the working classes and the regulation of the hours of labour, the Government railway projects and the Bosnian lines, and Bills for the regulation of emigration, the construction of dwellings for the lower classes, the repression of drunkenness, the development of the University system and other educational reforms, and a revision of the Press laws—in fact a whole inventory of the important legislative arrears consequent upon the breakdown of Parliament.

"The following passage occurs in the further course of the speech: 'The Constitution which I bestowed upon my dominions in the exercise of my free will ought to be an adequate guarantee for the development of my people. The finances of the State have been put in order in exemplary fashion and its credit has been raised to a high level. The freedom of the subject reposes upon a firm foundation, and thanks to the scholastic organization and the extraordinary increase of educational establishments general culture has reached a gratifying standard, which has more especially contributed to the efficiency and intelligence of my army. The Provincial Diets have been able to do much within the limits of their jurisdiction. The beneficial influence of the constitutional system has penetrated as far as the communal administrations. I am thus justified in saying that the fundamental laws of the State are a precious possession of my loyal people. Notwithstanding the autonomy enjoyed by certain kingdoms and provinces, they constitute for foreigners the symbol of the strength and unity of the State. I was, therefore, all the more grieved that the last sessions of the Legislature should have had no result, even if I am prepared to acknowledge that such business as affected the position of the Monarchy was satisfactorily transacted by all parties.'

"The Emperor then expressed his regret that other matters of equal importance affecting the interests of Austria had not been disposed of. His Majesty made an appeal to the representatives of the Reichsrath to devote their efforts to the necessary and urgent work awaiting them, and assured them that they might count upon the Government. All attempts at the moral and material development of the Empire were, he said, stultified by the nationality strife. Experience had shown that the efforts of the Government to bring about a settlement of the principal questions involved therein had led to no result and that it was preferable to deal with the matter in the Legislature. The Government regarded a generally satisfactory solution of the pending language question as being both an act of justice and a necessity of State. Trusting in the good will manifested by all parties, the Ministry would do its utmost to promote a settlement which would relieve the country of its greatest evil. At the same time, the Cabinet was under the obligation of maintaining intact the unity of language in certain departments of the Administration, in which it constituted an old and well-tested institution. Success must never again be sought through paralysing the popular representation. The hindrance of Parliamentary work could only postpone or render quite impossible the realization of such aspirations as most deeply affected the public mind. The Sovereign then referred to the damage done to the interests of the Empire by the obstacles placed in the way of the regular working of the Constitution, and pointed to the indispensable necessity of the vigorous co-operation of Parliament in the approaching settlement of the commercial relations between the two halves of the Monarchy. The speech concluded with a warmly-worded appeal to the representatives to establish a peace which would correspond to the requirements of the time and to defend as their fathers had defended 'this venerable State which accords equal protection to all its peoples.'"

{47}

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1901 (March). Continued turbulence of the factions in the Austrian Reichsrath. Outspoken aim of the Pan-Germans.

At this writing (late in March), the disgraceful and destructive conflict of reckless factions is still raging in the Austrian Reichsrath, and the parties have come to blows several times. The hope of the German extremists for a dissolution of the Empire seems to be more and more openly avowed. On one occasion, "a Czech member, Dr. Sieleny, having accused the Pan-Germans of wistfully glancing across the frontier, Herr Stein, a member of the Pan-Germanic group, replied, 'We do not glance, we gaze.' Being reproached with looking towards Germany with an ulterior motive, the same gentleman answered, 'You Czechs want to go to Russia, and we Germans want to go to Germany.' Again, on being told that he would like to become a Prussian, he exclaimed, 'I declare openly that we want to go to the German Empire.' Finally, in reply to another remark, Herr Stein observed that everybody in the country who was an Austrian patriot was stupid."

----------AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: End--------

AUTONOMY, Constitutional: Granted by Spain to Cuba and Porto Rico.

See (in this volume) CUBA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER); and 1897-1898 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY).

AYUNTAMIENTOS.

Town councillors in Spain and in the Spanish American states.

See (in this volume) CUBA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

B.

BABYLON: Exploration of the ruins of the city.

See (in this volume) ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: GERMAN EXPLORATION.

BABYLON: Railway to the ruins.

See (in this volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER).

BABYLONIA: Archæological Exploration in.

See (in this volume) ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

BACHI, BASHEE ISLANDS, The American acquisition of.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

BACTERIAL SCIENCE, Recent.

See (in this volume) SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

BADENI, Count: Austrian ministry.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.

BADEN-POWELL, General R. S. S.: Defense of Mafeking.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER); and 1900 (MARCH-MAY).

BAGDAD, Railways to.

See (in this volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER); and JEWS: A. D. 1899.

BAJAUR.

See (in this volume) INDIA: A.D. 1895 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

BALFOUR, Arthur J.: First Lord of the Treasury in the British Cabinet.

See (in this volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895; and 1900 (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER).

BALFOUR, Arthur J.: Tribute to Queen Victoria.

See (in this volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES, The.

"The States of the Balkan Peninsula, ever since the practical disruption of European Turkey after the war of 1877-78, have been in a condition of chronic restlessness. Those who desire the repose of Europe have hoped against hope that the new communities which were founded or extended on the ruins of the Ottoman dominion in Europe would be able and willing to keep the peace among themselves and to combine in resisting the intrusion of foreign influences. These expectations have been too frequently disappointed. The lawlessness of Bulgaria and the unsettled state of Servia, more especially, continue to constitute a periodical cause of anxiety to the diplomacy of Europe. The recent murder at Bukharest of Professor Mihaileano, a Macedonian by birth and a Rumanian by extraction, appears to be a shocking example of the teaching of a school of political conspirators who have their centre of operations at Sofia. These persons had already combined to blackmail and terrorise the leading Rumanian residents in the capital of Bulgaria, where the most abominable outrages are stated to have been committed with impunity. Apparently, they have now carried the war, with surprising audacity, into the Rumanian capital itself. Two persons marked out for vengeance by the terrorists of Sofia had previously been murdered in Bukharest, according to our Vienna Correspondent, but these were Bulgarians by birth. It is a further step in this mischievous propaganda that a Rumanian subject, the occupant of an official position at the seat of the Rumanian government, should be done to death by emissaries from the secret society at Sofia. His crime was that, born of Rumanian parents in Macedonia, he had the boldness to controvert in the Press the claims of the Bulgarians to obtain the upper hand in a Turkish province, where Greeks, Turks, Bulgarians, Albanians, and Serbs are inextricably mixed up. Professor Mihaileano had probably very good reasons for coming to the conclusion that, whatever may be the evils of Ottoman rule, they are less than those which would follow a free fight in the Balkans, ending, it may be, in the ascendency of Bulgarian ruffianism.

"It is for this offence that M. Mihaileano suffered the penalty of death by the decree of a secret tribunal, and at the hands of assassins sent out to do their deadly work by political intriguers who sit in safety at Sofia. The most serious aspect of the matter, however, is the careless and almost contemptuous attitude of the Bulgarian Government. The reign of terror at Sofia and the too successful attempts to extend it to Rumania have provoked remonstrances not only from the government at Bukharest, but from some of the Great Powers, including Austria-Hungary, Germany, and Italy. … There is only too much reason to fear, even now, that both the Bulgarian Government and the ruler of the Principality are afraid to break with the terrorists of Sofia. {48} Political assassination is unfortunately among the traditions of the Bulgarian State, but it has never been practised with such frequency and impunity as under the rule of Prince Ferdinand. … His own conduct as a ruler, coupled with the lamentable decline of the spirit of Bulgarian independence, which seemed to be vigorous and unflinching before the kidnapping of Prince Alexander, has steadily lowered his position. The Bulgarian agitation—to a large extent a sham one—for the 'redemption,' as it is called, of Macedonia is a safety-valve that relieves Prince Ferdinand and those who surround him from much unpleasant criticism. …

"The situation in the Balkans is in many respects disquieting. The Bulgarian agitation for the absorption of Macedonia is not discouraged in high quarters. The hostility of the Sofia conspirators to the Koutzo-Wallachs, the Rumanians of Macedonia, is due to the fact that the latter, being a small minority of the population, are ready to take their chance of equal treatment under Turkish rule, subject to the supervision of Europe, rather than to be swallowed up in an enlarged Bulgaria, dominated by the passions that now prevail in the Principality and that have been cultivated for obvious reasons. Russia, it is believed, has no wish to see Bulgarian aspirations realized, and would much rather keep the Principality in a state of expectant dependence. Servia and Greece would be as much embarrassed as Rumania by the success of the Bulgarian propaganda, and Austria-Hungary would regard it as a grave menace. Of course the Turkish government could not be expected to acquiesce in what would, in fact, be its knell of doom. … In Greece, the insubordination in certain sections of the army is a symptom not very alarming in itself, but unpleasantly significant of latent discontent. In Turkey, of course, the recrudescence of the fanaticism which periodically breaks out in the massacres of the Armenians cannot be overlooked. A more unfortunate time could not be chosen for endeavouring to reopen the Eastern question by pressing forward the Bulgarian claim to Macedonia. Nor could a more unfortunate method be adopted of presenting that claim than that of the terrorists who appear to be sheltered or screened at Sofia."

_London Times, August 23, 1900._

See, also (in this volume), TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Bulgaria.

On the 15th of July, 1895, M. Stambouloff, lately the powerful chief minister in the Bulgarian government, but now overthrown and out of favor, was attacked by four assassins, in the streets of Sofia, and received wounds from which he died three days afterwards.

The increasing influence of Russia in Bulgaria was manifested unmistakably on the 14th of February, 1896, when Prince Boris, the infant son and heir of the reigning Prince Ferdinand, was solemnly baptised into the Orthodox Greek Church, the Tzar of Russia, represented by proxy at the ceremony, acting as sponsor. This is understood to have been done in opposition to the most earnest remonstrances of the mother of the child, who is an ardent Roman Catholic, the father being nominally the same.

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Montenegro: Recent changes.

"The accession of territory obtained under the Berlin Treaty has already begun to alter the character of the country. The area of the Principality has been almost doubled, and fertile valleys, tracts of rich woodland and a strip of sea-coast have been added to the realm of Prince Nikolas. Montenegro is now something more than the rocky eyrie of a warlike clan, and the problem of its commercial development constantly occupies the mind of its ruler. The state of transition is reflected in the aspect of the capital. A tiny hamlet in 1878, Tzetinye now bears witness to the growth of civilisation and to the beneficent influence of a paternal despotism. … Nikolas I., 'Prince and Gospodar of free Tzrnagora and the Berda,' is the most picturesque and remarkable figure in the South Slavonic world. Descended from a long line of heroes, the heir of the Vladikas, he has, like them, distinguished himself in many a hard-fought conflict with the hereditary foe. In the field of poetry he has also won his triumphs; like his father Mirko, 'the Sword of Montenegro,' he has written lyric odes and ballads; like his ancestor, the Vladika Petar II., he has composed historical dramas, and his poems and plays hold a recognised place in contemporary Slavonic literature. The inheritor of a splendid tradition, a warrior and a bard, gifted by nature with a fine physique and a commanding presence, he forms the impersonation and embodiment of all that appeals most to the imagination of a romantic and impressionable race, to its martial instinct, its poetic temperament, and its strange—and to us incomprehensible—yearning after long-vanished glories. … Any attempt to describe Prince Nikolas' work as an administrator and a reformer would lead me too far. The codification of the law, which was begun by his ancestors, Danilo I. and Petar I., has been almost completed under his supervision. … The suppression of the vendetta is one of the greatest of the Prince's achievements. … Crime is now rare in the Principality, except in the frontier districts, where acts of homicide are regarded as justifiable, and indeed laudable, if perpetrated in payment of old scores, or if the victim is an Albanian from over the border. Primary education has been made universal, schools have arisen in every village, and lecturers have been appointed to explain to the peasants the advantages of learning. Communications are being opened up, and the Principality, which a few years since possessed nothing but mule-tracks, can now boast of 138 miles of excellent carriage-road, better engineered and maintained than any I have seen in the Peninsula. The construction of roads is viewed with some apprehension by the more conservative Montenegrins, who fear that their mountain stronghold may lose its inaccessible character. But the Prince is determined to keep abreast of the march of civilisation. Nine post-offices and thirteen telegraph stations have been established. The latter, which are much used by the people, will play an important part in the next mobilization of the Montenegrin army. Hitherto the forces of the Principality have been called together by stentorian couriers who shouted from the tops of the mountains. A great reform, however, still remains to be attempted—the conversion of a clan of warriors into an industrial nation. The change has been rendered inevitable by the enlargement of the bounds of the Principality, and its necessity is fully recognised by the Prince. {49} Once the future of the country is assured, his order will be 'à bas les armes.' He is aware that such an edict would be intensely unpopular, but he will not flinch when the time for issuing it arrives. Every Montenegrin has been taught from his cradle to regard warfare as his sole vocation in life, and to despise industrial pursuits. The tradition of five hundred years has remained unbroken, but the Prince will not hesitate to destroy it. So enormous is his influence over the people, that he feels confident in his ability to carry out this sweeping reform."

_J. D. Bourchier, Montenegro and her Prince (Fortnightly Review, December, 1898)._

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Montenegro: New title of the Prince.

On the 19th of December, 1900, at Tzetinye, or Cettigne, "the President of the Council of State, in the presence of the other Ministers and dignitaries and of the members of the Diplomatic Corps, presented an address to the Prince of Montenegro praying him, in token of the gratitude of the Montenegrin people for the benefits which he had conferred on them during his 40 years' reign, to take the title of Royal Highness. The Prince acceded to the request, and, replying to the President, thanked all the European rulers who on this occasion had given him a fresh proof of their friendship by their recognition of his new title. After the ceremony a Te Deum was celebrated in the Cathedral, and the Prince subsequently reviewed the troops, receiving a great welcome from the people."

_Telegram, Reuter's Agency._

BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Servia.

In January, 1894, the young king, Alexander, called his father, the ex-king, Milan (abdicated in 1889—see, in volume 1. BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1879-1889), to Belgrade to give him help against his Radical ministers, who had been taking, the latter thought, too much into their own hands. The first result was a change of ministry, soon followed by a decision from the synod of Servian bishops annulling the divorce of ex-King Milan and Queen Natalie; by a public announcement of their reconciliation, and by an ukase from King Alexander, cancelling all laws and resolutions which touched his parents and restoring to them their rights and privileges as members of the royal house. This, again, was followed, on the 21st of May, by a royal proclamation which abolished the constitution of December, 1888, and restored the old constitution of 1869. This was a tremendous step backward, to a state of things in which almost no protection against arbitrary kingship could be found.

For some years the ex-king exercised considerable influence over his son, and was again an uncertain and much distrusted factor in the troubled politics of southeastern Europe. In 1898 the son appointed him commander-in-chief of the Servian army, and he is said to have ably and energetically improved its efficiency during the brief period of his command. A breach between father and son was brought about before long, however, by the determination of the latter to marry a lady, Madame Draga Maschin, considerably older than himself, who had been lady-in-waiting to his mother; while the father was arranging a political marriage for him with a German princess. The young king married his chosen bride in August, 1900, and guarded his frontier with troops to bar the return of his father, then sojourning at a German watering place, to the kingdom. It was a final exile for the ex-king. He visited Paris for a time; then went to Vienna, and there, on the 11th of February, 1901, he died, at the age of 47.

BALLOONS, Declaration against explosives from.

See (in this volume) PEACE CONFERENCE.

BALTIC and NORTH SEA CANALS.

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE); and 1900 (JUNE).

BANK OF FRANCE: Renewal of privileges.

See (in this volume) MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897.

BANKING: Its effect on the Nineteenth Century.

See (in this volume) NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE TREND.

BANKRUPTCY LAW, National.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 1).

BARBADOS: Condition and relief measures.

See (in this volume) WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

BARCELONA: A. D. 1895. Student riots.

See (in this volume) SPAIN: A. D. 1895-1896.

BAROTSILAND: British Protectorate proclaimed.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA): A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER).

BARRAGE WORKS, Nile.

See (in this volume) EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1901.

BARRIOS, President: Assassination.

See (in this volume) CENTRAL AMERICA (GUATEMALA): A. D. 1897-1898.

BARTON, Miss Clara, and the Red Cross Society. Relief work in Armenia and Cuba.

See (in this volume) ARMENIA: A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-MARCH); and CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

BASHEE, BACHI ISLANDS, The American acquisition of.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

BECHUANALAND, British: Annexation to Cape Colony.

See (in this volume) AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (CAPE COLONY).

BECHUANALAND, British: Partial conveyance to the British South Africa Company.

See (in this volume) AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (BECHUANALAND).

BEEF INVESTIGATION, The American Army.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.

BEET SUGAR.

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1896 (MAY); and SUGAR BOUNTIES.

BEHRING SEA.

See (in this volume) BERING SEA.

BÊL, Temple of: Exploration of its ruins at Nippur.

See (in this volume) ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

BELGIAN ANTARCTIC EXPEDITION.

See (in this volume) POLAR EXPLORATION, 1897-1899.

{50}

BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895. The first election under the new constitution. Victory of the Catholics and surprising Socialist gains.

Elsewhere in this work the full text of the Belgian constitution as it was revised in 1893;

See in volume 1 CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM).

The peculiar features of the new constitution, especially in its provision of a system of cumulative or plural voting, are described.

See in volume 3 NETHERLANDS (BELGIUM): A. D. 1892-1893)

The singularity of the experiment thus introduced caused the elections that were held in Belgium in 1894 and 1895 to be watched with an interest widely felt. Elections for the Chamber of Representatives and the Senate occurred on the same day, October 14, 1894. Previously the Belgian suffrage had been limited to about 130,000 electors. Under the new constitution the electors numbered no less than 1,370,000, and the working of the plural system gave them 2, 111,000 votes. The result was a more crushing victory for the Catholics than they had ever won before. Of 152 Representatives they elected no less than 104. The Liberal party was almost annihilated, securing but 20 seats in the Chamber; while the Socialists rose to political importance, winning 28 seats. This representation is said to be not at all proportioned to the votes cast by the several parties, and it lent force to the demand for a system of proportional representation, as the needed accompaniment of plural voting, which had been urged when the constitution was revised. In the Senate the Conservatives obtained 52 seats and the Liberals 24. In the next year an electoral law relating to communal councils was passed. In this law, the principle of proportional representation was introduced, along with that of cumulative or plural voting. Compulsory voting, enforced by penalties more or less severe, was also a feature of the law. In November, the first election under it was held, and again the Socialists made surprising gains, at the expense of the Radical party, the Catholics and Liberals generally holding their ground.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1895. New School Law. Compulsory religious teaching restored.

See (in this volume) EDUCATION: A. D. 1895 (BELGIUM).

BELGIUM: A. D. 1897. Industrial combinations.

See (in this volume) TRUSTS: IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1897 (July). British notice to terminate existing commercial treaties.

See (in this volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

BELGIUM: A. D. 1898 (June). The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

See (in this volume) SUGAR BOUNTIES.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1898 (July-December). In the Chinese "battle of concessions."

See (in this volume) CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

BELGIUM: A. D. 1899 (May-July). Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume) PEACE CONFERENCE.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1899-1900. Threatened revolution.

An explosion of discontent with the working of the electoral provisions of the new constitution (see above) occurred in June, and created for a time an exceedingly dangerous situation. It was precipitated by an attempt on the part of the government to pass a bill providing for proportional representation in certain districts, which was expected to increase the advantage already possessed by the Clerical or Catholic party. Excitement in the Chamber of Deputies reached such a height on the 28th of June that fighting among the members occurred, and soldiers were called in. That night and the next day there was serious rioting in Brussels; barricades were built; sharp battles between citizens and soldiers were fought, and a general strike of working men was proposed. On the 30th, the government arranged a compromise with the Socialist and Liberal leaders which referred the question of proportional representation to a committee in which all parties were represented. This quieted the disorder. In due time the committee reported against the measure which the government had proposed; whereupon a change of ministry was made, the new ministry being expected to bring forward a more satisfactory plan of proportional representation. It produced a bill for that purpose, the provisions of which failed to give satisfaction, but which was passed, nevertheless, near the end of the year.

Commenting, in July, on the disturbances then just quieted in Belgium, the "Spectator," of London, remarked: "The recent explosion of political feeling in Belgium was a much more serious event than was quite understood in this country. It might have involved all Europe, as, indeed, it may even yet. There was revolution in the air, and a revolution in Belgium would gravely affect the military position both of France and Germany, would rouse keen suspicions and apprehensions in this country, and would perturb all the dynasties with fears of coming change. The new electoral bill drove the Liberals and Socialists of the little kingdom into one another's arms—both believing that it would give the Clericals a permanent hold on power—and whenever these two parties are united they control the majority of the Belgian people. That majority is a most dangerous one. It controls all the cities, and it includes hundreds of thousands of men who resent their economic condition with justifiable bitterness, and who are penetrated with a tradition of victories achieved by insurrection. At the same time they have no pacific vent for their discontents, for the suffrage gives double votes to the well-to-do, and secures to both Liberals and laborers on all economic or religious questions a certainty of defeat. With the inhabitants of the cities all rioting and killing the officials, the government would have been compelled to resort to force, and it is by no means clear that force was decidedly on their side. The Belgian army is not a caste widely separated in feeling from the people; it has no instinctive devotion to the Clerical party, and it has no great soldier whom it admires or to whom it is attached. The king is distrusted and disliked both personally and politically; and the dynasty, which has no historic connection with Belgium, has never taken root in the soil as the Bernadottes, for example, have done in Sweden. If the revolutionists had been beaten, they would have appealed to France, where Belgium is regarded as a reversionary estate; while if they had been victorious, they might—in our judgment, they certainly would—have proclaimed a republic. … The danger has, we suppose, for the moment been smoothed away; but it has not been removed, probably can not be removed, while the conditions which produce it continue to exist. The Belgians, who are commonly supposed to be so prosperous and pacific, are divided by differences of race, creed, and social condition more violent than exists in Ireland, where at all events, all alike, with insignificant exceptions, speak one tongue. {51} The French-speaking Belgians despise the Flemish-speaking Belgians, and the Flemish speaking Belgians detest the French-speaking Belgians, with a rancor only concealed by the long habit of living and acting together,—a habit which, remember, has not prevented the same contempts and aversions from continuing to exist in Ireland. The Clericals and the Secularists hate each other as only religious parties can hate; far more than Catholics and Protestants in any of the countries where the two creeds stand side by side. The Secularist seems to the Clerical a blasphemer, against whom almost all devices are justifiable, while the Clerical is held by the Secularist to be a kind of evil fool, from whom nothing is to be expected except cunningly concealed malignity. The possessors of property expect that the 'ugly rush' which used to be talked of in England will occur tomorrow, while the wage receivers declare that they are worked to death for the benefit of others, who will not leave them so much as a living wage. All display when excited to a noteworthy fierceness of temper, a readiness to shed blood, and a disposition to push every quarrel into a sort of war,—tendencies visible throughout the history of the country."

At the parliamentary election in June, 1900, under the new law providing for proportional representation, the Socialists gained seventeen seats from the Clerical party.

BELGIUM: A. D. 1900. Relations with the Congo State.

See (in this volume) CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1900.

BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM, Recent development of.

See (in this volume) SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

BELMONT, Battle of.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

BENIN: Massacre of British officials. Capture of the town.

See (in this volume) NIGERIA: A. D. 1897.

BERGENDAL FARM, Battle of.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

"Several vexatious questions were left undetermined by the decision of the Bering Sea Arbitration Tribunal.

See, in volume 5, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1886-1893.

The application of the principles laid down by that august body has not been followed by the results they were intended to accomplish, either because the principles themselves lacked in breadth and definiteness or because their execution has been more or less imperfect. Much correspondence has been exchanged between the two Governments [of Great Britain and the United States] on the subject of preventing the exterminating slaughter of seals. The insufficiency of the British patrol of Bering Sea under the regulations agreed on by the two Governments has been pointed out, and yet only two British ships have been on police duty during this season in those waters. The need of a more effective enforcement of existing regulations as well as the adoption of such additional regulations as experience has shown to be absolutely necessary to carry out the intent of the award have been earnestly urged upon the British Government, but thus far without effective results. In the meantime the depletion of the seal herds by means of pelagic hunting [that is, in the open sea] has so alarmingly progressed that unless their slaughter is at once effectively checked their extinction within a few years seems to be a matter of absolute certainty. The understanding by which the United States was to pay and Great Britain to receive a lump sum of $425,000 in full settlement of all British claims for damages arising from our seizure of British sealing vessels unauthorized under the award of the Paris Tribunal of Arbitration was not confirmed by the last Congress, which declined to make the necessary appropriation. I am still of the opinion that this arrangement was a judicious and advantageous one for the Government, and I earnestly recommend that it be again considered and sanctioned. If, however, this does not meet with the favor of Congress, it certainly will hardly dissent from the proposition that the Government is bound by every consideration of honor and good faith to provide for the speedy adjustment of these claims by arbitration as the only other alternative. A treaty of arbitration has therefore been agreed upon, and will be immediately laid before the Senate, so that in one of the modes suggested a final settlement may be reached."

_Message of the President of the United States to Congress, December, 1895._

The treaty thus referred to by the President was signed at Washington, February 8, 1896, and ratifications were exchanged at London on the 3d of June following. Its preamble set forth that, whereas the two governments had submitted certain questions to a tribunal of arbitration, and "whereas the High Contracting Parties having found themselves unable to agree upon a reference which should include the question of the liability of each for the injuries alleged to have been sustained by the other, or by its citizens, in connection with the claims presented and urged by it, did, by Article VIII of the said Treaty, agree that either party might submit to the Arbitrators any questions of fact involved in said claims, and ask for a finding thereon, the question of the liability of either Government on the facts found to be the subject of further negotiation: And whereas the Agent of Great Britain did, in accordance with the provisions of said Article VIII, submit to the Tribunal of Arbitration certain findings of fact which were agreed to as proved by the Agent of the United States, and the Arbitrators did unanimously find the facts so set forth to be true, as appears by the Award of the Tribunal rendered on the 15th day of August, 1893: And whereas, in view of the said findings of fact and of the decision of the Tribunal of Arbitration concerning the jurisdictional rights of the United States in Behring Sea, and the right of protection of property of the United States in the fur-seals frequenting the islands of the United States in Behring Sea, the Government of the United States is desirous that, in so far as its liability is not already fixed and determined by the findings of fact and the decision of said Tribunal of Arbitration, the question of such liability should be definitely and fully settled and determined, and compensation made, for any injuries for which, in the contemplation of the Treaty aforesaid, and the Award and findings of the Tribunal of Arbitration, compensation may be due to Great Britain from the United States: And whereas it is claimed by Great Britain, though not admitted by the United States, that prior to the said Award certain other claims against the United States accrued in favour of Great Britain on account of seizures of or interference with the following named British sealing-vessels, to wit: the 'Wanderer,' the 'Winifred,' the 'Henrietta,' and the 'Oscar and Hattie,' and it is for the mutual interest and convenience of both the High Contracting Parties that the liability of the United States, if any, and the amount of compensation to be paid, if any, in respect to such claims, and each of them should also be determined under the provisions of this Convention—all claims by Great Britain under Article V of the modus vivendi of the 18th April, 1892, for the abstention from fishing of British sealers during the pendency of said arbitration having been definitely waived before the Tribunal of Arbitration"—therefore the two nations have concluded the Convention referred to, which provides that "all claims on account of injuries sustained by persons in whose behalf Great Britain is entitled to claim compensation from the United States, and arising by virtue of the Treaty aforesaid, the Award and the findings of the said Tribunal of Arbitration, as also the additional claims specified in the 5th paragraph of the preamble hereto, shall be referred to two Commissioners, one of whom shall be appointed by Her Britannic Majesty, and the other by the President of the United States, and each of whom shall be learned in the law."

_Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications (Papers by Command: Treaty Series, Number 10, 1896)._

{52}

Judges William L. Putnam, of the United States, and George E. King, of Canada, were subsequently appointed to be the two commissioners provided for in the treaty. Meantime each government had appointed a number of men of science to investigate the condition of the herds of fur-seals on Pribilof Islands, President David S. Jordan, of Leland Stanford Junior University being director of the American investigation and Professor D'Arcy W. Thompson having charge of the British. The two bodies of investigators reached quite different conclusions. Professor Jordan, in a preliminary statement, announced; "There is still a vast body of fur seals on the islands, more than the commissioners were at first led to expect, but the number is steadily declining. The only cause of this decline is the killing of females through pelagic sealing. The females are never molested on the islands, but three-fourths of those killed in Bering sea are nursing females. The death of the mother causes the death of the young on shore, so that for every four fur seals killed at sea three pups starve to death on shore. As each of those females is also pregnant, a like number of unborn pups is likewise destroyed." His formal report, made in January, 1897, was to the same effect, and led to the following conclusion: "The ultimate end in view should be an international arrangement whereby all skins of female fur seals should be seized and destroyed by the customs authorities of civilized nations, whether taken on land or sea, from the Pribilof herd, the Asiatic herds, or in the lawless raiding of the Antarctic rookeries. In the destruction of the fur seal rookeries of the Antarctic, as well as those of the Japanese islands and of Bering sea, American enterprise has taken a leading part. It would be well for America to lead the way in stopping pelagic sealing by restraining her own citizens without waiting for the other nations. We can ask for protection with better grace when we have accorded, unasked, protection to others." The report of Professor Thompson, made three months later, agreed but partially with that of the American experts. He admitted the extensive starving of the young seals, caused by the killing of the mothers, but contended that the herd was diminishing slightly, if at all, and he did not favor drastic measures for the suppression of pelagic sealing.

The government of the United States adopted measures in accordance with the views of Professor Jordan, looking to an international regulation of the killing of seals. Hon. John W. Foster was appointed a special ambassador to negotiate arrangements to that effect. Through the efforts of Mr. Foster, an international conference on the subject was agreed to on the part of Russia and Japan, but Great Britain declined to take part. While these arrangements were pending, the American Secretary of State, Mr. Sherman, addressed a letter to the American Ambassador at London, Mr. Hay, criticising the conduct of the British government and its agents in terms that are not usual among diplomats, and which excited much feeling when the letter was published in July. This called out a reply from the British Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, in which he wrote: "When Her Majesty's government sent their agents to inquire into the actual facts in 1896, it was found that, in spite of the large catch of 1895, the herd actually numbered more than twice as many cows as it had been officially asserted to contain in 1895. The result of these investigations, as pointed out in Lord Salisbury's dispatch of May 7, has further been to show that pelagic sealing is much less injurious than the practice pursued by the United States' lessees of killing on land every male whose skin was worth taking. If the seal herd to-day is, as Professor Jordan estimates, but one-fifth of what it was in 1872-74, that result must be, in great measure, due to the fact that, while the islands were under the control of Russia, that power was satisfied with an average catch of 33,000 seals; subsequently under the United States' control more than three times that number have been taken every year, until the catch was, perforce, reduced because that number of males could no longer be found.

"Last year, while the United States government were pressing Her Majesty's government to place further restrictions on pelagic sealing, they found it possible to kill 30,000 seals on the islands, of which Professor Jordan says (in one place in his report) 22,000 were, to the best of his information, three-year-olds, though (in another place) he estimated the total number of three-year-old males on the islands as 15,000 to 20,000. If such exhaustive slaughter is continued, it will, in the light of the past history of the herd, very quickly bring about that commercial extermination which has been declared in the United States to be imminent every year for the last twelve years. Enough has perhaps been said to justify the refusal of Her Majesty's government to enter on a precipitate revision of the regulations."

{53}

The two countries were thus being carried into serious opposition, on a matter that looks contemptible when compared with the great common interests which ought to bind them in firm friendship together. But, while the government of Great Britain declined to enter into conference with those of Russia, Japan and the United States, on general questions relating to the seals, it assented at length to a new conference with the United States and Canada, relative to the carrying out of the regulations prescribed by the Paris tribunal of 1893. Both conferences were held at Washington in October and November of 1897. The first resulted in a treaty (November 6) between Russia, Japan, and the United States, providing for a suspension of pelagic sealing during such time as might be determined by experts. The other conference led, after some interval, to the creation of a Joint High Commission for the settlement of all questions in dispute between the United States and Canada, the sealing question included.

See (in this volume) CANADA: A. D. 1898-1899.

So far as concerned its own citizens, the American government adopted vigorous measures for the suppression of pelagic sealing. An Act of Congress, approved by the President on the 29th December, 1897, forbade the killing of seals, by any citizen of the United States, in any part of the Pacific Ocean north of 35 degrees north latitude. The same act prohibited the importation into the United States of sealskins taken elsewhere than in the Pribilof Islands, and very strict regulations for its enforcement were issued by the Treasury Department. No sealskins, either in the raw or the manufactured state, might be admitted to the country, even among the personal effects of a traveller, unless accompanied by an invoice, signed by an United States Consul, certifying that they were not from seals killed at sea. Skins not thus certified were seized and destroyed.

In his annual report for 1898, the United States Secretary of the Treasury stated that no pelagic sealing whatever had been carried on by citizens of the United States during the season past; but that 30 British vessels had been engaged in the work, against 32 in the previous year, and that their total catch had been 10,581, against 6,100 taken by the same fleet in 1897. The number of seals found on the Islands was reported to be greatly reduced.

BERLIN: A. D. 1895. Census.

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

BERLIN: A. D. 1896. Industrial exposition.

An exposition of German industries and products was opened at Berlin on the 1st of May, 1896. which excited wide interest and had an important stimulating effect in Germany.

BERLIN: A. D. 1900. Growth shown by the latest census.

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

BERLIN: A. D. 1901. The Berlin and Stettin Ship Canal.

See GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

BETHLEHEM, Capture of.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

BIAC-NA-BATO, Treaty of.

See (in this volume) PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1896-1898.

BIBLE LANDS, Archæological exploration in.

See (in this volume) ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

BICOLS, The.

See (in this volume) PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

BIDA, British subjugation of.

See (in this volume) AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (NIGERIA).

BIG SWORD, BIG KNIFE SOCIETY.

See (in this volume) CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

BISMARCK, Prince Otto von: Death.

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JULY).

BLACK FLAG REBELLION.

See (in this volume) CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

BLANCO, General Ramon, Captain-General of Cuba.

See (in this volume) CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

BLANCOS.

See (in this volume) URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

BLOEMFONTEIN: Taken by the British.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (MARCH—MAY).

BLOEMFONTEIN CONFERENCE, The.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1899 (MAY-JUNE).

BLUEFIELDS INCIDENT, The.

See (in this volume) CENTRAL AMERICA (NICARAGUA): A. D. 1894-1895.

BOARD SCHOOLS, English.

See (in this volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1896-1897.

BOERS.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL).

BOHEMIA: Recent situation in the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896, and after.

BOHEMIA: A. D. 1897. The language decrees.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897; and 1898.

BOLIVIA: A. D. 1894-1900. The dispute with Chile concerning Atacama.

See (in this volume) CHILE: A. D. 1894-1900.

BOLIVIA: A. D. 1899. Revolution.

The government of President Alonzo (elected in 1896) was overthrown in April, 1899, by a revolutionary movement conducted by General José Manuel Pando, who was elected President by the legislative chambers in the following October.

BOMBAY: A. D. 1896-1901. The Bubonic Plague.

See (in this volume) PLAGUE.

BOMBAY: A. D. 1901. Census returns. Decrease of population.

A telegram from Bombay, March 6, 1901, reports that "the census returns show the city of Bombay has 770,000 inhabitants, a decrease of over fifty thousand in ten years, mainly due to the exodus of the last two months on account of the plague. Partial returns from the rural districts show terrible decreases in population through famine."

BORDA, President: Assassination.

See (in this volume) URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

BORIS, Prince: Conversion.

See (in this volume) BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES (BULGARIA).

{54}

BOSTON: A. D. 1895-1899. The municipal experiments of Mayor Quincy.

First elected Mayor of Boston in 1895, and reelected in 1897, the two terms of the administration of Mayor Josiah Quincy were made remarkable by the number, the originality and the boldness of the experiments which he introduced in extension of the functions of municipal government. They consisted on the one hand in the substitution, in certain branches of public work, of direct labor for the contract system, and on the other in the provision of new facilities for promoting popular health, recreation, and instruction. He established a municipal printing office, a municipal department of electrical construction, and another municipal department which conducts every kind of repairing work that the city requires; all of these to supersede the old system of contracts and jobs. He instituted a great number and variety of public baths,—floating baths, beach baths, river baths and swimming pools. He opened playgrounds and gymnasiums, both outdoor and indoor. He carried the city into the work of the fresh air missions for poor children. He reorganized the administration of public charities. He placed the artistic undertakings of the city under the supervision of a competent board. He instituted cheap concerts of a high order, as well as popular lectures. Boston at length took alarm at the extent of the ventures of Mayor Quincy, complained of the cost, and refused him reelection for a third term. But the Boston correspondent of a New York journal opposed in politics to Mayor Quincy, writing on the 15th of December, 1900, testifies that "most of the experiments are working well, and a study of them cannot fail to be beneficial to those who have the government of other cities in their hands. … The madness of Mayor Quincy had evidently a method. It seems to have made permanent a good many excellent institutions. Some good citizens say that things were done too quickly, that they cost too much money, that the Mayor was always robbing Peter to pay Paul, as it were. But, after all, it seems cause for thankfulness that they were done at all."

BOSTON: A. D. 1899. Completion of the Subway.

In this year the city of Boston completed a very important public improvement, undertaken in 1895, and carried out under the direction of a commission appointed that year. This was the construction of a Subway under Boylston and Tremont streets, and under various streets in the northern district, for the transit of electric cars through the crowded central parts of the city. The section of Subway from Park Square to Park Street was finished in the fall of 1897; the remainder in 1899. The entire length of underground road is one and two-thirds miles. The cost of work done was $4,686,000: cost of real estate taken, $1,100,000. The legislative Act authorizing the work provided further for the construction of a tunnel to East Boston, and for the purchase of rights of way for an elevated road to Franklin Park, with new bridges to Charlestown and West Boston.

BOWER, Sir Graham: Testimony before British Parliamentary Committee on the Jameson Raid.

See (in this volume)) SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

BOXERS, The Chinese: The secret society and the meaning of its name.

See (in this volume) CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH), and after.

BRADFORD'S HISTORY: Return of the manuscript to Massachusetts.

See (in this volume) MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1897.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1897. Conflict with the "Fanatics."

A religious enthusiast, called Conselheiro (Counsellor), who had made his appearance in the State of Bahia and gathered a great number of followers, began in 1897 to become dangerous to the government, which he denounced as atheistic; his following grew disorderly, and political malcontents were taking advantage of the disturbance which he caused. Attempts on the part of the government to stop the disorder were fiercely resisted, and its conflict with "the Fanatics," as Conselheiro and his followers were known, soon became a very serious war, demanding many thousands of troops, and spreading over wide regions of the country. Amazonian bands of women fought with "the Fanatics," and were among the most dreaded forces on their side. The headquarters and stronghold of the movement were finally taken in July, after an obstinate defense, and in October Conselheiro was killed; after which the rebellion came to an end.

BRAZIL: A. D. 1898. Election of Dr. Campos Salles to the Presidency.

The nomination and election of Dr. M. F. de Campos Salles, who was inaugurated President of the United States of Brazil on the 15th of November, 1898, "marks the decided distinction of parties in Brazil. Previously, there had been various divergencies among the Republicans, but no distinct party differences. But at that time there arose a party advocating the selection of a candidate who would favor the national against the foreign (naturalized) element; one who would have influence with the few remaining advocates of the monarchical government; who would give preference to a military over a civil government; finally, one who would introduce into the government the system called 'Jacobinism,' a designation which the new party did not refuse to accept. Dr. Campos Salles was the candidate of the moderate Republicans or Conservatives, who were organized under the name of the Republican party, with a platform demanding respect for the constitution and declaring for the institution of such reforms as only reason and time should dictate. The sympathies of the conservative element and of foreigners who had interests in the country were with the candidate of this party and gave him their support. The election of Dr. Campos Salles inspired renewed confidence in the stability of Brazil, a confidence which was at once manifested by the higher quotation of the national bonds, by an advance in the rate of exchange, and by greater activity in business throughout the country. Brazil, in spite of all hindrances, has prospered since 1889."

_Bulletin of the Bureau of American Republics, December, 1898._

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BRAZIL: A. D. 1900. Arbitration of the French Guiana boundary dispute. Award of the Swiss Government.

A dispute with France concerning the boundary of the French possessions in Guiana, which Brazil inherited from Portugal, and which dates back to the 17th century, was submitted at last to the Swiss Federal Council, as a tribunal of arbitration, and settled by the award of the Council on December 1, 1900. The decision fixes the River Oyapok and the watershed of the Tumuc Humac Mountains as the boundary. It is practically in favor of Brazil, for France had claimed, a year before, a territory of not less than 400,000 square kilomètres, ten times the area of Switzerland itself. Even after a large abatement had been made, the claim was still for 260,000 square kilometres, or 100,000 square miles, much more than the area of Great Britain. The actual territory allotted to France by the Federal Government of Switzerland is about 3,000 square miles. The arbitrators had no excuse for saying that the case was not brought before them in all its length and breadth. The documents presented by France formed four large volumes, supplemented by an atlas of 35 maps, while Brazil, not to be outdone, put in 13 volumes of documents and three atlases, with about 200 maps.

BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE: Administrative separation from British South Africa Company's territory. Conflicts with natives. Resources and prospects of the country.

Until 1894, the territory north of the Zambezi over which the British South Africa Company claimed a "sphere of influence," and the region covered by the British Protectorate that was declared in 1889-1890 over Nyassaland and the Shiré Highlands, were administered together by Sir Harry Johnston. But in that year the South Africa Company undertook the administration of its own portion of British Central Africa, and Commissioner Johnston became the Administrator of the remaining "British Central Africa Protectorate." In his report for 1895-1896 (April to April) the Commissioner estimated the native population of the Protectorate at 844,420; British subjects, 259; other Europeans, 30; Indians, 263; half-castes, 23. Of hostilities with the natives, Commissioner Johnston gave the following report:

"In the autumn of 1895, … a campaign lasting four months was commenced and carried to a successful conclusion against all the independent Yao Chiefs who dwelt on the south-eastern border of the Protectorate, and who continued to raid our territories for slaves. This campaign culminated in the complete defeat and death or expulsion of those Arabs who had created an independent power in the North Nyasa district. Action was also taken against the Angoni Chief, Mwasi Kazungu, in the interior of the Marimba district, who had made common cause with the Arabs, and was attempting to form against us a league of the Angoni-Zulus. … The only people likely now to give trouble in any way are the Angoni-Zulus, who are to the west of the Protectorate what the Yaos and Arabs have been to the north. For the past 40 years the western portions of the Protectorate have been the happy hunting-ground of the descendants of the Zulu bands who quitted Matabeleland at various periods during the last 70 years, and who penetrated into Central Africa as far as the eastern part of Tanganyika and the south shores of the Victoria Nyanza. They established themselves strongly as a ruling caste on the high plateaux to the west and to the north-east of Lake Nyasa. From these plateaux they raided perseveringly for slaves, chiefly in the regions of the Great Luangwa valley, but also to some extent the coast lands of Lake Nyasa.

"Not a few of the Angoni Chiefs are friendly and well disposed towards the British, and seem likely to settle down quietly as they appreciate the futility of continued defiance of our power; but we may have yet a little trouble from the Western Angoni, and also from an ill-conditioned young Chief ordinarily known by his father's name, Chikusi, but whose private appellation is Gomanikwenda. Chikusi lives on the wedge of Portuguese territory which penetrates the southwestern part of the Protectorate. Secure in the knowledge that our forces cannot infringe the Portuguese border, he occasionally makes raids for slaves into the Upper Shire and Central Angoniland districts."

_Sir Harry Johnston, Report (Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications: Papers by Command, Africa, Number 5, 1896), pages 12-13._

In the autumn of 1896, Chikusi raided one of the mission stations at Ntonda, killing many native Christians. An expedition was then sent against him, which pursued him to his chief kraal, and took him prisoner. He was tried for murder, condemned and shot.

"Nyasaland, or British Central Africa as it is officially called, is now [1898] in a fair way of becoming one of the richest coffee and tobacco growing districts of the world. It enjoys the immense advantage of direct water communication with the coast and, with the exception of a stretch of one hundred miles, the River Shiré, which runs out of Lake Nyasa, is navigable along its whole course. Before long the Upper and Lower Shiré will be connected by a railway line, and goods will then be landed at the northern extremity of Lake Nyasa—a distance of 700 miles from the mouth of the Zambezi—at a trifling cost. At present the journey can already be accomplished in a week. Ten steamers navigate Lake Nyasa, and double that number run on the Zambezi and the Shiré Rivers. This mighty task—accomplished, we must not forget it, without the cost of a single penny to the British tax-payer—did not benefit Great Britain alone. The Portuguese, who, for the last three centuries were slumbering in their East African possessions, were aroused by the extraordinary activity which was displayed at their door. At first they raised objections, but they soon understood what advantages they would derive from the situation, and gave their hearty co-operation to Great Britain. It brought more wealth than they had ever dreamt of to their Zambezi provinces, now a busy centre of trade, in telegraphic communication with the Cape in the South and Lake Nyasa in the North. The Portuguese port of Beira, a sandbank some years ago, has become the most important harbour between Zanzibar and Delagoa Bay, and owes its present position to the railway line which runs to Mashonaland."

_L. Decle, The Fashoda Question (Fortnightly Review, November, 1898)._

BRITISH COLUMBIA.

See (in this volume) CANADA.

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1895. Territory transferred to the British Government.

See (in this volume) AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (BRITISH EAST AFRICA).

{56}

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1895-1897. Its creation and extent. Existence of slavery. War in the Province of Seyyidieh. Report of the commissioner.

"The British East Africa Protectorate is bounded on the east by the Indian Ocean, on the west by the Uganda Protectorate, and on the south-west by the Anglo-German frontier, which, starting from the mouth of the River Umba, runs in a generally north-west direction till it strikes the eastern shore of Lake Victoria Nyanza at the point at which it is intersected by the 1st parallel of south latitude. To the north and north-east it is bounded by the Italian sphere of influence from which it is divided by the River Juba up to parallel 6° of north latitude, and thence by a line running along that parallel until it reaches the Blue Nile. The frontier between the East Africa and Uganda Protectorates is only partially defined: starting from the German frontier, it follows the Guaso Masai River as far as Sosian, thence strikes north-cast to the Kedong River, which it follows to its source, and thence runs in a northerly direction along the Likipia escarpment or eastern lip of the great 'meridional rift.' It is, however, still undecided whether or not it should be deflected, for greater convenience in dealing with the Uganda Masai, so as to leave to Uganda the region between the southern portion of the Likipia escarpment and the so-called Aberdare range. In view of the uncertainty existing as to the inland boundaries, it is impossible to give the exact area of the territory, though it may be estimated roughly at 280,000 square miles. It will be sufficient here to state that its coast-line, including in the term the Islands of Lamu, Manda, and Patta, which are separated from the mainland by narrow channels, is 405 miles long, whilst its greatest breadth, measured from the centre of the district of Gosha on the Juba, to the Likipia escarpment, is 460 miles.

"The Protectorate in its present form was constituted on the 1st July, 1895. Previous to that date a Protectorate had been declared on the 4th November, 1890, over those portions of the territory which formed part of the Zanzibar Sultanate, and on the 19th November of the same year over Witu and the whole of the coast between the Tana and Juba Rivers. The administration of this second Protectorate was confided in 1893, with the exception of those portions of the coast between the Tana and Juba which belonged to the Zanzibar Sultanate and were rented by the Imperial British East Africa Company from him, to the Sultan of Zanzibar, but without being fused in or united to the Sultanate. In September, 1894, a Protectorate was established under an independent Commissioner over Uganda, and was subsequently defined as extending over the whole of the intervening territory from which the Imperial British East Africa Company had withdrawn its effective control, that is, as far as the western limits of its district of Kikuyu, which still constitutes the frontier between the East Africa and Uganda Protectorates. The remainder of the British sphere between the Zanzibar and Uganda boundaries and the Tana River and German frontier was placed under Her Majesty's protection on the 1st July, 1895, and the whole of the above-described territories to the east of the Uganda Protectorate were at the same time fused into one administrative whole under the title of the' East Africa Protectorate.'

"British East Africa includes three district sovereignties, i. e.: 1. The mainland territories of the Sultan of Zanzibar. 2. The Sultanate of Witu. 3. The remainder of the Protectorate consisting of the old 'chartered territory' of the Imperial British East Africa Company and of the region between the Tana and the Juba not included either in Zanzibar or Witu. This division, which I propose for the sake of convenience to style British East Africa proper, is not, of course, technically under Her Majesty's sovereignty, and is divided among a number of tribes and races under our Protectorate, but it differs from Zanzibar and Witu in that the status of the Chiefs exercising authority there is not recognized by international law or at least by any international engagement.

"The mainland dominions of the Sultan of Zanzibar included in the Protectorate (for he possesses certain coast ports to the north of it now leased to Italy) consist—(1.) Of a strip of coast 10 miles deep from high-water mark, extending from the mouth of the River Umba on the south to Kipini on the Ozi on the north; and (2.) Of a series of islands off the coast between the Ozi and the Juba and of the mainland town of Kismayu with a radius of 10 miles around it. … The State of Witu extends along the coast from Kipini to Kwyhoo, its northern boundary being a straight line drawn in 1887 by Commissioners representing the German and Zanzibar Governments due west from Kwyhoo to a point a few miles east of the Ozi River. It was founded, or rather gradually grew up, in the years from 1860 to 1885, round a colony of outlaws. … When the German Government first interested itself, about a decade ago, in East African affairs, it recognized the little colony of outlaws and refugees from the coast towns which had grown up in Witu, as an independent State. … Accordingly, on transferring this Protectorate by the Treaty of 1890 to Great Britain, it stipulated by Article II of that Agreement, that the sovereignty of the Sultan of Witu over the territory formally defined as his in 1887 should be recognized by the new Protecting Power. …

"Beyond the Zanzibar and Witu limits, the territories comprised in the Protectorate are ruled directly under Her Majesty by the British officers in charge of them. All the various tribes, Mahommedan and heathen, retain, however, their respective native Rulers and institutions. … For a period of ten months from the transfer from the Imperial British East Africa Company to Her Majesty's Government, the country now forming the Province of Seyyidieh, was the theatre of disturbances, which for a time retarded the development of the territory, and diverted the attention of the Administration from useful schemes of improvement that might otherwise have been immediately set on foot. These disturbances began under the Administration of the Imperial British East Africa Company, their immediate cause being a dispute over the succession to the Chieftainship of Takaungu between Rashid-bin-Salim, the son, and Mubarak-bin-Rashid, the nephew of the former Chief. … The Company supported Rashid, who, though younger in years than Mubarak, was friendly to the English. … Though the rebellion of the Mazrui Chiefs retarded to some extent the development of the province, and entailed in its suppression considerable expense, its occurrence, under the special circumstances which attended it, has not been an unmixed evil. We have broken once for all the power of several influential Arab potentates, who were never thoroughly subjugated either by the Sultans or the Company, and whose ambitions and semi-independent position would sooner or later have involved us in trouble with them had we attempted to make the authority of our Administration effective, and to interfere with the slavery, and even Slave Trade, which flourished under their protection."

_Sir A. Hardinge, Report (Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications: Papers by Command, Africa, Number 7, 1897), page 1-3, and 65._

{57}

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1900-1901. Rising of Ogaden Somalis.

In the later part of November, 1900, news reached Zanzibar of a rising of the Somali tribe called Ogadens in the Jubaland province of the British East Africa Protectorate, and that the British Sub-Commissioner, Mr. Jenner, had probably been killed. The Somalis are a very war-like race, supposed to be Gallas by descent, with an admixture of Arab blood. In the following February it was announced that Aff-Madu, the headquarters of the Ogaden Somalis, had been occupied without opposition by the British punitive expedition sent to exact reparation for the murder of Mr. Jenner, and that the Ogaden Sultan was a prisoner.

BRITISH EMPIRE, Penny postage in.

See (in this volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (DECEMBER).

BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY: A. D. 1889. The founding of the Company.

See (in volume 4) SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1885-1893.

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1894-1895. Extended charter and enlarged powers. Its master spirit, Mr. Rhodes.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY): A. D. 1894-1895.

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1895. Arrangements in Bechuanaland.

See (in this volume) AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (BECHUANALAND).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1896. Revocation of the Company's charter called for by President Kruger.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-APRIL).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1896. Resignation of Mr. Rhodes.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY): A. D. 1896 (JUNE).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1896. Parliamentary investigation of its administration.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY): A. D. 1896 (JULY).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1896. Complicity of officials in the Jameson Raid.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1896 (JULY).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1896-1897. Demands from President Kruger for proceedings against the Directors.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896-1897 (MAY-APRIL).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1897. Convicted of subjecting natives to forced labor.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY): A. D. 1897 (JANUARY).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1898. Reorganization.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA AND THE BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY): A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY).

BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1900. Administration extended over Barotsiland.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA): A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER).

BRONX, The Borough of the. See (in this volume) NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

BROOKE, General John R.: Military Governor of Cuba. Report.

See (in this volume) CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

Commanding in Porto Rico.

See (in this volume) PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (OCTOBER-OCTOBER).

BROOKLYN: Absorption in Greater New York.

See (in this volume) NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

Tunnel from New York.

See (in this volume) NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

BRUGES: A. D. 1900. The new canal from the city to the sea.

"On the 25th day of February, the inauguration of the new canal was celebrated at Bruges. … The canal runs from Zeebrugge, a port on the North Sea 14.29 miles north of Ostend, to the city of Bruges, a total distance of 7.46 miles. The work is now so far completed that vessels of a draft of 25 feet can enter and pass to the port of Bruges. The locks are fully completed, as well as three-fifths of the wharf wall at Bruges; when finished, the wharf wall will have a total length of 1,575 feet. The canal has a width of 72 feet 6 inches at the bottom and 229 feet 4 inches at the water level and will have, when completed, a depth of 26 feet 3 inches; this will also be the depth of the interior port and of the great basin of Bruges. Bruges is an old, inland deep-water port, having connection with the sea by canal from Ostend, but this only for vessels of very light draft."

_United States Consular Reports, July, 1900, page 346._

BRUSSELS: A. D. 1898. Sugar Conference.

See (in this volume) SUGAR BOUNTIES.

BRUSSELS: The General Act of.

See (in this volume) AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

BRYAN, William J.: Candidacy for the American Presidency. His speech of acceptance, 1900.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER); and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

BUBONIC PLAGUE, The.

See (in this volume) PLAGUE.

BUDA-PESTH: A. D. 1896. Celebration of the Hungarian Millennium.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1896.

BUDDHA, Gautama: Discovery of his birthplace and his tomb, with personal relics.

"Mr. Vincent Smith, of the Bengal Civil Service, a learned antiquary, has published in the Allahabad 'Pioneer' a statement as to the nature and significance of recent discoveries of Buddhist antiquities in India. The first of these is the home of Gautama Buddha, who lived about 500 B. C., and who is known to have been the son of the Raja of Kapilavastu, a small state in the Nepal Terai, bordering on the modern Oudh. The site of Kapilavastu has long been eagerly sought for, and it is only within the past three years that the accidental discovery of an inscribed pillar erected by the Emperor Asoka, in the third century B. C., fixed with certainty the site of the city. The ruins, which were lately visited by Mr. Smith, are, so far as is yet known, all of brick; they are for the most part buried in jungle, and are so extensive that many years would be required for their exploration. The city was destroyed during the lifetime of Gautama, and when the first of the famous Chinese pilgrims visited the place, in 410 A. D., it was a mass of desolate ruins, and there is no indication that it has since been occupied. This fact gives exceptional interest to the excavations now in progress, for they are bringing to light buildings more ancient than any previously known in India. {58} More interesting even than Kapilavastu is the discovery of the Lumbini Garden, the traditional birthplace of Gautama. The sacred spot has been found marked by another of Asoka's pillars, on which the inscription is perfect. This is also in Nepalese territory, five miles from the British frontier. The pillar stands on the western edge of a mound of ruins, about a hundred yards in diameter, and on the south side of the mound is the tank in which the child's mother bathed after his birth. Another discovery which was made in a stupa, or brick tumulus, close to the British frontier, is that of relics of Buddha himself. These consist only of fragments of bone, which were deposited in a wooden vessel that stood on the bottom of a massive coffer, more than four feet long and two feet deep, cut out of a solid block of fine sandstone. This coffer was buried under eighteen feet of masonry, composed of huge bricks, each sixteen inches long. The wooden vessel was decayed, and with it was an exquisitely finished bowl of rock crystal, the largest yet discovered in India, and also five small vases of soapstone. All these vessels were partially filled, in honor of the relics, with a marvellous collection of gold stars, pearls, topazes, beryls, and other jewels, and of various objects delicately wrought in crystal, agate, and other substances. An inscription on the lid of one of the soapstone vases declares the relics to be those of Buddha himself, and the characters in which the inscription is written are substantially the same as those of the Asoka inscriptions, and indicate that the tumulus was constructed between 300 and 250 B. C."

_London Times, May, 1898._

The relies discovered, as described above, were presented by the Indian government to the King of Siam, he being the only existing Buddhist monarch, with the proviso that he offer a portion of them to Buddhists of Ceylon and Burmah.

BUENOS AYRES: A. D. 1895. Population.

See (in this volume) ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1895.

BUFFALO: A. D. 1896. First reception of electric power from Niagara Falls.

See (in this volume) SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

BUFFALO: A. D. 1901. The Pan-American Exposition.

As this volume goes to press, the preparations are about completed for holding a great Exposition at Buffalo, which promises to be second in importance only to the Columbian Exposition at Chicago, in 1893, so far as concerns undertakings of like character in America. The Columbian Exposition was a "World's Fair"; this at Buffalo is "Pan-American,"—an exhibition, that is, of the arts, the industries, and all the achievements in civilization of the peoples of the Western hemisphere, from Bering Strait to Cape Horn. Very nearly every country in North, South and Central America has taken a warmly interested part in the preparations for the Exposition, and many have erected special buildings for their exhibits. The States of the Union have likewise been active, and few of them will be unrepresented in the numerous buildings on the grounds. Cuba, Porto Rico, and the West Indies generally, as well as Hawaii and the Philippine Islands, in their new character as dependencies of the United States, are brought importantly into the scheme.

The enterprise received official endorsement from the Federal Government when Congress in July, 1898, by resolution declared that "A Pan-American Exposition will undoubtedly be of vast benefit to the commercial interests of the countries of North, South and Central America, and it merits the approval of Congress, and of the people of the United States." In March, 1899, Congress appropriated $500,000, and declared that "it is desirable to encourage the holding of a Pan-American Exposition on the Niagara Frontier in the City of Buffalo, in the year 1901, fittingly to illustrate the marvelous development of the Western Hemisphere during the Nineteenth Century, by a display of the arts, industries, manufactures and the products of the soil, mine and sea," and also declared that "the proposed Pan-American Exposition being confined to the Western Hemisphere, and being held in the near vicinity of the great Niagara Cataract, within a day's journey of which reside forty million people, would unquestionably be of vast benefit to the commercial interests, not only of this country, but of the entire hemisphere, and should therefore have the sanction of the Congress of the United States."

The grounds of the Exposition are in the northern part of the city of Buffalo, taking in a portion of its most beautiful public park. They extend about one mile in length, from north to south, and about half a mile in width, containing 350 acres. A general plan of landscape and building architecture, with which every detail of form and color should be made to harmonize, was worked out at the beginning by a board of the leading architects of the United States, and has been adhered to with beautifully harmonious effects.

In one of the circular announcements of the Exposition it is said: "In planning the Exposition the management early decided upon giving to electricity special homage. The progress of the electrical science has been so marked in recent years as to excite the wonderment of the scientific world. Buffalo is, perhaps, more than any other city on the globe, interested in this science, owing to the nearness of Niagara Falls, where the greatest electric power plants known to this class of engineering have been installed. In fact the electrical displays here contemplated would be impossible except where a large volume of power is available, such as Buffalo receives from the great Falls of Niagara. … The Pan-American Exposition will far surpass former enterprises of this kind in six important features:

First, the electrical effects: second, the hydraulic and fountain effects; third, the horticultural, floral and garden effects; fourth, the original sculptural ornamentation; fifth, the color decorations; sixth, the court settings.

Particular attention has been given by the designers in the arrangement of its court settings, to provide unusually large vistas, both for the purpose of providing a memorable picture and for the utility reason of accommodating large crowds of people."

The Pan-American Exposition is under the management of a strong company of professional and business men in Buffalo, with Mr. John G. Milburn for its President. The Director-General is Honorable William I. Buchanan, former United States Minister to the Argentine Republic.

{59}

BULGARIA: A. D. 1895-1900. Condition.

See (in this volume) BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES; and TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901.

BULGARIA: A. D. 1899(May-July). Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume) PEACE CONFERENCE.

BULLER, General Sir Redvers: In the South African War.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER), and after.

BULLETS, Declaration against certain.

See (in this volume) PEACE CONFERENCE.

BULLETS, Dum-dum.

See (in this volume) DUM-DUM BULLET.

BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

See (in this volume) AMERICAN REPUBLICS, BUREAU OF THE.

BURMAH: A. D. 1897. Raised in status as a British dependency.

Burmah was raised in status as a British dependency, under the government of India, by royal proclamation in 1897. The chief commissioner became lieutenant-governor, and a local legislative council was to be created.

C.

CAGAYAN, KAGAYAN: The American acquisition.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

CAGAYANS, The.

See (in this volume) PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

CALCIUM CARBIDE, The production of.

See (in this volume) SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

CALNEH, The ancient city of: Its identity with Nippur. Exploration of its ruins.

See (in this volume) ARCHÆOLOGICAL, RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

CAMBON, M. Jules: Action for Spain in making overtures for peace with the United States.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

CAMEROONS, KAMERUNS, The: Cost of maintenance.

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

----------CANADA: Start--------

CANADA: A. D. 1890-1896. The Manitoba School Question.

"When Manitoba in 1870 passed from the position of a Crown territory, managed by the Hudson's Bay Company, into that of a province of Canada, its area, which is considerably greater than that of England and Wales, was peopled by about 12,000 persons, whites and half-breeds. In religion this population was about equally divided into Catholics and Protestants. Previous to the Union there was no State system of education. A number of elementary schools existed, but they owed their foundation entirely to voluntary effort, and were supported exclusively by private contributions, either in the form of fees paid by some of the parents or of funds supplied by the Churches. In every case these schools were conducted and managed on strictly denominational lines. When the Act of Union was passed it was sought to secure the continuance of this state of things, and to safeguard the rights of whichever Church should in the hereafter be in the minority by the following sub-sections in the 22nd section, which gave to the legislature of the province the power to make laws in relation to education: '(1) Nothing in any such law shall prejudicially affect any right or privilege with respect to denominational schools which any class of persons have by law or practice in the province at the Union. (2) An appeal shall lie to the Governor-General in Council from any act or decision of the legislature of the province, or of any provincial authority, affecting any right or privilege of the Protestant or Roman Catholic minority of the Queen's subjects in relation to education.' Those two clauses of the Manitoba Act, 1870, govern the whole situation.

"The attention of the new provincial legislature was at once directed to the condition of the elementary schools. The Government decided to supersede the old voluntary system by one of State-aided schools, which, however, were still to be scrupulously denominational in character. The legislature simply took the educational system as it found it and improved it by assistance from public funds. Thus it was arranged that the annual public grant for common school education was to be appropriated equally between the Protestant and the Catholic schools. … The only important amendment to this Act was passed in 1875, and provided that the legislative grant, instead of being divided between the Protestant and Catholic schools as heretofore, should in future be distributed in proportion to the number of children of school age in the Catholic and Protestant districts. Already immigration had begun to upset the balance of numbers and power, and as the years went on it became evident that the Catholics were destined to be in a permanent minority in Manitoba. This trend of immigration, which in 1875 made legislation necessary, has continued ever since; and to-day the Catholics of the province number only 20,000 out of a total population of 204,000. No further change was made in the educational system of Manitoba until the memorable year of 1890. In that year the provincial legislature boldly broke all moorings with the past, and, abolishing the separate denominational schools, introduced a system of free compulsory and unsectarian schools, for the support of which the whole community was to be taxed. … To test the legality of the change, what is known as Barrett's case was begun in Winnipeg. It was carried to the Supreme Court of Canada, and the Canadian judges by a unanimous decision declared that the Act of 1890 was ultra vires and void. {60} The city of Winnipeg appealed to the Privy Council, and that tribunal in July 1892 reversed the decision of the Canadian Court and affirmed that the Act was valid and binding. … The second subsection of the 22nd section of the Manitoba Act already quoted says: 'An appeal shall lie to the Governor-General in Council from any Act or decision of the legislature of the province, or of any provincial authority, affecting any right or privilege of the Protestant or Roman Catholic minority of the Queen's subjects in relation to education.' But if the legislation of 1890 was intra vires, and expressly declared to be so on the ground that it had not prejudicially affected the position which the minority held at the time of the Union, how could there be an appeal from it? … The Governor-General, however, consented to refer the question as to his jurisdiction to the courts of justice. What is known as Brophy's case was begun, and in due course was carried to the Supreme Court of Canada. The decision of that tribunal, though not unanimous, was in accord with public expectation. The majority of the judges felt that the previous judgment of the Privy Council had settled the matter beforehand. The Act of 1890 had been declared intra vires on the ground that it had not interfered with the rights which the minority possessed before the Union, and therefore there could be no appeal from it. …

"Still the undaunted Archbishop of St. Boniface went on, and for a last time appealed to that Judicial Committee of the Privy Council which two years and a half before had so spoiled and disappointed the Catholic hopes. In January 1894 the final decision in Brophy's case was read by the Lord Chancellor. For a second time the Lords of the Council upset the ruling of the Supreme Court of Canada, and treated their reasoning as irrelevant. It will be remembered that both the appellant prelates and the Canadian judges had assumed that the clause in the Manitoba Act, which conferred the right of appeal to the Governor-General, was limited to one contingency, and could be invoked only if the minority were robbed at any time of the poor and elementary rights which they had enjoyed before the Act of Union. But was the clause necessarily so limited? Could it not be used to justify an appeal from legislation which affected rights acquired after the Union? … In the words of the judgment: 'The question arose: Did the sub-section extend to the rights and privileges acquired by legislation subsequent to the Union? It extended in terms to "any" right or privilege of the minority affected by any Act passed by the legislature, and would therefore seem to embrace all the rights and privileges existing at the time when such Act was passed. Their lordships saw no justification for putting a limitation on language thus unlimited. There was nothing in the surrounding circumstances or in the apparent intention of the legislature to warrant any such limitation.' … In other words, the dispute was referred to a new tribunal, and one which was free to consider and give effect to the true equities of the case. The Governor-General and his responsible advisers, after considering all the facts, found in favour of the Catholic minority, and at once issued a remedial Order to the Government of Manitoba, which went far beyond anything suggested in the judgment in Brophy's case. The province was called upon to repeal the legislation of 1890, so far as it interfered with the right of the Catholic minority to build and maintain their own schools, to share proportionately in any public grant for the purposes of education, and with the right of such Catholics as contributed to Catholic schools to be held exempt from all payments towards the support of any other schools. In a word, the Governor-General and Sir Mackenzie Bowell's Administration, exercising, as it were, appellate jurisdiction, decided that the minority were entitled to all they claimed. The Government of Manitoba, however, had hardened their hearts against the minority in the province, and refused to obey the remedial Order. …

"The refusal of the provincial Government 'to accept the responsibility of carrying into effect the terms of the remedial Order' for the first time brought the Parliament of Canada into the field, and empowered them to pass coercive legislation. A remedial Bill was accordingly, after an inexplicable delay, brought into the Federal Parliament to enforce the remedial Order. … The Cabinet recognised that the Federal Parliament had no power to spend the money of the province, and so all they could do was to exempt the minority from the obligation to contribute to the support of schools other than their own. The Bill bristled with legal and constitutional difficulties; it concerned the coercion of a province; it contained no less than 116 clauses; it was introduced on the 2nd of March 1896, when all Canada knew that the life of the Federal Parliament must necessarily expire on the 24th of April. Some fifteen clauses had been considered when the Government admitted, what all men saw, the impossibility of the task, and abandoned the Bill. … While the fate of the remedial Bill was still undecided, Sir Donald Smith and two others were commissioned by the Federal Government to go to Winnipeg and see if by direct negotiations some sort of tolerable terms could be arranged. … Sir Donald Smith proposed that the principle of the separate school should be admitted wherever there were a reasonable number of Catholic children—thus, wherever in towns and villages there are twenty-five Catholic children of school age, and in cities where there are fifty such children, they should have 'a school-house or school-room for their own use,' with a Catholic teacher. … In the event the negotiations failed; the baffled Commissioners returned to Ottawa, and on the 24th of April 1896 Parliament was dissolved. The Government went to the country upon the policy of the abandoned Bill. On the other hand, many of the followers of Mr. Laurier in the province of Quebec pledged themselves to see justice done to the Catholics of Manitoba, and let it be understood that they objected to the remedial Bill only because it was not likely to prove effective in the face of the combined hostility of the legislature and the municipalities of the province. … Catholic Quebec gave Mr. Laurier his majority at Ottawa. …

{61}

"When the Liberal party for the first time for eighteen years found itself in power at Ottawa, Mr. Laurier at once opened negotiations with Manitoba. The result was a settlement which, although it might work well in particular districts, could not be accepted as satisfactory by the Catholic authorities. It arranged that where in towns and cities the average attendance of Catholic children was forty or upwards, and in villages and rural districts the average attendance of such children was twenty-five or upwards, one Catholic teacher should be employed. There were various other provisions, but that was the central concession. … Leo the Thirteenth, recognising the difficulties which beset Mr. Laurier's path, mindful, perhaps, also that it is not always easy immediately to resume friendly conference with those who have just done their best to defeat you, has sent to Canada an Apostolic Commissioner."

_J. G. Snead Cox, Mr. Laurier and Manitoba (Nineteenth Century, April, 1897)._

CANADA: A. D. 1895. Northern territories formed into provisional districts.

"The unorganized and unnamed portion of the Dominion this year was set apart into provisional districts. The territory east of Hudson's Bay, having the province of Quebec on the south and the Atlantic on the east, was to be hereafter known as Ungava. The territory embraced in the islands of the Arctic Sea was to be known as Franklin, the Mackenzie River region as Mackenzie, and the Pacific coast territory lying north of British Columbia and west of Mackenzie as Yukon. The extent of Ungava and Franklin was undefined. Mackenzie would cover 538,600 square miles, and Yukon 225,000 square miles, in addition to 143,500 square miles added to Athabasca and 470,000 to Keewatin. The total area of the Dominion was estimated at 3,456,383 square miles."

_The Annual Register, 1895, page 391._

CANADA: A. D. 1895. Negotiations with Newfoundland.

Negotiations for the entrance of Newfoundland into the federation of the Dominion of Canada proved ineffectual and were abandoned in May. The island province refused the terms proposed.

CANADA: A. D. 1896 (June-July). Liberal triumph in Parliamentary elections. Formation of Ministry by Sir Wilfred Laurier.

General elections held in Canada on the 23d of June, 1896, gave the Liberal Party 113 seats out of 213 in the Dominion House of Commons; the Conservatives securing 88, and the Patrons of Industry and other Independents 12. Much to the general surprise, the scale was turned in favor of the Liberals by the vote of the province of Quebec, notwithstanding the Manitoba school question, on which clerical influence in the Roman church was ranged against that party. The effect of the election was to call the Liberal leader, Sir Wilfred Laurier, of Quebec, to the head of the government, the Conservative Ministry, under Sir Charles Tupper, retiring on the 8th of July.

CANADA: A. D. 1896-1897. Policy of the Liberal Government. Revision of the tariff, with discriminating duties in favor of Great Britain, and provisions for reciprocity.

"The position of the Canadian Liberals, when they came into power after the General Election of 1896, was not unlike that of the English Liberals after the General Election of 1892. Both Liberal parties had lists of reforms to which they were committed. The English measures were in the Newcastle Programme. Those of the Canadian Liberals were embodied in the Ottawa Programme, which was formulated at a convention held at the Dominion Capital in 1893. … A large part of the Ottawa Programme was set out in the speech which the Governor-General read in the Senate when the session of 1897 commenced. There was then promised a measure for the revision of the tariff; a bill providing for the extension of the Intercolonial railway from Levis to Montreal; a bill repealing the Dominion Franchise Act and abolishing the costly system of registration which goes with it; and a measure providing for the plebiscite on the Prohibition question. Neither of these last two measures was carried through Parliament. Both had to be postponed to another session; and the session of 1897 was devoted, so far as legislation went, chiefly to the tariff, and to bills, none of which were promised in the Speech from the Throne, in retaliation for the United States Contract Labor Laws, and the new United States tariff. …

"The new tariff was a departure from the tariffs of the Conservative regime in only one important direction. Protective duties heretofore had been levied on imports from England, in the same way as on imports from the United States or any other country. The 'National Policy' had allowed of no preferences for England; and during the long period of Conservative rule, when the Conservatives were supported by the Canadian manufacturers in much the same way as the Republican party in the United States is supported by the manufacturing interests, the Canadian manufacturers had been as insistent for adequate protection against English-made goods, as against manufactured articles from the United States or Germany. The Conservative party had continuously claimed a monopoly of loyalty to England; but in its tariffs had never dared to make any concession in favour of English goods. In the new tariff, preferences for England were established; and with these openings in favour of imports from Great Britain, there came a specific warning from the Minister of Finance that Canadian manufacturers must not regard themselves as possessing a vested interest in the continuance of the protective system. …

"When the Minister of Finance laid the tariff before the House of Commons, he declared that the 'National Policy,' as it had been tried for eighteen years, was a failure; and … claimed that lowering the tariff wall against England was a step in the direction of a tariff 'based not upon the protective system but upon the requirements of the public service.' During the first fifteen months of the new tariff, the concession to England consists of a reduction by one-eighth of the duties chargeable under the general list. At the end of that time, that is on the last of July, 1898, the reduction will be one-fourth. The reductions do not apply to wines, malt liquors, spirits and tobacco, the taxes on which are essentially for revenue. While England was admitted at once to the advantages of the reduced tariff, this tariff is not to be applicable to England alone. In July, it was extended to the products of New South Wales, the free-trade colony of the British Australasian group; and any country can come within its provisions whose government can satisfy the Comptroller of Customs at Ottawa, that it is offering favourable treatment to Canadian exports, and is affording them as easy an entrance through its customs houses as the Canadians give by means of the reciprocal tariff. It is also possible, under a later amendment to the Tariff Act, for the Governor in Council to extend the benefits of the reciprocal tariff to any country entitled thereto by virtue of a treaty with Great Britain. {62} Numerous alterations were made in the general list of import duties. Some of these involved higher rates; others lowered the duties. But if the changes in the fiscal system had been confined to these variations, the new tariff would not have been noteworthy, and it would have fulfilled few of the pledges made by the Liberals when they were in Opposition. It owes its chief importance to the establishment of an inner tariff in the interests of countries which deal favourably with Canada."

_E. Porritt, The New Administration in Canada (Yale Review, August, 1897)._

CANADA: A. D. 1897 (June-July). Conference of colonial premiers with the British Colonial Secretary.

See (in this volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

CANADA: A. D. 1897 (October). Self-government for the Northwestern Territories.

By an Act passed in October, a system of self-government, going far towards the full powers of a provincial government, but having some limitations, was provided for the Northwest Territories.

CANADA: A. D. 1898 (January). Encyclical Letter of the Pope on the Manitoba School Question.

On the report made by his delegate, Monsignor Merry del Val, Pope Leo XIII. addressed an encyclical letter to the Roman Church in Canada, concerning the duty of Catholics in the matter of the Manitoba schools (see above: A. D. 1890-1896), which was made public at Quebec on the 9th of January, 1898. The letter has great general importance, as defining with precision the attitude of the Church towards all secular school systems. With a few unessential passages it is given in what follows:

"It was with extreme solicitude," wrote the Pope, "that we turned our mind to the unhappy events which in these later years have marked the history of Catholic education in Manitoba. … And since many expected that we should make a pronouncement on the question, and asked that we should trace a line of conduct and a way to be followed, we did not wish to decide anything on this subject before our Apostolic delegate had been on the spot, charged to proceed to a serious examination of the situation, and to give an account to us of the state of affairs. He has faithfully and diligently fulfilled the command which we had given him. The question agitated is one of great and exceptional importance. We speak of the decision taken seven years ago by the parliament of Manitoba on the subject of education. The act of Confederation had secured to Catholic children the right of education in public schools in keeping with their conscientious convictions. The parliament of Manitoba abolished this right by contrary law. By this latter law a grave injury was inflicted, for it was not lawful for our children to seek the benefits of education in schools in which the Catholic religion is ignored or actively combated, in schools where its doctrine is despised and its fundamental principles repudiated. If the Church has anywhere permitted this, it was only with great reluctance and in self-defense, and after having taken many precautions, which, however, have too often been found unequal to parrying the danger. In like manner one must at all cost avoid, as most pernicious, those schools wherein every form of belief is indifferently admitted and placed on an equal footing—as if in what regards God and Divine things, it was of no importance whether one believed rightly or wrongly, whether one followed truth or falsehood. You well know, venerable brothers, that all schools of this kind have been condemned by the Church, because there can be nothing more pernicious nor more fitted to injure the integrity of faith and to turn away the tender minds of youth from the truth. … For the Catholic there is but one true religion, the Catholic religion; hence in all that concerns doctrine, or morality, or religion, he cannot accept or recognize anything which is not drawn from the very sources of Catholic teaching. Justice and reason demand, then, that our children have in their schools not only scientific instruction but also moral teachings in harmony, as we have already said, with the principles of their religion, teachings without which all education will be not only fruitless but absolutely pernicious. Hence the necessity of having Catholic teachers, reading books, and textbooks approved of by the bishops, and liberty to organize the schools, that the teaching therein shall be in full accord with Catholic faith as well as with all the duties that flow therefrom. For the rest, to decide in what institutions their children shall be instructed, who shall be their teachers of morality, is a right inherent to parental authority. When, then, Catholics demand, and it is their duty to demand, and to strive to obtain, that the teaching of the masters shall be in conformity with the religion of their children, they are only making use of their right; and there can be nothing more unjust than to force on them the alternative of allowing their children to grow up in ignorance, or to expose them to manifest danger in what concerns the supreme interests of their souls. It is not right to call in doubt or to abandon in any way these principles of judging and acting which are founded on truth and justice, and which are the safe-guards both of public and private interests. Therefore, when the new law in Manitoba struck a blow at Catholic education, it was your duty, venerable brothers, to freely protest against the injury and disaster inflicted; and the way in which you all fulfilled that duty is a proof of your common vigilance, and of a spirit truly worthy of bishops; and, although each one of you will find on this point a sufficient approbation in the testimony of his own conscience, learn, nevertheless, that you have also our conscience and our approbation, for the things which you sought and still seek to protect and defend are most sacred. The difficulties created by the law of which we speak by their very nature showed that an alleviation was to be sought for in a united effort. For so worthy was the Catholic cause that all good and upright citizens, without distinction of party, should have banded themselves together in a close union to uphold it. Unfortunately for the success of this cause, the contrary took place. What is more deplorable still, is that Catholic Canadians themselves failed to unite as they should in defending those interests which are of such importance to all—the importance and gravity of which should have stilled the voice of party politics, which are of much less importance. We are not unaware that something has been done to amend that law. The men who are at the head of the federal government and of the Province of Manitoba have already taken certain measures with a view to decreasing the difficulties of which the Catholics of Manitoba complain, and against which they rightly continue to protest. {63} We have no reason to doubt that these measures were taken from love of justice and from a laudable motive. We cannot, however, dissimulate the truth; the law which they have passed to repair the injury is defective, unsuitable, insufficient. The Catholics ask—and no one can deny that they justly ask—for much more. Moreover, in the remedial measures that have been proposed there is this defect, that in changes of local circumstances they may easily become valueless. In a word, the rights of Catholics and the education of their children have not been sufficiently provided for in Manitoba. Everything in this question demands, and is conformable to justice, that they should be thoroughly provided for, that is, by placing in security and surrounding with due safe-guards those unchangeable and sacred principles of which we have spoken above. This should be the aim, this the end to be zealously and prudently sought for. Nothing can be more injurious to the attainment of this end than discord; unity of spirit and harmony of action are most necessary. Nevertheless since, as frequently happens in things of this nature, there is not only one fixed and determined but various ways of arriving at the end which is proposed and which should be obtained, it follows that there may be various opinions equally good and advantageous. Wherefore let each and all be mindful of the rules of moderation, and gentleness, and mutual charity; let no one fail in the respect that is due to another; but let all resolve in fraternal unanimity, and not without your advice, to do that which the circumstances require and which appears best to be done. As regards especially the Catholics of Manitoba, we have every confidence that with God's help they will succeed in obtaining full satisfaction. This hope is founded, in the first place, in the righteousness of the cause, next in the sense of justice and prudence of the men at the head of the government, and finally in the good-will of all upright men in Canada. In the meantime, until they are able to obtain their full rights, let them not refuse partial satisfaction. If, therefore, anything is granted by law to custom, or the good-will of men, which will render the evil more tolerable and the dangers more remote, it is expedient and useful to make use of such concessions, and to derive therefrom as much benefit and advantage as possible. Where, however, no remedy can be found for the evil, we must exhort and beseech that it be provided against by the liberality and munificence of their contributions, for no one can do anything more salutary for himself or more conducive to the prosperity of his country, than to contribute, according to his means, to the maintenance of these schools. There is another point which appeals to your common solicitude, namely, that by your authority, and with the assistance of those who direct educational institutions, an accurate and suitable curriculum of studies be established, and that it be especially provided that no one shall be permitted to teach who is not amply endowed with all the necessary qualities, natural and acquired, for it is only right that Catholic schools should be able to compete in bearing, culture, and scholarship with the best in the country. As concerns intellectual culture and the progress of civilization, one can only recognize as praiseworthy and noble the desire of the provinces of Canada to develop public instruction, and to raise its standard more and more, in order that it may daily become higher and more perfect. Now there is no kind of knowledge, no perfection of learning, which cannot be fully harmonized with Catholic doctrine."

CANADA: A. D. 1898 (September). Popular vote on the question of Prohibition.

Pursuant to a law passed by the Dominion Parliament the previous June, a vote of the people in all the Provinces of the Dominion was taken, on the 29th of September, 1898, upon the following question: "Are you in favor of the passing of an act prohibiting the importation, manufacture or sale of spirits, wine, ale, beer, cider, and all other alcoholic liquors for use as beverages?" The submitting of this question to a direct vote of the people was a proceeding not quite analogous to the Swiss Referendum, since it decided the fate of no pending law; nor did it imitate the popular Initiative of Swiss legislation, since the result carried no mandate to the government. It was more in the nature of a French Plébiscite, and many called it by that name; but no Plebiscite in France ever drew so real an expression of popular opinion on a question so fully discussed. The result of the voting was a majority for prohibition in every Province except Quebec, Ontario pronouncing for it by more than 39,000, Nova Scotia by more than 29,000, New Brunswick by more than 17,000, Manitoba by more than 9,000, Prince Edward's Island by more than 8,000, and the Northwest Territories by more than 3,000, while British Columbia gave a small majority of less than 600 on the same side. Quebec, on the other hand, shouted a loud "No" to the question, by 93,000 majority. The net majority in favor of Prohibition was 107,000. The total of votes polled on the question was 540,000. This was less than 44 per cent of the total registration of voters; hence the vote for Prohibition represented only about 23 per cent of the electorate, which the government considered to offer too small a support for the measure asked for.

CANADA: A. D. 1898-1899. The Joint High Commission for settlement of all unsettled questions between Canada and the United States.

As the outcome of negotiations opened at Washington in the previous autumn by the Canadian Premier, relative to the seal-killing controversy, an agreement between Great Britain, Canada and the United States was concluded on the 30th of May, 1898, for the creation of a Joint High Commission to negotiate a treaty, if possible, by which all existing subjects of controversy between the United States and Canada should be settled with finality. Appointments to the Commission by the three governments were made soon afterwards, Great Britain being represented by the Lord High Chancellor, Baron Herschell; Canada by Sir Wilfred Laurier, Premier, Sir Richard Cartwright, Minister of Trade and Commerce, and Sir Louis Henry Davies, Minister of Marine and Fisheries; the United States by Honorable John W. Foster, ex-Secretary of State, Senator Charles W. Fairbanks, Senator George Gray, Representative Nelson Dingley, and the Honorable John A. Kasson, Reciprocity Commissioner. Senator Gray having been subsequently appointed on the Commission to negotiate peace with Spain, his place on the Anglo-American Commission was taken by Senator Faulkner. {64} The Joint Commission sat first in Quebec and later in Washington. Among the questions referred to it were those relating to the establishment of the boundary between Alaska and British Columbia; the issues over Bering Sea and the catch of fur seals; the unmarked boundary between Canada and the United States near Passamaqnoddy Bay in Maine and at points between Wisconsin and Minnesota and Canada; the northeast fisheries question, involving the rights of fishing in the North Atlantic off Newfoundland and other points; the regulation of the fishing rights on the Great Lakes; alien-labor immigration across the Canadian-American border; commercial reciprocity between the two countries; the regulation of the bonding system by which goods are carried in bond across the frontier and also the regulation of traffic by international railways and canals of the two countries; reciprocal mining privileges in the Klondyke, British North America and other points; wrecking and salvage on the ocean and Great Lakes coasting waters; the modification of the treaty arrangement under which only one war vessel can be maintained on the Great Lakes, with a view to allowing warships to be built on the lakes and then floated out to the ocean. The sessions of the Joint Commission were continued at intervals until February, 1899, when it adjourned to meet at Quebec in the following August, unless further adjournment should be agreed upon by the several chairmen. Such further adjournment was made, and the labors of the Joint Commission were indefinitely suspended, for reasons which the President of the United States explained in his Message to Congress, December, 1899, as follows: "Much progress had been made by the Commission toward the adjustment of many of these questions, when it became apparent that an irreconcilable difference of views was entertained respecting the delimitation of the Alaskan boundary. In the failure of an agreement as to the meaning of articles 3 and 4 of the treaty of 1825 between Russia and Great Britain, which defined the boundary between Alaska and Canada, the American Commissioners proposed that the subject of the boundary be laid aside and that the remaining questions of difference be proceeded with, some of which were so far advanced as to assure the probability of a settlement. This being declined by the British Commissioners, an adjournment was taken until the boundary should be adjusted by the two Governments. The subject has been receiving the careful attention which its importance demands, with the result that a modus vivendi for provisional demarcations in the region about the head of Lynn Canal has been agreed upon [see (in this volume) ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION] and it is hoped that the negotiations now in progress between the two Governments will end in an agreement for the establishment and delimitation of a permanent boundary."

CANADA: A. D. 1899 (October). Modus Vivendi, fixing provisional boundary line of Alaska.

See (in this volume) ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION.

CANADA: A. D. 1899-1900. Troops to reinforce the British army in South Africa.

A proposal from the Canadian government to assist that of the Empire in its South African War was gratefully accepted in the early stages of the war, and a regiment of infantry called the Royal Canadian, numbering a little more than 1,000 men, sailed from Quebec, October 30. In the following January a second contingent of more than 1,000 men was sent to the field. This latter comprised squadrons of mounted rilles and rough-riders, and three batteries of field artillery. In the same month the Canadian government accepted an offer from Lord Strathcona to raise, equip and transport at his own expense a body of 500 mounted men from the Northwest.

CANADA: A. D. 1900 (November). General election.

The general election of members of the Dominion House of Commons was held November 7, resulting as follows:

Provinces. Liberal. Conservative. Independent. Total.

Nova Scotia. 15 5 0 20 New-Brunswick. 9 5 0 14 Prince Edward Island. 3 2 0 5 Quebec. 57 8 0 65 Ontario. 33 54 5 92 Manitoba. 2 3 2 7 Northwest Territories. 2 0 2 4 British Columbia. 3 2 1 6

Totals. 124 79 10 213

As in the election of 1896, the Liberal Ministry of Sir Wilfred Laurier found its strong support in the province of Quebec. Its party suffered unexpected losses in Ontario. The slight meaning of the election was summed up by Professor Goldwin Smith as follows: "The net result of the elections seems to be a Government resting on French Quebec and an Opposition resting on British Ontario. The minor provinces have been carried, as usual, by local interests rather than on general questions. Apart from the distinction of race between the two great provinces and the antagonism, before dormant but somewhat awakened by the war, there was no question of importance at issue between the parties. Both concurred in sending contingents to South Africa. The Liberals, though they went in at first on the platform of free trade—at least, of a tariff for revenue only—have practically embraced protection under the name of stability of the tariff, and are believed to have received from the protected manufacturers contributions to their large election fund. The other special principles, such as the reduction of expenditure and discontinuance of the bonus to railways, proclaimed by Liberals before the last election, have been dropped. So has reform of the Senate. It is not likely that the Liberal victory will be followed by any change either in legislation or government, or by any special reform. Mr. Bourassa and Monet, of the French-Canadian members who protested against the contingent, have been re-elected. Great as may be the extent and warmth of British feeling, the statement that Canadians were unanimously in favour of participation in the war must not be taken without qualification. For myself, I felt that so little principle was at stake that I voted for two Conservatives on their personal merits."

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CANAL, The new Bruges.

See (in this volume) BRUGES: A. D. 1900.

CANAL, The Chicago Drainage.

See (in this volume) CHICAGO: A. D. 1900.

CANAL, City of Mexico Drainage.

See (in this volume) MEXICO: A. D. 1898.

CANAL, The Elbe and Trave.

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (JUNE).

CANAL, Interoceanic, The Project of the: A. D. 1581-1892. The early inception of the project. Movements towards its realization.

"The thought of uniting the two great oceans by means of a canal across the American isthmus sprang up, as is known, from the moment the conviction was reached that the passage which, from the days of Columbus, was thought to exist towards the Southern Sea, was not a reality. … Nevertheless the first survey of the land was not carried out until the year 1581, when, in obedience to superior instructions, Captain Antonio Pereira, Governor of Costa Rica, organized an expedition and explored the route by way of the San Juan river, the lake, and the rivers emptying into Gulf Nicoya, Costa Rica. Thirty-nine years later Diego de Mercado submitted to King Philip III his famous report of January 23, 1620, suggesting the route by the river and lake, and thence through Costa Rican territory along the Quebrada or Barranca Honda to Salinas Bay, then called Puerto del Papagayo. Either because the magnitude of the undertaking was at that time superior to the necessities of trade, or, as was said, because Spain considered the canal antagonistic to her interests, the era of independence arrived without the execution of the project ever having been entered upon. After independence the Congress of Central America, in which Costa Rica and Nicaragua were represented as States of the Federation which succeeded the Colonial Government, enacted on June 16, 1825, a decree providing for the construction of the canal, and in that same year Don Antonio José Cañas, Diplomatic Representative of Central America in Washington, addressed the Secretary of State, Mr. Henry Clay, informing him of this resolution and stating that: 'A company formed of American citizens of respectability was ready to undertake the work as soon as a treaty with the United States insuring the coöperation of the latter was signed; that he was ready to enter into negotiations for the treaty, and that nothing would be more pleasant for Central America than to see the generous people of the United States joining her in the opening of the canal, sharing the glory of the enterprise, and enjoying the great advantages to be derived from it.' The Government of Central America could not carry the undertaking into effect, notwithstanding that among the means employed to reach the desired result there figures the arrangement concluded with the King of Holland in October, 1830. But, though the hopes centered in the undertaking were frustrated, to the honor of Central America the declarations of that Congress, which constitute, like the concession for the canal itself, one of the loftiest public documents ever issued by any nation of the earth, have become a matter of record. The Central American Federation dissolved, this important matter attached to Nicaragua and Costa Rica directly, and the boundary line between the two republics having been determined by the treaty of April 15, 1858, as were also the points relative to the canal, the two governments jointly granted a concession on May 1 of that same year to Mr. Felix Belly, a distinguished French writer, to whom the Emperor Napoleon gave his support to carry forward the undertaking. This failing of accomplishment, the two governments, in perfect accord, concluded the contract known as the Ayon-Chevalier, signed by Nicaragua on October 16, 1868, and by Costa Rica on June 18, 1869, which, it is unnecessary to say, also failed to produce any results whatever. Some years after the expiration of this last contract Nicaragua promoted a discussion as to the validity of the treaty and the meaning of some of its stipulations, which Costa Rica upheld in its original form, and the question was submitted to the decision of the President of the United States, Mr. Cleveland, who in his award of March 22, 1888, accepted by both parties, declared the treaty valid and binding upon each Republic and interpreted the points which in the opinion of Nicaragua were doubtful. According to the provisions of both of these documents, the treaty and award, even in the remote event that the natural rights of Costa Rica should not be injured, Nicaragua is bound not to make any grants for canal purposes across her territory without first asking the opinion of the Republic of Costa Rica. Three years prior, and while this question was still pending, Nicaragua concluded the treaty known as the Zavala-Frelinghuysen, signed in Washington on December 1, 1884, whereby the title to the canal was conveyed to the United States, and Costa Rica adhered to this treaty under date of February 23, 1885; but the negotiations remained without effect, because, ratification having been denied in the Senate, although a reconsideration of the subject had been agreed to, President Cleveland, on inaugurating his first administration, withdrew the document from the Senate. Things then returned to the status they formerly maintained, and Nicaragua in April, 1887, and Costa Rica in July, 1888, respectively granted the concessions pursuant to which the construction of the American waterway has been pending of late years. The Congress of the United States has been giving special attention to this important matter since the year 1892, and commissions have been created charged with the survey and location of the route, as well as the study of the influence of the canal in its different aspects. Recently the investigation is not limited to the route by Nicaragua and Costa Rica alone, but extends to Panama."

_Speech of Señor Calvo, Costa Rican Minister, at the International Commercial Congress, Philadelphia, October 24, 1899._

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CANAL, Interoceanic, The Project of the: A. D. 1889-1899. The Maritime Canal Company. Investigation of Nicaragua routes.

"The failure of the Frelinghuysen-Zavala treaty [see above] was a severe disappointment to the friends of the canal project, but it did not discourage them. A company of private citizens, capitalists and promoters, was organized, which at length took the name of the Maritime Canal Company. Fair and full concessions were secured from the government of Nicaragua, while similar articles were also signed with the Republic of Costa Rica on account of imagined ownership of a portion of the territory through which the canal was to pass, though it has been shown subsequently, in the settlement of the boundary dispute between those two governments, that Costa Rica's rights in the matter were solely riparian. In due time Congress was called upon to grant a charter to the Maritime Company, which asked nothing more than this." The chartering act was passed by Congress in 1889, with an important amendment proposed by Judge Holman of Indiana, providing that "nothing in this act contained shall be so construed as to commit the United States to any pecuniary liability whatever for any account of said company, nor shall the United States be held in any wise liable or responsible in any form or by any implication for any debt or, liability in any form which said company may incur, nor as guaranteeing any engagement or contract of said company." But two years afterwards, the company having failed to enlist the necessary capital for its undertaking, an attempt was made to set aside the above provision and to persuade Congress to guarantee $100,000,000 of bonds, taking $70,000,000 of stock and making the government a partner in the enterprise. The proposal was rejected. Congress "did not guarantee the company's bonds. The company, without such guarantee, was unable to raise the necessary capital, either in the United States or abroad, and the financial crisis of 1893 so overwhelmed it that all active operations on the isthmus were suspended, and they have never been resumed. The same issue, the guaranteeing of bonds, has come up from time to time in succeeding Congresses, but not until the second session of the Fifty-fourth [1897] did it appear to have much chance of being decided in favor of the company. The opposition in the Senate, where it was first considered, was strong, and the arguments advanced against the bill were clear, sound and forceful. The advocates of the measure were pressing for a vote, but almost at the supreme moment a note was received from the State Department, accompanied by a communication from Minister Rodriguez, the representative of the Greater Republic of Central America, setting forth several unassailable objections of his government to the methods of procedure. This final thrust determined the fate of the bill, and a vote on it was not taken. … The material points of Minister Rodriguez's criticism, which caused the Senate bill in 1897 to be withdrawn, were that some of the vital provisions of the cessions under which the Maritime Canal Company had the right to construct the canal were violated."

_C. M. Stadden, Latest Aspects of the Nicaragua Canal Project (North American Review, December, 1898)._

Congress now (June 4, 1897) passed an Act which created a commission to examine all practicable routes for a canal through Nicaragua, and report its judgment as to the best, with an estimate of the cost of the work on such route. The commissioners appointed were Admiral Walker, Professor Haupt, and Colonel Hains. Their report, submitted to the President in May, 1899, unanimously recommended the route described as follows: "This line, leaving Brito, follows the left bank of the Rio Grande to near Bueno Retiro, and crosses the western divide to the valley of the Lajas, which it follows to Lake Nicaragua. Crossing the lake to the head of the San Juan river, it follows the upper river to near Boca San Carlos; thence, in excavation, by the left bank of the river to the San Juanillo and across the low country to Greytown, passing to the northward of Lake Silico." But while the commissioners agreed in finding this route preferable to any others in the Nicaragua region, they disagreed seriously in their estimates of cost, Colonel Hains, putting it at nearly $135,000,000, while Admiral Walker and Professor Haupt placed the cost at little more than $118,000,000. Before the report of this Nicaragua Canal Commission was made, however, Congress (March 3, 1899) had directed the appointment of another commission to examine and report upon all possible routes for an interoceanic canal, in the Panama region and elsewhere, as well as through Nicaragua and to determine the cost of constructing such a canal and "placing it under the control, management and ownership of the United States." This later commission, known as the Isthmian Canal Commission, was made up as follows: Rear-Admiral John G. Walker, U. S. N.; Samuel Pasco, of Florida; Alfred Noble, C. E. of Illinois; George S. Morrison, C. E., of New York; Colonel Peter C. Hains, U. S. A.; Professor William H. Burr, of Connecticut; Lieutenant-Colonel Oswald H. Ernst, U. S. A.; Professor Lewis M. Haupt, C. E., of Pennsylvania; Professor Emory R. Johnston, of Pennsylvania.

In his Message to Congress the next December, President McKinley stated: "The contract of the Maritime Canal Company of Nicaragua was declared forfeited by the Nicaraguan Government on the 10th of October, on the ground of nonfulfillment within the ten years' term stipulated in the contract. The Maritime Canal Company has lodged a protest against this action, alleging rights in the premises which appear worthy of consideration. This Government expects that Nicaragua will afford the protestants a full and fair hearing upon the merits of the case." But another company had been put into the place of the Maritime Canal Company, by action of President Zelaya, of Nicaragua, who, in 1898, granted to Edward Eyre and E. F. Cragin, who represented an American Syndicate, the right to construct the canal when the contract with the Maritime should have lapsed. This transaction, however, lacked confirmation by Costa Rica and the United States.

CANAL, Interoceanic, A. D. 1893-1900. The Panama Canal Concession twice extended. Formation of new company.

See (in this volume) COLOMBIA: A. D. 1893-1900.

CANAL, Interoceanic, A. D. 1899 (December). Transfer of the Panama Canal to an American company.

The transfer of the Panama Canal from the later French company to an American company, chartered in New Jersey, was accomplished in December, 1899. The new company received all the property, rights, and powers of its French predecessor, the consideration to be paid to the latter being mainly in the form of shares in the American company.

[Image: Map of Central America showing the Isthmian Canal Routes]

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CANAL, Interoceanic, A. D. 1900 (November). Preliminary report of the Isthmian Canal Commission in favor of the Nicaragua route.

The preliminary report of the Isthmian Canal Commission, appointed under the Act of March 3, 1899, was presented to the President on the 30th November, 1900, and communicated to Congress at the opening of the session. The Commission reported in favor of the Nicaragua route, essentially on the lines laid down by the previous Nicaragua Canal Commission, as defined above. It found that the choice of routes lies between this and the route of the partly constructed Panama Canal, and its discussion of the question presented the following views:

"(a) Between New York and San Francisco, the Nicaragua Canal route would be 377 nautical miles shorter than the Panama route. Between New Orleans and San Francisco 579 miles would be saved, and, in general, the distances between the Atlantic and Pacific ports of the United States are less by way of Nicaragua. Between our east coast and Yokohama and Shanghai the Nicaragua route is somewhat shorter, but for the trade of our eastern ports with the west coast of South America the Panama route is not so long as the Nicaragua.

(b) A part of the saving in distance effected by using a Nicaragua canal instead of one at Panama would be offset by the longer time of transit at Nicaragua. An average steamer would require twelve hours to make the passage through the Panama Canal, and thirty-three through one across Nicaragua. For a 10-knot steamer this difference of twenty-one hours would be equivalent to 210 knots difference in distance, and for a 13-knot steamer, the difference in time of transit would be equivalent to 273 knots.

(c) The Nicaragua route would be the more favorable one for sailing vessels because of the uncertain winds in the bay of Panama. It would not be impossible for sailing vessels to use the Panama Canal, but for average voyages between the two seaboards of the United States, a sailing vessel would require about nine days additional time to make the passage by way of the Panama Canal. However, neither route would be much used by sailing vessels, because of their inability to compete with steamers. They would certainly not be able to compete with steamers, both using the Panama Canal.

(d) For the promotion of the domestic trade of the United States, the Nicaragua route would possess advantages over the Panama route, because the distance between our two seaboards is less. For our trade with Japan, China, the Philippines, and Australia, the advantages of the two routes are nearly equal, the distance by way of the Nicaragua route being slightly less. For our trade with South America the Panama route is shorter and more direct.

(e) The industrial changes which the Nicaragua Canal would produce in the countries through which it will pass would be great. Nicaragua and Costa Rica comprise a region capable of producing a large amount of tropical products for which there is a demand in Europe and the United States. A canal across their territory would give a great impetus to their economic development.

"A careful examination has been made of all the rights, privileges, and franchises held and owned by corporations, associations, and individuals at the different canal routes. This necessarily included a study of the treaties relating to the establishment of an interoceanic communication made by the Republics, whose territory is to be occupied, and by the United States, with one another, and also with foreign governments. The treaties heretofore made exclude all idea of a relinquishment of sovereignty over any of the proposed routes. In most of them the right of transit and the innocent use of the communication, whether by railway or canal, is granted to the other contracting party, its citizens and subjects, to be enjoyed upon equal terms with other governments and people; and the leading commercial nations of the world have committed themselves to the policy of neutrality at the different routes, and some of them have obligated themselves to use their influence to induce other nations to agree to the same policy. No existing treaties between the United States and the Republics of Nicaragua and Costa Rica, or of Colombia, give our Government the right to excavate and operate a maritime canal through any of these countries. The concessions granted by the different Republics through whose territory the lines of the projected canals extend, in terms, exclude the right of the companies holding them to transfer them to any foreign government, and further treaty rights must be acquired to enable the United States to undertake the excavation of a navigable waterway between the two oceans in a governmental capacity. The only prior obligations to corporations, associations, or individuals in the way of a direct agreement between the United States and Nicaragua authorizing our Government to construct a canal across the territory of the latter, to be under its control, management, and ownership, have been eliminated by the forfeiture and termination of the contracts with the Maritime Canal Company of Nicaragua and the Interoceanic Canal Company. In view of this declaration the Commission has not made any effort to ascertain the cost at which the concessions of these companies can be purchased, for if these forfeitures are final the rights formerly granted to these companies are not in the way of diplomatic negotiations with the Government interested to acquire the consent and authority necessary for the construction of a canal by this route. The situation in Costa Rica is practically the same.

"The situation at Panama is different. The Republic of Colombia first granted a concession to the Panama Railroad Company, giving it exclusive privileges on the Isthmus, which will continue according to modifications afterwards made for ninety-nine years from August 16, 1867. A later concession to the Panama Canal Company required it to enter into some amicable arrangement with the railroad company under which the former might occupy the territory along or near its line. The canal company acquired by purchase a majority of the railroad stock, and the necessary arrangements were made. This stock is now under the control of the New Panama Canal Company, which gives it a directing influence in both organizations. The canal concession is to continue according to its latest extension for ninety-nine years from the day on which the canal shall be wholly or partially opened to public service, and the date fixed for this in the contract is October 31, 1910. Should it fail and the concession be forfeited the company will still have exclusive control of the territory through which its line extends till 1966 under the railroad concession. The canal company is absolutely prohibited to cede or mortgage its rights under any consideration whatever to any nation or foreign government under penalty of forfeiture. {68} The contract with the railroad company contains a like prohibition and declares further that the pain of forfeiture will be incurred by the mere act of attempting to cede or transfer its privilege to a foreign government and such an act is declared absolutely null and of no value or effect. These concessions, if acquired by the United States, would not give to the Government the control and ownership evidently contemplated by the law, that is, an absolute ownership in perpetuity. The right under the contract with the railroad company is designated as 'the use and possession' of the property for ninety-nine years, and it is provided that 'at the expiration of the term of the privilege' and by the sole fact of the expiration, the Government of Colombia shall be substituted in all the rights of the company and shall immediately enter into the enjoyment of the line of communication, its fixtures, dependencies and all its products. The right of the canal company is substantially of the same character. … An examination of the charter rights of the New Panama Canal Company under the general incorporation laws of France and the special legislation in its behalf resulted in finding an enactment, included in a law passed June 8, 1888, requiring that all the plant necessary for the construction of the canal shall be manufactured in France and that the material must be of French origin. This being the situation, it was manifest that, even if the privileges of the companies could be purchased by and transferred to the United States, they were encumbered with charges and conditions that would not permit this Government to exercise all the rights of complete ownership over a canal constructed by it at the Panama route. A new arrangement is necessary if the United States is to undertake such a work. The relinquishment by the canal company, with the consent of Colombia, of the privileges it has under existing concessions, for a consideration to be agreed upon with the United States, would leave the way open for treaty negotiations between the two governments to ascertain whether Colombia will consent to the occupation of its territory by the United States for the construction of a canal to be under Government control, management, and ownership, and, if so, whether they can agree upon terms mutually satisfactory. The situation is peculiar, as there are three parties in interest. The United States can enter into no agreement with Colombia that does not have the approval of the company, and the concessions do not permit the company to transfer or attempt to transfer its rights to a foreign government.

"The Commission has, however, attempted to ascertain the views of the New Panama Canal Company with reference to a disposition and transfer of its rights. Interviews were had with its president and other officers during the visit to Paris and on several occasions from time to time since then, and on the 10th day of April last a formal letter was addressed to Mr. Maurice Hutin, the president and director-general, asking whether he was in a position to name terms upon which the company would dispose of its property and interests to the United States. At different times since then the subject has been discussed by the representatives of the company with the Commission and its committee on rights, privileges, and franchises, but no formal reply to the letter was received until this report was being closed. These conferences and correspondence have resulted in no offer to dispose of the property and privileges of the company to the United States upon any terms, even with the consent of the Colombian Government, nor has the company expressed any desire or wish to enter into any negotiations with the United States with reference to such a disposition of its property and rights. It was proposed by President Hutin that the United States might obtain control of the canal scheme as a majority stockholder of a new organization to which the present company could contribute its concession, plant, unfinished work, and other property, at a valuation to be determined by arbitration, and he expressed the opinion that such an arrangement could be made without violating the concessions. But this must include some plan for the protection of the minority stockholders in the financial management, for they would favor a policy that would realize liberal dividends in proportion to the commercial value of the canal, while the policy of this Government might be to reduce tolls and charges to the cost of maintenance or even below it, if the interests of the people would be thereby advanced. The plan, however, which the company prefers is that outlined in its letter of February 28, 1899, addressed to the President of the United States, which has been published in Senate Document No. 188, Fifty-Sixth Congress, first session, pages 41 and 42. This was to reincorporate under the laws of New York or some other State, and accord to the United States such representation in its board of directors and such opportunity to acquire an interest in its securities as its concessions permitted. And an assurance was added to the effect that if the United States should desire to perpetuate or enlarge its existing rights and privileges acquired under the treaty of 1846, the company would conform to such supplemental treaty as might be entered into between the United States and Colombia. The Commission having no other authority than to make investigations and obtain information submits this result of its efforts to ascertain upon what terms the rights and privileges at the Panama route can be obtained. It is proper to add that the examination of the title of the present company to the canal property under the laws of France and Colombia has satisfied this Commission that the New Panama Canal Company has the entire control and management of the canal property. …

"The estimated cost of building the Nicaragua Canal is about $58,000,000 more than that of completing the Panama Canal, leaving out the cost of acquiring the latter property. This measures the difference in the magnitude of the obstacles to be overcome in the actual construction of the two canals, and covers all physical considerations such as the greater or less height of dams, the greater or less depth of cuts, the presence or absence of natural harbors, the presence or absence of a railroad, the exemption from or liability to disease, and the amount of work remaining to be done. The New Panama Canal Company has shown no disposition to sell its property to the United States. Should that company be able and willing to sell, there is reason to believe that the price would not be such as would make the total cost to the United States less than that of the Nicaragua Canal. … In view of all the facts, and particularly in view of all the difficulties of obtaining the necessary rights, privileges, and franchises on the Panama route, and assuming that Nicaragua and Costa Rica recognize the value of the canal to themselves and are prepared to grant concessions on terms which are reasonable and acceptable to the United States, the Commission is of the opinion that 'the most practicable and feasible route for' an isthmian canal to be 'under the control, management, and ownership of the United States' is that known as the Nicaragua route."

_United States, 56th Congress, 2d Session, Senate Doc. Number 5._

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CANAL, Interoceanic, A. D. 1900 (December). The Hay-Pauncefote Treaty between the United States and Great Britain, to facilitate the construction of the Canal, as amended by the United States Senate.

In his annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1900, President McKinley had the following to say on the subject of the Interoceanic Canal: "The all important matter of an interoceanic canal has assumed a new phase. Adhering to its refusal to reopen the question of the forfeiture of the contract of the Maritime Canal Company, which was terminated for alleged non-execution in October, 1899, the Government of Nicaragua has since supplemented that action by declaring the so-styled Eyre-Cragin option void for non-payment of the stipulated advance. Protests in relation to these acts have been filed in the State Department, and are under consideration. Deeming itself relieved from existing engagements, the Nicaraguan Government shows a disposition to deal freely with the canal question either in the way of negotiations with the United States or by taking measures to promote the waterway. Overtures for a convention to effect the building of a canal under the auspices of the United States are under consideration. In the mean time, the views of the Congress upon the general subject, in the light of the report of the Commission appointed to examine the comparative merits of the various trans-isthmian ship canal projects, may be awaited. I commend to the early attention of the Senate the convention with Great Britain to facilitate the construction of such a canal, and to remove any objection which might arise out of the convention commonly called the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty."

On the terms of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty:

See, in volume 4, NICARAGUA: A. D. 1850.

The Convention thus referred to was negotiated by the Secretary of State of the United States. Mr. John Hay, with the British Ambassador to the United States, Lord Pauncefote. It was signed at Washington on the 5th of February, 1900, and communicated by the President to the Senate on the same day. The action of the Senate on the Convention was not taken until after the opening of the session of Congress in December. It was then ratified (December 20), but with three amendments which seriously changed its character. The following is the text of the Convention as ratified, with the Senate amendments indicated:

"ARTICLE I. It is agreed that the canal may be constructed under the auspices of the Government of the United States, either directly at its own cost, or by gift or loan of money to individuals or corporations or through subscription to or purchase of stock or shares, and that, subject to the provisions of the present Convention, the said Government shall have and enjoy all the rights incident to such construction, as well as the exclusive right of providing for the regulation and management of the canal.

"ARTICLE II. The High Contracting Parties, desiring to preserve and maintain the 'general principle' of neutralization established in Article VIII of the Clayton-Bulwer Convention, [Added by the Senate] which convention is hereby superseded, adopt, as the basis of such neutralization, the following rules, substantially as embodied in the convention between Great Britain and certain other Powers, signed at Constantinople, October 29, 1888, for the Free Navigation of the Suez Maritime Canal, that is to say:

1. The canal shall be free and open, in time of war as in time of peace, to the vessels of commerce and of war of all nations, on terms of entire equality, so that there shall be no discrimination against any nation or its citizens or subjects in respect of the conditions or charges of traffic, or otherwise.

2. The canal shall never be blockaded, nor shall any right of war be exercised nor any act of hostility be committed within it.

3. Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not revictual nor take any stores in the canal except so far as may be strictly necessary; and the transit of such vessels through the canal shall be effected with the least possible delay, in accordance with the regulations in force, and with only such intermission as may result from the necessities of the service. Prizes shall be in all respects subject to the same rules as vessels of war of the belligerents.

4. No belligerent shall embark or disembark troops, munitions of war or warlike materials in the canal except in case of accidental hindrance of the transit, and in such case the transit shall be resumed with all possible despatch.

5. The provisions of this article shall apply to waters adjacent to the canal, within three marine miles of either end. Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not remain in such waters longer than twenty-four hours at any one time except in case of distress, and in such case shall depart as soon as possible; but a vessel of war of one belligerent shall not depart within twenty-four hours from the departure of a vessel of war of the other belligerent. [Added by the Senate] It is agreed, however, that none of the immediately foregoing conditions and stipulations in sections numbered one, two, three, four and five of this article shall apply to measures which the United States may find it necessary to take for securing by its own forces the defense of the United States and the maintenance of public order.

6. The plant, establishments, buildings, and all works necessary to the construction, maintenance and operation of the canal shall be deemed to be part thereof, for the purposes of this Convention, and in time of war as in time of peace shall enjoy complete immunity from attack or injury by belligerents and from acts calculated to impair their usefulness as part of the canal.

7. No fortifications shall be erected commanding the canal or the waters adjacent. The United States, however, shall be at liberty to maintain such military police along the canal as may be necessary to protect it against lawlessness and disorder.

"ARTICLE III. The High Contracting Parties will, immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications of this Convention, bring it to the notice of the other Powers [and invite them to adhere to it]. [Stricken out by the Senate.]

"ARTICLE: IV. The present Convention shall be ratified by the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and by Her Britannic Majesty; and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington or at London within six months from the date hereof, or earlier if possible."

_United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session, Senate Document Number 160._

{70}

Anticipating the ratification of the above Treaty with Great Britain, the President of the United States, in December, 1900, concluded agreements with the governments of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, both of which were in the following terms:

"It is agreed between the two Governments that when the President of the United States is authorized by law to acquire control of such portion of the territory now belonging to [Costa Rica and Nicaragua] as may be desirable and necessary on which to construct and protect a canal of depth and capacity sufficient for the passage of vessels of the greatest tonnage and draft now in use from a point near San Juan del Norte, on the Caribbean Sea, via Lake Nicaragua, to Brito, on the Pacific Ocean, they mutually engage to enter into negotiations with each other to settle the plan and the agreements, in detail, found necessary to accomplish the construction and to provide for the ownership and control of the proposed canal. As preliminary to such future negotiations it is forthwith agreed that the course of said canal and the terminals thereof shall be the same that were stated in a treaty signed by the plenipotentiaries of the United States and Great Britain on February 5, 1900, and now pending in the Senate of the United States for confirmation, and that the provisions of the same shall be adhered to by the United States and [Costa Rica and Nicaragua]." No action on these agreements was taken in the Senate.

CANAL, Interoceanic, A. D. 1901 (March). Rejection by the British Government of the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty as amended by the U. S. Senate.

Early in March, soon after the adjournment of Congress, a communication from Lord Lansdowne, the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, declining with courtesy and in friendly terms to accept the Senate amendments to the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, was received by Lord Pauncefote, the British Ambassador at Washington. The objections urged most strongly are against those amendments which touch the neutrality of the proposed canal and its unimpeded use in time of war as well as in time of peace. "The first of them," said Lord Lansdowne, "which reserves to the United States the right of taking any measures which they may find necessary to secure by their own forces the defence of the United States, appears to His Majesty's government to involve a distinct departure from the principle which has until now found acceptance with both governments; the principle, namely, that in time of war, as well as in time of peace, the passage of the canal is to remain free and unimpeded, and is to be so maintained by the power or powers responsible for its control. Were this amendment added to the convention the United States would, it is presumed, be within their rights, if, at any moment when it seemed to them that their safety required it, in view of warlike preparations not yet commenced, but contemplated or supposed to be contemplated by another power, they resorted to warlike acts in or near the canal—acts clearly inconsistent with the neutral character which it has always been sought to give it, and which would deny the free use of it to the commerce and navies of the world. … If the new clause were to be added, the obligation to respect the neutrality of the canal in all circumstances would, so far as Great Britain is concerned, remain in force; the obligation of the United States, on the other hand, would be essentially modified. The result would be a onesided arrangement, under which Great Britain would be debarred from any warlike action in or around the canal, while the United States would be liable to resort to such action to whatever extent they might deem necessary to secure their own safety."

To the contention that there is a specific prohibition in the Hay-Pauncefote treaty against the erection of fortifications, and that this would sufficiently insure the free use of the canal, Lord Lansdowne replies that this "contention is one which His Majesty's government are quite unable to admit." He notes the vagueness of language in the amendment, and says: "Even if it were more precisely worded it would be impossible to determine what might be the effect if one clause permitting defensive measures and another forbidding fortifications were allowed to stand side by side in the convention. To His Majesty's government it seems, as I have already said, that the amendment might be construed as leaving it open to the United States at any moment, not only if war existed, but even if it were anticipated, to take any measures, however stringent or far-reaching, which in their own judgment might be represented as suitable for the purpose of protecting their national interests. Such an enactment would strike at the very root of that 'general principle' of neutralization upon which the Clayton-Bulwer treaty was based, and which was reaffirmed in the convention as drafted."

As to the third Senate amendment, which struck out the provision inviting the adherence of other powers, Lord Lansdowne says: "The amendment not only removes all prospect of the wider guarantee of the neutrality of the canal, but places this country in a position of marked disadvantage compared with other powers which would not be subject to the self-denying ordinance which Great Britain is desired to accept. It would follow, were His Majesty's government to agree to such an arrangement, that while the United States would have a treaty right to interfere with the canal in time of war, or apprehended war, and while other powers could with a clear conscience disregard any of the restrictions imposed by the convention, Great Britain alone, in spite of her enormous possessions on the American Continent, in spite of the extent of her Australasian colonies and her interests in the East, would be absolutely precluded from resorting to any such action or from taking measures to secure her interests in and near the canal."

The British Minister closes his communication to Lord Pauncefote as follows: "I request that your excellency will explain to the Secretary of State the reasons, as set forth in this dispatch, why His Majesty's government feel unable to accept the convention in the shape presented to them by the American Ambassador, and why they prefer, as matters stand at present, to retain unmodified the provisions of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. His Majesty's government have throughout these negotiations given evidence of their earnest desire to meet the views of the United States. {71} They would on this occasion have been ready to consider in a friendly spirit any amendments of the convention not inconsistent with the principles accepted by both governments which the government of the United States might have desired to propose, and they would sincerely regret a failure to come to an amicable understanding in regard to this important subject."

CANAL, The Kaiser Wilhelm Ship.

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE).

CANAL, Manchester Ship.

On the 1st of January, 1894, the ship canal from Liverpool to Manchester, which had been ten years in course of construction and cost £15,000,000, was formally opened, by a long procession of steamers, which traversed it in four and a half hours.

CANAL: The Rhine-Elbe, the Dortmund-Rhine, and other Prussian projects.

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1890 (AUGUST); and 1901 (JANUARY).

CANDIA: A. D. 1898 (September). Fresh outbreak.

See (in this volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899.

CANEA: Christian and Moslem conflicts at.

See (in this volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

CANOVAS DEL CASTILLO, Antonio: Formation of Spanish Cabinet.

See (in this volume) SPAIN: A. D. 1895-1896.

CANOVAS DEL CASTILLO, Antonio: Assassination.

See (in this volume) SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

CANTEEN, The Army.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER), THE PROHIBITION PARTY; and 1901 (FEBRUARY).

CANTON: A. D. 1894. The Bubonic Plague.

See (in this volume) PLAGUE.

CANTON: A. D. 1899. Increasing piracy in the river.

See (in this volume) CHINA: A. D. 1899.

CAPE COLONY.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY).

CAPE NOME, Gold discovery at.

See (in this volume) ALASKA: A. D. 1898-1899.

CAPE SAN JUAN, Engagement at.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

CARNEGIE, Andrew: Gifts and offers to public libraries.

See (in this volume) LIBRARIES; and LIBRARY, NEW YORK PUBLIC.

CARNEGIE COMPANY, Sale of the interests of the.

See (in this volume) TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

CAROLINE and MARIANNE ISLANDS: Their sale by Spain to Germany.

By a treaty concluded in February, 1899, the Caroline Islands, the Western Carolines or Pelew Islands, and the Marianne or Ladrone Islands (excepting Guam), were sold by Spain to Germany for 25,000,000 pesetas—the peseta being equivalent to a fraction less than twenty cents. Spain reserved the right to establish and maintain naval and mercantile stations in the islands, and to retain them in case of war. Spanish trade and privileges for the Spanish religious orders are guaranteed against interference.

CARROLL, Henry K.: Report on Porto Rico.

See (in this volume) PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (AUGUST-JULY).

CASSATION, The Court of. The French Court of Appeals.

See (in this volume) FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899.

CASTILLO, Pedro Lopez de: Letter to the soldiers of the American army.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST 21).

CATALOGUE, International, of Scientific Literature.

See (in this volume) SCIENCE, RECENT: SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE.

CATALONIA: Independent aspirations in.

See (in this volume) SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

CATASTROPHES, Natural: A. D. 1894.

Late in December, the orange groves of Florida were mostly destroyed or seriously injured by the severest frost known in more than half a century.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

On January 8, a severe earthquake shock was felt at Meshed, Kelat and other Persian towns, causing over 1,100 deaths.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

In March, the Tigris overflowed its banks, causing incalculable loss of life and property in Mesopotamia.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

A succession of earthquake shocks in March, 1896, did great damage at Santiago, Valparaiso, and other parts of Chile.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

On May 15, a cyclone destroyed part of the town of Sherman, in Texas, killing more than 120 persons, mostly negroes. The same day a waterspout burst over the town of Howe in the same state, killing 8 people.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

On May 27, a fierce cyclone swept the city of St. Louis, Missouri, completely devastating a large part of the city, and causing great loss of life and property.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

A destructive wave swept the Japanese coast in June.

See (in this volume) JAPAN: A. D. 1896.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

On July 26, a tidal wave, 5 miles in width, inundated the coast of Kiangsu, in China, destroying many villages and more than 4,000 inhabitants.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896-1897.

A severe famine prevailed in India from the spring of 1896 until the autumn of 1897.

See (in this volume) INDIA: A. D. 1896-1897.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

A severe earthquake occurred at the island of Kishm in the Persian Gulf, in January, causing great loss of life.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

In March and April of this year the floods along the Mississippi river and its tributaries reached the highest level ever recorded. In extent of area and loss of property these floods were the most remarkable in the history of the continent. The total area under water on April 10 was about 15,800 square miles, containing about 39,500 farms, whose value was close upon $65,000,000. The loss of life was small. Congress gave relief to the extent of $200,000, besides appropriating $2,583,300 for the improvement of the Mississippi.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

Extensive floods occurred in Galatz, Moldavia, in June, rendering 20,000 people homeless.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

The islands of Leyte and Samar, in the Visayas group, were swept by an immense wave caused by a cyclone, in October, thousands of natives being killed, and much property destroyed.

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CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

On October 6, the Philippine Islands were swept by a typhoon, which destroyed several towns. The loss of life was estimated at 6,000, of whom 400 were Europeans. This was followed on October 12 by a cyclone which destroyed several villages and caused further loss of life.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

By an eruption of the Mayon volcano in the island of Luzon, Philippine Islands, four hundred persons were buried in the lava, and the large town of Libog completely destroyed.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

A series of earthquake shocks in Asia Minor during the month of January occasioned considerable loss of life and property.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

In January, Amboyna, in the Molucca Islands, was almost destroyed by an earthquake, in which about 50 persons were killed and 200 injured.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

On January 11, a tornado wrecked many buildings in Fort Smith, Ark. The loss of life was reported as 50, with hundreds injured.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

A disastrous blizzard occurred in New England, January 31 and February 1. Fifty lives were reported as lost, and the damage in Boston alone amounted to $2,000,000. Many vessels were driven ashore or foundered, with further loss of life.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

Floods on the Ohio river in March and April caused much loss of life and property. Shawneetown, Illinois on the Ohio river, was almost entirely destroyed by the flood, more than 60 lives being lost.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

On the night of September 10, the island of Barbados was swept by a tornado which destroyed 10,000 houses and damaged 5,000 more. Three-fourths of the inhabitants were left homeless, and about 100 were killed. The islands of St. Vincent and St. Lucia also suffered great losses of life and property.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

A typhoon swept the central provinces of Japan in September, causing heavy floods, and destroying 100 lives.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

Severe floods on the Brazos river, in Texas, occasioned the death of about 100 people, and property losses to the extent of $15,000,000.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

A destructive tornado in Northern Missouri, in April, did much damage in the towns of Kirksville and Newtown. Over fifty persons were killed.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

An almost unprecedented failure of crops in eastern Russia caused famine, disease and awful destruction of life.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

A terrific hurricane visited the West Indies August 7 and 8. Of the several islands affected, Porto Rico suffered most, three-fourths of the population being left homeless. The total loss of life in the West Indies was estimated at 5,000.

See (in this volume) PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST).

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

About 1,500 people lost their lives in an earthquake around Aidin, Asia Minor, September 2.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

The island of Ceram, in the Moluccas, was visited by an earthquake and tidal wave, November 2. Many towns were destroyed, and 5,000 people killed.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899-1900. Recurrence of famine in India.

See (in this volume) INDIA A. D. 1899-1900.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1900.

The city of Galveston, Texas, was overwhelmed and mostly destroyed, on the 9th of September, by an unprecedented hurricane, which drove the waters of the Gulf upon the low-lying town.

See (in this volume) GALVESTON.

CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1901. Famine in China.

See (in this volume) CHINA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

CATHOLICS, Roman: Protest of British peers against the declaration required from the sovereign.

See (in this volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

CATHOLICS, Roman: Victory in Belgium.

See (in this volume) BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

See, also, PAPACY.

CEBU: The American occupation of the island.

See (in this volume) PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

CENSUS: Of the United States, A. D. 1900.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (MAY-OCTOBER).

CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE, British.

See (in this volume) BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE.

CENTRAL AMERICA, A. D. 1821-1898. Unsuccessful attempts to unite the republics.

"In 1821, after numerous revolutions, Central America succeeded in throwing off the yoke of Spain. A Congress assembled at Guatemala in March, 1822, and founded the Republic of Central America, composed of Guatemala, Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica. The new Republic had but a short existence; after numerous civil wars the Union was dissolved, October 26, 1838, and the five States of the Republic became so many independent countries. Several attempts toward a reorganization of the Constitution of the Republic of Central America remained fruitless and had cost the lives of certain of their authors, when, through the influence of Dr. P. Bonilla, President of the Republic of Honduras, a treaty was concluded between Nicaragua and Salvador, according to which the three Republics constituted a federation under the name of the Greater Republic of Central America. The three Republics became States, and the sovereignty of the federation was exercised by a Diet composed of three members, one for each State, and which convened every year in the capital of the Federal States.

"On the invitation of this Diet, the three States appointed a delegation which met as a Constituent Assembly at Managua, Nicaragua, and established a constitution, according to the terms of which the three States took the name of the United States of Central America, November 1, 1898. This Constitution, grand and patriotic, which, in the minds of those who had elaborated it, meant a complete consolidation of the three Federal States and a speedy realization of a reorganization of the Grand Republic of Central America, dreamed of by Morazan, had a sad ending. The day after the meeting of the Constituent Assembly a revolutionary movement hostile to the new federation broke out in Salvador and gave a new administration to this State. Its first act was to retire from the Union, and this secession brought about the dissolution of the United States of Central America; for, following the example of Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua took back their absolute sovereignty."

_H. Jalhay, quoted in Bulletin of American Republics, March, 1899._

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The secession of Salvador was brought about by a revolutionary movement, which overthrew the constitutional government of President Gutierrez and placed General Tomas Regolado at the head of a provisional government, which issued the following manifesto on the 25th of November, 1898: "Considering—That the compact of Amapala, celebrated in June, 1895, and all that proceeds therefrom, has not obtained the legitimate sanction of the Salvadorean people, and, moreover, has been a violation of the political constitution of Salvador; That in the assembled Constituent Assembly of Managua, reunited in June of the present year, the deputies of Salvador were not directly elected by the Salvadorean people, and for that reason had no legal authority to concur to a constituent law that could bind the Republic; That the union with the Republics of Honduras and Nicaragua under the contracted terms will seriously injure the interests of Salvador: Decrees. ART. 1. The Republic of Salvador is not obliged by the contract of Amapala to acknowledge any authority in the constitution of Managua of the 27th August of the current year, and it is released from the contract of union with the Republics of Honduras and Nicaragua. ART. 2. The Republic of Salvador assumes in full its self-government and independence, and will enter the union with the sister Republics of Central America when same is convenient to its positive interests and is the express and free will of the Salvadorean people."

_United States, 55th Congress, 3d Session, Senate Document Number 50._

CENTRAL AMERICA, A. D. 1884-1900. Interoceanic Canal measures of later years.

See (in this volume) CANAL, INTEROCEANIC, with accompanying map.

CENTRAL AMERICA, Nicaragua: A. D. 1894-1895. Insurrection in the Mosquito Indian Strip. The Bluefields Incident.

In his Annual Message to Congress, December, 1894, President Cleveland referred as follows to disturbances which had occurred during the year at Bluefields, the principal town of the Mosquito district of Nicaragua, and commonly known as "the Bluefields Incident:" "By the treaty of 1860 between Great Britain and Nicaragua, the former Government expressly recognized the sovereignty of the latter over the strip, and a limited form of self-government was guaranteed to the Mosquito Indians, to be exercised according to their customs, for themselves and other dwellers within its limits. The so-called native government, which grew to be largely made up of aliens, for many years disputed the sovereignty of Nicaragua over the strip and claimed the right to maintain therein a practically independent municipal government. Early in the past year efforts of Nicaragua to maintain sovereignty over the Mosquito territory led to serious disturbances, culminating in the suppression of the native government and the attempted substitution of an impracticable composite administration in which Nicaragua and alien residents were to participate. Failure was followed by an insurrection, which for a time subverted Nicaraguan rule, expelling her officers and restoring the old organization. This in turn gave place to the existing local government established and upheld by Nicaragua. Although the alien interests arrayed against Nicaragua in these transactions have been largely American and the commerce of that region for some time has been and still is chiefly controlled by our citizens, we can not for that reason challenge the rightful sovereignty of Nicaragua over this important part of her domain."

_United States, Message and Documents (Abridgment, 1894-1895)._

In his Message of 1895 the President summarized the later history of the incident as follows: "In last year's message I narrated at some length the jurisdictional questions then freshly arisen in the Mosquito Indian Strip of Nicaragua. Since that time, by the voluntary act of the Mosquito Nation, the territory reserved to them has been incorporated with Nicaragua, the Indians formally subjecting themselves to be governed by the general laws and regulations of the Republic instead of by their own customs and regulations, and thus availing themselves of a privilege secured to them by the treaty between Nicaragua and Great Britain of January 28, 1860. After this extension of uniform Nicaraguan administration to the Mosquito Strip, the case of the British vice-consul, Hatch, and of several of his countrymen who had been summarily expelled from Nicaragua and treated with considerable indignity, provoked a claim by Great Britain upon Nicaragua for pecuniary indemnity, which, upon Nicaragua's refusal to admit liability, was enforced by Great Britain. While the sovereignty and jurisdiction of Nicaragua was in no way questioned by Great Britain, the former's arbitrary conduct in regard to British subjects furnished the ground for this proceeding. A British naval force occupied without resistance the Pacific seaport of Corinto, but was soon after withdrawn upon the promise that the sum demanded would be paid. Throughout this incident the kindly offices of the United States were invoked and were employed in favor of as peaceful a settlement and as much consideration and indulgence toward Nicaragua as were consistent with the nature of the case."

_United States, Message and Documents (Abridgment, 1895-1896)._

CENTRAL AMERICA, Guatemala: A. D. 1895. Mexican boundary dispute.

See (in this volume) MEXICO: A. D. 1895.

CENTRAL AMERICA, Nicaragua: A. D. 1896-1898. Revolutionary conflicts.

Vice President Baca of Nicaragua joined a revolutionary movement which was set on foot in February, 1896, by the Clericals, for the overthrow of President Zelaya, and was declared Provisional President. The rebellion had much support from exiles and friends in Honduras; but the government of that State sustained and assisted Zelaya. The insurgents were defeated in a number of battles, and gave up the contest in May. During the civil war American and British marines were landed on occasions at Corinto to protect property there. In 1897, and again in 1898, there were renewed insurrections, quickly suppressed.

CENTRAL AMERICA, Costa Rica: A. D. 1896-1900. Boundary dispute with Colombia settled by arbitration.

See (in this volume) COLOMBIA: A. D. 1893-1900.

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CENTRAL AMERICA, Nicaragua—Costa Rica: A. D. 1897.

A dispute between Nicaragua and Costa Rica, as to the eastern extremity of their boundary line, was decided by General Alexander, a referee accepted by the two republics. The boundary had not been well defined in a treaty negotiated for its settlement in 1858. According to the terms of the treaty, the line was to start from the Atlantic at the mouth of the San Juan river; but changes of current and accumulation of river drift, etc., gave ground for dispute as to where the river actually made its exit. President Cleveland in 1888, acting as arbitrator at the request of the two countries, decided that the treaty of 1858 was valid, but was not clear as to which outlet of the delta was the boundary. Finally, in 1896, an agreement was reached for a final survey and marking of the boundary line, and President Cleveland, on request, appointed General Alexander as arbitrator in any case of disagreement between the surveying commissions. The decision gives to Nicaragua the territory upon which Greytown is situated, and practical control of the mouth of the canal.

CENTRAL AMERICA, Guatemala: A. D. 1897-1898. Dictatorship of President Barrios. His assassination.

In June, 1897, President José M. Reyna Barrios, whose six years term in the presidency would expire the next March, fearing defeat in the approaching election, forcibly dissolved the National Assembly and proclaimed a dictatorship. Three months later a revolt was organized by General Prospero Morales; but Barrios crushed it with merciless energy, and a veritable reign of terror ensued. In February, 1898, the career of the Dictator was cut short by an assassin, who shot him to avenge the death of a wealthy citizen, Don Juan Aparicio, whom Barrios had executed for expressing sympathy with the objects of the rebellion of the previous year. Control of the government was then taken by Dr. Cabrera, who had been at the head of the party which supported Barrios. A rising under Morales was again attempted, but failed. Morales, in a dying condition at the time, was betrayed and captured. Cabrera, with no more opposition, was elected President for six years.

CENTRAL AMERICA, Nicaragua—Costa Rica: A. D. 1900. Agreements with the United States respecting the control of territory for interoceanic canal.

See (in this volume) CANAL, INTEROCEANIC, A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

CENTURY, The Nineteenth: Date of its ending. Its character and trend. Comparison with preceding ages. Its failures.

See (in this volume) NINETEENTH CENTURY.

CERVERA, Rear-Admiral, and the Spanish Squadron at Santiago de Cuba.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE); and (JULY 3).

CHAFFEE, General Adna R.: At Santiago.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

CHAFFEE, General Adna R.: Commanding American forces in China.

See (in this volume) CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE-AUGUST); (JULY); and (AUGUST).

CHAFFEE, General Adna R.: Report of the allied movement to Peking and the capture of the city.

See (in this volume) CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST 4-16).

CHAKDARRA, Defense of.

See (in this volume) INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

CHALDEA, New light on ancient.

See (in this volume) ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA.

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph: Appointed British Secretary of State for the Colonies.

See (in this volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895; and 1900 (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER).

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph: Conference with Colonial Premiers.

See (in this volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph: Controversies with the government of the South African Republic.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-APRIL); 1896-1897 (MAY-APRIL), and after.

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph: Testimony before British Parliamentary Committee on the Jameson Raid. Remarks in Parliament on Mr. Rhodes.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph: Instructions to the Governor of Jamaica.

See (in this volume) JAMAICA: A. D. 1899.

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph: Reassertion of British suzerainty over the South African Republic. Refusal to arbitrate questions of disagreement.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (MAY-OCTOBER); and 1898-1899.

CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph: Declaration of South African policy.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1901.

CHANG CHIH-TUNG, Viceroy: Admirable conduct during the Chinese outbreak.

See (in this volume) CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

CHEMICAL SCIENCE, Recent advances in.

See (in this volume) SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

CHEROKEES, United States agreement with the.

See (in this volume) INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1894. Destruction of the Columbian Exposition buildings.

By a succession of fires, January 9, February 14, most of the buildings of the Exposition, with valuable exhibits not yet removed, were destroyed.

CHICAGO: A. D. 1896. Democratic National Convention.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

CHICAGO: A. D. 1899. Significance of the municipal election.

The municipal election of April 4, 1899, in Chicago, resulted in the reelection of Mayor Carter H. Harrison, Democrat, by 149,000 votes, against 107,000 cast for Zina R. Carter, Republican, and 46,000 for Ex-Governor Altgeld, radical Democrat, running independently. In the opinion of a correspondent of the "Review of Reviews," "The campaign disclosed three interesting results—namely: (1) the growth of independence and of attention to local issues; (2) the dominance of the street-railroad issue; and (3) the growth of sentiment in favor of municipal ownership. Nearly two-thirds of all the votes cast were against the Republican candidate, and our correspondent regards this as largely due to the belief that he, more than any of the others, represented the interests of the street-railroad corporations." This writer holds that "in all probability any practical proposition for municipal ownership and operation of the street-railroads would to-day be approved by a popular vote in Chicago."

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CHICAGO: A. D. 1900. Opening of the Drainage Canal.

An extraordinary public work was brought into use early in the year, by the opening of what is known as the Chicago Drainage Canal. This was constructed for the purpose of turning the natural flow of water in Chicago River backward, away from Lake Michigan, its natural embouchure, into the small Des Plaines River, which runs to the Illinois, and the Illinois to the Mississippi,—the object being to carry the sewage of Chicago away from the Lake, where it contaminates the water supply of the city. Part of the city sewage was already being sent in that direction by a pumping system which carried it over the divide; the purpose of the canal is to take the whole. The work was begun in September, 1892, and practically finished, so far as concerns the canal, in little more than seven years, at a cost of about $34,500,000. Changes in the city sewage system, to fully utilize the object of the canal, were still to be completed. When the full use is realized, there is said to be provision in the canal for a maximum discharge of 600,000 cubic feet of water per minute. Some have anticipated that such an outflow would seriously lower the level of the lakes; but there were no signs of that effect in the season of 1900. Nor did it seem to appear that the sewage then passing by river flow westward was doing harm to towns on the Illinois and Mississippi, as they had apprehended; but the discharge was, as yet, far short of what it is intended to be. It is possible that ultimately the Chicago Drainage Canal may become part of a navigable water-way from the lakes to the Mississippi, realizing an old project of water transportation in that direction to compete with the rails. The canal has been constructed upon a scale to suffice for that use; but the river-improvement called for is one of formidable cost.

About the time of the opening of the canal, the State of Missouri, by its Attorney-General, moved in the Supreme Court of the United States for leave to file a bill of complaint against the State of Illinois and the Sanitary District of Chicago, the purpose of which was to enjoin the defendants from discharging the sewage and noxious filth of the Sanitary District of Chicago into the Mississippi River by artificial methods. The complaint alleged that unless the relief sought is granted the water of the Mississippi, which is used for drinking and other domestic purposes by many thousands of inhabitants of the State, will be polluted, and that the public health will be endangered. The Court granted leave to file the bill. The defendants then interposed a demurrer, claiming that the controversy, not being in reality between two States, but between two cities, was one over which the Supreme Court has no jurisdiction. On the 28th of January, 1901, the Court rendered its decision, overruling the demurrer to its jurisdiction. The effect of the opinion is that the Drainage Canal attorneys now must answer the complaint that the sewage and noxious filth of the sanitary district are contaminating the waters of the Mississippi River at St. Louis. No evidence of the facts will be taken in court. On the request of the parties to the suit, a commission will be appointed to take testimony and make a report.

CHICAGO UNIVERSITY: Dedication of the Yerkes Observatory.

See (in this volume) YERKES OBSERVATORY.

CHICKASAWS, United States agreement with the.

See (in this volume) INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

CHIH-LI, The "Boxer" outbreak in.

See (in this volume) CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

CHILE: A. D. 1894-1900. The questions with Bolivia and Peru concerning Atacama, Tacna and Arica.

Of the treaties which closed the war of 1879-84 between Chile, Bolivia and Peru (see, in volume 1, CHILE: A. D. 1833-1884), that between Chile and Bolivia contained the following curious provision, of "indefinite truce," as it has been called: "Until the opportunity presents itself of celebrating a definite treaty of peace between the Republics of Chile and Bolivia, both countries duly represented by … have agreed to adjust a treaty of truce in accordance with the following bases: First, the Republics of Chile and Bolivia agree to celebrate an indefinite truce; and, in consequence, declare at an end the state of war, which will not be renewed unless one of the contracting parties should inform the other, with at least a year's notification, of its intention to recommence hostilities. In this case the notification will be made directly, or through the diplomatic representative of a friendly nation. Second, the Republic of Chile, while this truce is in force, shall continue to rule, in accordance with the political and administrative system established by Chilian law, the territories situated between parallel 238 and the mouth of the Loa in the Pacific, such territories having for their eastern boundary a straight line." Under this agreement Chile has held ever since the territory in question (which is the province of Atacama) and has claimed that her possession of it should be made conclusive and permanent by such a "definite treaty" as the "treaty of truce" in 1884 contemplated. In her view it was taken in lieu of a war indemnity. Bolivia has disputed this view, maintaining that a permanent cession of the province, which was her only seaboard, and without which she has no port, was not intended. The Bolivian government has continually urged claims to the restoration of a seaport for Bolivian trade, which Chile has refused.

At the same time when Atacama was taken from Bolivia, the provinces of Tacna and Arica were taken by Chile from Peru, with a stipulation in the peace treaty of Ancon (1884) that she should hold them for ten years, pending the payment by Peru of a war indemnity, and that the inhabitants should then decide by vote to which country they would belong. But, down to the close of the year 1900, the Chilian government had not allowed the vote to be taken.

In September, 1900, the dispute, as between Chile and Bolivia, was brought to what seemed to be an ultimate stage by an incisive note from the Chilian to the Bolivian government, proposing to grant to the latter "in exchange for a final cancelling of all claims to the littoral, three compensations, viz.: First, to pay all obligations contracted by the Bolivian Government with the mining enterprises at Huaichaca, Corocoro and Oruro, and the balance of the Bolivian loan contracted in Chile in 1867: second, an amount of money, to be fixed by mutual agreement, for the construction of a railroad connecting any port on the Chilian coast with the interior of Bolivia, or else to extend the present Oruro Railway; and, third, to grant free transit for all products and merchandise passing into and out of Bolivia through the port referred to." Bolivia has not seemed to be disposed to accept this proposal, and the situation is likely to become more strained than before.

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CHILI: A. D. 1896. Presidential election.

An excited but orderly presidential election held in June, 1896, without government interference, resulted in the choice of Senor Errazuriz, to succeed Admiral Jorge Montt, who had been at the head of the government since the overthrow and death of Balmaceda in 1891.

CHILI: A. D. 1898. Settlement of boundary dispute with Argentine Republic.

See (in this volume) ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1898.

CHILI: A. D. 1900. Adoption of compulsory military service.

The "Diario Oficial" of Chile of September 5, 1900, published a decree of the Chilian Government establishing compulsory military service in Chile. By the decree all Chileans will be liable to military service from their 20th to their 45th year. Every man on completing his 20th year will be liable to be chosen by lot to serve one year with the colors, after which, if so chosen, he will pass into the first reserve, where he will remain for nine years. Those not chosen by lot to serve one year with the colors will pass directly into the first reserve. The second reserve will consist of men of from 30 to 45 years of age. Among those who will be exempt from compulsory military service are the members of the Government, members of Congress, State and municipal councillors, Judges, the clergy, including all those who wear the tonsure, or belong to any religious order, the directors and teachers of public schools and colleges, and the police. The last, however, will be liable to military duty if called upon by the President. Various civil servants and every only son, or every one of two only sons of a family which he assists to maintain, may be excused service under certain conditions.

CHILI: A. D. 1900. Vote against compulsory arbitration at Spanish-American Congress.

See (in this volume) SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

----------CHINA: Start--------

CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895. The war with Japan. The peace treaty of Shimonoseki. Recognition of Korean independence. Cession of part of Fêng-tien, of Formosa, and of the Pescadores Islands to Japan. Relinquishment of Fêng-tien by Japan.

In the original edition of this work, the causes of the war of 1894-1895 between China and Japan will be found stated in the Supplement (volume 5, page 3736), under "COREA." In the new, revised edition, the same appears in volume 3, under "Korea." At the close of the year 1894 the Japanese were pressing their campaign, with little heed to the cold of winter, for which they seemed to be well prepared. They had won, almost with ease, every serious engagement of the war. They had half destroyed the Chinese navy, on the 18th of September, in a great battle at the mouth of the Yalu River, and, on the 21st-22d of November, they had captured Port Arthur, the strongest fortress in China, with costly dockyards and great stores of the munitions of war. In the first month of the new year the successes of the Japanese were renewed. Kaiphing was taken on the 10th; a vigorous Chinese attack was repulsed, near Niuchuang, on the 16th; a landing of 25,000 troops on the Shantung Peninsula was effected on the 20th, and a combined attack by army and navy on the strong forts which protected the important harbor of Wei-hai-wei, and the Chinese fleet sheltered in it, was begun on the 30th of the month. The attack was ended on the 13th of February, when the Chinese admiral Ting-Ju-chang gave up the remnant of his fleet and then killed himself. The Chinese general, Tai, had committed suicide in despair on the third night of the fighting. There was further fighting around Niuchuang and Yingkow during February and part of March, while overtures for peace were being made by the Chinese government. At length the famous viceroy, Li Hung-chang, was sent to Japan with full powers to conclude a treaty. Negotiations were interrupted at the outset by a foul attack on the Chinese ambassador by a Japanese ruffian, who shot and seriously wounded him in the cheek. But the Mikado ordered an armistice, and the Treaty of Shimonoseki was concluded and signed on the 17th of April. The essential provisions of the treaty are as follows:

"Article I. China recognizes definitely the full and complete independence and autonomy of Corea, and, in consequence, the payment of tribute and the performance of ceremonies and formalities by Corea to China in derogation of such independence and autonomy shall wholly cease for the future.

"Article II. China cedes to Japan in perpetuity and full sovereignty the following territories, together with all fortifications, arsenals, and public property thereon: (a.) The southern portion of the Province of Fêng-tien, within the following boundaries—The line of demarcation begins at the mouth of the River Yalu, and ascends that stream to the mouth of the River An-Ping: from thence the line runs to Fêng Huang; from thence to Haicheng; from thence to Ying Kow, forming a line which describes the southern portion of the territory. The places above named are included in the ceded territory. When the line reaches the River Liao at Ying Kow it follows the course of that stream to its mouth, where it terminates. The mid-channel of the River Liao shall be taken as the line of demarcation. This cession also includes all islands appertaining or belonging to the Province of Fêng-tien situated in the eastern portion of the Bay of Liao Tung, and in the northern part of the Yellow Sea. (b.) The Island of Formosa, together with all islands appertaining or belonging to the said Island of Formosa. ( (c.) The Pescadores Group, that is to say, all islands lying between the 119th and 120th degrees of longitude east of Greenwich and the 23rd and 24th degrees of north latitude. …

[Image: China East Coast.]

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"Article IV. China agrees to pay to Japan as a war indemnity the sum of 200,000,000 Kuping taels. The said sum to be paid in eight instalments. The first instalment of 50,000,000 taels to be paid within six months, and the second instalment of 50,000,000 taels to be paid within twelve months after the exchange of the ratifications of this Act. The remaining sum to be paid in six equal annual instalments as follows: the first of such equal annual instalments to be paid within two years, the second within three years, the third within four years, the fourth within five years, the fifth within six years, and the sixth within seven years after the exchange of the ratifications of this Act. Interest at the rate of 5 per cent. per annum shall begin to run on all unpaid portions of the said indemnity from the date the first instalment falls due. China shall, however, have the right to pay by anticipation at any time any or all of said instalments. In case the whole amount of the said indemnity is paid within three years after the exchange of the ratifications of the present Act, all interest shall be waived, and the interest for two years and a half, or for any less period if then already paid, shall be included as a part of the principal amount of the indemnity.

"Article V. The inhabitants of the territories ceded to Japan who wish to take up their residence outside the ceded districts shall be at liberty to sell their real property and retire. For this purpose a period of two years from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of the present Act shall be granted. At the expiration of that period those of the inhabitants who shall not have left such territories shall, at the option of Japan, be deemed to be Japanese subjects. Each of the two Governments shall immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications of the present Act, send one or more Commissioners to Formosa to effect a final transfer of that province, and within the space of two months after the exchange of the ratifications of this Act such transfer shall be completed.

"Article VI. All Treaties between Japan and China having come to an end in consequence of war, China engages, immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications of this Act, to appoint Plenipotentiaries to conclude with the Japanese Plenipotentiaries a Treaty of Commerce and Navigation, and a Convention to regulate frontier intercourse and trade. The Treaties, Conventions, and Regulations now subsisting between China and European Powers shall serve as a basis for the said Treaty and Convention between Japan and China. From the date of the exchange of the ratifications of this Act until the said Treaty and Convention are brought into actual operation the Japanese Government, its officials, commerce, navigation, frontier intercourse and trade, industries, ships and subjects, shall in every respect be accorded by China most-favoured-nation treatment. China makes, in addition, the following concessions to take effect six months after the date of the present Act:

1. The following cities, towns, and ports, in addition to those already opened, shall be opened to the trade, residence, industries, and manufactures of Japanese subjects under the same conditions, and with the same privileges and facilities as exist at the present open cities, towns, and ports of China. (1.) Shashih, in the Province of Hupeh. (2.) Chung King, in the Province of Szechuan. (3.) Suchow, in the Province of Kiang Su. (4.) Hangchow, in the Province of Chekiang.

The Japanese Government shall have the right to station Consuls at any or all of the above-named places.

2. Steam navigation for vessels under the Japanese flag for the conveyance of passengers and cargo shall be extended to the following places:

(1.) On the Upper Yangtsze River, from Ichang to Chung King.

(2.) On the Woosung River and the Canal, from Shanghae to Suchow and Hangchow. The Rules and Regulations which now govern the navigation of the inland waters of China by foreign vessels, shall, so far as applicable, be enforced in respect of the above-named routes, until new Rules and Regulations are conjointly agreed to.

3. Japanese subjects purchasing goods or produce in the interior of China or transporting imported merchandize into the interior of China, shall have the right temporarily to rent or hire warehouses for the storage of the articles so purchased or transported, without the payment of any taxes or exactions whatever.

4. Japanese subjects shall be free to engage in all kinds of manufacturing industries in all the open cities, towns, and ports of China, and shall be at liberty to import into China all kinds of machinery, paying only the stipulated import duties thereon. All articles manufactured by Japanese subjects in China, shall in respect of inland transit and internal taxes, duties, charges, and exactions of all kinds and also in respect of warehousing and storage facilities in the interior of China, stand upon the same footing and enjoy the same privileges and exemptions as merchandize imported by Japanese subjects into China. In the event additional Rules and Regulations are necessary in connection with these concessions, they shall be embodied in the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation provided for by this Article.

"Article VII. Subject to the provisions of the next succeeding Article, the evacuation of China by the armies of Japan, shall be completely effected within three months after the exchange of the ratifications of the present Act.

"Article VIII. As a guarantee of the faithful performance of the stipulations of this Act, China consents to the temporary occupation by the military forces of Japan, of Wei-hai-wei, in the Province of Shantung. Upon the payment of the first two instalments of the war indemnity herein stipulated for and the exchange of the ratifications of the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation, the said place shall be evacuated by the Japanese forces, provided the Chinese Government consents to pledge, under suitable and sufficient arrangements, the Customs Revenue of China as security for the payment of the principal and interest of the remaining installments of said indemnity. In the event no such arrangements are concluded, such evacuation shall only take place upon the payment of the final instalment of said indemnity. It is, however, expressly understood that no such evacuation shall take place until after the exchange of the ratifications of the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation.

"Article IX. Immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications of this Act, all prisoners of war then held shall be restored, and China undertakes not to ill-treat or punish prisoners of war so restored to her by Japan. China also engages to at once release all Japanese subjects accused of being military spies or charged with any other military offences. China further engages not to punish in any manner, nor to allow to be punished, those Chinese subjects who have in any manner been compromised in their relations with the Japanese army during the war.

"Article X. All offensive military operations shall cease upon the exchange of the ratifications of this Act."

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When the terms of the treaty were made known, Russia, Germany and France entered such protests against the cession of a portion of the Fêng-tien peninsula, on the main land, and brought such pressure to bear on Japan, that the latter was compelled to yield, and relinquished the districts in question by the following imperial proclamation, dated May 10, 1895:

"We recently, at the request of the Emperor of China, appointed Plenipotentiaries for the purpose of conferring with the Ambassadors sent by China, and of concluding with them a Treaty of Peace between the two Empires. Since then the Governments of the two Empires of Russia and Germany and of the French Republic, considering that the permanent possession of the ceded districts of the Fêng-tien Peninsula by the Empire of Japan would be detrimental to the lasting peace of the Orient, have united in a simultaneous recommendation to our Government to refrain from holding those districts permanently.

"Earnestly desirous as we always are for the maintenance of peace, nevertheless we were forced to commence hostilities against China for no other reason than our sincere desire to secure for the Orient an enduring peace. The Governments of the three Powers are, in offering their friendly recommendation, similarly actuated by the same desire, and we, out of our regard for peace, do not hesitate to accept their advice. Moreover, it is not our wish to cause suffering to our people, or to impede the progress of the national destiny by embroiling the Empire in new complications, and thereby imperilling the situation and retarding the restoration of peace. "China has already shown, by the conclusion of the Treaty of Peace, the sincerity of her repentance for her breach of faith with us, and has made manifest to the world our reasons and the object we had in view in waging war with that Empire. Under these circumstances we do not consider that the honour and dignity of the Empire will be compromised by resorting to magnanimous measures, and by taking into consideration the general situation of affairs. We have therefore accepted the advice of the friendly Powers, and have commanded our Government to reply to the Governments of the three Powers to that effect.

"We have specially commanded our Government to negotiate with the Chinese Government respecting all arrangements for the return of the peninsular districts. The exchange of the ratifications of the Treaty of Peace has now been concluded, the friendly relations between the two Empires have been restored, and cordial relations with all other Powers have been strengthened. We therefore command all our subjects to respect our will, to take into careful consideration the general situation, to be circumspect in all things, to avoid erroneous tendencies, and not to impair or thwart the high aspirations of our Empire."

_Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications: Papers by Command, Japan, Number 1, 1895._

CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895 (March-July). Cession of Kiang-Hung to France protested against by Great Britain.

In March, 1894, the government of China entered into a treaty with that of Great Britain, for the settlement of boundaries of Burmah, in which it agreed to make no cession of the district of Kiang-Hung, or any part of it, to any other Power. Notwithstanding this agreement, the eastern part of Kiang-Hung was ceded to France in July, 1895; for which proceeding the British Government promptly called China to account.

CHINA: A. D. 1895. Treaty with Russia, giving railway privileges and other rights in Manchuria.

On the 28th of October, 1896, the "North China Daily News," the leading English newspaper in China, published what purports to be, and is believed to be, the text of a secret treaty, concluded in the previous year, between Russia and China, under which the former is extending her Trans-Siberian railway system through Manchuria, and is practically in possession of that province. The preamble of the treaty declares that the Emperor of China has specially appointed the princes and great officers of the Crown composing the Imperial Chinese Ministry of War to confer with the Russian Minister concerning the connecting of the railway system of the Three Eastern Provinces with the Trans-Siberian Railway, "with the object of facilitating the transport of goods between the two empires and strengthening the frontier defences and sea coasts. And, furthermore, to agree upon certain special privileges to be conceded by China to Russia as a response to the loyal aid given by Russia in the retrocession of Liaotung and its dependencies." The articles of the convention relating to the route of the railway are as follows:

"I. Owing to the fact that the Russian Great Siberian Railway is on the point of completion, China consents to allow Russia to prolong her railway into Chinese territories (a) from the Russian port of Vladivostok into the Chinese city of Hunch'un, in the province of Kirin, from thence north-westwards to the provincial capital of Kirin, and (b) from a railway station of some city in Siberia to the Chinese town of Aiyun, in Heilungchiang province, from thence southwestwards to the provincial capital of Tsitsihar, and from thence to the town of Petunê, in Kirin province, and from thence south-eastwards to the provincial capital of Kirin.

"II. All railways built by Russia into the Chinese provinces of Heilungchiang and Kirin shall be built at the sole expense of Russia, and the regulations and building thereof shall be solely on the Russian system, with which China has nothing to do, and the entire control shall be in the hands of Russia for the space of thirty years. At the end of the said period China shall be allowed to prepare the necessary funds wherewith, after proper estimation of the value of the said railways, she shall redeem them, the rolling stock, machine shops, and buildings connected therewith. But as to how China will at that date redeem these railways shall be left for future consideration.

"III. China is now in the possession of a railway which she intends to extend from Shanhai-kuan into the provincial capital of Fêngtien—namely, Mukden (Shenking), and from Mukden to the provincial capital of Kirin. If China should hereafter find it inconvenient to build this road, she shall allow Russia to provide the funds to build the railway from the city of Kirin on behalf of China, the redemption of which road shall be permissible to China at the end of ten years. With reference to the route to be taken by this railway, Russia shall follow the surveys already made by China in connection therewith, from Kirin to Mukden, Newchwang, &c.

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"IV. The railway to be built by China, beginning from Shanhaikuan, in Fêngtien, to Newchwang, to Kaiping, to Chinchou, to Lushunk'ou (Port Arthur), and to Talienwan and their dependencies, shall follow the Russian railway regulations, in order to facilitate the commercial intercourse between the respective empires."

Article V authorizes Russia to place special battalions of horse and foot soldiers at the various important stations for the better protection of railway property. Article VII "permits" Russians and Chinese to exploit and open any mines in the Amur and Kirin provinces, and in the Long White Mountain range in the north of Korea. Article VIII "permits" Chinese to engage Russian military officers to reform the whole army organization of the three Eastern provinces in accordance with the Western system. The next three Articles are as follows:

"IX. Russia has never possessed a seaport in Asia which is free from ice and open all the year round. If, therefore, there should suddenly arise military operations in this continent, it will naturally be difficult for the Russian Eastern seas and Pacific fleets to move about freely and at pleasure. As China is well aware of this, she is willing to lease temporarily to Russia the port of Kiaochou (Chiaochou), in the province of Shantung, the period of such lease being limited to fifteen years. At the end of this period China shall buy all the barracks, godowns, machine shops, and docks built there by Russia (during her occupation of the said port). But should there be no danger of military operations, Russia shall not enter immediately into possession of the said port or hold the important points dominating the port in order to obviate the chance of exciting the jealousy and suspicions of other Powers. With reference to the amount of rent and the way it is to be paid, this shall form the subject of consideration in a protocol at some future date.

"X. As the Liaotung ports of Lushunk'ou (Port Arthur) and Talienwan and their dependencies are important strategical points, it shall be incumbent upon China to properly fortify them with all haste and to repair all their fortifications, &c., in order to provide against future dangers. Russia shall therefore lend all necessary assistance in helping to protect these two ports, and shall not permit any foreign Power to encroach upon them. China, on her part, also binds herself never to cede them to another country; but, if in future the exigencies of the case require it, and Russia should find herself suddenly involved in a war, China consents to allow Russia temporarily to concentrate her land and naval forces within the said ports in order the better to enable Russia to attack the enemy or to guard her own position.

"XI. If, however, there be no dangers of military operations in which Russia is engaged, China shall have entire control over the administration of the said ports of Lushunk'ou and Talienwan, nor shall Russia interfere in any way therein. But as regards the building of the railways in the three Eastern Provinces and the exploitation and opening of the mines therein, they shall be permitted to be proceeded with immediately after the ratification of this convention and at the pleasure of the people concerned therein. With reference to the civil and military officers of Russia and Russian merchants and traders travelling (in any part of the territories herein mentioned), wherever they shall go, they shall be given all the privileges of protection and facilities within the power of the local authorities, nor shall these officials be allowed to put obstructions in the way or delay the journeys of the Russian officers and subjects herein mentioned."

_Henry Norman, Russia and England (Contemporary Review, February, 1897)._

CHINA: A. D. 1895 {August). Massacre of missionaries at Hua Sang.

In the fall of 1894 the English and American missionaries at Ku Cheng, in the Chinese province of Fu Kien, of which Foochow is the capital, began to be threatened by a sect or party called the "Vegetarians" (Siah Chai), who were violently hostile to foreigners, and said to be revolutionary in their aims. The hostile demonstrations were repeated in the following April, and the missionary party started upon a retreat to Foochow, but were stopped on the way by news that the Mandarin at Ku Cheng had pacified the Vegetarians and that they might safely return. They did so and were apparently secure for some months. In July they retired from the city to a mountain sanatorium, named Hua Sang, 12 miles from Ku Cheng, and there, on the 1st day of August, without warning, they were surrounded by a Vegetarian band of some eighty savage men, armed with swords and spears, who performed a rapid work of murder, killing eleven persons, including six women and two children, and then disappeared. "These men did not belong either to Hua Sang or Ku Cheng, but came from some villages at a considerable distance. … The city authorities at Ku Cheng had no hand in the outrage. It was evidently the work of a band of marauders, and the district magistrate seems to have done all that could be done under the circumstances."

_D. M. Berry, The Sister Martyrs of Ku Cheng._

The British and American governments joined in sending a consular commission to investigate the crime, and with difficulty compelled the Chinese government to execute twenty of the ringleaders of the attack. At Fatshan, near Canton, there had been mob attacks on the missionary station, with destruction of buildings, but no murders, during the same month in which the massacre at Hua Sang occurred.

CHINA: A. D. 1896. Tour of Li Hung-chang in Europe and America.

"Li Hung Chang, the Chinese statesman, left Shanghai with a numerous suite, March 28, on board a French mail steamer for Europe, to represent the Emperor of China at the coronation of the Czar of Russia, and afterwards to visit other countries. He declared that his object was to see Europe for himself, in order to report to the Emperor as to feasible reforms for China. A great reception was offered to him at Hong-kong, but he refused to land by the advice of the European physician of the embassy, who feared lest any member of the suite, by catching the plague, would render the party liable to quarantine elsewhere. Proceeding to Singapore, via Saigon, he visited the Governor of the Straits Settlements. At Colombo he was received on landing by a guard of honour. After the Russian Coronation he visited Germany, Holland, Belgium and France, and arrived in London early in August. {80} Wherever he went he was lionised, and he lost no opportunity of asking questions and informing himself concerning the manufactures and armaments of the several countries he visited. He returned to China via New York and the Canadian Pacific Railway, sailing from Vancouver (September 14) for Yokohama and Tien-tsin, where he arrived October 3. Thence he proceeded to Peking (October 20), where he was received by the Emperor, and appointed a member of the Tsung-li-Yamen. At the same time for presuming to enter the precincts of the ruined Summer Palace while visiting the Empress Dowager after his return home, his enemies took occasion of the slight trespass to insult him, and proposed that he should be stripped of all his titles and honours, with the exception of the earldom, which is confirmed to the Li family for twenty-nine generations. The case was referred to the Board of Civil Appointments, and the Controller-General, Chang-chih-wan, decided that 'according to precedent' the ex-Viceroy should be cashiered, but on account of his life-long and distinguished services to the imperial dynasty he should be recommended to the clemency of the Throne, which took the form of a loss of one year's salary. He took over his seals of office in the Tsung-li-Yamen on November 1, but none of his colleagues were present to welcome him."

_Annual Register, 1896, pages 349-50._

CHINA: A. D. 1897. The condition of Manchuria and Mongolia.

See (in this volume) MANCHURIA AND MONGOLIA.

CHINA: A. D. 1897. Foreigners resident in China. Ports open to them.

"In the 'Bulletin de la Société de Géographie Commerciale,' Paris, Volume XIX, a report is published from which the following extracts are taken: There are over ten thousand Europeans and Americans resident in China. The English head the list with 4,000; the Americans number 1,325; Germans, 882; French, 875; Portuguese, 805; Spaniards, 461; Norwegians, 375; Russians, 116; Italians, 108, etc. There are 669 Japanese. Twenty-two ports are open to foreign residence, that is to say, that Europeans are allowed to acquire conditional title to certain lands, on which they live, govern themselves, and have special privileges in judicial matters. The ports are Mengtz, Lung Chow, Pakhoi, King Chow, Lappa, Canton, Kowlon, Swatow, Amoy, Fuchau, Winchow, Ningpo, Shanghai, Chinkiang, Wuhu, Kiukiang, Hankow, Ichang, Chungking, Chefoo, Tientsin, and Niuchwang. It is to be noted that Peking does not appear on this list, although the embassies and legations are established there. The Chinese who find themselves under foreign jurisdiction appear more than contented with the situation, because, although taxes are high, they are fixed. Two hundred thousand natives live in the European settlements of Shanghai. Besides the foreign residents of China, a large number live in ports that have been ceded to other nations. For instance, Hongkong comprises in its civil population 4,195 Europeans and Americans. With the troops and sailors, this number is raised to 8,545. Hongkong is the actual capital of foreign industry in the far East. More than 3,000 vessels, with a tonnage of nearly 4,000,000 touch there annually. The same spirit which caused the development of Singapore, Colombo, and Hongkong is to be found in the foreign settlements of the open ports of China."

_United States Consular Reports, October, 1897, page 315._

CHINA: A. D. 1897 (May-June). Cessions and concessions to England and France.

In May, the Chinese government sanctioned an extension of the British settlement at Tien-tsin from 65 acres to about 300. In the next month, it satisfied the complaints of Great Britain concerning the cession of Kiang-Hung to France (see above: A. D. 1894-1895, MARCH-JULY), by ceding to that Power the Shan district of Kokang, about 400 square miles in extent, and leasing to Great Britain in perpetuity a considerable tract at the south of the Namwan River. The same treaty opened new routes to trade across the frontier between Burmah and China, and admitted British consuls and merchants to two new ports. At about the same time France secured mining privileges on the Tonquin frontier and rights for the extension of a railway into Chinese territory.

CHINA: A. D. 1897 (November). Germany opens the attack of European Powers on the integrity of the Chinese Empire. Seizure of the port of Kiao-Chau. Concessions obtained as reparation for the murder of German missionaries.

"Among the recent events that have attracted especial attention to China is the lease to foreign nations of important strategic or commercial ports on the coast of the Empire. While the Portuguese have controlled the island of Macao, near Canton, since 1537, and the English became owners of the island of Hongkong, in the same vicinity, by the treaty of 1842, no other nation had possessions on or near the coast of China until within a comparatively recent date. One result of the war between China and Japan was that Japan obtained the island of Formosa, lying 90 miles off the coast of central China. By this treaty Japan was also to have certain territory on the peninsula of Liaotung, which commands from the north the entrance to the Gulf of Pechili, the gateway to the capital of China; but on the urgent protest of Russia, France, and Germany this was abandoned, and the mainland of China up to that time thus remained intact. On November 4, 1897, however, the German Government seized the port of Kiao-chau, on the northeastern coast of China, asserting as the cause of its action the desire to obtain satisfaction for the murder of [two] German missionaries by Chinese on November 1 of that year. This port was held by a German war ship until the announcement of a treaty with China by which the port of Kiaochau and adjacent territory were leased to Germany for a term of ninety-nine years, the German Government being given the right to land troops, construct fortifications, and establish a coaling and naval station, while German subjects were to have the right to construct railways, open mines, and transact business in the rich mineral and agricultural province of Shantung, in which Kiaochau is located, Chinese vessels, however, to have the same privileges in the port of Kiaochau that the German Government might decide to give to other nations."

_United States Bureau of Statistics, Monthly Summary of Commerce and Statistics, March, 1899._

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The terms of the German acquisition of Kiao-chau, as officially communicated to the Reichstag by Herr von Bülow, Foreign Secretary of the German Empire, on the 8th of February, 1898, were as follows: "The Imperial Chinese Government, in fulfilment of the legitimate wish of the German Government to possess, in common with other Powers, a point in the matters [waters?] of Eastern Asia, where German vessels may be fitted out and repaired, where the necessary materials can be deposited, and other arrangements made in connection with that object, cedes to the German Government in the form of a lease, to run, as at present fixed, for a period of ninety-nine years, the territory situated on both sides of the entrance to the Bay of Kiao-chau, in South Shantung, more accurately described below, in such a manner that the German Government will be at liberty to erect all necessary buildings, &c., within the territory, and take all the measures required for their defence. According to the English chart of Kiao-chau Bay of 1863, the district leased to the German Government consists of the following:

1. The promontory north of the entrance to the bay, bounded on the north-east by a straight line drawn from the extreme north-eastern point of Potato Island to the sea-coast in the direction of Zoshan.

2. The promontory south of the entrance to the bay, bounded on the south-west by a straight line drawn from the southernmost point of the inlet situated to the south-west of Tschiposan, in the direction of the Tolosan Islands (Weber chart), to the sea-coast.

3. The Island of Tschiposan and Potato Island, as well as all the islands lying at the entrance to the bay, inclusive of Tolosan and Seslien. Further, the Chinese Government undertake not to frame any Regulations within a zone of 50 kilometers round the bay without the consent of the German Government, and, in particular, to offer no resistance to any measures necessary for regulating the course of the rivers. The Chinese Government also grant to German troops the right of passage across the zone above described. With the object of avoiding every possibility of collision, the Chinese Government will exercise no rights of sovereignty within the leased territory during the period of the lease, but they cede these rights as well as those over the entire water-surface of the Bay of Kiao-chau to the German Government. The German Government will erect sea-marks on the islands and shallows at the entrance to the bay.

4. In the event of the territory leased not proving to be adapted to the requirements of the German Government, the Government of China will cede to Germany a more suitable district, and will take back the Bay of Kiao-chau, paying compensation for any improvements or constructions the Germans may have made there.

5. A more accurate delimitation of the boundaries of the district leased will take place in accordance with the local conditions, and will be carried out by Commissioners from both Governments."

The Foreign Secretary added the following particulars respecting the area, &c., of the territory and the character of the lease:

"The territory leased, the boundaries of which are not yet accurately determined, will cover an area of 30 to 50 square kilometers. Consequently, it is materially larger than the British possession at and opposite Hong Kong. For military reasons, the northern boundary had been pushed a little further forward than is shown on the map presented to the Budget Commission. The number of inhabitants is calculated at a few thousand. As regards the size of the bay, accurate details are as yet wanting. It runs about 20 geographical miles into the mainland. At its narrowest point, the entrance to the bay is about 3,000 metres broad. Two-thirds of the bay afford harbour accommodation. The rent payable to China, the exact amount of which has not yet been determined, is an unimportant point, as it possesses a nominal character merely representing the continuation in theory of the proprietorship of China over the territory ceded. The following stipulations have been secured respecting railway and mining concessions:—The Chinese Government have consented to hand over to a German-Chinese Railway Company, to be formed hereafter, the construction of a railway from Kiao-chau, which will run first in a northerly and then in a westerly direction, to be subsequently connected with the projected great railway system of China. The railway will serve the coalfields of Weih-sien and Poshan, situated to the north of Kiao-chau, which will be exploited by German capital. The Chinese Government have further pledged themselves to accord to the Railway Company to be thus formed, conditions at least as favourable as those granted to any other European Chinese Railway Company in China."

The Foreign Secretary concluded his speech with an exposition of the motives which had induced the German Government to occupy Kiao-chau in preference to other places. Its proximity to the scene of the massacre had been the first consideration. Secondly, it was favourably situated from a political point of view, being removed from the French and British spheres in Southern China and from the Russian base of operations in the north. Lastly, the spacious, ice-free harbour, the climate, which is probably the best to be met with in China, and the existence of coalfields in the vicinity of the coast, offered sufficient grounds for the choice of Kiao-chau. Herr von Billow might have quoted in this connection a candid remark which had been made not long before by the "Kolonial Zeitung:" "The principal point is that the Power which possesses Kiao-chau will control the coal supply in northern Chinese waters."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command: China, Number 1, 1898._

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (February). British diplomacy in China. The tone in which foreign demands were made on the Tsung-li Yamên. Agreement not to alienate the Yang-tsze region.

Early in 1898 the Chinese government was in need of money for the final payment of indemnity to Japan, and opened negotiations with the British government for the guarantee of a loan: Her Majesty's Ministers were quite ready to give the needed financial aid, for a consideration, requiring, in return, that Ta-lien-wan should be opened to trade as a treaty port. But Russia was then scheming to secure possession of Ta-lien-wan, and interfered with the British negotiation so vigorously that the Chinese were frightened into breaking it off, even after they had practically accepted the offered loan. Not daring, however, to take from Russia the financial guarantee which they rejected at British hands, they thought to balance themselves between these jealous rivals by borrowing without help from either. Both the Powers were thus offended, England especially showing stern resentment on account of the slight with which she had been treated. The following report by Sir Claude MacDonald, the British Minister at Peking, of his interviews with the Tsung-li-Yamên on the subject, is very interesting, as showing the tone in which the European Powers were making demands on the government of China at that time. The despatch of Sir Claude MacDonald is dated at Peking, February 20, 1898.

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"Since the 4th of February," he wrote. "I have had four interviews with the Yamên for the purpose of extracting some concessions in return for the rejection of the offer of a guaranteed loan from Great Britain after it had in principle been accepted. At the first of these, on the 5th February, the Yamên refused to recognize that we had any claim to compensation, declaring that the refusal of a Russian as well as a British guarantee left no ground for complaint. I told them that this argument might have had some plausibility if the two offers had been equally advantageous, or if the Chinese Government had not committed themselves to serious negotiations with us. The British Government had at China's own request reluctantly agreed to do her a very exceptional favour, and the Yamên could not suppose that we should accept with equanimity a brusque intimation that the Chinese Government had changed its mind.

"The Yamên abounded in protestations of their readiness at some future date to give proofs of their gratitude to Great Britain in the shape of encouragement to commerce, but they insisted that the loan negotiations must first be dismissed, and all demands for compensation in connection with them dropped. I refused to telegraph such a suggestion to your Lordship, and as after long debate they still refused to bind themselves by any promises, I reminded them that at an earlier interview they had asked me whether the action threatened by Great Britain in the event of their accepting a Russian guarantee would equally be taken if they borrowed from neither Power. I could not at the time answer the question, but I could now tell them that Her Majesty's Government had a right to feel deeply affronted by what had occurred, and I would not be answerable for the consequences if they declined to make to Great Britain even such concessions as they had frequently admitted to be in China's own interests.

"The Yamên begged me to smooth matters for them, to which I answered that their present attitude made it impossible for me to do so. Let them permit me to report that China was ready to open inland navigation to steamers; to establish Treaty ports at Nanning and Hsiang T'an; and to give reasonable security to trade by a pledge against alienation of the Yang-tsze region to another Power, and the rejection of our loan might be forgiven. All these were matters within the Yamên's power.

"The Ministers did not deny the feasibility of what I had asked (except as regarded the opening of Nanning), but objected to these measures being tacked on to the loan, for if that were done, Russia would at once demand counter-concessions for the rejection of her loan, and China would be placed in a very difficult position. On this they laid much stress. I said I did not insist on the concessions being formally announced as made to England in connection with the loan, and should be prepared to move Her Majesty's Government to treat them as steps taken spontaneously by China, but that I absolutely refused to treat the loan account as settled until I had some definite assurance that these measures would be carried out within a fixed time. The Yamên again attempted to persuade me to leave the carrying out of the measures indicated entirely to the Chinese Government, and it was only after the usual prolonged argument that they consented to open internal waters to steam navigation within four months; to let me know at an early date when they would open a port in Hunan, and to give me a written guarantee against the alienation of the Yang-tsze region to a foreign Power."

After reporting conversation on other matters, the Minister recounted his action on the subject of the Yang-tsze region, and on that of the opening of inland waterways to steam navigation, at an interview with the Tsung-li Yamên on the 9th. "I then produced," he said, "a draft of the note I intended addressing to them with regard to non-alienation of the Yang-tsze region. This was accepted with little demur, with the insertion of the words 'now entirely in China's possession,' which, as recording an undeniable fact, I agreed to put in. Copies of the notes subsequently exchanged are inclosed. I have not thought it necessary to narrate the arguments by which I supported the demand for this pledge at both these interviews. My chief ground was that we could not afford to find one morning that by reason of the murder of a foreign subject, or the refusal of some demand by a foreign Power, some place on the Yang-tsze had been seized and was to be retained on a ninety-nine years' lease. I then handed to the Ministers the despatch … recording their assurance with regard to steam navigation of inland waterways. They read it with attention, and accepted it as satisfactory."

Of the notes thus passed between the British Minister and the Tsung-li Yamên, that of the former, dated February 9, was as follows: "Your Highnesses and your Excellencies have more than once intimated to me that the Chinese Government were aware of the great importance that has always been attached by Great Britain to the retention in Chinese possession of the Yang-tsze region, now entirely hers, as providing security for the free course and development of trade. I shall be glad to be in a position to communicate to Her Majesty's Government a definite assurance that China will never alienate any territory in the provinces adjoining the Yang-tsze to any other Power, whether under lease, mortgage, or any other designation. Such an assurance is in full harmony with the observations made to me by your Highnesses and your Excellencies."

On the 11th, the Yamên returned the following reply: "The Yamên have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of the British Minister's despatch of the 9th February, stating that the Yamên had more than once intimated to him that the Chinese Government were aware of the great importance that has always been attached by Great Britain to the retention in Chinese possession of the Yang-tsze region, now entirely hers, as providing security for the free course and development of trade. The British Minister would be glad to be in a position to communicate to Her Majesty's Government a definite assurance that China would never alienate (any territory) in the provinces adjoining the Yang-tsze to any other Power, whether under lease, mortgage, or any other designation. {83} The Yamên have to observe that the Yang-tsze region is of the greatest importance as concerning the whole position (or interests) of China, and it is out of the question that territory (in it) should be mortgaged, leased, or ceded to another Power. Since Her Britannic Majesty's Government has expressed its interest (or anxiety), it is the duty of the Yamên to address this note to the British Minister for communication to his Government."

The despatch recording the Chinese concession of steam navigation on inland waters was in the following terms: "It was … with great pleasure that I learnt from your Highnesses and your Excellencies at a recent interview that the Chinese Government had determined that wherever the use of native boats is now by Treaty permitted to foreigners, they shall equally be permitted to employ steamers or steam-launches, whether Chinese or foreign-owned, or their own boats, and, further, that this arrangement would come into effect before the end of the 4th Chinese moon. I shall have great pleasure in communicating the Chinese Government's decision to my Government, for it is an indication that China is prepared to take every step open to her to increase the volume of trade, and so add to her resources and the wealth of the people."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command: China, Number 1, 1899, page 13-18._

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (February-December). The "Battle of Concessions," for railway building and mining.

By summer-time in 1898 the scramble among the Powers for footholds of territory on the Chinese coast seemed to be giving way to what Lord Salisbury described as "the battle of concessions," for the building of railways and the opening of mines. This newer battle gave his lordship much anxiety. On the 13th of July he cabled to Sir Claude MacDonald: "It does not seem that the battle of Concessions is going well for us, and that the mass of Chinese railways, if they are ever built, will be in foreign hands is a possibility that we must face. One evil of this is, that no orders for materials will come to this country. That we cannot, help. The other evil is, that by differential rates and privileges the Managers of the railways may strangle our trade. This we ought to be able to prevent, by pressing that proper provisions for equal treatment be inserted in every Concession."

The British Minister at Peking, in reply, dissented warmly from Lord Salisbury's opinion. "The battle of Concessions is not, in my opinion," he cabled on the 23d of July, "going against us. … Up to the present, any concessions granted to other nationalities are far out-balanced in financial value by the Shansi and Honan mining and railway concession, with its possible extensions. I have consistently informed the Chinese government that, as to differential rates and privileges, we want none ourselves, and cannot admit that other nationalities have a claim to them." In due time, as will appear, Sir Claude was able to furnish very good evidence in support of his contention that the "battle of concessions" was not going against Great Britain, by forwarding a list of all the concessions granted to clamoring capitalists and promoters of the several nationalities. Meantime, he gave close attention to the varying fortunes of the battle.

A concession for the Peking-Hankow Railway was the one which interested the English most. Its line would traverse the rich and populous provinces of Chi-li, Honan, and Hoa-Pé, and be connected by another line, for which the Russo-Chinese Bank held concessions, with the valuable coal-mining basin of Ping-ting. Early in August, the British found reason to believe that the pending agreement with a Belgian syndicate for the building of this road was one that would give control of it to the Russo-Chinese Bank,—which meant Russian, or Russian and French control. He promptly remonstrated to the Yamên, and was assured that the agreement had not yet been submitted to the throne, and would not be ratified if the effect were such as he had described. He cabled this assurance to Lord Salisbury on the 6th of August. On the 13th he had a very different report to make. "I learnt on the 9th," he says, "that the Yamên had, under the influence of Li Hung-chang, abandoned this position [that they would not ratify the Belgian agreement if its effect was to give control of the Peking-Hankow line of railway to the Russo-Chinese Bank], and intended to ratify the agreement immediately. In view of the urgency of the matter, I addressed a note on the same day to the Yamên, in which I asked for an interview on the 10th or 11th instant, and informed them that the Chinese text of the Contract had reached me, warning them at the same time that if they did not give me another interview before they ratified the Agreement Her Majesty's Government would look upon their action as unfriendly, and would probably insist on the same rights being given to Great Britain in all the provinces adjoining the Yang-tsze.

"On the evening of the 10th the Yamên answered that they would appoint a day for an interview when they had received the Contract, which, they said, had not yet reached Peking for ratification. On the 11th I replied that I understood from this communication that they undertook not to ratify until they had seen me. To this they returned an evasive answer to the effect that they were all engaged by ceremonies at the Palace connected with the Emperor's birthday, which would last some days. I should add that I had already, on the 10th, sent them a note in which I criticized the Contract in detail, stating finally that I should have further objections to bring forward at my interview with them. I now hear on good authority that the Contract was ratified yesterday, the 12th. That the ratification has thus been rushed through is undoubtedly due to the influence of Li Hung-chang, combined with strong pressure on the part of the Representatives of Russia, France, and Belgium, and if heavy payment is not exacted from the Chinese Government for their bad faith, Li will persuade his colleagues that it is safer to slight England than any other Power, and any pressure which we may want to bring to bear in other matters will be without weight. I therefore think that Her Majesty's Government should insist either:—

"1. On a written assurance from the Yamên that if British Syndicates apply for any railway concessions in the Yang-tsze provinces, they shall be given on the same terms as those which France, under cover of the Belgian Syndicate, has received in the Peking-Hankow Contract, and that no mining or railway concessions will be granted in those provinces unless they have been previously declined by British Syndicates; or

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"2. On a written assurance that all railways for which British Syndicates are now in Treaty, that is to say— (a.) The Shan-hai-Kuan-Niuchwang line; (b.) The line from Tien-tsin to Chinkiang (the latter, as I understand, in conjunction with Germans and Americans); (c.) The line from Shanghae to Nanking with its continuations and branches; (d.) The lines in Honan and Shansi should be granted without any further delay on terms identical with those contained in the Contract for the Peking-Hankow line. The latter consist, so far as I can learn, in complete control over the construction, choice of material, working, and personnel of the line, together with an Imperial guarantee for the repayment of the loan.

The second demand seems to me to be preferable on the whole; it will be impossible to obtain either demand without bringing great pressure to bear, and I consider that the demand should be made not as a compensatory concession, but as a punishment for bad faith."

On the 17th the reply of the British Foreign Office was sent by Mr. Balfour, as follows:

"With reference to your telegram of the 13th instant, inform Yamên that they must assent to your proposal Number 2 without delay, omitting from it the Shankaikuan-Newchwang Railway, which we must deal with as a separate question. You are authorized to inform them, if you have any reason to apprehend that they will delay compliance, that, unless they agree at once, we shall regard their breach of faith concerning the Peking-Hankow Railway as an act of deliberate hostility against this country, and shall act accordingly. After consultation with the Admiral, you may give them the number of days or hours you think proper within which to send their reply. The delay should not be of too long duration. It should be noted, on face of your demand, that Chingkiang Concession is for Americans and Germans, if they desire a share, as well as ourselves. Also make it clear that your ultimatum has nothing to do with the line to Newchwang."

The tone of these demands made them effectual. On the 4th of September, Sir Claude MacDonald was able to announce to his superiors, in London: "At an interview which I had with them yesterday, the Yamên entered into the following undertaking:—Within the next few days they will address a despatch to me, apologising for their action, and consenting to the construction of the following lines by British Syndicates:

1. A. line from Shanghae to Nanking with a continuation viâ Chinkiang to Sui Yang. They said, however, that the latter route was that followed by the line from Tien-tsin to Chinkiang, for which they said that a Preliminary Agreement had been signed between Yung Wing and the Anglo-American Syndicate; and the continuation in question must be dependent on the cancellation of that Agreement.

2. A line connecting Hangchow and Soochow with Shanghae, to be continued if required to Ningpo.

3. A line from Canton to Kowloon.

4. The Peking Syndicate to be entitled to construct a railway to convey minerals from their mines to the Yang-tsze. The Yamên have also agreed to send me a Confidential note embodying a declaration that the terms accorded for the construction of these lines will not be inferior to those granted for the construction of any railways in China proper. The Manchurian lines are excluded from the scope of this Agreement. I venture to think that this is a satisfactory settlement. I did not give them an ultimatum, confining myself to a warning of the grave consequences which would now attend any failure on their part to keep their word. The fact that the fleet is concentrating is, of course, known to them."

Before receiving this announcement, Mr. Balfour had cabled, on the 24th of August:

"Negotiations with Yamên may be facilitated if you informed them at once that, unless the very moderate terms already demanded are immediately complied with, we shall, in addition, require the Concession of another line, on same conditions as those granted in case of Peking Hankow line of railway, and that additional demands will be preferred as the result of further delay. If you think it would conduce to the rapid and satisfactory termination of the negotiations, you are authorized to make a communication to them in this sense." Whether this suggestion was acted upon or not does not appear.

This transaction, connected with the project of a railway from Peking to Hankow, appears to illustrate, not unfairly, on the whole, the mode in which speculative concessions were being wrung from the Chinese government in the busiest year of oriental speculation, 1898. The outcome of the grand "battle" was communicated by Sir Claude MacDonald to Lord Charles Beresford, on the 23d of November, in a full list of the concessions then granted to British subjects, compared with the grants to other nationalities. "We do not seem," wrote Sir Claude, with pardonable complacency, "to have come out second best. … Not a single bona fide or approximately practical scheme which has been brought to this Legation has failed to be put through." The summarized result in railway concessions was

9 British (2,800 miles); 3 Russian (1,530 miles); 2 German (720 miles); 3 French (420 miles); 1 Belgian (650 miles); 1 American (300 miles).

In detail, the railway and mining concessions were described in the list as follows:

CHINA: "Railway and other Concessions obtained by British Companies:

I. Province of Shansi. The Peking Syndicate have acquired the 'sole right to open and work coal and iron mines throughout the districts of Yu Hsien and Ping Ting-chou, and the Prefectures of Lusan Fu, Tsü-chou Fu, and Ping Yang Fu, and also petroleum, wherever found.' Under their contract, the Syndicate have also the right to 'construct branch railways to connect with main lines or with water navigation, to facilitate transport of Shansi coal.' This has been interpreted officially to include the right of connecting the mines with Siang-yang in Hupeh, the nearest head of navigation giving access to the Yang-tsze. This means a railway of 250 miles. As to the value of this Concession, it is not amiss to quote the testimony of Baron von Richthofen, the great authority on the geology of China. He says that, 'in proportion to its area, Shansi has probably the largest and most easily workable coalfield of any region on the globe, and the manufacture of iron is capable of almost unlimited extension.'

II. Province of Honan. The Peking Syndicate have also acquired rights similar to those obtained in Shansi in that part of Honan north of the Yellow River.

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III. Province of Chihli. The Hong Kong and Shanghae Bank are financing and controlling the North China railways from Peking to Tien-tsin, and thence to Shanhaikuan and Newchwang. The total length of these lines is about 500 miles, of which 300 miles are completely open to traffic.

IV. This bank has also acquired a half-interest in the coal-mines at Nan P'iao, in the Ch'ao-yang district. According to experts, these mines possess the best and richest coal seams in North China, and they have the immense advantage of being close to a line of railway and the sea.

V. Provinces of Chihli and Kiangsu. The Tsung-li Yamên have undertaken officially that the construction of the Tien-tsin-Chinkiang line shall be intrusted to an Anglo-German Syndicate. The British portion of this Syndicate is represented in China by Messrs. Jardine, Matheson, and Co., and the Hong Kong and Shanghae Bank. This will be a trunk line of 600 miles, passing through more populous country than the Lu-Han Railway (the Belgian line), with which it is certain to be able to compete successfully.

VI. Province of Kiangsu. A British Syndicate, represented by Messrs. Jardine, Matheson, and Co., and the Hong Kong and Shanghae Bank, has obtained the Concession to finance and construct the Shanghae-Nanking Railway. There is no more paying district than this for a railway in China. The length of line will be 170 or 180 miles.

VII. Provinces of Kiangsu, Anhui, and Honan. The same Syndicate has the right to extend the Shanghae-Nanking Railway from P'u-k'ou, opposite Nanking, to Hsin Yang, in Honan, a distance of 270 miles.

VIII. Provinces of Kiangsu and Chekiang. The same Syndicate has the right to construct a line from Soochow to Hangchow, with a possible extension to Ningpo. This line will run through very populous districts for over 200 miles. The last three Concessions all lie within the Yang-tsze region.

IX. Province of Chêkiang. The Peking Syndicate have also obtained mining Concessions similar to the Shansi and Honan in this province.

X. Province of Kwangtung. The Jardine Syndicate has the right to construct a railway from Kowloon to Canton. The length of line will be nearly 100 miles.

XI. Provinces of Hupei, Kiangsi, and Kwangtung. An American Syndicate signed a preliminary Agreement for the construction of a railway from Hankow to Canton in May last. Negotiations are now in progress for the amalgamation of this Concession with Number 10, Kowloon to Canton, and the working of the whole line from Hankow to Kowloon by an Anglo-American Company. This will be a trunk line of, approximately, 600 miles long.

XII. Provinces of Yünnan, Kweichow, and Ssuchuan. The right to extend the Burmah system into China as far as the Yang-tsze is admitted, and surveys are now in progress. This involves a possible railway of 700 miles.

See Remarks on French Concessions.

CHINA: "Concessions other than British. Russian.

The Manchurian Railway Concession dates from 1896. As is well known, it was obtained as recompense for help given in securing the retrocession of Liaotung. From Stretensk on the Shilka, where it leaves the main Siberian line, this railway will cross the Argun and Hingan Mountains, and reach Kirin viâ Petuna. The whole length from Stretensk to Vladivostock is estimated at 1,400 miles, of which about 1,000 will pass through Chinese territory. The Concession is purely strategical. The country traversed, though potentially rich, in great part is, and will be for long, sparsely populated, and the line cannot, in the near future at any rate, hope to pay its working expenses.

2. The Port Arthur Agreement of March 1898 arranges for the conclusion by Russia of a branch from the above line to Port Arthur or Talienwan. The length of the railway will be about 400 miles. Commercially, this branch is more promising than the first Concession.

3. The Russo-Chinese Bank has signed a contract for the construction of a branch line from T'ai-yüan Fu to connect with the Lu-Han trunk lines near Chêng-tung. Length, approximately 130 miles. They have, up to date, been unable to raise money for this line. I think it very possible that it will eventually be built by an Anglo-Russian Syndicate. I am trying to arrange this.

"French.—The French possess the right to construct three lines, but beyond acquiring this right they have done nothing.

1. From Tonquin up the Red River Valley to Yünnan Fu, say 200 miles. The impression in French railway circles is that a railway through Yünnan will not pay expenses, and if any serious attempt is made to carry out the extension of the Tonquin system, it will be merely as a stepping-stone to Ssü-ch'uan. Yet again, any pretensions that a railway from Yünnan to the Yang-tsze may have to rank as a commercial project have been pronounced against by every traveller in Central China.

2. Langson-Lungchow-Nanning Railway; length, about 100 miles. (There appears to be an alternative open to the French of going to Pésé instead of Nanning.) The right to build this line has been conceded, but the idea is growing amongst the French of Tonquin that, instead of diverting traffic from the West River, a line from Langson to Lungchow and Nanning would prove an additional feeder of the West River route.

3. From Pakhoi inland, presumably to Nanning; length, say 120 miles. The Tonquin press have pointed out that this line will benefit English commerce more than French. It will never, in my opinion, be built-by the French.

" German. 1. Kiao-chau-Yichow-Tsinan line; length, 420 miles. Nothing has been done towards the construction of this line, which does not promise commercially.

2. Tien-tsin-Chin-kiang line to be built by an Anglo-German Company.

See Number 5 of the British Concessions.

"Belgian. The Lu-Han or Peking-Hankow Railway. A Franco-Belgian Syndicate have secured the Concession for this, a trunk line of some 650 or 700 miles, passing north and south through Chihli, Honan, and Hupeh. This railway is an old project born of Chang-Chih-Tung's objection to building lines near the coast, 'lest they should facilitate the access of an enemy.' Its prospects as a commercial enterprise are not considered so good as those of the rival Tien-tsin-Chinkiang line.

"American. The only railway in which America is at present interested is the trunk line projected from Hankow to Canton."

See British Concessions, Number 11.

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On the 18th of December the British Minister announced to Lord Salisbury: "An Imperial Decree, stating that no more railway proposals will be for the present entertained by the Chinese government, has been officially communicated to me by the Yamên." To which the response from London was: "You should inform the Chinese Government that Her Majesty's Government claim, in the event of their revoking their present resolve not to entertain any more proposals for railways, priority of consideration by the Chinese Government of all British applications already made." This notice was given, as directed, and the Yamên replied to it (December 31) with some dignity: "We have the honour to observe that the development of railways in China is the natural right and advantage of the Chinese Government. If, hereafter, in addition to the lines already sanctioned, which will be proceeded with in order, China proposes to construct other railways, she will negotiate with the nation which she finds suitable. When the time arrives China must use her own discretion as to her course of action. The applications of British merchants can, of course, be kept on record as material for negotiation at that day, but it is not expedient to treat them as having a prior claim over all others to a settled agreement."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command: China, Number 1, 1899, pages 164-69, 190-92, 215-16, 327, 344-47; and Number 1, 1900, page 22._

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (March). An intelligent Chinese view of the situation of the country.

How well the situation and the dangers of their country were understood at this period by some, at least, of the Chinese officials, and how intelligently they considered them, may be gathered from some passages in a memorial addressed by Viceroy Chang Chih-tung and another high official, Sheng Hsuan-huai, Director-General of Railways, to the Emperor, on the subject of the construction of the Hankow-Kwangtung Railway. A translation of the document was transmitted to London at the end of March. The memorialists say: "The original idea was that the construction of the Hankow-Kwangtung Southern trunk line should be postponed for a time, but now, owing to the exigencies of the present situation, this work must not be delayed. The powerful foreign nations stand around watching for their opportunity, and, making use of trivial pretexts in the conduct of international affairs, swiftly dispatch their war-ships from one end of the Empire to the other. It is impossible to say when our communication by sea may be blocked, and the establishment of internal communication by railways has become a necessity. Kwungtung is a rich province, and the defence of the southern territory and waterways must not be neglected, so that the making of the Hankow-Kwangtung line should be proceeded with at the same time as the northern road. The original intention was to construct a road from Kwangtung to Hupeh viâ Chiangsi, but this circuitous route is longer than the direct route through Hunan Province, and for many reasons it will be a source of greater prosperity and strength to the Empire if the latter route is adopted. There is, moreover, no doubt that the officials and merchants of the three provinces are in favour of this scheme. The most direct route will be to proceed viâ Ch'en-chou, Yung-chou, Feng-chou, and Ch'ang-sha to Wuch'ang, and so to Hankow. … Now Hankow is the central point to which all the waterways of the eighteen provinces from north, south, east, and west converge. If England is allowed to build the Hankow and Kwangtung road, passing through this important point, afterwards when the Russian line advances southward, and the English line is continued to the north, although we shall be in possession of the Hankow-Lü Kou-chiao line, we shall be stilled and our profits curtailed, for, being between the other lines, we shall not be able to defend our own. It is also greatly to be feared that our own line would pass into either English or Russian hands. In this case not only is our throat stopped by the foreigners being in possession of our ports, but our vital parts are injuriously affected. Should we wish to raise and drill soldiers, make arms, or obtain funds for the necessities of the Empire, it will be impossible, and China not only will not make progress, but we fear she will barely be able to maintain her independence.

"Your memorialists are distressed when they consider the extreme danger of the situation, but they think that the best method of meeting it is to proceed ourselves at once with the construction of the Hankow-Kwangtung Railway. Should it be made by degrees, starting from Kwangtung through Hunan to Hankow, it will be seized forcibly before completion, and we fear sufficient funds cannot be raised for hurrying forward its construction. Your memorialist, Sheng, had the intention of employing American capital for the construction of the Lü Kou-chaio-Hankow line, but afterwards when the American, Washburn, came to China, his conditions were found to be too hard, and consequently negotiations were broken off. Your servant was thus constrained to approach Belgium. By acting thus our privileges would not be lost, nor would ill consequences follow. But Belgium is a small country, and her strength is inconsiderable, and often she has pointed out that an unfinished railroad is hardly a sufficient guarantee for the loan. Consequently she is very undecided, but we have hopes that by the adoption of some compromise terms may be arrived at, though the question is extremely difficult. Thus another scheme must be adopted for raising the capital for the southern line. There are grave objections to allowing either England, France, or Germany to undertake the work, and your memorialists suggest that Wu Ting-fang, the Minister at Washington, should be communicated with. He is a Cantonese, and will not fail to do his best to find a scheme."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command: China, Number 1, 1899,pages 87-89._

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (March-July). Russian acquisition of Port Arthur and Talienwan. Ineffectual British opposition. Consequent British demand for Wei-hai Wei. Its lease by China.

While the British Minister at Peking was securing these assurances from the Tsung-li Yamên, concerning the non-alienation of the Yang-tsze region and the opening of inland waters to steam navigation, the Russian Minister was equally busy, extorting a cession or lease of Port Arthur and Talienwan, with privileges of railway construction through neighboring territory which gave immense value to those acquisitions. The probability of his success was soon known to the British authorities, who made no serious objection to the leasing of Talienwan, but were strongly opposed to a Russian occupation of Port Arthur. {87} On the 22d of March, 1898, Lord Salisbury wrote to the British Ambassador at St. Petersburg: "Her Majesty's Government on their part would not regard with any dissatisfaction the lease by Russia of an ice-free commercial harbour, connected by rail with the trans-Siberian Railway which is now under construction. Questions of an entirely different kind are opened if Russia obtains control of a military port in the neighbourhood of Peking. Port Arthur is useless for commercial purposes, its whole importance being derived solely from its military strength and strategic position, and its occupation would inevitably be considered in the East as a standing menace to Peking and the commencement of the partition of China."

On the 28th of March he wrote again: "Port Arthur is not a commercial harbour. It is doubtful whether it could be converted into one. It is certain that, even if such a project were possible, it could never be worth while for the owners or lessees of Talienwan to embark upon it. But though not a commercial harbour, Port Arthur supplies a naval base, limited indeed in extent, but possessing great natural and artificial strength. And this, taken in connection with its strategic position, gives it an importance in the Gulf of Pechili and therefore at Peking, upon which, in their representations to Japan at the close of the war with China, the Russian Government laid the greatest emphasis. It is from this last point of view that the occupation of Port Arthur chiefly concerns Her Majesty's Government. It is not because a position which can easily be made a naval arsenal of great strength has been acquired by Russia that they regret its occupation by that Power. It is because the possession, even if temporary, of this particular position, is likely to have political consequences at Peking of great international importance, and because the acquisition of a Chinese harbour notoriously useless for commercial purposes by a foreign Power will be universally interpreted in the Far East as indicating that the partition of China has begun.

"As regards the second of these reasons nothing further need be said, inasmuch as Her Majesty's Government understand from Count Mouravieff's communication to you that this result is as little desired by the Russian Government as it is by that of Her Majesty. As regards the first, it may perhaps be proper to observe that a great military Power which is coterminous for over 4,000 miles with the land frontier of China, including the portion lying nearest to its capital, is never likely to be without its due share of influence on the councils of that country. Her Majesty's Government regard it as Most unfortunate that it has been thought necessary in addition to obtain control of a port which, if the rest of the Gulf of Pechili remains in hands so helpless as those of the Sovereign Power, will command the maritime approaches to its capital, and give to Russia the same strategic advantage by sea which she already possesses in so ample a measure by land. Her Majesty's Government have thought it their duty thus to put on record their grave objections to the occupation of Port Arthur by Russia."

Before this despatch was written, Lord Salisbury already knew that his remonstrances had failed and that Russia was to possess Port Arthur, and he had cabled, March 25, the following instructions to Sir Claude MacDonald, the British Minister to Peking: "Balance of power in Gulf of Pechili is materially altered by surrender of Port Arthur by Yamên to Russia. It is therefore necessary to obtain, in the manner you think most efficacious and speedy, the refusal of Wei-hai Wei on the departure of the Japanese. The terms should be similar to those granted to Russia for Port Arthur. British fleet is on its way from Hong Kong to Gulf of Pechili." The day following, Lord Salisbury advised the British Ambassador at Berlin by telegram: "Her Majesty's Government have demanded a reversionary lease of Wei-hai Wei, and it is possible that the German Government will address you with regard to our occupying territory which forms part of the Province of Shantung. Should this be the case, you are authorized to explain that Wei-hai Wei is not at present, and cannot, we believe, be made a commercial port by which access can be obtained to any part of the province. We do not wish to interfere with the interests of Germany in that region. The action, in our opinion very regrettable, of Russia with respect to Port Arthur, has compelled us to take the course we are now pursuing."

On the 29th of March the completion of the transaction by which China transferred Port Arthur and Talienwan to Russia was officially announced at St. Petersburg by the following publication in the "Official Messenger": "At Peking on the 15th (27th) March a special Agreement was signed by the Plenipotentiaries of Russia and China, by virtue of which Ports Arthur and Talienwan, with the corresponding territory and waters, have been ceded to the Imperial Government for twenty-five years—which period, by mutual agreement, may be still further prolonged—and the construction allowed of branches of railways in order to connect these ports with the main Great Siberian line. This Agreement is a direct and natural outcome of the friendly relations between great neighbouring Empires, all of whose endeavours should be directed towards the preservation of tranquillity along the vast extent of their neighbouring possessions for the common benefit of the people of both of them. The peaceful occupation, by the diplomatic Agreement of the 15th March, of the ports and territory of a friendly nation shows, in the best possible way, that the Government of China truly appreciates the meaning of the Agreement established between us.

"Securing the inviolability of the sovereign rights of China, and satisfying the daily requirements of Russia in her capacity of a great and neighbouring naval Power, this Agreement can in no way insure [injure?] the interests of any other foreign Power; on the contrary, it gives to all nations of the world the possibility in the near future of entering into communication with this hitherto closed-up country on the coast of the Yellow Sea. The opening to the commercial fleets of all foreign nations of the port of Talienwan creates in the Pacific Ocean a new and extended centre for the commercial and trading undertakings of those nations, especially by means of the Great Siberian line, henceforth to be taken into account, and which, thanks to the friendly Treaty between Russia and China, will unite the extreme ends of the Old World. Thus, the Agreement signed at Peking has for Russia a deep historical signification, and must be joyfully welcomed by all to whom happy peace and successes, based on the mutual understandings of nations, are dear."

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On the 3d of April, Sir Claude MacDonald was able to announce by cable to Lord Salisbury: "Yamên agreed yesterday to the following arrangement: China will lease Wei-hai Wei to Great Britain on the same terms as Port Arthur has been leased to Russia, but Great Britain agrees not to take possession of the place until it has been given up by Japan. The lease will continue until Russia ceases to occupy Liaotung Peninsula. Details are left for subsequent adjustment." Negotiations relative to the terms of the lease of Wei-hai Wei were protracted until the first of July, when the Convention determining them was signed at Peking. Its provisions were as follows: "The territory leased shall comprise the Island of Liu-kung and all islands in the Bay of Wei-hai Wei, and a belt of land 10 English miles wide along the entire coast line of the Bay of Wei-hai Wei. Within the above-mentioned territory leased Great Britain shall have sole jurisdiction. Great Britain shall have, in addition, the right to erect fortifications, station troops, or take any other measures necessary for defensive purposes, at any points on or near the coast of the region east of the meridian 121° 40' east of Greenwich, and to acquire on equitable compensation with that territory such sites as may be necessary for water supply, communications, and hospitals. Within that zone Chinese administration will not be interfered with, but no troops other than Chinese or British shall be allowed therein. It is also agreed that within the walled city of Wei-hai Wei, Chinese officials shall continue to exercise jurisdiction except so far as may be inconsistent with naval and military requirements for the defence of the territory leased. It is further agreed that Chinese vessels of war, whether neutral or otherwise, shall retain the right to use the waters herein leased to Great Britain. It is further understood that there will be no expropriation or expulsion of the inhabitants of the territory herein specified, and that if land is required for fortifications, public officers, or any official or public purpose, it shall be bought at a fair price."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command: China, Number 1, 1898, and Number 1, 1899._

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (April-July). Charges of corruption against Li Hung-chang and the Tsung-li Yamên.

"One of the censors of highest rank memorialised the Emperor early in April, accusing the whole Tsung-li Yamên of being in Russian pay, and alleging that the sum of 10,000,000 taels was paid to them. He also stated that Li Hung-chang had secured from Russia 1,500,000 taels, and he prayed for a full inquiry and for the decapitation of Li Hung-chang if the accusation were proved, or if he were found guiltless, he himself should be decapitated. Li Hung-chang was dismissed on September 6, but afterwards in November was appointed an imperial commissioner to report on the inundations of the Yellow River, an unwelcome post. … A Black Flag rebellion in the southern province of Kwang-si, in which the secret society called The Triads was said to be concerned, was giving the Pekin Government great anxiety in July. The rebels, numbering about 40,000, were for a time victorious and seemed determined to overthrow the dynasty."

_Annual Register, 1898, pages 333-334._

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (April-August). France in the field with demands. New demands from Great Britain.

France had now come forward to seize a place in the attacking line, preparatory to what seemed to be the impending partition of China. On the 12th of April, Sir Claude MacDonald cabled to Lord Salisbury the following despatch: "I had an interview with the Yamên yesterday, at which they informed me that China, had acceded to the following demands on the part of France:

1. Kwangchow Wan [in the Lei-chau peninsula, on the southern coast, near Tonquin] to be leased as a coaling-station to France.

2. The right to construct a railway to Yünnan-fu from the Tonquin frontier.

3. The promise not to alienate any territory in the three provinces of Kwangtung, Kwangsi, and Yünnan, which border on the French frontier.

4. The Chinese Government agree that if ever they constitute a Postal Department independent of the maritime customs, and if a European is to be appointed as Director thereof, France shall have an equal right with that of other Powers to nominate a candidate for the post of Director.

The Chinese Government are willing—

1. To lease us as much additional territory on Kowloon promontory [opposite Hong Kong], exclusive of Kowloon city, as is required for military and naval purposes.

2. The Yamên state that China is quite willing to allow the extension into Yünnan of the Burmah Railway."

On the 13th, Mr. Balfour, in the absence of Lord Salisbury, cabled from London in reply: "Inform Yamên that, although they have not followed our advice, we are anxious to maintain, as far as possible, integrity of China, and will, therefore, not make new territorial demands upon them. It is, however, absolutely necessary, if we are to pursue this policy, that they, on their side, should first immediately conclude negotiations—

(a) for giving us an the land required for military defences of Hong Kong;

(b) to fulfil their promise to make Nanning a Treaty port;

(c) to give some railway concession;

(d) an agreement as to the non-alienation of Kuang'tung and Yünnan.

In connection with condition (d), it is in the interests of the integrity of China, and is justified by the proximity of Yünnan to Burmah, and by our commercial preponderance in Kuang'tung."

On the same day (13th April) the British Minister at Paris telegraphed to the Foreign Office, London: "It is stated in to-night's papers that, at the Cabinet Council held this morning, M. Hanotaux was able to announce to his colleagues that the French demands on China had been satisfactorily met. They are stated in the semi-official 'Temps' to be:—

1. Concession of a lease of a bay on the south coast of China.

2. Concession of a railway connecting Tonquin with Yünnan-fu by the Red River.

3. Engagement on the part of China never to alienate the territories of the provinces contiguous to Tonquin.

4. Engagement never to cede to any other Power the Island of Hainan.

5. Arrangement in regard to the constitution of the postal service."

Thus, for the time being, France was satisfied, and England would be, before she gave rest to the Tsung-li Yamên. Her present demands, as above specified by Mr. Balfour, were pressed without ceasing by the pertinacious Sir Claude. On the 9th of June he obtained from the Yamên a lease for the British government of about 200 square miles of territory on the mainland opposite its island crown colony of Hong Kong, and surrounding the Chinese city of Kowloon, the latter, however, to remain under Chinese jurisdiction. {89} The term of the lease was 90 years. With regard to the opening of Nanning as a Treaty Port, he received an assurance from the Yamên in August that it should be done so soon as the Kwang-si rebellion was crushed. On the other points he had equal success.

_Great Britain. Papers by Command: China, Number 1, 1899, pages 12, 19, 98-99, 178._

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (May). How the murder of a missionary was made the ground of French demands for a Railway Concession.

On the 17th of May, 1898, the British Minister at Peking cabled to Lord Salisbury: "Murder of missionary in Kuang-si. French demands for compensation. … The Yamên … said they were not certain that the murdered missionary was not a Chinaman, and that the demands made by the French for compensation comprise a Concession for a railway to some point on the sea-coast not specified, a chapel to be built, and a pecuniary indemnity of 100,000 fr. to be paid. Up to the present they had refused all these demands." Later, the following particulars of the murder were received from the British Consul at Canton: "The occurrence happened about a fortnight ago at Yun-gan-chou, in the P'ing-lo Prefecture. While walking through the streets the missionary noticed a placard directed against the Christian religion. Having discovered the author of the placard, the missionary, with two converts, proceeded to his house and attempted to arrest him. Out of this a disturbance arose in which the passers-by took part, and in the end the missionary and the two converts lost their lives."

On the 21st of May Sir Claude MacDonald reported to Lord Salisbury from Peking: "I am very reliably informed that the demands made at an interview with the Yamên yesterday by M. Pichon, the French Minister, in connection with this case were:—

1. A Concession to construct a railway from Pakhoi to Nanning;

2. Construction of a chapel at Pakhoi;

3. A pecuniary indemnity of 100,000 fr.; and

4. The responsible officials to be punished.

In response to these demands, the Yamên suggested that the Railway Concession should be granted in a document by itself, apart from the granting of the other demands, and that the chapel should be built at Yungan-chou, the scene of the murder, instead of at Pakhoi, and the French Minister undertook to refer these modifications to his Government for their favourable consideration."

On the 27th, Sir Claude reported further that he had heard on very good authority that all the French demands had been granted, and added: "The Yamên have since denied to me that they have committed themselves to granting them, but I have little doubt that they have practically done so. The reason for making the Railway Concession a separate matter is that the Chinese are anxious to avoid establishing precedents for compensation for attacks on missionaries taking the shape of commercial Concessions, and they hope, rather foolishly, to do so by nominally closing the missionary case before the other matter is taken up. They did this in the case of the German Agreement for the lease of Kiao-chau Bay, which begins by declaring that the Shantung missionary case has already been closed. The French demands are not at all excessive. I have already expressed my belief that the proposed railway will not injure us commercially, provided, of course, that no differential rates are allowed, as to which I shall insist on specific assurances from the Yamên."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command: China, Number 1, 1899, pages 91, 146, 150._

Alluding to this incident, and to that which the German government made its pretext for seizing Kiao Chau (see, above, A. D. 1897-November), a German writer has remarked:

"Never before, perhaps, has so much material value been attached to ministers of the Gospel in foreign lands, and the manner in which, after their death, they are used to spread civilization is somewhat foreign to our older ideas of the functions of the bearers of spiritual blessings."

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (June-September). Momentary influence of a reform party in the palace. Futile attempt of the young emperor to uphold it.

The decaying state of the Empire had now become so desperately plain, and the predatory swarm of governments and speculators which gathered to despoil it had grown so greedy and so bold, that a party which could see that the only hope for its salvation must be sought in some modernizing reforms, of education and administration, was able to win a momentary footing of influence in the palace at Peking. Its leading spirit appears to have been one Kang Yeu Wei, an extremely radical reformer who came from Canton. In an article which he wrote some months later, and which was published in the "Contemporary Review," Kang Yeu Wei gave this account of himself, and of the mode in which he was brought into relations with the young Emperor:

"I was always fond of studying Western learning. After the French took Foochow in 1885 there was evident danger of China's end drawing nigh. Consequently, in 1889, I memorialised about the matter in great grief. I feared Russia's advance southward, and pointed out the secret intentions of Japan and the latent danger in Corea. I thought that China had come to such a pass that if she should devote these years for the purpose of speedy reform she might become strong, but if there was delay nothing could save her. At that time the high Ministers of State were all Conservatives, and would not present my memorial to the throne. After the loss of Formosa, Wêng Tung Ho [the Emperor's tutor] was sorry that he had listened to their advice, and was very cordial to me. Then I exhorted him to reform, and I wrote a long memorial, signed by 1,300 provincial graduates, to urge reform again and again, and a Reform Club was formed in Peking, and the newspaper, 'Chinese Progress,' was started in Shanghai. At this time (1895) Wêng Tung Ho strongly urged reform on the Emperor, but was checked by the Empress-Dowager, and almost put aside then, and the Reform Club was shut up. I then returned to Canton, and founded the Ethical Society in Canton province and the Sacred Society in Kwang-Si province. My disciples, Liang Chi Chao and Tan Tze Tung, formed the Southern Learning Society in Hunan province; Liu Shio started the Fookien Learning Society in the Fukien province; Yang Tui the Szechuen Learning Society, in the province of Szechuen; Yang Shin Sheu and Sung Peh Luh opened the Pass Learning Society in the provinces of Shansi and Shensi; I and my brother K'ang Kwang In, with King Yuen Shen, opened a Chinese girls' school and formed the Anti-foot-binding Society in Shanghai; and many newspapers were started. Thus newspapers and new schools flourished in all the provinces, and all the empire knew of the reform.

{90}

"When Kiaochow was taken by the Germans I went to Peking again and sent up another memorial strongly urging reform, with the same motive as Peter the Great, and on the same political lines as have been adopted by the present Emperor of Japan. I also presented my books on the history of reform in Japan and the history of Peter the Great's reforms, and suggested that all the coast of the empire be open to international trade. Wêng Tung Ho approved of it, and strongly supported the measure at Court. But the crowd of Conservatives opposed, and he could not carry it. Then it was proposed to make an alliance with England, as was advised in the reform paper of Macao. The Government was undecided and feared that a great nation like England would not be willing. But when England asked that Port Arthur and Ta Lien Wan should be open ports I hastened to Wêng Tung Ho and said, 'China is saved and will not perish. You must grant the request. Since God gives us this opportunity, it should on no account be let slip.' But the Empress-Dowager and Li Hung Chang had made up their minds to give them to Russia. Again, England promised to lend China ten millions at 3 per cent. Russia was forcing China to borrow from her at 4 per cent. The Foreign Office was in great fear between these two great nations, and undecided. They then discussed about borrowing from both, and finally decided not to borrow from either. I said, 'You should decline Russia's offer and borrow from England. Russia, though she might threaten us, will never dare to declare war on this account.' The Empress-Dowager favoured Russia and was afraid. In the end they did not borrow from either.

"When Russia was seeking Port Arthur and Ta Lien Wan, I presented two memorials that they should be refused to Russia and both made open ports. The Emperor blamed Prince Kung and Li Hung Chang, and asked, 'What is the use of a secret treaty with Russia? Not only does Russia not protect us, but she herself takes away territory from us.' Both the Prince and Li replied: 'It is by giving Port Arthur and Ta Lien Wan to Russia that the secret treaty is preserved.' At this the Emperor was very angry. When the Empress-Dowager decided to give them to Russia, and Wêng Tung Ho found that all my prophecies came true, he strongly recommended me to the Emperor. Kao Hsueh Tseng, the Supervising Censor, Chen Pao Chen, the Governor of Hunan, Su Chih Ching, of the Hanlin College, and Li Twan Fên, President of the Board of Rites, also had recommended me from time to time. When the Emperor asked the members of the Cabinet, Wêng-Tung Ho recommended me, saying, 'His abilities are a hundred times superior to my own,' and prayed the Emperor to listen to me in all matters of reform. I also presented to the Emperor a record of England, France, and Germany, a comparative diagram of all nations, and the Reverend Timothy Richard's 'History of the Nineteenth Century' and his 'Essays for the Times,' and translations of Western books. The Emperor then understood something of the cause of the rise and fall of nations, and made up his mind to introduce great reforms. Desiring men to help him, he invited me, and acted on my former suggestions."

But the situation at Peking, as Kang Yeu Wei describes it,—the weakness of the young Emperor and the strength of the Empress-Dowager,—made the undertaking of reform hopeless from the beginning. The Empress-Dowager had professed to resign the government, but, says Kang Yeu Wei, "she really still held the reins in her hands. She read the memorials about appointments. All the Ministers of the first and second rank were her nominees. The Emperor had no voice. In all matters he had to inform her first before acting. The Emperor was only an Emperor in name.

"The Emperor was of a studious disposition. Since the loss of Formosa he has been greatly distressed about the decline of the Empire. After this his faithful tutor, Wêng Tung Ho, who was a learned man, sought foreign books for study, and presented them, with atlases, to the Emperor. These the Emperor daily studied, discovered the cause of foreign prosperity, discovered the reason of China's weakness and conservatism, and made up his mind to reform. But this was not in accordance with the view of the Empress-Dowager. At the beginning of the war with Japan the Emperor and his Ministers wanted war. The Empress-Dowager and Li Hung Chang wanted peace. The Empress-Dowager was ready to give up Manchuria and Formosa. The Emperor could not think of it for a moment without crying with distress; he wanted to make an alliance with England and to reform, while the Empress-Dowager was equally bent on alliance with Russia without reform. Thus their views diverged more and more, so that when the Emperor wanted to reform in 1895 the Empress hated him; two of his favourite Imperial ladies were beaten: the Vice-Presidents, Chang Lin, Wang Ming Luan, and Tsz Tui, a brother of one of these Imperial ladies, were driven away: and the Imperial ladies' tutor, Wên Ting Shih, was stripped of his honours, never to be employed any more. This was because all these advised the Emperor to keep the power in his own hands.

"The eunuch Kow Lang Tsai memorialised the Empress-Dowager to resign the government into the hands of the Emperor. For this he was put to death. The Emperor himself narrowly escaped being put aside then. … Chang Lin was a straightforward man in whom Prince Kung put great confidence. In a memorial to the Emperor he said: 'The relation of the Empress-Dowager to the late Emperor Tung Chih was that of his own mother, but her relation to you is that of the widowed concubine of a former Emperor.' When the Empress-Dowager came to know this she was in a great rage. Prince Kung was also in great fear. When the Emperor issued an edict, by command of the Empress-Dowager, to degrade Chang Lin, Prince Kung was weeping on his knees. When asked the reason of it, the Emperor waved his hand and said, 'Don't ask him.' The Emperor and the Prince wept together, and the Prince wept so bitterly that he had no strength to rise up. The Emperor commanded the eunuchs to help him up and lead him away. Wên Ting Shih begged the Emperor to exercise his rights. The Emperor waved his hand, saying, 'Don't speak,' for the Emperor knew long ago that when he took the reins of government into his own hands the Empress hated him."

{91}

Nevertheless, in 1898, the well-meaning but weak young Emperor was moved to a spasmodic assertion of his authority, in bold strokes of reform. "Rather than lose his empire like those of the Chin and the Ming dynasties, and become a by-word of disgrace for all future generations, he would risk the dangers of reform. If he succeeded, then he would get power into his own hands and save his country. If he failed, he would greatly open the minds of the people and prepare them for the future, and thus, perhaps, preserve a remnant of China. At this time the Emperor considered the chief thing was to preserve the country from being lost to foreign nations, and looked upon his position on the throne as of little consequence in comparison—considering the welfare of the people as of supreme importance, while his own person was of little importance. He had none to consult with, but decided to risk all danger and try."

_Kang Yen Wei, The Reform of China and the Revolution of 1898 (Contemporary Review, August, 1899). _

Read with a knowledge of what came of them, the futile decrees which the helpless young Emperor issued in June, 1898, seem pathetic in the extreme. The following is a translation of the first of his reform edicts, which bears the date, "Kuang Hsu, 24th year, 4th moon, 23d day," corresponding to June 11, 1898:

"For a long time past the condition of Imperial affairs has been a subject of discussion among the officials of the Empire, both metropolitan and provincial, with a view to bring about changes necessary for improvement. Decrees have been frequently issued by the Emperor, for a special system of examinations, for doing away with the surplus soldiery, for the alteration of the military examinations and for the institution of colleges. In spite of the fact that these things have so often been carefully thought out, and so many plans have been formed, there is no general consensus of opinion, and discussion is still rife as to which plans are best. There are some among the older officials who affirm that the old ways are best and need no alteration, and that the new plans are not required. Such babblings are vain and useless.

"The Emperor puts the question before you thus: In the present condition of Imperial affairs, with an untrained army, with limited funds, with ignorant 'literati,' and with artisans untaught because they have no fit teachers, is there any difficulty in deciding, when China is compared with foreign nations, who is the strong and who is the weak? It is easy to distinguish between the rich and the poor. How can a man armed with a wooden stick smite his foe encased in a coat of mail? The Emperor sees that the affairs of the Empire are in an unsettled condition, and that his various Decrees have availed nothing, Diversity of opinion, each unlike another as fire differs from water, is responsible for the spread of the existing evil. It is the same evil as that which existed in the Sung and Ming dynasties (circa A. D. 1000 and 1500). Our present system is not of the slightest use. We cannot in these modern days adhere to the ways of the five Kings(circa B. C. 2500); even they did not continue exactly after the manner of their respective predecessors. It is like wearing thick clothes in summer and thin ones in winter. "Now, therefore, the Emperor orders all officials, metropolitan and provincial, from prince down to 'literati,' to give their whole minds to a real endeavour to improvement. With perseverance, like that of the saints of old, do your utmost to discover which foreign country has the best system in any branch of learning and learn that one. Your great fault is the falseness of your present knowledge. Make a special effort and determine to learn the best of everything. Do not merely learn the outside covers of the books of knowledge, and do not make a loud boast of your own attainments. The Emperor's wish is to change what is now useless into something useful, so that proficiency may be attained and handed on to posterity. The Metropolitan College will be the chief one, and must be instituted at once. The Emperor orders the Grand Councillors to consult with the Tsung-li Yamên on the subject, and to come to a decision as soon as possible, and then to memorialize the Throne. Any of the compilers and graduates of the Hanlin College, the secretaries of the Boards, the officers of the Palace Guards, expectant Intendants, Prefects, district Magistrates, and subordinate officials, sons and brothers of officials, the hereditary officials of the Eight Banners, and the sons of the military officials of the Empire, can enter the College who wish to do so. By this means knowledge will be handed down from one generation to another. It will be strictly forbidden to members of the College to be careless or dilatory in their studies, or to introduce as students any of their friends without regard for the latter's capabilities; for such things would frustrate the benefit of this excellent plan of His Imperial Majesty."

A day later he issued the following: "The Tsung-li Yamên have reported to the Throne that in obedience to instructions they have considered the requests contained in the memorial of the Vice-President Jung Hui, for the appointment of special Ministers of Commerce, and the sending of members of the Imperial family to visit foreign nations. Commercial matters are of the highest importance, and the suggestion is one which deserves to be acted upon. As the result of a former consultation of the Tsung-li Yamên on the subject, commercial bureaus have been established at the capitals of the provinces, and the officials of each province have ordered the leading gentry and merchants to elect from their numbers managers of the bureaus, who will then draw up commercial regulations. It is to be hoped that strict conformity to these Regulations will lead to a daily improvement in trade; and the Emperor orders the Viceroys and Governors of the provinces to direct the gentry and merchants to strictly obey the official instructions, and to consult together for the most speedy and satisfactory arrangement of commercial matters; it is to be hoped that in this way the officials will be kept in touch with the merchants. We must not adhere blindly to our old customs. Let the officials of each province memorialize the Throne, and inform the Emperor how commercial affairs are managed in their respective provinces. {92} With regard to the suggestion that members of the Imperial Family should go abroad, this is a new departure, but is quite in accordance with modern custom. The Emperor, therefore, orders the Court of the Imperial clan to select from the Princes of the first three ranks any who are well versed in modern affairs and ideas, and who are on the side of modern improvement, and to inform the Emperor of their selection. The selected Princes will then await the Emperor's orders with regard to their journey."

On the 15th the following imperial mandate was published: "Wêng T'ung-ho, Assistant Grand Secretary and President of the Board of Revenue, has of late made many errors in the conduct of business, and has forfeited all confidence; on several occasions he has been impeached to the Throne. At his private audiences of the Emperor he has replied to His Majesty's questions with no regard for anything except his own personal feeling and opinion, and he has made no attempt to conceal his pleasure or displeasure either in his speech or in his countenance. It has gradually become clear that his ambition and rebellious feeling have led him to arrogate to himself an attempt to dictate to the Emperor. It is impossible to permit him to remain in the responsible position of a Grand Councillor. In former days a strict inquiry would have been held, and his crime punished with the utmost rigour of the law. Taking into consideration, however, his long service as tutor to the Emperor, His Majesty cannot bring himself to mete out to him such a severe penalty. Let Wêng T'ung-ho vacate his posts, and retire into private life, as a warning that he is preserved (from a worse fate)."

In transmitting this mandate to the British Foreign Office, Sir Claude MacDonald explained that Wêng T'ung-ho was a "reactionary," whose "influence was invariably against innovation and progress," but personally "prepossessing, courteous, and scholarly—an excellent type of the Conservative Chinese statesman." But that the dismissal of Wêng T'ung-ho did not signify the triumph of the reform party was shown the same day by a decree commanding special honors to the Empress Dowager, who seemed to be losing no time in reasserting herself. "In future," said the edict, "whenever officials receive favours or gifts from the Empress Dowager, or receive promotion to the highest civil or military rank or to the Vice-Presidency of a Board, they must (after thanking the Emperor) present themselves before the Empress Dowager and thank her; and in similar cases all provincial Tartar-Generals, Lieutenant-Generals, Viceroys, Governors, and Commanders-in-chief must write their thanks to the Empress Dowager (as well as to the Emperor)."

Other radically reforming decrees that were issued by the Emperor during June and early in July were described by the British Minister in a despatch dated July 9, as follows:

"To effect a change in the agricultural methods of an ancient Eastern nation would seem a very hopeless task, but from a Decree published on the 4th instant, it appears that a censor has made proposals for the establishment of a school of agriculture, on which the Tsung-Ii Yamên were asked to report. The Decree founded on their Report states that agriculture is the basis of the States' wealth, and that measures for its revival are urgently needed. The provincial authorities are, therefore, directed to examine all methods of cultivation, whether Chinese or foreign, with a view to their adoption by the people. … The Decree proceeds to promise rewards for successful treatment of agricultural problems, and to direct the translation and circulation in provincial Colleges of foreign works on the subject.

"Two Decrees, published on the 27th June and 5th July, have reference to reforms in the Chinese army, but they throw no light on the nature of them, and merely refer certain suggestions to various Departments for examination. The last Decree I shall mention, which appeared on the 5th instant, contains a very frank admission of the need of reforms. It states that in foreign countries commerce and industry thrive and progress, while in China, though there is no lack of ability, it is fettered in the bonds of ancient custom, and cannot free itself. As one means of assisting in its liberation it is ordained that any persons producing 'new books' (presumably books that show originality of thought), or being the first to use new methods, or to produce new instruments or appliances suitable for use, are to receive rewards from the State in the shape either of official employment, if they are fitted for it, or of some other distinction. In the case of inventions a certificate will be given, and the profits secured to the inventor for a fixed term of years—in fact patent rights will be granted. Rewards will also be given to those who, with their own resources, establish colleges, open up mines, or set up arsenals for the manufacture of rifles and cannon. In conclusion, the Tsung-li Yamên are directed to draw up Regulations for effecting the above objects."

The zeal of the reforming movement was kept alive and its authors held their ground throughout the summer, and nearly to the end of September. On the 17th of that month, Sir Claude MacDonald wrote to Lord Salisbury: "Imperial Decrees intended to launch China on the path of reform continue to appear, though there are few signs of any of them taking practical effect. The Emperor is evidently learning that it is one thing to issue a reform Edict and another to get it obeyed. Not long ago a Decree was issued, the object of which was to make the Throne more accessible to the subordinate portion of the official world. At the beginning of this month a case was brought to His Majesty's notice, in which the Board of Ceremonies disobeyed this Decree by refusing to transmit a Memorial sent in by a Secretary. He was much enraged, and forthwith cashiered the six head officials of the Board, that is to say, the two Presidents and four Vice-Presidents.

"On the 12th instant he followed this up by a fresh Decree dwelling on the circumstances and reiterating his previous instructions. Memorials were to be presented as they came in, it being of the highest importance, in the present critical state of public affairs, that all such communications should be examined as soon as possible. Obstruction and delay were to be punished with the utmost rigour, and special commands were given that the previous Edicts on reform, all of which were enumerated, were to be hung up in a public place in each Yamên throughout the Empire, so that no one should be ignorant of their contents. {93} Not satisfied with all this, he issued, also on the 12th instant, a long and remarkable Decree calling attention to the advantages of Western methods, and inveighing against degenerate officials and conservative Ministers, who not only could not assist him in adopting their methods, but spread reports instead calculated to disturb the minds of the people. He wanted his subjects to know that they 'could depend on their Prince,' and appealed to them to make China powerful by working for reform with 'united minds.' The previous orders were amplified, and the privilege of memorializing the Throne, which formerly stopped at officers of a high rank, is now extended to practically every soul in the Empire.

"Next day, the 13th September, another Decree repeated the terms of the above in clearer detail, and laid down precisely the procedure each class was to observe in making itself heard. The severest penalties were threatened should there be any interference with the free exercise of this privilege by the high officers of Government, who were commanded to report by telegram the steps they were taking to fulfil the Imperial wishes. The series of Decrees above quoted are naturally creating a great commotion in the Chinese official world, and it will be interesting to note their effect."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command: China, Number 1, 1899, page 179-279._

The effect was soon known. It was one which brought the reformers to grief and their reforms to an end.

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (September). Overthrow of the Reformers. Subjugation of the Emperor by the Empress-Dowager. His countermanding decrees.

The Imperial reformer announced the downfall of his own authority on the 21st of September, in the following significant decree:

"The affairs of the nation are at present in a difficult position, and everything awaits reform. I, the Emperor, am working day and night with all my powers, and every day arrange a multitude of affairs. But, despite my careful toil, I constantly fear to be overwhelmed by the press of work. I reverently recall that Her Majesty the Empress Dowager has on two occasions since the reign of Tung Chih (1861) assumed the reins of Government with great success in critical periods. In all she did Her Majesty showed perfection. Moved by a deep regard for the welfare of the nation, I have repeatedly implored Her Majesty to be graciously pleased to advise me in government, and have received her assent. This is an assurance of prosperity to the whole nation, officials and people. Her Majesty will commence to transact business from to-day in the side Hall. On the 23rd September, I, the Emperor, will lead my princes and high officials to make obeisance in the Ch'in Chêng Hall. Let the proper officials reverently and carefully prepare the fitting programme of the ceremony."

On the 25th he announced: "Since the 4th moon, I, the Emperor, have been frequently ailing in health, and in spite of long-continued treatment there is still no great improvement. Should there be any persons, either in the capital or the provinces, who are highly skilled in the treatment of disease, let the officials at once recommend them to the throne and await our orders. Should such men be in the provinces let them be sent to the capital without the least delay."

On the 26th the unfortunate Emperor was made to send forth another decree, countermanding the greater part of the orders he had been giving, on the pretext that they had been misunderstood and badly carried out. The obstructive offices which he had abolished were restored; the permission given to scholars and people to present memorials was withdrawn. "The original purpose," said the decree, "was that we should see with the eyes and hear with the ears of everybody, but the Court has now opened wide the path of access to the throne, and if there are useful proposals for reform made in the statements of any of the different classes of officials they are bound to be observed at once and set into operation. At present, careless documents all alike in character pour in. All are full of frivolous statements, some even touch on the extravagant, and all are much wanting in order. Hereafter all officers whose duty it is to speak shall say what they have to say in fitting language. In accordance with the prescribed rules, persons or officers who are not competent to memorialize the throne are not permitted to submit sealed documents. The 'Times,' official newspaper, is of no benefit to good government and will vainly disturb men's minds: let it be abolished at once. The Imperial colleges will be ground for the cultivation of talent. Apart from those which are already being gradually established in Peking and the provincial capitals, let the local officials in all prefectures and districts where it is proposed to establish minor colleges consider the local conditions and the convenience of the people. Let the temples [which were to have been turned into colleges] in the provinces remain as before; there is no need to make colleges of them and disturb the feelings of the people. Over and above the matters above mentioned, there are others which have been duly considered and put into operation, and others which are under consideration, such as trade, agriculture, reorganization of the army, and the development of resources, all of which are of undoubted consequence to the State and the people, and must imperatively be introduced gradually. Those measures which are of no benefit to the present system of government, and are detrimental to the Constitution, need not be discussed. Let the six Boards and the Tsung-li Yamên make an investigation of these matters, consider them with special care, and submit a report to the throne so that they may be dealt with."

The events which attended and followed these decrees were reported by Sir Claude MacDonald on September 28, as follows: "The Decree [of the 21st] naturally created much excitement in Peking, and rumours of impending disaster to the most prominent of the advocates of reform were prevalent. Subsequent proceedings justified the alarm and assumed the character of a coup d'etat. The same day the house of Chang Yin-huan was surrounded by the police in search of one K'ang Yu-wei. This K'ang Yu-wei is a Chinese scholar of high repute who was, until lately, editor of a Chinese newspaper in Shanghae known as 'Progress.' He was a strong advocate of reform, and was this year recommended to the Emperor, and on his arrival in Peking was given a position of Secretary in the Board of Works. He is said to have acquired great influence over the Emperor, and to have been his adviser in his recent reform measures. K'ang Yu-wei could not be found, and it has subsequently transpired that he has escaped and left Shanghae on the 27th in the English mail for Hong Kong. {94} So keen was the hunt for him that on the 22nd all traffic was stopped on the Tien-tsin Railway line to prevent his passage. On the 24th instant orders were issued for the arrest of several officials who had been in relation with him, including Chang Yin-huan and Hsü Chih-ch'ing. The latter had recommended K'ang to the throne, and had been recently appointed President of the Board of Rites. Chang Yin-huan went to the Board of Punishments and has remained a prisoner since. The precise charge against K'ang and his friends has not transpired, but it is supposed to be one of conspiracy against the liberty and even the life of the Empress Dowager.

"It was reported on the 25th that Chang was to be executed the same evening or early next morning, and I thought it advisable to make an appeal on his behalf for at least due consideration of any charge brought against him. The report reached me late in the afternoon, and it was therefore necessary to take prompt measures. It was supposed that Li Hung-chang had been consulted by the Empress Dowager in the matter. I accordingly addressed a letter to his Excellency pointing out the horror with which such sudden executions were regarded by all Western nations, and the bad effect the secret and hasty condemnation of an official of Chang's rank, who was so well known in Europe, would produce, and begged his Excellency to use what influence he possessed to prevent such hurried action. I concluded my letter by saying that I appealed to him, Li, because he was the only Statesman now in Peking who was conversant with European methods, and would, therefore, thoroughly realize the disastrous impression which such a summary execution would produce throughout the Western world. It is well known that Li Hung-chang and Chang Yin-huan are deadly enemies, and it was generally reported that Chang's imprisonment was due to Li. The Grand Secretary replied saying that he highly respected my generous and humane motives, and he assured me that no summary action would be taken."

On the 30th Sir Claude reported: "Six of the reformers referred to in my despatch of the 28th September were executed on the 28th instant. They included a brother of K'ang Yu-wei, the chief reformer, and, though subordinates, all were graduates and men of standing. Chang Yin-huan has been banished to Chinese Turkestan, where he is to be kept under rigorous surveillance. No precise crime is charged against him. The Edict announcing his punishment accuses him vaguely of being treacherous, fickle, and a sycophant. Last night a long Decree appeared dealing with the so-called conspiracy. K'ang Yu-wei is declared to have taken advantage of the Emperor's leaning towards beneficial reforms to plot a revolution, which was to be opened by surrounding the Palace at Wan Shoushan and seizing the Empress-Dowager and the Emperor. The haste in executing K'ang's chief accomplices, for it appears that the legal formalities had not been observed, is admitted to have been caused by Memorials, whose dominant note was fear of a revolution if punishment was delayed."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command: China, Number 1, 1899, pages 291-294._

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (October). The Empress-Dowager. Her past career. Her character.

The Empress-Dowager, so called, who now recovered her ascendancy over the weak young Emperor, which the reformers had momentarily overcome, and who became again the real Sovereign of the Empire, as she had been for the past thirty years, "was never Empress, not even as imperial consort, having been but the secondary wife of Hsien-fêng, the Emperor who fled from his capital on the approach of the Anglo-French forces in 1860 [see, in volume 1, CHINA: A. D. 1856-1860]. But she took the title as the mother of that ill-starred monarch's heir, in which capacity she was allowed to share with the widow proper the regency during the minority of the Emperor Tung-Chih (or Che, for there is no agreement as to the transliteration of Chinese sounds). … The female duumvirate was not what was intended—was in fact an unforeseen result of the last will and testament of the Emperor Hsien-fêng, who died at his hunting lodge at Jêho, whither he himself had been hunted by the victorious invaders. …

"The fundamental law of the Ta-tsing dynasty is the Salic law. No woman and no eunuch can ever reign or rule. Conforming to the laws of his house, the Emperor in his will nominated a Council of Regency during the minority of his infant son, afterwards known as the Emperor Tung-Chih. The Council was composed of two imperial princes and the Minister Sun-che. To his two wives, the true but childless one and the secondary one who was mother of the Prince Imperial, he bequeathed the guardianship of the infant. The Emperor placed his real confidence in the first, the legal wife; but he was fond of the other, the mother of his heir. A serious dilemma thus confronted him, which he thought to evade by placing in the hands of the Empress a private and personal testament, giving her absolute authority over her colleague, only to be exercised, however, in certain emergencies. As a matter of fact, the power was never called into exercise.

"The Empress-mother was twenty-seven years old, clever, ambitious, and apparently fearless. … She conceived a scheme by which the position might be reversed, and confided it to her brother-in-law, Prince Kung. … The ambition which the Empress-mother confided to Prince Kung was nothing less than to suppress the Council of Regency, and set up in its place the authority of the two Empresses. Inasmuch, however, as they were ignorant of affairs, and women to boot, the Prince himself was to be the real executive and de facto ruler of the empire. Prince Kung yielded to the seduction, and thus became accessory to the violation of the dynastic law. … The Regents were returning from the obsequies of the deceased Emperor when Prince Kung launched trumped-up charges against them of neglect of certain funeral rites, had them arrested on the road, and executed. By this summary violence the two Empresses were securely established as Regents, with Prince Kung as Chancellor of the empire. For a few years things went smoothly. … The two Regents seldom met. … From the relative position of the buildings in which they had their respective apartments, the ladies were known as the Eastern and Western Empresses, the former being the title commonly applied to the one whom we have termed the true Empress. …

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"The 'Eastern Empress' was full of gentleness, meditation, and widowhood. … She was, therefore, unequally yoked with her sterner sister, and the pair could never have really worked together to any practical end. The eclipse of the weaker luminary was only a question of time. … The life and death of the young Emperor Tung-Chih, the son of Hsien-fêng and the present Empress-regnante, seems little more than an episode in the career of his imperial—and imperious—mother. He died within two years of his full accession, removed by his own mother as some would have us believe, but by quite other agencies as others no less boldly affirm. … With the disappearance of her son, the last plank in the legal platform of the Empress-mother disappeared. But her appetite had grown by what it fed upon. She had now had fourteen years' schooling in statecraft, and she resolved that, 'per fas et nefas,' reign who might, she would govern. … The story of her second coup d'etat of January, 1875, has been often related,—how the Empress so-called caused her own sister's child to be snatched out of its warm bed on a bitter night and conveyed into the Palace, whence he was proclaimed Emperor at daybreak. By this stroke the Regent at once aggrandised her own family, made a friend of a younger brother-in-law, the father of the child, to replace the elder who had become an enemy, and, to sum up all, secured for herself a new lease of power. For she who could thus make an emperor could also make a regent."

_The Empress-Regent of China (Blackwood's Magazine, November 1898)._

CHINA: A. D. 1898. (October-November). Outbreaks of popular hostility to foreigners. Guards for the Legations sent to Peking. Chinese troops removed.

The palace revolution which overthrew the reforming party was followed quickly by outbreaks of popular hostility to foreigners. Two messages were cabled to Lord Salisbury from Peking October 1st. One informed him: "A Chinese mob at a point between Peking and the railway station yesterday afternoon violently assaulted several foreigners who had to pass that way from the train. Among those assaulted was Mr. Mortimore of this Legation, and an English lady, who were severely attacked with mud and stones; a member of the United States' Legation had one of his ribs broken. There is a decided spirit of disturbance among the Chinese, though the fact that many bad characters were about yesterday in consequence of the mid-autumn festival may go some way towards accounting for these outrages. I have requested Admiral Seymour by telegraph to despatch a vessel to Taku, in case a guard should be required for the protection of this Legation, and I am making strong representations to the Tsung-li Yamên."

In his second despatch the British Minister announced: "I do not anticipate any danger, but a good and reassuring effect will be produced, as after the Japanese war, by the presence of a guard. The foreign Representatives decided this morning to send for a small guard to protect the respective Legations. I have asked Admiral Seymour to send me twenty-five marines with a machine-gun. The German, Russian, Japanese, and Italian Representatives had previously arranged for their guards."

On the 5th, Sir Claude MacDonald reported: "A meeting of foreign Representatives yesterday decided to notify the Chinese Government of the proposed departure from Tien-tsin for Peking to-morrow of bodies of British, German, and Russian marines, and to ask that all facilities, including a special train, should be extended to them by the Chinese authorities; the French, American, Japanese, and Italian marines to come straight on to Peking on their arrival at Tien-tsin. The meeting was held in consequence of the refusal of the Viceroy of Chihli to permit any foreign soldiers to leave Tien-tsin for Peking without special permission from the Tsung-li Yamên. It is very likely that the Chinese Government will make a protest similar to that of 1895, but it would be very ill-advised at the present crisis to give way to their protests, and it is absolutely necessary that the decision of the foreign Representatives should be put into effect."

The Chinese government did protest, but without effect. The legation guards were insisted upon, and, as speedily as possible, they were provided from the war-ships of the several powers, and quartered in Peking. Then the Chinese authorities brought troops to the capital, and the sense of danger at the legations grew. On the 25th of October Minister MacDonald cabled to London: "A serious menace to the safety of Europeans is the presence of some 10,000 soldiers, who have come from the Province of Kansu, and are to be quartered in the hunting park, two miles south of Peking. A party of these soldiers made a savage assault on four Europeans (including Mr. C. W. Campbell, of this Legation), who were last Sunday visiting the railway line at Lukou Chiao. The foreign Ministers will meet this morning to protest against these outrages. I shall see the Yamên to-day, and propose to demand that the force of soldiers shall be removed to another province, and that the offenders shall be rigorously dealt with."

On the 29th he telegraphed again: "The Foreign Representatives met yesterday, and drafted a note to the Yamên demanding that the Kansu troops should be withdrawn at once. The troops in question have not been paid for some months, and are in a semi-mutinous state. They have declared their intention to drive all Europeans out of the north of China, and have cut the telegraph wires and destroyed portions of the railway line between Lukouchiao and Pao-ting Fu. Some disturbances have been caused by them on the railway to Tien-tsin, but the line has not been touched, and traffic has not been interrupted. In the city here all is quiet. The presence of these troops in the immediate vicinity of Peking undoubtedly constitutes a serious danger to all Europeans. The Yamên gave me a promise that the force should be removed, but have not yet carried it into effect."

On the 6th of November he reported that the Yamên had replied to the note of the Diplomatic Body, acknowledging that the troops lacked discipline and were a source of danger, and again promising their removal, but that nothing had been done. He added: "It was decided unanimously to address a note to the Yamên, stating that if the troops in question were not withdrawn by the 11th instant, our respective Governments would adopt such measures as they considered necessary for the protection during the winter months of foreigners in Peking and Tien-tsin."

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After several more exchanges of notes between the Diplomatic Body and the Yamên, peremptory on one side, apologetic on the other, the troops were removed to Chi-chow, about 80 miles east of Peking, beginning their march November 15. A few days previously Sir Claude MacDonald had been able to report "That two of the ringleaders in the attack on Mr. Campbell and other Europeans at Lu Kow-chiao [announced in despatch of October 25] were brought into Peking and flogged in Mr. Campbell's presence at the Yamên of the Governor of the city on the 29th October. The men were sentenced to 1,000 blows each, but Mr. Campbell, after eighty blows had been inflicted, begged that the flogging might cease. It turned out that two other soldiers were struck by bullets from a small revolver, which was used by one of the railway engineers in self-defence, and, chiefly for this reason, I did not press for more floggings.

"I attached more importance to the punishment of the officer in command, who, it appears, had been warned beforehand by the railway authorities to keep his men away from the railway bridge, but had refused to do so. I consider him the person really responsible for what happened, and at an interview on the 31st October I told the Yamên that I should not be satisfied, and the incident would not be closed, until I saw his degradation published in the official Gazette. On the 4th November an Imperial Decree was issued ordering this officer, a Colonel named Chu Wan-jung, to be handed over to the Board of War for punishment. The Ministers inform me that this is likely to mean his degradation. I have, however, again warned their Excellencies that nothing short of this punishment will be satisfactory to Her Majesty's Government."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command: China, Number 1, 1899, pages 258-279, and 332._

CHINA: A. D. 1898 (December). Reorganization of Chinese armies. Reception by the Empress-Dowager to the ladies of the Legations.

On the 20th of December Sir Claude MacDonald reported: "The reorganization of the land forces in the north appears to be occupying the serious attention of the Central Government. In the early half of this month Edicts were issued by the Empress Dowager approving proposals made by Jung Lu, who was appointed Generalissimo of northern armies immediately after the K'ang Yü-wei conspiracy. The following are the principal features of these proposals. The armies under the command of Sung Ch'ing and others, that is to say all the brigaded troops in North China, are to be organized in four corps—front, rear, right, and left—to occupy different strategical points. In addition, Jung Lu will raise a centre corps of 10,000 men, to be stationed presumably in or about Peking. … The importance of bringing the other four corps into an efficient state is dwelt upon, and the Edicts are stern in demanding the production of sufficient funds for the purpose. The Viceroy of Chihli is also instructed to closely scrutinize the condition of the Peiyang drilled troops—formerly Li Hung-chang's army—and bring them into order. They are to be under the orders of Jung Lu, instead of the Viceroy.

"The Viceroys responsible for the Arsenals of North and Mid China are also commanded to see to the immediate construction of quick-firing guns and Mauser rifles and other war material, and to the preparation of maps of the coast-line for military purposes. Jung Lu has done nothing yet towards raising the centre corps beyond calling in the assistance of a German-educated officer named Yin Ch'ang, who holds a post in the Tien-tsin Military Academy. He is reputedly able, and probably one of the best Chinese available for the work, but I question whether he will be given sufficient powers of control. He is now engaged in drawing up a scheme."

Bearing the same date as the above, we find a despatch from Sir Claude MacDonald descriptive of a reception given by the Empress-Dowager, on the 13th, to the wives of the foreign representatives at Peking, "to accept their congratulations on the occasion of Her Imperial Majesty's birthday." "The ceremony," said the British Minister, "passed off extremely well. The Empress Dowager made a most favourable impression by her courtesy and affability. Those who went to the Palace under the idea that they would meet a cold and haughty person of strong imperious manners were agreeably surprised to find Her Imperial Majesty a kind and courteous hostess, who displayed both the tact and softness of a womanly disposition." "Thus ended," writes Sir Claude, in closing his despatch, "the incident which may be considered to mark another step in the nearer relations of China and foreign nations."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command: China, Number 1, 1900, pages 12-15._

CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899. Rioting in Shanghai consequent on French desecration of a cemetery. French demand for extension of settlement ground in Shanghai. English and American protests. The outcome.

On the 18th of July, 1898, the following was reported by the British Consul-General at Shanghai:

"Serious rioting took place in the French Settlement on the 16th und the morning of 17th instant, in the course of which some fifteen natives lost their lives. The disturbance was due to an attempt of the French authorities to take possession of certain temple land known as the Ningpo Joss-house Cemetery. The ground is full of graves, and it is also used for depositing coffins until a favourable opportunity presents itself for removing them to the native districts of the deceased. The cemetery is within the limits of the French Settlement; originally it was far removed from the inhabited portion of the Settlement, but by degrees new streets have been laid out, and houses have been built, until the cemetery is surrounded by dwellings.

"Twenty-four years ago the French Municipality attempted to make a road through the cemetery, but such serious rioting broke out that the French Consul thought it prudent to abandon his claim to the ground, and gave the Ningpo Guild to understand that they would be left in undisturbed possession. As years have gone on, the nuisance of having a cemetery in the midst of a crowded Settlement has made itself more and more felt, and some months ago the French Municipal Council decided to expropriate the owners and to pay them compensation. The Ningpo Guild and the Chinese authorities were duly apprised of the intention, and they were urged to make their own arrangements for removing the coffins to some other site. {97} They would not admit that the French had any right to dispossess them, and they refused to vacate the land. The French Consuls then gave the Chinese officials notice that the Municipal Council would take possession on a certain day; and as the day drew near the Taotai became very uneasy, and appealed to the Foreign Consuls to interfere in the matter, giving hints that serious rioting and loss of life, would result if the French Consul persisted in his intentions.

"On the morning of the 16th, the day appointed for taking possession of the cemetery, a detachment from the French cruiser 'Éclaireur' and a strong body of police marched to the cemetery, and afforded protection to the workmen who were told off to make a breach in the cemetery wall by way of taking possession. An angry mob watched these operations, and, as time went on, the streets filled with crowds of men, who moved about making hostile demonstrations, but the French showed great self-restraint, and no serious collision took place on that day. All night long the crowds filled the streets, and many lamps were smashed and lamp-posts uprooted.

"Early on Sunday morning a determined attack was made by the mob on one of the French police-stations, and when the small body of men within saw that their lives were in danger, they opened fire. About the same time the police and the 'Éclaireur's' men attacked bands of rioters in other quarters, with the result that on Sunday morning, as far as can be ascertained, fifteen men were shot dead or bayoneted, and about forty were seriously wounded. After that the rioters seemed to have become intimidated for a time, and the streets were left to the police. Meanwhile many of the shops in both Settlements were closed, and orders were sent to all Ningpo men—and they form 50 per cent. of the population—to go out on strike.

"Some of the principal Ningpo merchants came forward in the afternoon, and through the good offices of a peacemaker came to an understanding with the French Consul, under which it was agreed that the French should postpone taking possession of the cemetery for one month, during which time the Ningpo Guild trust to come to some amicable arrangement. The French Consul has given them to understand that he will not recede from his position; the cemetery must be given up, but he is willing that this should be done in any way that will be most pleasing to the Ningpo residents."

On the 23d of August it was announced by telegram from Shanghai that "the dispute arising out of the Ningpo Josshouse is about to be settled by French withdrawing their claims to remove the buildings in consideration for an extension of their concession as far as Si-ca Wei, an addition of 20 square miles." This raised protests from Great Britain and the United States, many of whose citizens owned property within the area thus proposed to be placed under French jurisdiction; and the distracted Tsung-li Yamên was threatened and pulled about between the contending parties for months. The final outcome was an extension of the general Foreign Settlement at Shanghai (principally British and American) and a limited extension of that especially controlled by the French. The adjustment of the question was not reached until near the end of 1899.

_Great Britain, Papers by Command: China, Number 1, 1899. and Number 1, 1900._

CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899 (June-January). Anti-missionary insurrection at Shun-ch'ing, in Central Szechuan.

The following is from a communication addressed by the British Minister to the Tsung-li Yamên, August 2, 1898:

"At Shun-ch'ing Fu the local officials, with a few of the gentry, have for years shown themselves determinedly hostile to foreigners, and have refused to allow houses to be let to missionaries. British missionaries have in consequence been forced to quarter themselves in an inn for the last six years, but even that was apparently objected to; in 1893 there was a riot, and in 1895 another, in which two missionaries were treated with brutal violence. In May of this year a house was finally rented; the District Magistrate was notified, but neither he nor the Pao-ning Taotai issued proclamations or gave protection, though requested by the missionaries to do so. The Shun-ch'ing Prefect, instead of giving protection, connived at the local opposition, and with the usual results. On the 15th June three missionaries were attacked and stoned, and one severely wounded, while passing through the city, and though protection was asked of the Prefect, he gave none, and later he and the other officials repeatedly refused to issue a Proclamation or to take any measures whatever to avert disturbances. On the 20th the Prefect feigned sickness, and could not be appealed to, and on the 27th the house leased by the missionaries was destroyed, with all the property it contained. The Roman Catholic establishment was also gutted.

"As usual the disturbance did not end at Shun-ch'ing. Later on a Roman Catholic Chapel at Yung ch'ang Hsien was attacked and looted, two native Christians killed, 10,000 taels of silver stolen, and a French priest [Father Fleury] seized and held to ransom by a band of rioters. I am also informed that other acts of brigandage have occurred, and that the Protestant missions at Pao-ning and Shê-Hung are in grave danger. The Provincial Government appears to absolutely ignore the recent Imperial Decrees for the prevention of missionary troubles. All the conditions point to this, or to an utter incapacity on the part of those officers to exercise satisfactory control. Her Majesty's Consul, indeed, informs me that there is one band of brigands, led by an outlaw known as Yü Mau Tzu, which is able to terrorise two important districts in the centre of Szechuan and even to overawe the Chêngtu authorities. In connection with the Shun-ch'ing affair Her Majesty's Consul has made the following demands:

1. Immediate restoration of their house to the missionaries, the officers to pay the whole cost of repairs;

2. Punishment of the ring-leaders;

3. The local headmen to give security for future good conduct;

4. Compensation for all property destroyed;

5. Punishment of officials in fault.

I shall look to the Yamên and see that these demands are fully satisfied and with the least possible delay."

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But urgency from both England and France failed to stimulate action on the part of the Chinese government, energetic enough to stop this anti-missionary movement in Central Szechuan. What seems to have been a riot at first became a formidable revolt. "The action of the Provincial Government was paralysed by the fact that Father Fleury was still in Yü's hands, and would be killed if a move was made against the brigands. On the other side the Viceroy was informed by M. Haas, the French Consul, that if anything happened to the Father the consequences to China would be disagreeable. The Taotai was in consequence making efforts to secure the release of the prisoners by paying blackmail." In September it was reported that "Yü's power was increasing, his emissaries were scattered about in places beyond his immediate sphere of influence, and were attempting to stir up Secret Societies, and he had issued a manifesto. A riot took place at Ho Chou, 60 miles north of Chungking, on the 14th September, the American mission hospital being partially looted and a Roman Catholic establishment destroyed by fire. The Provincial Government was acting weakly and unprofitably."

Towards the end of September, "Yü marched with about 2,000 uniformed men and took up a position on the Ch'êng-tu road; thence he moved east to Tung-Liang, pillaging and burning the houses of Christians, and levying contributions on the rich. The Viceroy, at the request of the Consuls, was said to have sent 4,000 troops from Ch'êng-tu, Lu-chou, and Ho-chiang to converge on Chungking. Twelve of the rebels, who had been seized at a place only 30 miles south of the port, were publicly executed with torture in Chungking on the 30th September." In October the report was that "fresh troops were arriving, and were taking up positions along the Ch'êng-tu road, and the passes north of Chungking. Further executions had taken place. … The Procureur of the French Mission estimated that up to date the total damage done by Yü Mau-tzu was twenty persons killed, the houses of 6,000 Christians burned and their property stolen, and twelve Missions destroyed."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command: China, Number 1, 1899, page 249, and Number 1, 1900, page 152._

On the 12th of October the United States Minister, Mr. Conger, sent to the State Department at Washington the following translation of a decree issued by the Empress Dowager on the 6th:

"From the opening of ports to foreign trade to the present time, foreigners and Chinese have been as one family, with undivided interests, and since missionaries from foreign countries are living in the interior, we have decreed, not three or four times, but many times, that the local officials must protect them; that the gentry and people of all the provinces must sympathize with our desire for mutual benevolence; that they must treat them truthfully and honestly, without dislike or suspicion, with the hope of lasting peaceful relations.

"Recently, there have been disturbances in the provinces which it has been impossible to avoid. There have been several cases of riot in Szechuan, which have not been settled. The stupid and ignorant people who circulate rumors and stir up strife, proceeding from light to grave differences, are most truly to be detested. On the other hand, the officials, who have not been able at convenient seasons to properly instruct the people and prevent disturbances, can not be excused from censure.

"We now especially decree again that all high provincial officials, wherever there are churches, shall distinctly instruct the local officials to most respectfully obey our several decrees, to recognize and protect the foreign missionaries as they go to and fro, and to treat them with all courtesy. If lawsuits arise between Chinese and native Christians, they must be conducted with justice and speedily concluded. Moreover, they must command and instruct the gentry and people to fulfill their duties, that there may be no quarrels or disagreements. Wherever there are foreigners traveling from place to place, they must surely be protected and the extreme limit of our hospitality extended. After the issue of this decree, if there is any lack of preparation and disturbances should arise, the officials of that locality will be severely dealt with; whether they be viceroys or governors or others they shall be punished, and it will not avail to say we have not informed you."

_United States Consular Reports, February, 1899, page 299._

On the 1st of November the British Consul at Chungking announced "an alarming extension of the rebellion. Flourishing communities of Christians in four districts were destroyed, and heavy contributions were laid on non-Christians. The continued inactivity of the Government troops was chiefly attributable to orders from the Yamên to the effect that the first and foremost consideration was the rescue of Père Fleury. Negotiations were being carried on by the Chungking Taotai and the Chinese Generals for the Father's release; a ransom of 100,000 taels was offered, presents were sent to Yü and his mother, and he and his lieutenants were given buttons of the third rank." The next month, however, brought on the scene a new Viceroy who really wished to suppress the insurrection, though he "complained that his hands were tied by the Yamên's instructions, which urged him to come to terms with Yü." At last this singularly energetic Viceroy got permission to fight the rebels. On arriving in front of the terrible Yü he "found that the troops who had been stationed there previously were quite untrustworthy, and that the Generals and local officials were all more or less in league with the rebels. However, as soon as it was learnt that the Treasurer meant business, a number of the rebels dispersed. The main band, under Yü Mau-tzu, about 6,000 in number, was then surrounded in Ta Tsu Hsien, after a preliminary encounter in which the rebels lost some 100 men. By the 19th January, a Maxim was brought to bear on Yü's camp, and the rebels fled like rabbits. Yü begged Père Fleury to save his life, and next day released the Father, who found his way to the Treasurer, after some narrow escapes. Yü then surrendered."

It was said at the time that the French government was demanding an indemnity in this case to the amount of £150,000. Later it was understood that the French Minister at Peking "had taken advantage of the pending missionary ease to revive an old request for a Mining Concession."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command: China, Number 1, 1900._

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CHINA: A. D. 1899. Anti-missionary outbreaks, increasing piracy, and other signs of growing disorder in the country.

During 1899 there was a notable relaxation of the hard and ceaseless pressure upon China which governments, capitalists and speculators had been keeping up of late, in demands more or less peremptory for harbor leases, settlement grounds, railway franchises, mining privileges, and naval, military and commercial advantages of every possible sort. But the irritation of the country under the bullying and "nagging" of the treatment it had received from the European nations revealed itself in increasing outbreaks of popular hostility to foreigners; and these called out threats and demands, for indemnity and punishment, which were made, as a rule, in the truculent tone that had become habitual to western diplomacy in dealing with the people of the East. It was a tone which the Chinese provoked, by the childish evasions and treacherous deceptions with which their officials tried to baffle the demands made on them; but it gave no less offense, and is no less plainly to be counted among the causes of what afterwards occurred.

Throughout most of the year, the British Legation at Peking and the Consulate at Chungking were busied in obtaining satisfaction for the murder of Mr. Fleming, a missionary in the China Inland Mission, stationed at Pang Hai, near Kwei-Yang. He had been killed and the mission looted in November, 1898. The Chinese authorities claimed that he had been killed by a band of rebels. The British Consul investigated and became convinced that the missionary had been the victim of a deliberate plot, directed by the headman of the village of Chung An Chiang, where the murder occurred, and connived at by the military official Liu. The Chinese government, yielding to this conviction, caused two of the murderers to be executed, degraded and exiled all of the local officials who were involved in the crime, except the headman, and paid an indemnity of $30,000. But the headman escaped, and it was claimed by the governor of the province that he could not be found. The British authorities found evidence that he was being shielded by the governor, and demanded the dismissal of the governor, which was persistently refused. Finally, in October, 1899, the guilty headman was hunted down.

On the 18th of February, the British Minister complained energetically to the Tsung-li Yamên of the rapid increase of piracy on the Canton River. "Since November, 1898," he wrote, "that is in three months, no less than forty-seven cases of piracy in the Canton waters have been reported in the papers. In several of these cases life was taken, and it may almost be said that a reign of terror exists on the waterways of the Two Kuang. Cargo boats are afraid to travel at night, or to move about except in company, and trade is becoming to a certain extent paralysed. The Viceroy is always ailing, and it is difficult to obtain an interview with him. Her Majesty's Consul has repeatedly addressed him on the subject of these piracies in the strongest terms, but can only obtain the stereotyped reply that stringent instructions have been sent to the officials concerned. Admiral Ho, the Commander-in-chief, who should properly be the officer to inaugurate a vigorous campaign against the pirates, appears absolutely supine and incapable of dealing with the evil. The complaints of the Hong Kong Government and Her Majesty's Consuls show a state of affairs in Canton waters which is quite intolerable. There is no security for life or property, and as British subjects are closely concerned, it is my duty to inform your Highness and your Excellencies that unless measures are immediately taken to prevent such outrages, I shall have to report, for the consideration of Her Majesty's Government, the advisability of taking steps to protect British lives and property, either by patrolling the waterways or by placing guards on the steamers, the expense of which would be the subject of a claim on the Chinese Government."

On the 28th of February, Herr von Billow, the German Imperial Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, announced in the Reichstag, at Berlin, the reception of a telegram from Tien-tsin, reporting that several Germans had been attacked and insulted in that town on the 24th, and had been compelled to take refuge in the side streets and narrow alleys. The Imperial Government, he said, had been already aware for some weeks past that a considerable feeling of irritation had manifested itself against foreigners in China, especially in the southern portion of the Province of Shantung. The Chinese Government were thereupon warned of the necessity of maintaining order and securing public safety, and, upon the receipt of the telegram above referred to, the German Minister at Peking was instructed to impress upon the Chinese Government that, if such incidents were permitted to recur, or the perpetrators allowed to escape unpunished, the consequences for China would be very serious. "We have," Herr von Bülow declared, "neither the occasion nor the desire to interfere in the internal affairs of China. But it is our duty to watch lest the life and property of our fellow subjects, whether missionaries or traders, should be made to suffer through the internal complications in China."

In March, however, the state of things at and near Peking was so far improved that the Legation guards were being withdrawn. Sir Claude MacDonald obtained leave of absence and left Peking on the 23d for a visit to England, and the business of the Legation was conducted for a time by Mr. Bax-Ironside, the Charge d'Affaires.

In June there was an anti-missionary riot at Kienning, in the neighborhood of Foochow, excited by the murder of a boy, popular rumor ascribing the murder to foreigners. "In all directions," wrote one of the threatened missionaries, who gave an account of the occurrence, "murders were said to be taking place, though no bodies were ever found; that seemed of no consequence to the people, and the story was current, and was apparently generally believed, that these murders were done by men in our employ, and that we used the eyes and legs to make medicine. There were endless stories of people being kidnapped, chloroformed in the road by a bottle being held out to their nose, and the day I arrived it was said that eyes had been found at Tai-lui, a suburb of Kienning, and as I passed a crowd was actually on the spot seeking for the said eyes." The missionaries succeeded in escaping from the mob; but one native convert was killed, and the mission hospital and other premises were looted.

The ideas and the state of feeling out of which this attack on the missionaries and their converts grew are revealed in the following translation of a placard that was posted in Kienning in June:

"We of this region have hitherto led a worthy life. All the four castes (scholars, agriculturists, artizans, traders) have kept the laws and done their duty. Of late foreigners have suddenly come among us in a disorderly march and preaching heretical doctrines. They have had from us indulgent treatment, but they have repaid us by endangering our lives. This year, in town and country, people have been hewn in two, men and women in numbers have fallen upon evil days. {100} Everywhere the perpetrators have been seized, and everyone of them has confessed that it was by the missionary chapels they were ordered to go forth and slay men and women; to cut out their brains and marrow to make into medicine. The officials deliberately refrained from interfering. They garbled the evidence and screened the malefactors. The whole country side is filled with wrath; the officials then posted Proclamations, and arrested spreaders of false reports. The hewing down of men is hateful; but they issued no Proclamations forbidding that. Now fortunately the people is of one mind in its wrath. They have destroyed two chapels. The Ou-ning ruffian has issued another Proclamation, holding this to be the work of local rowdies. He little knows that our indignation is righteous, and that it is a unanimous expression of feeling. If the officials authorize the police to effect unjust arrests, the people will unite in a body, in every street business will be stopped, and the Wu-li missionary chapel will be destroyed, while the officials themselves will be turned out of the city, and the converts will be slain and overthrown. When cutting grass destroy the roots at the same time. Do not let dead ashes spring again into flame."

A settlement of the Kienning case was arranged locally between the British Consul at Foochow, Mr. Playfair, and the Viceroy of the province. The views of the Consul were expressed in a communication to Mr. Bax-Ironside as follows:

"Since the missionaries established themselves there it is the sixth attempt made to drive them out of the region. The common people (from what I can gather) have no animus against the foreign preacher of the Gospel, and show none. On the contrary, whether moved to accept Christianity or not, they appear to recognize that missionaries are in any case there for benevolent and beneficial objects. Schools and hospitals are independent of proselytizing, and, even if the missionaries were never to make another convert, they would be doing good and useful work in spreading Western knowledge and healing the sick. In addition to this, the presence of missionaries in out-of-the-way places in China has one unquestionable advantage. To use the phrase of Sir Thomas Wade, they 'multiply the points of contact,' and familiarize the Chinese with the sight of the European. To the missionary, either as a preacher of the Gospel or as a dispenser of benefits, the populace at Kienning does not seem to have shown any aversion; yet six times this populace has risen and tried to drive the missionaries from the place. The logical inference is that the Kienning peasant, though tolerant by nature, is subject to some outside influence. He is moved, not by what he sees, but by what he is told exists beyond his range of vision; and these things are pointed out to him by such as he believes to be his intellectual superiors, and as have, therefore, the faculty of perceiving what is hid from himself. The history of almost every anti-missionary movement in China points to the same process. Why the educated classes of this land should be so inveterately hostile to the foreigner is a difficult question to answer. It has been suggested that the Chinese of this type have an ineradicable conviction that every European is at heart a 'land-grabber'; that missionaries are the advance agents of their Governments; that the Bible is the certain forerunner of the gun-boat; and that where the missionary comes as a sojourner he means to stay as a proprietor; consequently, that the only hope of integrity for China is that her loyal sons should on every occasion destroy the baneful germ. Extravagant and (in the instance of Kienning) far-fetched as these notions may seem, I am convinced that the literati and gentry have been at the root not only of the present outbreak, but of the others which have preceded it. While, therefore, I have insisted throughout that Kienning must be made a place of safe residence for the British missionary, I have considered that the only way to attain that result will be to shackle the hands of the gentry by making any further breach of the peace a sure precursor of punishment."

To this end, Mr. Playfair's exactions included, not only the trial and punishment of those guilty of the riot and the murder, but the signing of a bond by twenty-four leading notables of Kienning, binding them, with penalties, to protect the missionaries. His demand was complied with, and, on the 29th of September, he reported that the required bond had been given. He added: "Before accepting it, however, I required the authorities to inform me officially that the terms, which to me seemed somewhat vague, were understood by the authorities to extend the responsibility of the gentry to any outbreak of the populace. I received this intimation and I consider that it supplements the original wording effectually."

In November the German government made public the substance of an official telegram received from Peking, reporting a serious state of disturbance in the German missionary districts of Shantung: "It appears from this communication that the followers of the sects of the 'Red Fist' and the 'Great Knife' are in a state of revolt against the Administration and the people in that province, and are engaged in plunder and rapine in many places. The native Christians suffer no less than the rest of the population by this revolt. Money was usually extorted from them, and their dwellings were pillaged or destroyed. The Italian Mission, situated in the adjoining district, were faring no better, and their chapel had just been burned down. Owing, however, to the unremitting representations of the German Minister, the Chinese Government have caused several of the agitators to be arrested by the local authorities, and they are taking further steps in this direction, with the result that order is gradually being restored. At several places the native Christians, with their non-Christian fellow-countrymen, repulsed the rebels by force of arms. The Provincial Governor has promised the authorities of the Mission a full indemnity for the losses suffered by them and by the other Christians, and several payments have already been made."

On the 4th of December, the following despatch was sent to London from the British Legation at Peking:

"During the delimitation of French leased territory at Kwang-chou-wan on the 13th November, Chinese villagers seized two French officers and decapitated them. The execution of a dignitary—the Prefect concerned in the murder—has been demanded by the French Minister, as well as the dismissal of the Canton Viceroy, who is also implicated. The Chinese Commissioner engaged in the delimitation and the gunboat in which he travelled are held by the French as hostages."

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CHINA: A. D. 1899 (March). The Tsung-li Yamên. Its character and position. The power of the Empress Dowager.

The Tsung-li Yamên is a small body of Councillors who form a species of Cabinet, with a special obligation to advise the Emperor on foreign affairs. "They have no constitutional position whatever, they have no powers except those derived from the Emperor, and they are very much afraid for themselves. He may by mere fiat deprive them of their rank, which is high; he may 'squeeze' them of their wealth, which is often great; he may banish them from the delights of Pekin to very unpleasant places; or he may order them to be quietly decapitated or cut slowly into little pieces. At such times their preoccupation is neither their country nor their immediate business, nor even their own advancement, but to avoid offending the irritable earthly deity who holds their lives and fortunes in his hands. Such a time it is just now. The Empress-Dowager is Emperor in all but name, she has ideas and a will, and she is suspicious to the last degree. There is no possibility of opposing her, for she has drawn together eighty thousand troops round Pekin, who while she pays their Generals will execute anybody she pleases; there is no possibility of appeal from her, for she represents a theocracy; and there is no possibility of overpowering her mind, for she is that dreadful phenomenon four or five times revealed in history, an Asiatic woman possessed of absolute power, and determined to sweep away all who oppose, or whom she suspects of opposition, from her path. Under her regime the members of the Tsung-li Yamên are powerless nonentities, trembling with fear lest, if they make a blunder, they may awaken the anger of their all-powerful and implacable Sovereign, whose motives they themselves often fail to fathom."

_The Spectator (London), March 18, 1899._

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (March-April). Agreement between England and Russia concerning their railway interests in China.

On the 28th of April, 1899, the governments of Great Britain and Russia exchanged notes, embodying an agreement (practically arrived at in the previous month) concerning their respective railway interests in China, in the following terms:

"Russia and Great Britain, animated by the sincere desire to avoid in China all cause of conflict on questions where their interests meet, and taking into consideration the economic and geographical gravitation of certain parts of that Empire, have agreed as follows:

1. Russia engages not to seek for her own account, or on behalf of Russian subjects or of others, any railway concessions in the basin of the Yang-tsze, and not to obstruct, directly or indirectly, applications for railway concessions in that region supported by the British Government.

2. Great Britain, on her part, engages not to seek for her own account, or on behalf of British subjects or of others, any railway concessions to the north of the Great Wall of China, and not to obstruct, directly or indirectly, applications for railway concessions in that region supported by the Russian Government. The two contracting parties, having nowise in view to infringe in any way the sovereign rights of China or of existing treaties, will not fail to communicate to the Chinese Government the present arrangement, which, by averting all cause of complication between them, is of a nature to consolidate peace in the far East, and to serve the primordial interests of China herself."

Second Note. "In order to complete the notes exchanged this day respecting the partition of spheres for concessions for the construction and working of railways in China, it has been agreed to record in the present additional note the arrangement arrived at with regard to the line Shanghaikuan-Newchwang, for the construction of which a loan has been already contracted by the Chinese Government with the Shanghai-Hongkong Bank, acting on behalf of the British and Chinese corporation. The general arrangement established by the above-mentioned notes is not to infringe in any way the rights acquired under the said loan contract, and the Chinese Government may appoint both an English engineer and a European accountant to supervise the construction of the line in question, and the expenditure of the money appropriated to it. But it remains understood that this fact can not be taken as constituting a right of property or foreign control, and that the line in question is to remain a Chinese line under the control of the Chinese Government, and can not be mortgaged or alienated to a non-Chinese Company. As regards the branch line from Siaoheichan to Sinminting, in addition to the aforesaid restrictions, it has been agreed that it is to be constructed by China herself, which may permit European—not necessarily British—engineers to periodically inspect it, and to verify and certify that the work is being properly executed. The present special agreement is naturally not to interfere in any way with the right of the Russian Government to support, if it thinks fit, applications of Russian subjects or establishments for concessions for railways, which, starting from the main Manchurian line in a southwesterly direction, would traverse the region in which the Chinese line terminating at Sinminting and Newchwang is to be constructed."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command, Treaty Series, Number 11, 1899._

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (April). Increasing ascendancy of Manchus in the government.

On the 17th of April, Mr. Bax-Ironside reported to Lord Salisbury: "There has been no change of importance to note in the political situation. The tendency to replace Chinese by Manchus in the important political posts of the Empire is increasing. There are sixty-two Viceroys, Governors, Treasurers, and Judges of the eighteen provinces and the New Dominion. Twenty-four of these posts are now held by Manchus, whereas before the coup d'etat only thirteen of them were so occupied. So large a percentage of Manchus in the highest positions tends to indicate a retrograde administration, as the Manchus are, as a race, very inferior to the Chinese in intelligence and capacity, and their appointment to important positions is viewed with disfavour by the Chinese themselves. The Dowager-Empress has sent special instructions both to Moukden and Kirin to raise the present standard of the Manchu schools in those towns to that existing in the ordinary schools in Peking."-

_Great Britain, Papers by Command, China, Number 1, 1900, page 129._

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CHINA: A. D. 1899 (May-July). Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume) PEACE CONFERENCE.

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (August). Talienwan declared a free port.

"The Emperor of Russia in a quaintly worded Imperial Order issued on Sunday last [August 13] and addressed to the Minister of Finance, has declared that after the completion of the railway Talienwan shall be a free port during the whole duration of the lease from China. In the course of the Order the Emperor says: 'Thanks to the wise decision of the Chinese Government, we shall through the railway lines in course of construction be united with China,—a result which gives to all nations the immeasurable gain of easy communication and lightens the operations of the world's trade.' The Emperor also speaks of 'a rapprochement between the peoples of the West and East' (brought about apparently by obtaining an outlet for the great Siberian rail way) as 'our historic aim.'"

_Spectator (London), August 19, 1899._

CHINA: A. D. 1899 (December). Li Hung-chang appointed Acting Viceroy at Canton.

On the 20th of December it was announced that the Viceroy at Canton had been ordered to Peking and that Li Hung-chang had been appointed Acting Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi—the provinces of which Canton is the Viceroyal seat.

CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (September-February). Pledges of an "open-door" commercial policy in China obtained by the government of the United States from the governments of Great Britain, Russia, France, Germany, Italy and Japan.

On the 6th of September, 1899, the American Secretary of State, Mr. John Hay, despatched to the United States Ambassador at Berlin the following instructions, copies of which were forwarded at the same time to the Ambassadors at London and St. Petersburg, to be communicated to the British and Russian governments:

"At the time when the Government of the United States was informed by that of Germany that it had leased from His Majesty the Emperor of China the port of Kiao-chao and the adjacent territory in the province of Shantung, assurances were given to the ambassador of the United States at Berlin by the Imperial German minister for foreign affairs that the rights and privileges insured by treaties with China to citizens of the United States would not thereby suffer or be in anywise impaired within the area over which Germany had thus obtained control. More recently, however, the British Government recognized by a formal agreement with Germany the exclusive right of the latter country to enjoy in said leased area and the contiguous 'sphere of influence or interest' certain privileges, more especially those relating to railroads and mining enterprises: but, as the exact nature and extent of the rights thus recognized have not been clearly defined, it is possible that serious conflicts of interest may at any time arise, not only between British and German subjects within said area, but that the interests of our citizens may also be jeopardized thereby. Earnestly desirous to remove any cause of irritation and to insure at the same time to the commerce of all nations in China the undoubted benefits which should accrue from a formal recognition by the various powers claiming 'spheres of interest,' that they shall enjoy perfect equality of treatment for their commerce and navigation within such 'spheres,' the Government of the United States would be pleased to see His German Majesty's Government give formal assurances and lend its cooperation in securing like assurances from the other interested powers that each within its respective sphere of whatever influence—

"First. Will in no way interfere with any treaty port or any vested interest within any so-called 'sphere of interest' or leased territory it may have in China.

"Second. That the Chinese treaty tariff of the time being shall apply to all merchandise landed or shipped to all such ports as are within said 'sphere of interest' (unless they be 'free ports'), no matter to what nationality it may belong, and that duties so leviable shall be collected by the Chinese Government.

"Third. That it will levy no higher harbor duties on vessels of another nationality frequenting any port in such 'sphere' than shall be levied on vessels of its own nationality' and no higher railroad charges over lines built, controlled, or operated within its 'sphere' on merchandise belonging to citizens or subjects of other nationalities transported through such 'sphere' than shall be levied on similar merchandise belonging to its own nationals transported over equal distances.

"The liberal policy pursued by His Imperial German Majesty in declaring Kiao-chao a free port and in aiding the Chinese Government in the establishment there of a custom-house are so clearly in line with the proposition which this Government is anxious to see recognized that it entertains the strongest hope that Germany will give its acceptance and hearty support. The recent ukase of His Majesty the Emperor of Russia declaring the port of Ta-lien-wan open during the whole of the lease under which it is held from China, to the merchant ships of all nations, coupled with the categorical assurances made to this Government by His Imperial Majesty's representative at this capital at the time, and since repeated to me by the present Russian ambassador, seem to insure the support of the Emperor to the proposed measure. Our ambassador at the Court of St. Petersburg has, in consequence, been instructed to submit it to the Russian Government and to request their early consideration of it. A copy of my instruction on the subject to Mr. Tower is herewith inclosed for your confidential information. The commercial interests of Great Britain and Japan will be so clearly served by the desired declaration of intentions, and the views of the Governments of these countries as to the desirability of the adoption of measures insuring the benefits of equality of treatment of all foreign trade throughout China are so similar to those entertained by the United States, that their acceptance of the propositions herein outlined and their coöperation in advocating their adoption by the other powers can be confidently expected. I inclose herewith copy of the instruction which I have sent to Mr. Choate on the subject. In view of the present favorable conditions, you are instructed to submit the above considerations to His Imperial German Majesty's minister for foreign affairs, and to request his early consideration of the subject. Copy of this instruction is sent to our ambassadors at London and at St. Petersburg for their information." Subsequently the same proposal was addressed to the governments of France, Italy and Japan.

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On the 30th of November, Lord Salisbury addressed to Ambassador Choate the reply of his government, as follows: "I have the honor to state that I have carefully considered, in communication with my colleagues, the proposal contained in your excellency's note of September 22 that a declaration should be made by foreign powers claiming 'spheres of interest' in China as to their intentions in regard to the treatment of foreign trade and interest therein. I have much pleasure in informing your excellency that Her Majesty's Government will be prepared to make a declaration in the sense desired by your Government in regard to the leased territory of Wei-hai Wei and all territory in China which may hereafter be acquired by Great Britain by lease or otherwise, and all spheres of interest now held or that may hereafter be held by her in China, provided that a similar declaration is made by other powers concerned."

Ambassador Porter, at Paris, received a prompt reply, December 16, from the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, M. Delcassé, in the following note:

"The declarations which I made in the Chamber on the 24th of November last, and which I have had occasion to recall to you since then, show clearly the sentiments of the Government of the Republic. It desires throughout the whole of China and, with the quite natural reservation that all the powers interested give an assurance of their willingness to act likewise, is ready to apply in the territories which are leased to it, equal treatment to the citizens and subjects of all nations, especially in the matter of customs duties and navigation dues, as well as transportation tariffs on rail ways."

Viscount Aoki, Minister for Foreign Affairs, replied for the government of Japan, December 26, in the following note to Minister Buck: "I have the happy duty of assuring your excellency that the Imperial Government will have no hesitation to give their assent to so just and fair a proposal of the United States, provided that all the other powers concerned shall accept the same."

The reply of the Russian government was addressed to Ambassador Tower by Count Mouravieff, on the 30th of December, in the following terms:

"In so far as the territory leased by China to Russia is concerned, the Imperial Government has already demonstrated its firm intention to follow the policy of 'the open door' by creating Dalny (Ta-lien-wan) a free port; and if at some future time that port, although remaining free itself, should be separated by a customs limit from other portions of the territory in question, the customs duties would be levied, in the zone subject to the tariff, upon all foreign merchandise without distinction as to nationality. As to the ports now opened or hereafter to be opened to foreign commerce by the Chinese Government, and which lie beyond the territory leased to Russia, the settlement of the question of customs duties belongs to China herself, and the Imperial Government has no intention whatever of claiming any privileges for its own subjects to the exclusion of other foreigners. It is to be understood, however, that this assurance of the Imperial Government is given upon condition that a similar declaration shall be made by other Powers having interests in China. With the conviction that this reply is such as to satisfy the inquiry made in the aforementioned note, the Imperial Government is happy to have complied with the wishes of the American Government, especially as it attaches the highest value to anything that may strengthen and consolidate the traditional relations of friendship existing between the two countries."

On the 7th of January the reply of the Italian government was addressed to Minister Draper, at Rome, by the Marquis Visconti Venosta, as follows: "Supplementary to what you had already done me the honor of communicating to me in your note of December 9, 1899, your excellency informed me yesterday of the telegraphic note received from your Government that all the powers consulted by the cabinet of Washington concerning the suitability of adopting a line of policy which would insure to the trade of the whole world equality of treatment in China have given a favorable reply. Referring to your communications and to the statements in my note of December 23 last, I take pleasure in saying that the Government of the King adheres willingly to the proposals set forth in said note of December 9."

Finally, on the 19th of February, Count von Bülow wrote to Ambassador White, at Berlin:

"As recognized by the Government of the United States of America, according to your excellency's note, … the Imperial Government has from the beginning not only asserted but also practically carried out to the fullest extent in its Chinese possessions absolute equality of treatment of all nations with regard to trade, navigation, and commerce. The Imperial Government entertains no thought of departing in the future from this principle, which at once excludes any prejudicial or disadvantageous commercial treatment of the citizens of the United States of America, so long as it is not forced to do so, on account of considerations of reciprocity, by a divergence from it by other governments. If, therefore, the other powers interested in the industrial development of the Chinese Empire are willing to recognize the same principles, this can only be desired by the Imperial Government, which in this case upon being requested will gladly be ready to participate with the United States of America and the other powers in an agreement made upon these lines, by which the same rights are reciprocally secured."

Having, now, the assent of all the Powers which hold leased territory or claim "spheres of interest" in China, Secretary Hay sent instructions to the Ambassadors and Ministers representing the government of the United States at the capital of each, in the following form:

"The —— Government having accepted the declaration suggested by the United States concerning foreign trade in China, the terms of which I transmitted to you in my instruction Number —— of ——, and like action having been taken by all the various powers having leased territory or so-called 'spheres of interest' in the Chinese Empire, as shown by the notes which I herewith transmit to you, you will please inform the government to which you are accredited that the condition originally attached to its acceptance—that all other powers concerned should likewise accept the proposals of the United States—having been complied with, this Government will therefore consider the assent given to it by —— as final and definitive."

_United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session, House Document Number 547._

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CHINA: A. D. 1900 (January). Imperial Decree relative to the succession to the Throne.

The following is a translation of an Imperial Decree, "by the Emperor's own pen," which appeared in the "Peking Gazette," January 24, 1900:

"When at a tender age we entered into the succession to the throne, Her Majesty the Empress-Dowager graciously undertook the rule of the country as Regent, taught and guided us with diligence, and managed all things, great and small, with unremitting care, until we ourself assumed the government. Thereafter the times again became critical. We bent all our thoughts and energies to the task of ruling rightly, striving to requite Her Majesty's loving kindness, that so we might fulfil the weighty duties intrusted to us by the late Emperor Mu Tsung Yi (T'ung Chih). But since last year we have suffered from ill-health, affairs of State have increased in magnitude and perplexity, and we have lived in constant dread of going wrong. Reflecting on the supreme importance of the worship of our ancestors and of the spirits of the land, we therefore implored the Empress-Dowager to advise us in the government. This was more than a year ago, but we have never been restored to health, and we have not the strength to perform in person the great sacrifices at the altar of Heaven and in the temples of the spirits of the land. And now the times are full of difficulties. We see Her Gracious Majesty's anxious toil by day and by night, never laid aside for rest or leisure, and with troubled mind we examine ourself, taking no comfort in sleep or food, but ever dwelling in thought on the labours of our ancestors in founding the dynasty, and ever fearful lest our strength be not equal to our task.

"Moreover, we call to mind how, when we first succeeded to the throne, we reverently received the Empress-Dowager's Decree that as soon as a Prince should be born to us he should become the heir by adoption to the late Emperor Mu Tsung Yi (T'ung Chih). This is known to all the officials and people throughout the Empire. But we suffer from an incurable disease, and it is impossible for us to beget a son, so that the Emperor Mu Tsung Yi has no posterity, and the consequences to the lines of succession are of the utmost gravity. Sorrowfully thinking on this, and feeling that there is no place to hide ourself for shame, how can we look forward to recovery from all our ailments? We have therefore humbly implored Her Sacred Majesty carefully to select from among the near branches of our family a good and worthy member, who should found a line of posterity for the Emperor Mu Tsung Yi (T'ung Chih), and to whom the Throne should revert hereafter. After repeated entreaties, Her Majesty has now deigned to grant her consent that P'u Chün, son of Tsai Yi, Prince Tuan, should be adopted as the son of the late Emperor Mu Tsung Yi (T'ung Chih). We have received Her Majesty's Decree with unspeakable joy, and in reverent obedience to her gracious instruction we appoint P'u Chün, son of Tsai Yi, as Prince Imperial, to carry on the dynastic succession. Let this Decree be made known to all men."

_Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications (Papers by Command: China, Number 3, 1900, pages 15-16)._

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (January-March). First accounts of the secret society of "the Boxers" and their bloody work. The murder of Mr. Brooks, the missionary. Prolonged effort of foreign Ministers to procure an Imperial Edict for the suppression of the hostile secret societies. A naval demonstration recommended. Testimony of Sir Robert Hart as to the causes and the patriotic inspiration of the Boxer movement.

The year 1900 opened with news of the murder of Mr. Brooks, of the Church of England Mission in northern Shantung, who was wounded and captured December 30 and beheaded the day following, by a band of marauders belonging to a secret organization which soon became notorious under the name of the society of "the Boxers." The British Minister at Peking reported it to London on the 4th of January, and on the 5th he gave the following account of the state of affairs in northern Shantung, where the outrage occurred:

"For several months past the northern part of the Province of Shantung has been disturbed by bands of rebels connected with various Secret Societies, who have been defying the authorities and pillaging the people. An organization known as the 'Boxers' has attained special notoriety, and their ravages recently spread over a large portion of Southern Chihli, where the native Christians appear to have suffered even more than the rest of the inhabitants from the lawlessness of these marauders. The danger to which, in both provinces, foreign missionary establishments have been thus exposed, has been the subject of repeated representations to the Chinese Government by others of the foreign Representatives—especially the German and United States' Ministers—and myself. Early last month the Governor of Shantung, Yü Hsien, was ordered to vacate his post and come to Peking for audience, and the General Yüan Shih-K'ai was appointed Acting Governor in his place. In Southern Chihli the task of dealing with the disturbances was entrusted to the Viceroy at Tien-tsin. Her Majesty's Consul at Tien-tsin has had repeatedly to complain to the latter of the inadequacy of the protection afforded to British life and property in the districts affected by the rebellion; and in consequence of these representations and of my own communications to the Tsung-li Yamên, guards of soldiers have been stationed for the special protection of the missionary premises which were endangered. On the 29th ultimo I took occasion to warn the Yamên by letter that if the disorder were not vigorously quelled, international complications were likely to ensue."

After narrating an interview with the Tsung-li Yamên on the subject of the murder of Mr. Brooks, and repeating the assurances he had received of vigorous measures to punish the murderers, Minister MacDonald concluded his despatch by saying: "In a note which I addressed to the Yamên this morning I took occasion to remind the Ministers that there were other British missionaries living in the district where Mr. Brooks was killed, and to impress upon their Excellencies the necessity of securing efficient protection to these. I do not, however, entertain serious apprehensions as to their safety, because guards of soldiers have been for some time past stationed to protect the various missionary residences. The unfortunate man who was murdered was seized when he was travelling by wheel-barrow, without escort, through the country infested by the rebels."

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A few days later, Bishop Scott, of the Church of England Mission, at Peking, received from Mr. Brown, another missionary in Shantung province, the following telegram: "Outlook very black; daily marauding; constant danger; Edict suppressing published; troops present, but useless; officials complete inaction: T'ai An Prefect blocks; secret orders from Throne to encourage." On this Sir Claude again called upon the Yamên, and "spoke to them," he says, "in terms of the gravest warning. While I could not believe it possible, I said, that the rumours of secret orders from the Throne were true, the mere fact of the currency of such rumours showed the impression which the conduct of the Prefect conveyed to the public. So much was I impressed by this, that I had come to-day especially to protest against the behaviour of the Shantung officials. The whole of the present difficulty could be traced to the attitude of the late Governor of Shantung, Yü Hsien, who secretly encouraged the seditious Society known as 'the Boxers.' I had again and again pointed out to the Ministers that until China dealt with the high authorities in such cases these outrages would not cease. I asked the Ministers to telegraph to the new Governor Yüan that I had called at the Yamên that day to complain of the conduct of the Prefect of T'ai An. The Ministers attempted to excuse the inertia of the local officials on the plea that their difficulties were very great. The primary cause of the trouble was the bad feeling existing between the converts and the ordinary natives. This had developed until bands of marauders had formed, who harassed Christians and other natives alike. The local officials had hitherto not had sufficient force to cope with so widespread a rising, but now that Yüan and his troops had been sent to the province they hoped for the speedy restoration of order. I impressed upon the Ministers in the most emphatic manner my view of the gravity of the situation. The Imperial Edict expressing sorrow for what had occurred and enjoining strong measures was satisfactory so far as it went; but Her Majesty's Government required something more than mere words, and would now await action on the part of the Chinese Government in conformity with their promises."

On the day of this interview (January 11), an Imperial Decree was issued by the Chinese government, opening in ambiguous terms and decreeing nothing. "Of late," it said, "in all the provinces brigandage has become daily more prevalent, and missionary cases have recurred with frequency. Most critics point to seditious Societies as the cause, and ask for rigorous suppression and punishment of these. But reflection shows that Societies are of different kinds. When worthless vagabonds form themselves into bands and sworn confederacies, and relying on their numbers create disturbances, the law can show absolutely no leniency to them on the other hand, when peaceful and law-abiding people practise their skill in mechanical arts for the self-preservation of themselves and their families, or when they combine in village communities for the mutual protection of the rural population, this is in accordance with the public-spirited principle (enjoined by Mencius) of 'keeping mutual watch and giving mutual help.' Some local authorities, when a case arises, do not regard this distinction, but, listening to false and idle rumours, regard all alike as seditious Societies, and involve all in one indiscriminate slaughter. The result is that no distinction being made between the good and the evil, men's minds are thrown into fear and doubt. This is, indeed, 'adding fuel to stop a fire,' 'driving fish to the deep part of the pool to catch them.' It means, not that the people are disorderly, but that the administration is bad."

The foreign ministers at Peking soon learned that this ambiguous decree had given encouragement to the "Boxers," and the British, American, German, French and Italian representatives, by agreement, addressed an "identic note" to the Yamên, dated January 27, in which, referring to the state of affairs in north Shantung and in the centre and south of Chihli, each one said: "This state of affairs, which is a disgrace to any civilized country, has been brought about by the riotous and lawless behaviour of certain ruffians who have banded themselves together into two Societies, termed respectively the 'Fist of Righteous Harmony' and the 'Big Sword Society,' and by the apathy, and in some instances actual connivance and encouragement of these Societies by the local officials. The members of these Societies go about pillaging the homes of Christian converts, breaking down their chapels, robbing and ill-treating inoffensive women and children, and it is a fact, to which I would draw the special attention of your Highness and your Excellencies, that on the banners which are carried by these riotous and lawless people are inscribed the words, 'Exterminate the Foreigners.'

"On the 11th January an Imperial Decree was issued drawing a distinction between good and bad Societies. The wording of this Decree has unfortunately given rise to a widespread impression that such Associations as the 'Fist of Righteous Harmony' and the 'Big Sword Society' are regarded with favour by the Chinese Government, and their members have openly expressed their gratification and have been encouraged by the Decree to continue to carry on their outrages against the Christian converts. I cannot for a moment suppose that such was the intention of this Decree. These Societies are, as I have shown, of a most pernicious and rebellious character.

"I earnestly beg to draw the serious attention of the Throne to the circumstances above described: the disorders have not reached such a stage that they cannot be stamped out by prompt and energetic action: but if such action be not immediately taken, the rioters will be encouraged to think that they have the support of the Government and proceed to graver crimes, thereby seriously endangering international relations. As a preliminary measure, and one to which I attach the greatest importance, I have to beg that an Imperial Decree be published and promulgated, ordering by name the complete suppression and abolition of the 'Fist of Righteous Harmony' and the 'Big Sword Societies,' and I request that it may be distinctly stated in the Decree that to belong to either of these Societies, or to harbour any of its members, is a criminal offence against the laws of China."

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In communicating the above note to Lord Salisbury, Sir Claude MacDonald explained: "The name of the Society given in the note as 'The Fist of Righteous Harmony' is the same as the 'Boxers.' The latter name was given in the first instance, either by missionaries or newspapers, but does not convey the meaning of the Chinese words. The idea underlying the name is that the members of the Society will unite to uphold the cause of righteousness, if necessary by force."

On the 21st of February no reply to the identic note had been given, and the five foreign Ministers then wrote again. This brought an answer so evasive that they asked for an interview with the Yamên, and it was appointed for March 2d. On the evening of the 1st they received copies of a proclamation which the Governor-General of Chihli had been commanded to issue. The proclamation embodied an Imperial Decree, transmitted to the Governor-General on the 21st of February, which said: "Last year the Governor of Shantung telegraphed that the Society known as 'the Fist of Righteous Harmony' in many of his districts, under the plea of enmity to foreign religions, were raising disturbances in all directions, and had extended their operations into the southern part of Chihli. We have repeatedly ordered the Governor-General of Chihli and the Governor of Shantung to send soldiers to keep the peace. But it is to be feared that if stern measures of suppression of such proceedings as secretly establishing societies with names and collecting in numbers to raise disturbances be not taken, the ignorant populace will be deluded and excited, and as time goes on things will grow worse, and when some serious case ensues we shall be compelled to employ troops to extirpate the evil. The sufferers would be truly many, and the throne cannot bear to slay without warning. Let the Governor-General of Chihli and the Governor of Shantung issue the most stringent Proclamations admonishing the people and strictly prohibiting (the societies) so that our people may all know that to secretly establish societies is contrary to prohibition and a breach of the law."

To this the Governor-General of Chihli added, in his own name: "I (the Governor-General) find it settled by decided cases that those people of no occupation, busybodies who style themselves Professors, and practise boxing, and play with clubs, and teach people their arts; those also who learn from these men, and those who march about and parade the villages and marts flourishing tridents, and playing with sticks, hood-winking the populace to make a profit for themselves, are strictly forbidden to carry on such practices. Should any disobey, on arrest the principals will receive 100 blows with the heavy bamboo, and be banished to a distance of 1,000 miles. The pupils will receive the same beating, and be banished to another province for three years, and on expiration of that period and return to their native place be subjected to strict surveillance. Should any inn, temple or house harbour these people without report to the officials, or should the police and others not search them out and arrest them, the delinquents will be sentenced to eighty blows with the heavy bamboo for improper conduct in the higher degree.

"From this it appears that teaching or practising boxing and club play, and deluding the people for private gain are fundamentally contrary to law. But of late some of the ignorant populace have been deluded by ruffians from other parts of the Empire who talk of charms and incantations and spiritual incarnations which protect from guns and cannon. They have dared to secretly establish the Society of the Fist of Righteous Harmony and have practised drill with fists and clubs. The movement has spread in all directions, and under the plea of hatred of foreign religions these people have harried the country. When soldiers and runners came to make arrests, turbulent ruffians had the audacity to defy them, relying on their numbers, thereby exhibiting a still greater contempt for the law. …

"In addition to instructing all the local officials to adopt strict measures of prohibition and to punish without fail all offenders, I hereby issue this most stringent admonition and notify all people in my jurisdiction, gentry and every class of the population, that you should clearly understand that the establishment and formation of secret societies for the practice of boxing and club exercises are contrary to prohibition and a breach of the law. The assembly of mobs to create disturbances and all violent outrages are acts which the law will still less brook. … The converts and the ordinary people are all the subjects of the throne, and are regarded by the Government with impartial benevolence. No distinction is made between them. Should they have lawsuits they must bow to the judgments of the officials. The ordinary people must not give way to rage, and by violent acts create feuds and trouble. The converts on the other hand must not stir up strife and oppress the people or incite the missionaries to screen them and help them to obtain the upper hand."

According to appointment, the interview with the Yamên took place on the 2d of March: "Mr. Conger, United States' Minister, Baron von Ketteler, German Minister, Marquis Salvago, Italian Minister, Baron d'Anthoüard, French Charge d' Affaires, and myself," writes Sir Claude MacDonald, "were received at the Yamên by Prince Ch'ing and nearly all the Ministers. On behalf of myself and my colleagues I recapitulated the circumstances, as detailed above, which had led to the demand which we now made. My colleagues all expressed to the Prince and Ministers their entire concurrence with the language I used, Mr. Conger reminded the Yamên of the incredulity with which they had listened to his representations regarding these disturbances over three months ago, and the promises they had been making ever since, from which nothing had resulted. Baron von Ketteler laid special stress on the fact that in the Decree just communicated no mention was made of the 'Ta Tao Hui,' or 'Big Knife Society,' the denunciation of which, equally with that of the 'I-Ho-Ch'uan,' or 'Fist of Righteous Harmony,' had been demanded. The Prince and Ministers protested emphatically that the Throne was earnest in its determination to put a stop to the outrages committed by these Societies. They maintained that the method adopted for promulgating the Imperial Decree, that of sending it to the Governors of the provinces concerned, to be embodied in a Proclamation and acted upon, was much speedier and more effective than that of publishing a Decree in the 'Peking Gazette,' as suggested by us. With regard to the omission of the term 'Ta Tao Hui' from the Decree, they declared that this Society was now the same as the 'I-Ho-Ch'uan.'"

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At the close of the interview the five Ministers presented identic notes to the Yamên, in which each said: "I request that an Imperial Decree may be issued and published in the 'Peking Gazette' ordering by name the complete suppression and abolition of the 'Fist of Righteous Harmony' and 'Big Sword Societies,' and I request that it may be distinctly stated in the Decree that to belong to either of these societies or to harbour any of its members is a criminal offence against the law of China. Nothing less than this will, I am convinced, put an end to the outrages against Christians which have lately been so prevalent in Chihli and Shantung. Should the Chinese Government refuse this reasonable request I shall be compelled to report to my Government their failure to take what may be called only an ordinary precaution against a most pernicious and anti-foreign organization. The consequences of further disorder in the districts concerned cannot fail to be extremely serious to the Chinese Government."

The reply of the Yamên to this "identic note" was a lengthy argument to show that publication in the "Peking Gazette" of the Imperial Edict against "Boxers" would be contrary to "an established rule of public business in China which it is impossible to alter"; and that, furthermore, it would be useless, because the common people of the provinces would not see it. Not satisfied with this reply, the Ministers, on the 10th of March, addressed another identic note to the Yamên, in the following words: "Acknowledging receipt of your Highness' and your Excellencies' note of the 7th March, I regret to say that it is in no way either an adequate or satisfactory reply to my notes or my verbal requests concerning the suppression of the two Societies known as the 'Big Sword' and 'Fist of Righteous Harmony.' I therefore am obliged to repeat the requests, and because of the rapid spread of these Societies, proof of which is accumulating every day, and which the Imperial Decree of the 11th January greatly encouraged, I insist that an absolute prohibitive Decree for all China, mentioning these two Societies by name, be forthwith issued and published in the 'Peking Gazette,' as was done with the Decree of the 11th January. Should I not receive a favourable answer without delay, I shall report the matter to my Government, and urge strongly the advisability of the adoption of other measures for the protection of the lives and property of British subjects in China."

On the same day, each of the Ministers cabled the following recommendation to his government:

"If the Chinese Government should refuse to publish the Decree we have required, and should the state of affairs not materially improve, I would respectfully recommend that a few ships of war of each nationality concerned should make a naval demonstration in North Chinese waters. Identic recommendations are being telegraphed home by my four colleagues above-mentioned."

On the 16th, Sir Claude wrote: "No reply has yet been received from the Tsung-li Yamên to the note of the 10th March, and it was with serious misgivings as to the attitude of the Chinese Government on this question that I read yesterday the official announcement of the appointment of Yü Hsien, lately Governor of Shantung, to the post of Governor of Shansi. The growth and impunity of the anti-Christian Societies in Shantung has been universally ascribed to the sympathy and encouragement accorded to them by this high officer, and his conduct has for some time past formed the subject of strong representations on the part of several of the foreign Representatives."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command: China, Number 3, 1900, pages 3-26._

"The foundation of the 'Boxers' can be traced to one man, Yü Hsien, who, when Prefect of Tsao-chau, in the south-west corner of Shan-tung, organized a band of men as local militia or trainbands. For them he revived the ancient appellation of 'I-Ho-Ch'üan,' the Patriotic Harmony Fists. Armed with long swords, they were known popularly as the Ta-tao-huei, or Big Knife Society. After the occupation of Kiao-chau Bay the society grew in force, the professed objects of its members being to oppose the exactions of native Catholics and to resist further German aggression. They became anti-Christian and anti-foreign. They became a religious sect, and underwent a fantastic kind of spiritual training of weird incantations and grotesque gymnastics, which they professed to believe rendered them impervious to the sword and to the bullet of the white man. Three deities they specially selected as their own—namely, Kwanti, the God of War and patron deity of the present dynasty, Kwang Chéng-tze, an incarnation of Laotze, and the Joyful Buddha of the Falstaffian Belly. They made Taoist and Buddhist temples their headquarters. Everywhere they declared that they would drive the foreigner and his devilish religion from China. To encourage this society its founder, Yü Hsien, was in March, 1899, appointed by the Throne Governor of Shan-tung. In four years he had risen from the comparatively humble post of Prefect to that of the highest official in the province."

_Peking Correspondence London Times, October 13, 1900._

Sir Robert Hart, an English gentleman who had been in the service of the Chinese government at Peking for many years, administering its maritime customs, is the author of an account of the causes and the character of the Boxer movement, written since its violent outbreak, from which the following passages are taken:

"For ages China had discountenanced the military spirit and was laughed at by us accordingly, and thus, ever since intercourse under treaties has gone on, we have been lecturing the Government from our superior standpoint, telling it that it must grow strong—must create army and navy—must adopt foreign drill and foreign weapons—must prepare to hold its own against all comers—must remember 'Codlin' is its friend, not 'Short': our words did not fall on closed ears—effect was given to selected bits of advice—and various firms did a very remarkable and very remunerative trade in arms. But while the Chinese Government made a note of all the advice its generous friends placed at its disposal, and adopted some suggestions because they either suited it or it seemed polite and harmless to do so, it did not forget its own thirty centuries of historic teaching, and it looked at affairs abroad through its own eyes and the eyes of its representatives at foreign Courts, studied their reports and the printed utterances of books, magazines, and newspapers, and the teaching thus received began gradually to crystallise in the belief that a huge standing army on European lines would be wasteful and dangerous and that a volunteer association—as suggested by the way all China ranged itself on the Government side in the Franco-Chinese affair—covering the whole Empire, offering an outlet for restless spirits and fostering a united and patriotic feeling, would be more reliable and effective, an idea which seemed to receive immediate confirmation from without in the stand a handful of burghers were making in the Transvaal: hence the Boxer Association, patriotic in origin, justifiable in its fundamental idea, and in point of fact the outcome of either foreign advice or the study of foreign methods.

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"In the meanwhile the seeds of other growths were being sown in the soil of the Chinese mind, private and official, and were producing fruit each after its kind: various commercial stipulations sanctioned by treaties had not taken into full account Chinese conditions, difficulties, methods, and requirements, and their enforcement did not make foreign commerce more agreeable to the eye of either provincial or metropolitan officials,—missionary propagandism was at work all over the country, and its fruits, Chinese Christians, did not win the esteem or goodwill of their fellows, for, first of all, they offended public feeling by deserting Chinese for foreign cults, next they irritated their fellow villagers by refusing, as Christians, to take part in or share the expenses of village festivals, and lastly, as Christians again, they shocked the official mind, and popular opinion also, by getting their religious teachers, more especially the Roman Catholics, to interfere on their behalf in litigation, &c., a state of affairs which became specially talked about in Shantung, the native province of the Confucius of over 2,000 years ago and now the sphere of influence of one of the Church's most energetic bishops,—the arrangement by which missionaries were to ride in green chairs and be recognised as the equals of Governors and Viceroys had its special signification and underlined missionary aspiration telling people and officials in every province what they had to expect from it: on the top of this came the Kiao Chow affair and the degradation and cashiering of a really able, popular, and clean-handed official, the Governor Li Ping Hêng, succeeded by the cessions of territory at Port Arthur, Wei-Hai-Wei, Kwang Chow Wan, &c., &c., &c., and these doings, followed by the successful stand made against the Italian demand for a port on the Coast of Chekiang, helped to force the Chinese Government to see that concession had gone far enough and that opposition to foreign encroachment might now and henceforth be the key-note of its policy.

"Li Ping Hêng had taken up his private residence in the southeastern corner of Pecheli, close to the Shantung frontier, and the Boxer movement, already started in a tentative way in the latter province, now received an immense impetus from the occurrences alluded to and was carefully nurtured and fostered by that cashiered official—more respected than ever by his countrymen. Other high officials were known to be in sympathy with the new departure and to give it their strongest approval and support, such as Hsü Tung, Kang I, and men of the same stamp and standing, and their advice to the throne was to try conclusions with foreigners and yield no more to their demands. However mistaken may have been their reading of foreigners, and however wrong their manner of action, these men—eminent in their own country for their learning and services—were animated by patriotism, were enraged at foreign dictation, and had the courage of their convictions: we must do them the justice of allowing they were actuated by high motives and love of country—but that does not always or necessarily mean political ability or highest wisdom. …

"The Chinese, an intelligent, cultivated race, sober, industrious, and on their own lines civilised, homogeneous in language, thought, and feeling, which numbers some four hundred millions, lives in its own ring fence, and covers a country which—made up of fertile land and teeming waters, with infinite variety of mountain and plain, hill and dale, and every kind of climate and condition—on its surface produces all that a people requires and in its bosom hides untold virgin wealth that has never yet been disturbed—this race, after thousands of years of haughty seclusion and exclusiveness, has been pushed by the force of circumstances and by the superior strength of assailants into treaty relations with the rest of the world, but regards that as a humiliation, sees no benefit accruing from it, and is looking forward to the day when it in turn will be strong enough to revert to its old life again and do away with foreign intercourse, interference, and intrusion: it has slept long, as we count sleep, but it is awake at last and its every member is tingling with Chinese feeling—'China for the Chinese and out with the foreigners!'

"The Boxer movement is doubtless the product of official inspiration, but it has taken hold of the popular imagination and will spread like wildfire all over the length and breadth of the country: it is, in short, a purely patriotic volunteer movement, and its object is to strengthen China—and for a Chinese programme. Its first experience has not been altogether a success as regards the attainment through strength of proposed ends,—the rooting up of foreign cults and the ejection of foreigners, but it is not a failure in respect of the feeler it put out—will volunteering work?—or as an experiment that would test ways and means and guide future choice: it has proved how to a man the people will respond to the call, and it has further demonstrated that the swords and spears to which the prudent official mind confined the initiated will not suffice, but must be supplemented or replaced by Mauser rifles and Krupp guns: the Boxer patriot of the future will possess the best weapons money can buy, and then the 'Yellow Peril' will be beyond ignoring."

_Robert Hart, The Peking Legations (Fortnightly Review, November, 1900)._

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CHINA: A. D. 1900 (March-April). Proposed joint naval demonstration of the Powers in Chinese waters.

On receipt of the telegram from Peking (March 10) recommending a joint naval demonstration in North Chinese waters, the British Ambassador at Paris was directed to consult the Government of France on the subject, and did so. On the 13th, he reported M. Delcassé, the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, as saying that "he could not, of course, without reflection and without consulting his colleagues, say what the decision of the French Government would be as to taking part in a naval demonstration, but at first sight it seemed to him that it would be difficult to avoid acting upon a suggestion which the Representatives of Five Powers, who ought to be good judges, considered advisable." On the 16th, he wrote to Lord Salisbury: "M. Delcassé informed me the day before yesterday that he had telegraphed to Peking for more precise information. I told him that I was glad to hear that no precipitate action was going to be taken by France, and that I believed that he would find that the United States' Government would be disinclined to associate themselves with any joint naval demonstration. I added that, although I had no instructions to say so, I expected that Her Majesty's Government would also adhere to their usual policy of proceeding with great caution, and would be in no hurry to take a step which only urgent necessity would render advisable."

On the 23d of March, Sir Claude MacDonald telegraphed to Lord Salisbury: "I learn that the Government of the United States have ordered one ship-of-war to go to Taku for the purpose of protecting American interests, that the Italian Minister has been given the disposal of two ships, and the German Minister has the use of the squadron at Kiao-chau for the same purpose. With a view to protect British missionary as well as other interests, which are far in excess of those of other Powers, I would respectfully request that two of Her Majesty's ships be sent to Taku."

On the 3d of April, the Tsung-li Yamên communicated to the British Ambassador the following information, as to the punishment of the murderers of Mr. Brooks, and of the officials responsible for neglect to protect him: "Of several arrests that had been made of persons accused of having been the perpetrators of the crime or otherwise concerned in its committal, two have been brought to justice and, at a trial at which a British Consul was present, found guilty and sentenced to be decapitated—a sentence which has already been carried into effect. Besides this, the Magistrate of Feichen, and some of the police authorities of the district, accounted to have been guilty of culpable negligence in the protection of Mr. Brooks, have been cashiered, or had other punishments awarded them of different degrees of severity."

For some weeks after this the Boxer movement appears to have been under constraint. Further outrages were not reported and no expressions of anxiety appear in the despatches from Peking. The proposal of a joint naval demonstration in the waters of Northern China was not pressed.

_Great Britain, Papers by Command: China, Number 3, 1900, pages 6-17._

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (May-June). Renewed activity of the "Boxers" and increasing gravity of the situation at Peking. Return of Legation guards. Call upon the fleets at Taku for reinforcement and rescue.

About the middle of May the activity of the "Boxers" was renewed, and a state of disorder far more threatening than before was speedily made known. The rapid succession of startling events during the next few weeks may be traced in the following series of telegrams from the British Minister at Peking to his chief:

"May 17. The French Minister called to-day to inform me that the Boxers have destroyed three villages and killed 61 Roman Catholic Christian converts at a place 90 miles from Peking, near Paoting-fu. The French Bishop informs me that in that district, and around Tien-tsin and Peking generally, much disorder prevails."

"May 18. There was a report yesterday, which has been confirmed to-day, that the Boxers have destroyed the London Mission chapel at Kung-tsun, and killed the Chinese preacher. Kung-tsun is about 40 miles south-west of Peking."

"May 19. At the Yamên, yesterday, I reminded the Ministers how I had unceasingly warned them during the last six months how dangerous it was not to take adequate measures in suppression of the Boxer Societies. I said that the result of the apathy of the Chinese Government was that now a Mission chapel, a few miles distant from the capital, had been destroyed. The Ministers admitted that the danger of the Boxer movement had not previously appeared to them so urgent, but that now they fully saw how serious it was. On the previous day an Imperial Decree had been issued, whereby specified metropolitan and provincial authorities were directed to adopt stringent measures to suppress the Boxers. This, they believed, would not fail to have the desired effect."

"May 21. All eleven foreign Representatives attended a meeting of the Diplomatic Body held yesterday afternoon, at the instance of the French Minister. The doyen was empowered to write, in the name of all the foreign Representatives, a note to the Yamên to the effect that the Diplomatic Body, basing their demands on the Decrees already issued by the Palace denunciatory of the Boxers, requested that all persons who should print, publish, or disseminate placards which menaced foreigners, all individuals aiding and abetting, all owners of houses or temples now used as meeting places for Boxers, should be arrested. They also demanded that those guilty of arson, murder, outrages, &c., together with those affording support or direction to Boxers while committing such outrages, should be executed. Finally, the publication of a Decree in Peking and the Northern Provinces setting forth the above. The foreign Representatives decided at their meeting to take further measures if the disturbances still continued, or if a favorable answer was not received to their note within five days. The meeting did not decide what measures should be taken, but the Representatives were generally averse to bringing guards to Peking, and, what found most favour, was as follows:—

With the exception of Holland, which has no ships in Chinese waters, it was proposed that all the Maritime Powers represented should make a naval demonstration either at Shanhaikuan, or at the new port, Ching-wangtao, while, in case of necessity, guards were to be held ready on board ship. My colleagues will, I think, send these proposals as they stand to their governments. As the Chinese Government themselves seem to be sufficiently alarmed, I do not think that the above measure will be necessary, but, should the occasion arise, I trust that Her Majesty's Government will see fit to support it. … I had a private interview with my Russian colleague, who came to see me before the matter reached its acute stages. M. de Giers said that there were only two countries with serious interests in China: England and Russia. He thought that both landing guards and naval demonstrations were to be discouraged, as they give rise to unknown eventualities. However, since the 18th instant, he admits that matters are grave, and agreed at once to the joint note."

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"May 24. Her Majesty's Consul at Tien-tsin reported by telegraph yesterday that a Colonel in charge of a party of the Viceroy's cavalry was caught, on the 22nd instant, in an ambuscade near Lai-shui, which is about 50 miles south-west of Peking. The party were destroyed."

"May 25. Tsung-li Yamên have replied to the note sent by the doyen of the Corps Diplomatique, reported in my telegram of the 21st May. They state that the main lines of the measures already in force agree with those required by the foreign Representatives, and add that a further Decree, which will direct efficacious action, is being asked for. The above does not even promise efficacious action, and, in my personal opinion, is unsatisfactory."

"May 27. At the meeting of the Corps Diplomatique, which took place yesterday evening, we were informed by the French Minister that all his information led him to believe that a serious outbreak, which would endanger the lives of all European residents in Peking, was on the point of breaking out. The Italian Minister confirmed the information received by M. Pichon. The Russian Minister agreed with his Italian and French colleagues in considering the latest reply of the Yamên to be unsatisfactory, adding that, in his opinion, the Chinese Government was now about to adopt effective measures. That the danger was imminent he doubted, but said that it was not possible to disregard the evidence adduced by the French Minister. We all agreed with this last remark. M. Pichon then urged that if the Chinese Government did not at once take action guards should at once be brought up by the foreign Representatives. Some discussion then ensued, after which it was determined that a precise statement should be demanded from the Yamên as to the measures they had taken, also that the terms of the Edict mentioned by them should be communicated to the foreign Representatives. Failing a reply from the Yamên of a satisfactory nature by this afternoon, it was resolved that guards should be sent for. Baron von Ketteler, the German Minister, declared that he considered the Chinese Government was crumbling to pieces, and that he did not believe that any action based on the assumption of their stability could be efficacious. The French Minister is, I am certain, genuinely convinced that the danger is real, and owing to his means of information he is well qualified to judge. … I had an interview with Prince Ch'ing and the Yamên Ministers this afternoon. Energetic measures are now being taken against the Boxers by the Government, whom the progress of the Boxer movement has, at last, thoroughly alarmed. The Corps Diplomatique, who met in the course of the day, have decided to wait another twenty-four hours for further developments."

"May 29. Some stations on the line, among others Yengtai, 6 miles from Peking, together with machine sheds and European houses, were burnt yesterday by the Boxers. The line has also been torn up in places. Trains between this and Tien-tsin have stopped running, and traffic has not been resumed yet. The situation here is serious, and so far the Imperial troops have done nothing. It was unanimously decided, at a meeting of foreign Representatives yesterday, to send for guards for the Legations, in view of the apathy of the Chinese Government and the gravity of the situation. Before the meeting assembled, the French Minister had already sent for his."

"May 30. Permission for the guards to come to Peking has been refused by the Yamên. I think, however, that they may not persist in their refusal. The situation in the meantime is one of extreme gravity. The people are very excited, and the soldiers mutinous. Without doubt it is now a question of European life and property being in danger here. The French and Russians are landing 100 men each. French, Russian, and United States' Ministers, and myself, were deputed to-day at a meeting of the foreign Representatives to declare to the Tsung-li Yamên that the foreign Representatives must immediately bring up guards for the protection of the lives of Europeans in Peking in view of the serious situation and untrustworthiness of the Chinese troops. That the number would be small if facilities were granted, but it must be augmented should they be refused, and serious consequences might result for the Chinese Government in the latter event. In reply, the Yamên stated that no definite reply could be given until to-morrow afternoon, as the Prince was at the Summer Palace. As the Summer Palace is within an hour's ride we refused to admit the impossibility of prompt communication and decision, and repeated the warning already given of the serious consequences which would result if the Viceroy at Tien-tsin did not receive instructions this evening in order that the guards might be enabled to arrive here to-morrow. The danger will be greatest on Friday, which is a Chinese festival."

"May 31. Provided that the number does not exceed that of thirty for each Legation, as on the last occasion, the Yamên have given their consent to the guards coming to Peking. … It was decided this morning, at a meeting of the foreign Representatives, to at once bring up the guards that are ready. These probably include the British, American, Italian, and Japanese."

"June 1. British, American, Italian, Russian, French and Japanese guards arrived yesterday. Facilities were given, and there were no disturbances. Our detachment consists of three officers and seventy-five men, and a machine gun."

"June 2. The city is comparatively quiet, but murders of Christian converts and the destruction of missionary property in outlying districts occur every day, and the situation still remains serious. The situation at the Palace is, I learn from a reliable authority, very strained. The Empress-Dowager does not dare to put down the Boxers, although wishing to do so, on account of the support given them by Prince Tuan, father of the hereditary Prince, and other conservative Manchus, and also because of their numbers. Thirty Europeans, most of whom were Belgians, fled from Paoting-fu via the river to Tien-tsin. About 20 miles from Tien-tsin they were attacked by Boxers. {111} A party of Europeans having gone to their rescue from Tien-tsin severe fighting ensued, in which a large number of Boxers were killed. Nine of the party are still missing, including one lady. The rest have been brought into Tien-tsin. The Russian Minister, who came to see me to-day, said he thought it most imperative that the foreign Representatives should be prepared for all eventualities, though he had no news confirming the above report. He said he had been authorized by his Government to support any Chinese authority at Peking which was able and willing to maintain order in case the Government collapsed."

"June 4. I am informed by a Chinese courier who arrived to-day from Yung-Ching, 40 miles south of Peking, that on the 1st June the Church of England Mission at that place was attacked by the Boxers. He states that one missionary, Mr. Robinson, was murdered, and that he saw his body, and that another, Mr. Norman, was carried off by the Boxers. I am insisting on the Chinese authorities taking immediate measures to effect his rescue. Present situation at Peking is such that we may at any time be besieged here with the railway and telegraph lines cut. In the event of this occurring, I beg your Lordship will cause urgent instructions to be sent to Admiral Seymour to consult with the officers commanding the other foreign squadrons now at Taku to take concerted measures for our relief. The above was agreed to at a meeting held to-day by the foreign Representatives, and a similar telegram was sent to their respective Governments by the Ministers of Austria, Italy, Germany, France, Japan, Russia, and the United States, all of whom have ships at Taku and guards here. The telegram was proposed by the French Minister and carried unanimously. It is difficult to say whether the situation is as grave as the latter supposes, but the apathy of the Chinese Government makes it very serious."

"June 5. I went this afternoon to the Yamên to inquire of the Ministers personally what steps the Chinese Government proposed to take to effect the punishment of Mr. Robinson's murderers and the release of Mr. Norman. I was informed by the Ministers that the Viceroy was the responsible person, that they had telegraphed to him to send troops to the spot, and that that was all they were able to do in the matter. They did not express regret or show the least anxiety to effect the relief of the imprisoned man, and they displayed the greatest indifference during the interview. I informed them that the Chinese Government would be held responsible by Her Majesty's Government for the criminal apathy which had brought about this disgraceful state of affairs. I then demanded an interview with Prince Ching, which is fixed for to-morrow, as I found it useless to discuss the matter with the Yamên. This afternoon I had an interview with the Prince and Ministers of the Yamên. They expressed much regret at the murder of Messrs. Robinson and Norman, and their tone was fully satisfactory in this respect. … No attempt was made by the Prince to defend the Chinese Government, nor to deny what I had said. He could say nothing to reassure me as to the safety of the city, and admitted that the Government was reluctant to deal harshly with the movement, which, owing to its anti-foreign character, was popular. He stated that they were bringing 6,000 soldiers from near Tien-tsin for the protection of the railway, but it was evident that he doubted whether they would be allowed to fire on the Boxers except in the defence of Government property, or if authorized whether they would obey. He gave me to understand, without saying so directly, that he has entirely failed to induce the Court to accept his own views as to the danger of inaction. It was clear, in fact, that the Yamên wished me to understand that the situation was most serious, and that, owing to the influence of ignorant advisers with the Empress-Dowager, they were powerless to remedy it."

"June 6. Since the interview with the Yamên reported in my preceding telegram I have seen several of my colleagues. I find they all agree that, owing to the now evident sympathy of the Empress-Dowager and the more conservative of her advisers with the anti-foreign movement, the situation is rapidly growing more serious. Should there be no change in the attitude of the Empress, a rising in the city, ending in anarchy, which may produce rebellion in the provinces, will be the result, 'failing an armed occupation of Peking by one or more of the Powers.' Our ordinary means of pressure on the Chinese Government fail, as the Yamên is, by general consent, and their own admission, powerless to persuade the Court to take serious measures of repression. Direct representations to the Emperor and Dowager-Empress from the Corps Diplomatique at a special audience seems to be the only remaining chance of impressing the Court."

"June 7. There is a long Decree in the 'Gazette' which ascribes the recent trouble to the favour shown to converts in law suits and the admission to their ranks of bad characters. It states that the Boxers, who are the objects of the Throne's sympathy equally with the converts, have made use of the anti-Christian feeling aroused by these causes, and that bad characters among them have destroyed chapels and railways which are the property of the State. Unless the ringleaders among such bad characters are now surrendered by the Boxers they will be dealt with as disloyal subjects, and will be exterminated. Authorization will be given to the Generals to effect arrests, exercising discrimination between leaders and their followers. It is probable that the above Decree represents a compromise between the conflicting opinions which exist at Court. The general tone is most unsatisfactory, though the effect may be good if severe measures are actually taken. The general lenient tone, the absence of reference to the murder of missionaries, and the justification of the proceedings of the Boxers by the misconduct of Christian converts are all dangerous factors in the case."

"June 8. A very bad effect has been produced by the Decree reported in my immediately preceding telegram. There is no prohibition of the Boxers drilling, which they now openly do in the houses of the Manchu nobility and in the temples. This Legation is full of British refugees, mostly women and children, and the London and Church of England Missions have been abandoned. I trust that the instructions requested in my telegrams of the 4th and 5th instant have been sent to the Admiral. I have received the following telegram, dated noon to-day, from Her Majesty's Consul at Tien-tsin:

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'By now the Boxers must be near Yang-tsun. Last night the bridge, which is outside that station, was seen to be on fire. General Nieh's forces are being withdrawn to Lutai, and 1,500 of them have already passed through by railway. There are now at Yang-tsun an engine and trucks ready to take 2,000 more men.' Lutai lies on the other side of Tien-tsin, and at some distance. Should this information be correct, it means that an attempt to protect Peking has been abandoned by the only force on which the Yamên profess to place any reliance. The 6,000 men mentioned in my telegram of the 5th instant were commanded by General Nieh."

"Tong-ku, June 10. Vice-Admiral Sir E. Seymour to Admiralty. Following telegram received from Minister at Peking:

'Situation extremely grave. Unless arrangements are made for immediate advance to Peking it will be too late.'

"In consequence of above, I am landing at once with all available men, and have asked foreign officers' co-operation."

_Great Britain, Papers by Command: China, Number 3, 1900, pages 26-45._

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June 10-26). Bombardment and capture of Taku forts by the allied fleets. Failure of first relief expedition started for Peking.

The following is from an official report by Rear-Admiral Bruce of the British Navy, dated at Taku June 17, 1900:

"On my arrival here on the 11th inst. I found a large fleet, consisting of Russian, German, French, Austrian, Italian, Japanese, and British ships. In consequence of an urgent telegram from Her Majesty's Minister at Peking, Vice-Admiral Sir Edward H. Seymour, K. C. B., Commander-in-Chief, had started at 3 o'clock the previous morning (10th June), taking with him a force of 1,375 of all ranks, being reinforced by men from the allied ships as they arrived, until he commanded not less than 2,000 men. At a distance of some 20 to 30 miles from Tientsin—but it is very difficult to locate the place, as no authentic record has come in—he found the railway destroyed and sleepers burned, &c., and every impediment made by supposed Boxers to his advance. Then his difficulties began, and it is supposed that the Boxers, probably assisted by Chinese troops, closed in on his rear, destroyed railway-lines, bridges, &c., and nothing since the 13th inst. has passed from Commander-in-Chief and his relief force and Tientsin, nor vice versa up to this date. …

"During the night of the 14th inst. news was received that all railway-carriages and other rolling stock had been ordered to be sent up the line for the purpose of bringing down a Chinese army to Tong-ku. On receipt of this serious information a council of Admirals was summoned by Vice-Admiral Hiltebrandt, Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Squadron, and the German, French, United States Admirals, myself, and the Senior Officers of Italy, Austria, and Japan attended; and it was decided to send immediate orders to the captains of the allied vessels in the Peiho River (three Russian, two German, one United States, one Japanese, one British—'Algerine') to prevent any railway plant being taken away from Tong-ku, or the Chinese army reaching that place, which would cut off our communication with Tientsin; and in the event of either being attempted they were to use force to prevent it, and to destroy the Taku Forts. By the evening, and during the night of 15th inst., information arrived that the mouth of the Peiho River was being protected by electric mines. On receipt of this, another council composed of the same naval officers was held in the forenoon of 16th June on board the 'Rossia,' and in consequence of the gravity of the situation, and information having also arrived that the forts were being provisioned and reinforced, immediate notice was sent to the Viceroy of Chili at Tientsin and the commandant of the forts that, in consequence of the danger to our forces up the river, at Tientsin, and on the march to Peking by the action of the Chinese authorities, we proposed to temporarily occupy the Taku Forts, with or without their good will, at 2 a.m. on the 17th inst." Early on Sunday, 17th June, "the Taku Forts opened fire on the allied ships in the Peiho River, which continued almost without intermission until 6.30 a.m., when all firing had practically ceased and the Taku Forts were stormed and in the hands of the Allied Powers, allowing of free communication with Tientsin by water, and rail when the latter is repaired."

The American Admiral took no part in this attack on the forts at Taku, "on the ground that we were not at war with China and that a hostile demonstration might consolidate the anti-foreign elements and strengthen the Boxers to oppose the relieving column."

From the point to which the allied expedition led by Admiral Seymour fought its way, and at which it was stopped by the increasing numbers that opposed it, it fell back to a position near Hsiku, on the right bank of the Peiho. There the allies drove the Chinese forces from an imperial armory and took possession of the buildings, which gave them a strong defensive position, with a large store of rice for food, and enabled them to hold their ground until help came to them from Tientsin, on the 25th. They were encumbered with no less than 230 wounded men, which made it impossible for them, in the circumstances, to fight their way back without aid; though the distance was so short that the return march was accomplished, on the 26th, between 3 o'clock and 9 of the same morning. In his report made the following day Admiral Seymour says: "The number of enemy engaged against us in the march from Yungtsin to the Armoury near Hsiku cannot be even estimated; the country alongside the river banks is quite flat, and consisted of a succession of villages of mud huts, those on the out-skirts having enclosures made of dried reeds; outside, high reeds were generally growing in patches near the village, and although trees are very scarce away from the River, alongside it they are very numerous; these with the graves, embankments for irrigation and against flood, afforded cover to the enemy from which they seldom exposed themselves, withdrawing on our near approach. Had their fire not been generally high it would have been much more destructive than it was. The number of the enemy certainly increased gradually until the Armoury near Hsiku was reached, when General Nieh's troops and the Boxers both joined in the attack. In the early part of the expedition the Boxers were mostly armed with swords and spears, and not with many firearms; at the engagement at Langfang on 18th, and afterwards, they were armed with rifles of late pattern; this together with banners captured and uniform worn, shows that they had either the active or covert support of the Chinese Government, or some of its high officials."

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CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June 11-29). Chinese Imperial Edicts.

"On June 11 Mr. Sugiyama, the Chancellor of the Japanese Legation, was brutally murdered [in Peking] by the soldiers of General Tung-fuh-siang. Two days later the following Imperial edict was published in the 'Peking Gazette': 'On June 11 the Japanese Chancellor was murdered by brigands outside the Yung-ting Mên. On hearing this intelligence we were exceedingly grieved. Officials of neighbouring nations stationed in Peking ought to be protected in every possible way, and now, especially, extra diligence ought to be displayed to prevent such occurrences when banditti are as numerous as bees. We have repeatedly commanded the local officials to ensure the most efficient protection in their districts, yet, in spite of our frequent orders, we have this case of the murder of the Japanese Chancellor occurring in the very capital of the Empire. The civil and military officials have assuredly been remiss in not clearing their districts of bad characters, or immediately arresting such persons, and we hereby order every Yamên concerned to set a limit of time for the arrest of the criminals, that they may suffer the extreme penalty. Should the time expire without any arrest being effected, the severest punishment will assuredly be inflicted upon the responsible persons.' It is needless to add that the 'criminals' were never arrested and the 'responsible persons' were never punished. In the same 'Gazette' another decree condemns the 'Boxer brigands' who have recently been causing trouble in the neighbourhood of the capital, who have been committing arson and murder and revenging themselves upon the native converts. Soldiers and 'Boxers,' it says, have leagued together to commit acts of murder and arson, and have vied with one another in disgraceful acts of looting and robbery. The 'Boxers' are to disband, desperadoes are to be arrested, ringleaders are to be seized, but the followers may be allowed to disband.

"Similar decrees on the 14th and 15th show alarm at the result of the 'Boxer' agitation and lawlessness within the city. Nothing so strong against the 'Boxers' had previously been published. Fires were approaching too Closely to the Imperial Palace. No steps had been taken by the Court to prevent the massacre and burning of Christians and their property in the country, but on the 16th the great Chien Mên gate fronting the Palace had been burned and the smoke had swept over the Imperial Courts. Yet even in these decrees leniency is shown to the 'Boxers,' for they are not to be fired upon, but are, if guilty, to be arrested and executed. On June 17th the edict expresses the belief of the Throne that:—'All foreign Ministers ought to be really protected. If the Ministers and their families wish to go for a time to Tien-tsin, they must be protected on the way. But the railroad is not now in working order. If they go by the cart road it will be difficult, and there is fear that perfect protection cannot be offered. They would do better, therefore, to abide here in peace as heretofore and wait till the railroad is repaired, and then act as circumstances render expedient.'

"Two days later an ultimatum was sent to the Ministers ordering them to leave Peking within 24 hours. On the 20th Baron von Ketteler was murdered and on June 21 China published, having entered upon war against the whole world, her Apologia:—

'Ever since the foundation of the Dynasty, foreigners coming to China have been kindly treated. In the reigns Tao Kuang, and Hsien Feng, they were allowed to trade and they also asked leave to propagate their religion, a request that the Throne reluctantly granted. At first they were amenable to Chinese control, but for the past 30 years they have taken advantage of China's forbearance to encroach on China's territory and trample on Chinese people and to demand China's wealth. Every concession made by China increased their reliance on violence. They oppressed peaceful citizens and insulted the gods and holy men, exciting the most burning indignation among the people. Hence the burning of chapels and slaughter of converts by the patriotic braves. The Throne was anxious to avoid war, and issued edicts enjoining the protection of Legations and pity to the converts. The decrees declaring 'Boxers' and converts to be equally the children of the State were issued in the hope of removing the old feud between people and converts. Extreme kindness was shown to the strangers from afar. But these people knew no gratitude and increased their pressure. A despatch was yesterday sent by Du Chaylard, calling us to deliver up the Ta-ku Forts into their keeping, otherwise they would be taken by force. These threats showed their aggressive intention. In all matters relating to international intercourse, we have never been wanting in courtesies to them, but they, while styling themselves civilized States, have acted without regard for right, relying solely on their military force. We have now reigned nearly 30 years, and have treated the people as our children, the people honouring us as their deity, and in the midst of our reign we have been the recipients of the gracious favour of the Empress-Dowager. Furthermore, our ancestors have come to our aid, and the gods have answered our call, and never has there been so universal a manifestation of loyalty and patriotism. With tears have we announced war in the ancestral shrines. Better to enter on the struggle and do our utmost than seek some measures of self-preservation involving eternal disgrace. All our officials, high and low, are of one mind, and there have assembled without official summons several hundred thousand patriotic soldiers (I Ping "Boxers"). Even children carrying spears in the service of the State. Those others relying on crafty schemes, our trust is in Heaven's justice. They depend on violence, we on humanity. Not to speak of the righteousness of our cause, our provinces number more than 20, our people over 400,000,000, and it will not be difficult to vindicate the dignity of our country.' The decree concludes by promising heavy rewards to those who distinguish themselves in battle or subscribe funds, and threatening punishment to those who show cowardice or act treacherously.

"In the same 'Gazette' Yü Lu reports acts of war on the part of the foreigners, when, after some days' fighting, he was victorious. 'Perusal of his memorial has given us great comfort,' says the Throne. Warm praise is given to the 'Boxers,' 'who have done great service without any assistance either of men or money from the State. Marked favour will be shown them later on, and they must continue to show their devotion.' On the 24th presents of rice are sent to the 'Boxers.' Leaders of the 'Boxers' are appointed by the Throne—namely, Prince Chuang, and the Assistant Grand Secretary Kang-Yi to be in chief command, and Ying Nien and Duke Lan (the brother of Prince Tuan, the father of the Crown Prince) to act in cooperation with them, while another high post is given to Wen Jui."

_London Times, October 16, 1900 (Peking Correspondence)._

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Very different in tone to the imperial decree of June 21, quoted above, was one issued a week later (June 29), and sent to the diplomatic representatives of the Chinese government in Europe and America. As published by Minister Wu Ting-fang, at Washington, on the 11th of July, it was in the following words:

"The circumstances which led to the commencement of fighting between Chinese and foreigners were of such a complex, confusing and unfortunate character as to be entirely unexpected. Our diplomatic representatives abroad, owing to their distance from the scene of action, have had no means of knowing the true state of things, and accordingly cannot lay the views of the government before the ministers for foreign affairs of the respective Powers to which they are accredited. Now we take this opportunity of going fully into the matter for the information of our representatives aforesaid.

"In the first place there arose in the provinces of Chih Li and Shantung a kind of rebellious subjects who had been in the habit of practicing boxing and fencing in their respective villages, and at the same time clothing their doings with spiritualistic and strange rites. The local authorities failed to take due notice of them at the time. Accordingly the infection spread with astonishing rapidity. Within the space of a month it seemed to make its appearance everywhere, and finally even reached the capital itself. Everyone looked upon the movement as supernatural and strange, and many joined it. Then there were lawless and treacherous persons who sounded the cry of 'Down with Christianity!' About the middle of the fifth moon these persons began to create disturbances without warning. Churches were burned and converts were killed. The whole city was in a ferment. A situation was created which could not be brought under control. At first the foreign Powers requested that foreign troops be allowed to enter the capital for the protection of the legations. The imperial government, having in view the comparative urgency of the occasion, granted the request as an extraordinary mark of courtesy beyond the requirements of international intercourse. Over five hundred foreign troops were sent to Pekin. This shows clearly how much care China exercised in the maintenance of friendly relations with other countries.

"The legations at the capital never had much to do with the people. But from the time foreign troops entered the city the guards did not devote themselves exclusively to the protection of their respective legations. They sometimes fired their guns on top of the city walls and sometimes patrolled the streets everywhere. There were repeated reports of persons being hit by stray bullets. Moreover they strolled about the city without restraint, and even attempted to enter the Tung Hua gate (the eastern gate of the palace grounds). They only desisted when admittance was positively forbidden. On this account, both the soldiers and the people were provoked to resentment, and voiced their indignation with one accord. Lawless persons then took advantage of the situation to do mischief, and became bolder than ever in burning and killing Christian converts. The Powers thereupon attempted to reinforce the foreign troops in Pekin, but the reinforcements encountered resistance and defeat at the hands of the insurgents on the way and have not yet been able to proceed. The insurgents of the two provinces of Chih Li and Shantung had by this time effected a complete union and could not be separated. The imperial government was by no means reluctant to issue orders for the entire suppression of this insurgent element. But as the trouble was so near at hand there was a great fear that due protection might not be assured to the legations if the anarchists should be driven to extremities, thus bringing on a national calamity. There also was a fear that uprisings might occur in the provinces of Chih Li and Shantung at the same time, with the result that both foreign missionaries and Chinese converts in the two provinces might fall victims to popular fury. It was therefore absolutely necessary to consider the matter from every point of view.

"As a measure of precaution it was finally decided to request the foreign ministers to retire temporarily to Tien-Tsin for safety. It was while the discussion of this proposition was in progress that the German minister, Baron Von Ketteler, was assassinated by a riotous mob one morning while on his way to the Tsung-Li-Yamen. On the previous day the German minister had written a letter appointing a time for calling at the Tsung-Li-Yamen. But the Yamen, fearing he might be molested on the way, did not consent to the appointment as suggested by the minister. Since this occurrence the anarchists assumed a more bold and threatening attitude, and consequently 'it was not deemed wise to carry out the project of sending the diplomatic corps to Tien-Tsin under an escort. However, orders were issued to the troops detailed for the protection of the legations to keep stricter watch and take greater precaution against any emergency.

"To our surprise, on the 20th of the fifth moon (June 16th), foreign (naval?) officers at Taku called upon Lo Jung Kwang, the general commanding, and demanded his surrender of the forts, notifying him that failing to receive compliance they would at two o'clock the next day take steps to seize the forts by force. Lo Jung Kwang, being bound by the duties of his office to hold the forts, how could he yield to the demand? On the day named they actually first fired upon the forts, which responded, and kept up fighting all day and then surrendered. Thus the conflict of forces began, but certainly the initiative did not come from our side. Even supposing that China were not conscious of her true condition, how could she take such a step as to engage in war with all the Powers simultaneously? and how could she, relying upon the support of anarchistic populace, go into war with the Powers?

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"Our position in this matter ought to be clearly understood by all the Powers. The above is a statement of the wrongs we have suffered, and how China was driven to the unfortunate position from which she could not escape. Our several ministers will make known accurately and in detail the contents of this decree and the policy of China to the ministers of foreign affairs in their respective countries, and assure them that military authorities are still strictly enjoined to afford protection to the legations as hitherto to the utmost of their power. As for the anarchists they will be as severely dealt with as circumstances permit. The several ministers will continue in the discharge of the duties of their office as hitherto without hesitation or doubt. This telegraphic decree to be transmitted for their information. Respect this."

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June-July). Failure of attempt to entrust Japan with the rescuing of the Legations at Peking.

A British Blue Book, issued on the 18th of February, 1901, contains correspondence that took place between the Powers late in June and early in July, looking to an arrangement for the immediate sending of a large force from Japan to the rescue of the beleaguered Legations in Peking. As summarized in the "London Times," this correspondence showed that "the necessity of asking the help of the only Power that was near enough to intervene promptly was strongly pressed by Lord Salisbury on the other Powers in the beginning of July. M. Delcassé fell in entirely with the scheme and insisted on the need of putting aside all jealousies or afterthoughts which might hinder unity of action on the spot. The Russian Government, however, seems to have misunderstood Lord Salisbury's meaning and to have conceived him to wish Japan to settle the Chinese crisis by herself and with a view to her own interests, a misunderstanding which it required a whole series of despatches to clear up completely. The Japanese Government itself showed the most commendable readiness to act, and on July 11 Mr. Whitehead telegraphed from Tokio, in reply to an appeal from Lord Salisbury to the Japanese Government, that 'in consequence of the friendly assurances' given by Lord Salisbury the Japanese Government had decided to send one or two more divisions to China. To this Lord Salisbury replied on July 13 that her Majesty's Government were willing to assist the Japanese Government up to £1,000,000 if they at once mobilized and despatched an additional 20,000 men to Peking. But the latter, in the absence of any definite scheme of operations on the part of the Powers, showed an unwillingness to accede to this proposal, which thus fell through."

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June-August). The siege of the Foreign Legations at Peking. The story of two dreadful months as told by one of the besieged.

The most detailed and altogether best account of the dreadful experience which the foreigners besieged in the quarter of the Legations at Peking underwent, from the first week in June until the 14th day of August, when a rescuing army forced its way into the city, is that furnished to the "London Times" by its Peking correspondent, who was one of the besieged. His narrative, forwarded immediately upon the opening of communication with the outer world, was published in "The Times" of October 13 and 15. With some abridgment it is given here under permission from the Manager of "The Times."

"Missionaries in Peking began collecting together into the larger mission compounds for common protection. Many ladies went for safety into the British Legation. Railway communication was now severed and the telegraph communication threatened. Our isolation was being completed. In the country disaffection spread to the districts to the east of Peking, and the position of the American missionaries at Tung-chau became one of great danger. It was decided to abandon their great missionary establishments, and with the native Christians that could follow them to come into Peking. They asked for an escort, but Mr. Conger felt himself compelled to decline one, on the ground that he did not venture to send the small body of men that he could spare from the Legation through so dangerous a district. Protection must be looked for from the Chinese Government. What soldiers could not be sent to do one fearless American missionary succeeded in doing. Late in the evening of June 7 the Rev. W. S. Ament, of the Board Mission, left Peking in a cart, and with 20 other carts journeyed 14 miles to Tung-chau through a country palpitating with excitement. It was an act of courage and devotion that seemed to us who knew the country a deed of heroism. His arrival was most opportune. He brought safely back with him to Peking the whole missionary body then in Tung-chau—five men, including the author of 'Chinese Characteristics,' 11 ladies, and seven children, together with their Christian servants. …

"More troops were sent for to reinforce the Legation guards in Peking, but they were sent for too late. Already many miles of the railway had been torn up, and it was hopeless to expect an early restoration of communication. … The Empress-Dowager and the Emperor, who had been for some time past at the Summer Palace, returned to Peking, entering the city at the same hour by different gates. Large escorts of cavalry and infantry accompanied them; Manchu bannermen in large numbers were posted on the walls. It was noticeable that the body-guard of the Empress was provided by the renegade Mahomedan rabble of Tung-fuh-siang, who had long been a menace to foreigners in the province. The return of the Court was expected to have a tranquillizing effect upon the populace. But this was not the case. Students were attacked when riding in the country; our race-course, grand stand, and stables were burnt by 'Boxers' armed with knives; Europeans could not venture along the streets outside the foreign quarter without being insulted. People were saying everywhere, 'The foreigners are to be ended.' Streets were being patrolled by cavalry, but there was every fear that the patrols were in league with the 'Boxers,' who were marching through the streets bearing banners inscribed 'Fu Ching Mieh Yang.' 'Protect Pure (the Dynasty), exterminate the foreigner.'

"The London Mission and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel handed over their buildings to the Chinese authorities, holding them responsible for their safe keeping, and all missionaries and their families went to the British Legation. The American Board Mission likewise delivered over their valuable property to the Government and fell back upon the great Methodist Episcopalian Mission near the Hata Mên Gate, beyond the foreign quarter. Tung-chau missionaries and their families and several hundred Christian converts were already gathered there. Steps were at once taken to fortify the compound. Under the direction of Mr. F. D. Gamewell deep trenches were cut, earthworks thrown up, and barbed-wire entanglements laid down. {116} Watch was kept and sentries posted, provisions laid in, and all preparations made to withstand a siege. Twenty marines and a captain from the American Legation were sent as a guard, and some spare rifles were obtained from the British Legation. Converts were armed with pikes and knives, and a determined effort was to be made in case of attack. The mission was, however, absolutely at the mercy of any force holding the high city wall and Hata Mên Gate. Without the power of reply the small garrison could have been shot down from the wall, which is little more than a stone's throw from the nearest point of the compound. Shell-fire such as was subsequently used against the Legations would have smashed the buildings into fragments. All the Maritime Customs staff and their families living in the East City, a mile or more beyond the foreign quarter, the professors and teachers of the Tung-wen-Kuan, Dr. Dudgeon, Mr. Pethick, the secretary of Li Hung Chang, and others, were forced to abandon their homes and come in for protection. Preparations for defence went on at all the Legations, for it was now inevitable that we should have to fight. A 'conseil de guerre' was held, attended by all the military officers, and a plan of defence determined. The palace and grounds of Prince Su, opposite the British Legation, were to be held for the Christian refugees, and an area was to be defended some half a mile long by half a mile broad, bounded by the Austrian and Italian Legations to the east, the street running over the north bridge of the canal to the north, the British, Russian, and American Legations to the west, while the southern boundary was to be the street running at the foot of the great City Wall from the American Legation on the west, past the German Legation on the east, to the lane running from the Wall north past the French Legation, the buildings of the Inspectorate General of Customs, and the Austrian Legation. All women and children and non-combatants were to come into the British Legation. Each position was to be held as long as possible, and the final stand was to be made at the British Legation. No question of surrender could ever be entertained, for surrender meant massacre.

"On the 10th it was announced that reinforcements were on the way and that they were coming with the approval of the Viceroy and of the Chinese Government, an approval more readily accorded since it was known to the Viceroy that the troops could not come by train. More than one of the Ministers was so confident that they were coming that carts were sent to await their arrival at Machia-pu, the terminal railway station at Peking. … Then Government gave its first public official recognition of the 'Boxers' by announcing that the notorious chief of the 'Boxers,' Prince Tuan, had been appointed President of the Tsung-li-Yamên. Prince Ching was superseded but was not removed from the Yamên. One harmless old Chinese, Liao Shou-hêng was sent into retirement while four rabidly anti-foreign Manchus entirely ignorant of all foreign affairs were appointed members. The last hope of any wisdom springing from the Yamên disappeared with the supersession of Prince Ching by the anti-foreign barbarian who, more than any other man in China, was responsible for the outbreak. The following morning most of the Europeans rode to Machia-pu to await the arrival of the foreign troops. They waited, but no troops came, and then rode back past the jeering faces of hordes of Chinese soldiers. Our security was not increased by this fiasco.

"Soldiers sent to guard the summer residences of the British Legation in the Western Hills left their posts during the night. The buildings had been officially placed under the protection of the Imperial Government. In the pre-arranged absence of the soldiers the buildings were attacked by 'Boxers' and entirely burnt to the ground; the soldiers witnessed if they did not assist in the burning. But worse events were to happen that day. In the afternoon news passed through Peking that Mr. Sugiyama, the Chancellor of the Japanese Legation, had been murdered by soldiers. He had been sent by his Minister a second time to Machia-pu to await the arrival of the troops. Passing unarmed and alone in his cart beyond the Yung-ting Mên, the outer gate on the way to the station, he was seized by the soldiers of Tung-fuh-siang, dragged from his cart, and done to death in the presence of a crowd of Chinese who witnessed his struggles with unpitying interest and unconcealed satisfaction. …

"On the 12th a deputation, consisting of Chi Hsiu, a member of the Grand Council and newly appointed to the Yamên, Hsu Ching-chêng, the ex-Minister, the 'Boxer' leader Chao Shu-chiao, and another Manchu, called upon the British Minister. Chi Hsiu made a long address, his theme being the enduring nature of the friendship between China and England and the duty which China has always recognized as a sacred obligation to protect the members of the Legations who were her guests and the strangers within her walls. Chi Hsiu assured the Minister that the movement was at an end, that all was now tranquil, and that there was no more reason to fear. Yet the very next day Baron von Ketteler himself captured a 'Boxer' from amid the crowd in Legation-street. He carried the consecrated headpiece, and was armed with a sword. Round his waist he had a belt containing a talisman of yellow paper smeared with mystic red symbols by which he was rendered 'impermeable to foreign bullets.' And in the afternoon the 'Boxers' came down in force from the north of the city and the burning of foreign buildings began. The cry arose that the 'Boxers' were coming. Every man ran to his post, a cordon was established round the foreign quarter and no one was allowed to pass. Guards were on watch at all the Legations, but their numbers, spread over so many posts, were very inadequate, and they were still further reduced by the guards detached for duty at the Pei-tang Cathedral, where, three miles distant within the Imperial City, were gathered in the one great compound Mgr. Favier, the Bishop, his coadjutor, Mgr. Jarlin, the missionaries and lay brothers, the sisters of charity, and a vast concourse of Christian refugees, estimated at 2,000, who had fled from the massacre in the country. A guard of five Austrians was sent to the Belgian Legation. The Austrians with their machine gun commanded the Customs-street leading to the north: the Italians with a one pounder commanded the Legation-street to the east. The British with their Nordenfeldt swept the Canal-street to the north and the North-bridge, the Russians were on the South-bridge, while the Americans with their Colt machine gun had command of Legation-street to the west as far as the court facing the Imperial Palace. The Russians, having no gun, dropped their heavy ammunition down the well.

{117}

"As darkness came on the most awful cries were heard in the city, most demoniacal and unforgettable, the cries of the 'Boxers,' 'Sha kweitze'—'Kill the devils'—mingled with the shrieks of the victims and the groans of the dying. For 'Boxers' were sweeping through the city massacring the native Christians and burning them alive in their homes. The first building to be burned was the chapel of the Methodist Mission in the Hata Mên-street. Then flames sprang up in many quarters of the city. Amid the most deafening uproar the Tung-tang, or East Cathedral, shot flames into the sky. The old Greek Church in the north-east of the city, the London Mission buildings, the handsome pile of the American Board Mission, and the entire foreign buildings belonging to the Imperial Maritime Customs in the East City burned throughout the night. It was an appalling sight. Late in the night a large party of 'Boxers' bearing torches were seen moving down Customs-street towards the Austrian Legation. The machine gun mounted was in waiting for them. They were allowed to come within 150 yards in the open street near the great cross road, and then the order was given and the gun rained forth death. It was a grateful sound. The torches disappeared. They had come within a restricted space, and none, we thought, could have escaped. Eagerly we went forth to count the dead, expecting to find them in heaps. But there was not one dead. The gun had been aimed very wide of the mark. Two hundred yards north of the 'Boxers' there is a place where 30 ft. above the level road the telegraph wires crossed to the station. Next morning they were found to have been cut by the Austrian fire. The only persons who suffered injury were possible wayfarers two miles up the street. There can be little doubt that this fiasco helped to confirm the Boxers in a belief in their invulnerability.

"The Tung-tang, or East Cathedral, having been burned, it, was clear that the Nan-tang, the South Cathedral, was in danger. Père Garrigues, the aged priest of the Tung-tang, had refused to leave his post and had perished in the flames. But the fathers and sisters at the Nan-tang might yet be saved. Their lives were in great peril; it was necessary to act quickly. A party of French gentlemen, led by M. Fliche of the French Legation and accompanied by M. and Mme. Chamot, rode out at night, and early the following morning safely escorted to the hotel every member of the mission—Père d' Addosio and his two colleagues, a French brother, five sisters of charity, and some twenty native nuns of the Order of Josephine. They were rescued just in time. Scarcely had they reached a place of safety when the splendid edifice they had forsaken was in flames. … It continued burning all day, the region round it, the chief Catholic centre of Peking, being also burnt. Acres of houses were destroyed and the Christians in thousands put to the sword. …

"On the 15th rescue parties were sent out by the American and Russian Legations in the morning, and by the British and German Legations in the afternoon, to save if possible native Christians from the burning ruins around the Nan-tang. Awful sights were witnessed. Women and children hacked to pieces, men trussed like fowls, with noses and ears cut off and eyes gouged out. Chinese Christians accompanied the reliefs and ran about in the labyrinth of network of streets that formed the quarter, calling upon the Christians to come out from their hiding-places. All through the night the massacre had continued, and 'Boxers' were even now shot redhanded at their bloody work. But their work was still incomplete, and many hundreds of women and children had escaped. They came out of their hiding-places crossing themselves and pleading for mercy. It was a most pitiful sight. Thousands of soldiers on the wall witnessed the rescue; they had with callous hearts witnessed the massacre without ever raising a hand to save. During the awful nights of the 13th and 14th Duke Lan, the brother of Prince Tuan, and Chao Shu-Chiao, of the Tsung-li-Yamên, had followed round in their carts to gloat over the spectacle. Yet the Chinese Government were afterwards to describe this massacre done under official supervision under the very walls of the Imperial Palace as the handiwork of local banditti. More than 1,200 of the poor refugees were escorted by the 'foreign devils' to a place of safety. Many were wounded, many were burnt beyond recognition. All had suffered the loss of every thing they possessed in the world. They were given quarters in the palace grounds of Prince Su, opposite the British Legation. Among them was the aged mother and the nephew of Ching Chang, recently Minister to France, and now Chinese Commissioner to the Paris Exhibition. The nephew was cruelly burnt; nearly every other member of the family was murdered. A Catholic family of much distinction—a family Catholic for seven generations—was thus almost exterminated and its property laid in ashes. It was announced this day that only 'Boxers' might enter the Imperial City. The Government was rushing headlong to its ruin.

"On June 16 a party of twenty British, ten Americans, and five Japanese, with some Volunteers, and accompanied by Lieutenant-Colonel Shiba, the Japanese military attache, patrolled the East City, visiting the ruins in the hopes that some Christians might yet be in hiding. But to our calls everywhere no reply was given. Refugees, however, from the East City had managed to escape miraculously and find their way, many of them wounded, to the foreign Legations, seeking that protection and humanity that was denied them by their own people. As the patrol was passing a Taoist temple on the way, a noted 'Boxer' meeting place, cries were heard within. The temple was forcibly entered. Native Christians were found there, their hands tied behind their backs, awaiting execution and torture. Some had already been put to death, and their bodies were still warm and bleeding. All were shockingly mutilated. Their fiendish murderers were at their incantations burning incense before their gods, offering Christians in sacrifice to their angered deities. They shut themselves within the temple, but their defence availed them nothing. Everyone of them, 46 in all, was in 'Boxer' uniform armed with sword and lance. Retribution was swift; every man was shot to death without mercy. In the afternoon a fire broke out in the foreign drug store in the native city outside the great gate of the Chien Mên. {118} It was the work of 'Boxers,' done while the soldiers were looking on. In order to burn the foreign drug store and do the foreigners a few pounds worth of damage, they did not hesitate to jeopardize by fire property worth millions of pounds, and that is what happened. Adjoining buildings took fire, the flames spread to the booksellers' street, and the most interesting street in China, filled with priceless scrolls, manuscripts, and printed books, was gutted from end to end. Fire licked up house after house, and soon the conflagration was the most disastrous ever known in China, reducing to ashes the richest part of Peking, the pearl and jewel shops, the silk and fur, the satin and embroidery stores, the great curio shops, the gold and silver shops, the melting houses, and nearly all that was of the highest value in the metropolis. Irreparable was the damage done. …

"During the night the Americans, fearing an attack from the street at the back of their Legation, kept the street clear till daybreak. During one of the volleys four of the Tsung-li-Yamên Ministers called upon the American Minister. They were blandly assuring him that all was now quiet, that there was no need for further alarm, that great was the tenderness of the Throne for men from afar, when a rattle of musketry was heard which rendered them speechless with fear. They hurriedly went away. Assurances of the Throne's tenderness did not deceive us. Our barricades were everywhere strengthened and defences systematically planned, for rumour was quick to reach us that the relief forces had been driven back to Tien-tsin, and this did not add to the security of our position. Inside the Imperial City wall, within one hundred yards of the British picket on the north bridge a large Chinese camp was formed. Peking was in a state of panic, all the streets near the foreign quarters were empty, and people were fleeing from the city. There was a run on the banks, and the Ssu-ta-hêng, the four great banks, the leading banks of Peking, closed their doors, and paper money was not in circulation. The Palace of Prince Su was occupied by the refugees, and its defence, the most important of all and a vital one to the British Legation, was entrusted to Colonel Shiba and Japanese marines and volunteers.

"The crisis was approaching. On the morning of June 19 Mr. Cordes, the Chinese Secretary of the German Legation, was at the Yamên, when the secretaries told him that the allied fleets had taken the Ta-ku forts on June 17. This was remembered when at 4.30 in the afternoon an ultimatum was sent to the foreign Ministers. It was a bolt from the blue. They were to leave Peking within 24 hours. 'A despatch,' they wrote, 'has arrived from the Viceroy Yu Lu, forwarding a note which he has received from the doyen of the Consular body in Tien-tsin, the French Comte du Chaylard, to say that, unless foreign troops are at once permitted to land at Tien-tsin, the allied fleets will bombard the Ta-ku forts. As this is equivalent to a declaration of war, the Tsung-li-Yamên herewith notify the foreign Ministers that they must leave Peking within 24 hours, otherwise protection cannot be guaranteed to them. They will be given safe conduct and transport.' It was quite in accordance with Chinese custom that a despatch saying that the seizure of the Ta-ku forts had been threatened should be sent after the seizure had been effected. What is distasteful to them to say they avoid saying. A meeting of the diplomatic body was at once held. It was decided to accept the ultimatum. They had been given their passports by the Chinese Government; what other course was open to them? … Word was passed round that preparation had to be made to leave Peking the following day. Mr. Conger, the American Minister, asked for 100 carts; and his Legation spent most of the night making preparations. No packing was done at the British Legation, for it was there considered inconceivable that China should insist upon sending the Ministers their passports. Only two days before, in the 'Peking Gazette' of June 17, it had been officially announced that the road to Tien-tsin was unsafe. … When the decision of the Diplomatic Body became known in Peking the most profound indignation was everywhere expressed at so unworthy a decision and the most profound astonishment that such a course of action should have received the support of M. Pichon, the French Minister 'Protecteur des Missions Catholiques en Chine,' and of so humane a man as Mr. Conger, the American Minister; for to leave Peking meant the immediate abandonment to massacre of the thousands of native Christians who had trusted the foreigner and believed in his good faith.

"Early on the morning of the 20th a meeting of the Diplomatic Body was held at the French Legation. No reply had been received from the Tsung-li-Yamên to the request for an audience, and the proposition that all the Ministers should go to the Yamên found no seconder. Had it been carried out, there would have occurred one of the most appalling massacres on record. Two chairs later left for the Yamên. In the first was the German Minister, Baron van Ketteler, who had this advantage over the other Ministers, that he spoke Chinese fluently. In the second was the Chinese Secretary of the German Legation, Mr. Cordes. News travels quickly in Peking. Not many minutes later my boy burst into my office—'Any man speakee have makee kill German Minister!' It was true. The German Minister had been assassinated by an Imperial officer. The Secretary had been grievously wounded, but, running for his life, shot at by a hundred rifles, had escaped as if by a miracle. A patrol of 15 men under Count Soden, the commander, went out to recover the body. Fired on by Chinese soldiers from every side, they were forced to retire. … There was no more question about leaving for Tien-tsin. Later in the day the Yamên, evidently indifferent to the gravity of the position created by the Government, sent an impudent despatch to the German Legation to the effect that two Germans had been proceeding in chairs along the Hata Mên-street, and at the mouth of the street leading to the Tsung-li-Yamên one of them had fired upon the crowd. The Chinese had retaliated and he had been killed. They wished to know his name. No reply was sent, for it was felt to be a mockery. Only too well the Yamên knew whom they had murdered. Weeks passed before the body was recovered, and it was not until July 18 that any official reference was made to the murder. In the course of the morning a despatch was sent to the Diplomatic Body in reply to the answer they had sent to the ultimatum of yesterday. {119} The country, it said, between Peking and Tien-tsin was overrun with brigands, and it would not be safe for the Ministers to go there. They should therefore remain in Peking. It is difficult to write with calmness of the treachery with which the Chinese were now acting. Four p. m. was the hour given in the ultimatum for the Ministers to vacate their Legations, but the ultimatum had been rescinded, and the Ministers invited to remain in Peking. Thus it was hoped that they would be lulled into a false security. Chinese soldiers were secretly stationed under cover at every vantage point commanding the outposts. At 4 p. m. precisely to the minute, by preconcerted signal, they opened fire upon the Austrian and French outposts. A French marine fell shot dead through the forehead. An Austrian was wounded. The siege had begun.

"At this time (June 20), at the opening of the siege, the total strength of the combined Legation guards consisted of 18 officers and 389 men, distributed as follows:

"American. Three officers, Captain Myers in command, Captain Hall, Surgeon Lippett, and 53 marines from the Newark.

"Austrian. Five officers, Captain Thomann, the Commander of the Zenta, Flag-Lieutenant von Winterhalder, Lieutenant Kollar, two mid-shipmen, and 30 marines from the Zenta.

"British. Three officers, Captain B. M. Strouts in command, Captain Halliday, Captain Wray, and 79 men R. M. L. I. -30 from H. M. S. Orlando and 49 from Wei-hai-wei.

"French. Two officers, Captain Darcy and Midshipman Herbert, and 45 marines from the D'Entrecasteaux and Descartes.

"German. Lieutenant Graf Soden and 51 marines of the 3rd Battalion Kiao-chau.

"Italian. Lieutenant Paolini and 28 blue-jackets from the Elba.

"Japanese. Lieutenant Hara and 24 marines from the Atago.

"Russian. Two officers, Lieutenant Baron von Rahden and Lieutenant von Dehn, and 79 men—72 marines from the Sissoi Veliki and Navarin and seven Legation Cossacks.

"Total, 18 officers and 389 men.

"In addition the French sent Lieutenant Henry and 30 men to guard the Pei-tang Cathedral, and the Italians detached one officer, Lieutenant Cavalieri, and 11 men for the same humane mission. To this insignificant force of 18 officers and 389 men of eight nationalities the entire foreign quarter had to trust for its defence. Fortunately several visitors or residents had received military training, and they at once went on the active list and rendered invaluable service. … A volunteer force numbering altogether 75 men, of whom 31 were Japanese, was enrolled and armed with all available rifles. They added greatly to the strength of the garrison, taking watch and watch like the Regulars, fighting behind the barricades, and never shrinking from any duty imposed upon them. There was also an irregular force of 50 gentlemen of many nationalities, who did garrison guard duty in the British Legation and were most useful. They were known, from the gentleman who enrolled them, as 'Thornhill's Roughs,' and they bore themselves as the legitimate successors on foot of Roosevelt's Roughriders. Armed with a variety of weapons, from an elephant rifle to the 'fusil de chasse' with a picture of the Grand Prix, to all of which carving knives had been lashed as bayonets, they were known as the 'Carving Knife Brigade.' … Such were the effective forces. They were provided with four guns, an Italian one-pounder with 120 rounds, an American Colt with 25,000 rounds, an Austrian machine gun, and a British five-barrel Nordenfelt, pattern 1887. Rifle ammunition was very scanty. The Japanese had only 100 rounds apiece, the Russians 145, and the Italians 120, while the best provided of the other guards had only 300 rounds per man, none too many for a siege the duration of which could not be foreseen.

"Punctually, then, at 4 o'clock Chinese soldiers began firing upon us whom they had requested to remain in peace at Peking. And immediately after the Austrian Legation was abandoned. No sufficient reason has been given for its abandonment, which was done so precipitately that not an article was saved. It was left to the mercy of the Chinese, and the guard retired to the corner of Customs-lane, leading west to the Prince's Palace. This involved the sacrifice of Sir Robert Hart's and all the Customs buildings, and hastened the advance of the Chinese westward. As previously arranged, the American mission buildings had been abandoned in the morning, for they were quite untenable. All the missionaries, their wives, and families crossed over to the British Legation. Converts to the number of several hundreds joined the other refugees. The captain and 20 American marines returned to the American Legation. By an error of judgment on the part of the captain the mission was finally left in a panic. Almost nothing was saved, and nearly all the stores accumulated for a siege were lost. The British Legation was now thronged. Rarely has a more cosmopolitan gathering been gathered together within the limits of one compound. All the women and children were there, all the missionaries, American, British, French, and Russian, all the Customs staff, the French, Belgian, Russian, American, Spanish, Japanese, and Italian Ministers, and their families, the entire unofficial foreign community of Peking, with the exception of M. Chamot, who remained in his hotel throughout, though it was in the hottest corner of the besieged area. … French volunteers bravely stood by their own Legation, and the Austrian Charge d'Affaires and Mme. von Rosthorn remained there as long as there was a room habitable. Mr. Squiers, the first Secretary of the American Legation, with Mr. Cheshire, the Chinese Secretary, and Mr. Pethiek, the well-known private secretary of Li Hung Chang, stayed by the United States Legation, and the staff of the German Legation also kept stanchly to their posts. … At the British Legation fortification began in real earnest, the refugees working like coolies. Sand-bags were made by the thousand, and posts mounted round the Legation. A way was knocked through the houses to the Russian Legation, so that the Americans, if they had to fall back, could pass through to the British Legation. During the day every Legation was exposed to a continuous fire from surrounding house-tops, and in the case of the British Legation from the cover in the Imperial Carriage Park. Chinese put flames to the abandoned buildings, and the Belgian Legation, the Austrian Legation, the Methodist Mission, and some private houses were burned.

{120}

"June 22 opened disastrously. The evening before, Captain Thomann, the Austrian commander, announced that as the senior officer he had taken command in Peking. This morning, hearing from an irresponsible American that the American Legation was abandoned, he, without taking steps to verify the information, ordered the abandonment of all the Legations cast of Canal-street, the detachments to fall back upon the British Legation. There had been no casualties to speak of, none of the Legations had been attacked, and every commander who received the order to retreat regarded the action as madness. Peremptory orders were sent to the Japanese to abandon the Prince's Palace or Fu (as I shall henceforth call it), and they retired to their Legation. In the British Legation nothing was known of the order when, to the amazement of all, the Italians, Austrians, and French came running down Legation-street, followed a little later by the Japanese, and subsequently by the Germans, who recalled their post on the wall and marched without a shot being fired at them down under the wall to Canal-street. Americans and Russians, learning that all east of Canal-street had been abandoned, saw themselves cut off, though their communications had not even been menaced, and retreated precipitately into the British Legation. It was a veritable stampede—a panic that might have been fraught with the gravest disaster. Prompt action was taken. Captain Thomann was relieved of his command, and Sir Claude MacDonald, at the urgent instance of the French and Russian Ministers, subsequently confirmed by all their colleagues, assumed the chief command. The French and Austrians reoccupied the French Legation, but the barricade in Customs-street was lost. One German only was killed and the position was saved, but the blunder might have been disastrous.

"It was obvious from the first that the great danger at the British Legation was not so much from rifle-fire as from incendiarism, for on three sides the compound was surrounded by Chinese buildings of a highly inflammable nature. Before time could be given to clear an open space round the Legation, the buildings to the rear of Mr. Cockburn's house were set on fire, and as the wind was blowing strongly towards us it seemed as if nothing could prevent the fire from bursting into the Legation. Water had to be used sparingly, for the wells were lower than they had been for years, yet the flames had to be fought. Bullets were whistling through the trees. Private Scadding, the first Englishman to fall, was killed while on watch on the stables near by. Men and women lined up, and water passed along in buckets to a small fire engine that was played upon the fire. Walls were broken through, trees hastily cut down, and desperate work saved the building. It was the first experience of intense excitement. Then the men set to with a will, and till late at night were demolishing the temple and buildings outside the wall of the Legation. Work was continued in the morning, but when it was proposed to pull down an unimportant building in 'the Hanlin Academy that abuts upon the Legation to the North, the proposition was vetoed. Such desecration, it was said, would wound the susceptibilities of the Chinese Government. It was 'the most sacred building in China.' To lay hands upon it, even to safeguard the lives of beleaguered women and children, could not be thought of, for fear of wounding the susceptibilities of the Chinese Government! So little do the oldest of us understand the Chinese.

"A strong wind was blowing from the Hanlin into the Legation, the distance separating the nearest building from the Minister's residence being only a few feet. Fire the one and the Minister's residence would have been in danger. Suddenly there was the alarm of fire. Smoke was rising from the Hanlin. The most venerated pile in Peking, the great Imperial Academy, centre of all Chinese learning, with its priceless collection of books and manuscripts, was in flames. Everyone who was off duty rushed to the back of the Legation. The Hanlin had been occupied during the night by Imperial soldiers, who did not hesitate, in their rage to destroy the foreigners, to set fire to the buildings. It was first necessary to clear the temple. A breach was made in the wall, Captain Poole headed a force of Marines and volunteers who rushed in, divided, searched the courts, and returned to the main pavilion with its superb pillars and memorial tablets. Chinese were rushing from other burning pavilions to the main entrance. They were taken by surprise and many were killed, but they had done their evil deed. … To save the Legation it was necessary to continue the destruction and dismantle the library buildings. With great difficulty, with inadequate tools, the buildings were pulled down. Trees endangering our position were felled. An attempt was made to rescue specimens of the more valuable manuscripts, but few were saved for the danger was pressing. Sir Claude MacDonald, as soon as the fire was discovered, despatched a messenger to the Tsung-li-Yamên, telling them of the fire and urging them to send some responsible officials to carry away what volumes could be rescued, but no attention was given to his courteous communication. The Dutch Legation was burned on the 22nd, and next day Chinese soldiers set fire to the Russo-Chinese Bank, and a greater part of the buildings were destroyed, involving in danger the American Legation. Chinese volunteers were called for. They responded readily, worked with much courage exposed to fire from the wall, and the Legation was saved. All the buildings back from the bank to the Chien Mên (the main gate between the Chinese and Tartar cities facing the entrance to the Forbidden City) seemed to be on fire. Then all the Customs buildings were fired, so that flames were on every side, and the smoke was tremendous, while the fusillade was incessant. An Italian and a German died of their wounds. The first American was killed, shot from the wall, then a Russian fell. They were dropping off one by one, and already we were well accustomed to the sight of the stretcher and the funeral. Wounded were being brought in from every Legation to the hospital in the British Legation. …

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"Then a new terror was added to the fears of the besieged, for the Imperial troops mounted a 3 in. Krupp gun on the Chien Mên, the gate opposite to the Forbidden City, and began throwing segment shells from a distance of 1,000 yards into the crowded Legation. The first shell struck the American Legation, others burst over the British compound, while others crashed into the upper rooms of the German Legation. It was known that the Chinese had ten similar guns in Peking, while we had nothing with which to answer their fire, and no one ever knew where the next gun might be mounted. Immediately all hands dug bomb-proof shelters for the women and children. Rifle fire also played on the Americans from the wall quite close to them at a distance of a few hundred feet only, whence, safely sheltered by the parapet of the wall, men could enfilade the barricade which was held by the Americans on the street running east and west under the wall. The barricade became untenable, and to occupy the wall was a paramount necessity which could no longer be delayed. … Down in the besieged area the enemy pressed upon every side. Again they attempted to fire the British Legation from the Mongol market on the west; but a sortie was made by British Marines and Volunteers, and the Chinese were driven from house to house out of the market. The work was dangerous, and Captain Halliday was dangerously wounded, while Captain Strouts had an extraordinary escape, the bullet grazing the skin above the carotid artery. The sortie was entirely successful; some rifles were captured, and ammunition, which was more precious than silver. The buildings were then fired by us, the fire being kept under control, which cleared a long distance round the west of the Legation. Fortification proceeded without intermission and all the defences of the besieged area quickly gathered strength. For the first time in war, art was a feature in the fortification. Sandbags were of every colour under the sun and of every texture. Silks and satins, curtains and carpets and embroideries were ruthlessly cut up into sandbags. In the Prince's Fu the sandbags were made of the richest silks and satins, the Imperial gifts and accumulated treasures of one of the eight princely families of China. In the Prince's Fu the Chinese made a determined attempt to force their way into the Palace in their frenzy to slaughter the native Christians. In the angle of the wall in the northeastern court of the Palace they made a breach in the wall and rushed wildly in. But the Japanese were waiting for them and from loopholes they had made opposite rolled them over like rabbits, driving them helter-skelter back again. Some 20 were killed, and but for the unsteadiness of the Italians who were assisting the Japanese the execution would have been greater. The Chinese were driven back, but the same evening they threw fireballs of petroleum over the wall and set fire to the building. Flames spread to the splendid main pavilion of the Palace. The Japanese in their turn were driven back, and the Christians escaping from the burning building overflowed from the Fu into all that quarter lying between the Palace grounds and Legation-street.

"On June 25 a truly Oriental method of weakening our defence was attempted by the Chinese. Up to 4 o'clock in the afternoon the shooting of rifles and field guns had been continuous, when suddenly bugles were sounded north, east, south, and west, and, as if by magic, the firing ceased. It was under perfect control—Imperial control commanded by responsible central authority. The silence abruptly following the fusillade was striking. Then an official of low rank was seen to affix to the parapet of the north bridge near the British Legation a board inscribed with 18 Chinese characters:—'Imperial command to protect Ministers and stop firing. A despatch will be handed at the Imperial Canal Bridge.' A placard whereon was written 'Despatch will be received' was sent by one of the Chinese clerks employed in the Legation, but when he approached the bridge a hundred rifles from the Imperial Palace gate were levelled at him. The despatch was never received. The artifice deceived no one. Treachery was feared, vigilance was redoubled. Sandbags were thrown on positions which during fire were untenable. So that when at midnight the general attack was made upon us we were prepared, and every man was at his post. The surprise had failed. As firing had ceased so it began. Horns were sounded, and then from every quarter a hail of bullets poured over us, sweeping through the trees and striking with sharp impact the roofs of the pavilions. No harm was done though the noise was terrific. Great steadiness was shown by the men. They lay quietly behind the sandbags and not a shot was fired in reply. It was suggested as an explanation of this wild firing that the shots were to kill the guardian spirits which were known to hover over us. Similar fusillades took place at the American Legation and at the French Legation, and with the same result. During the armistice the Chinese had availed themselves of the quiet to throw up earthworks in the Carriage Park alongside the British Legation, in the Mongol market between the British and Russian Legations, and at both ends of Legation-street facing the Americans on the west and facing the French Legation corner on the east.

"Our isolation was now complete, and the enemy's cordon was constantly drawing closer. Every wall beyond the lines was loopholed. Not only was the besieged area cut off from all communication with the world outside Peking, but it was cut off from all communication with the Pei-tang. No messenger could be induced for love or money to carry a message there. Bishop Favier and his guards must have been already hard pressed, for they were exposed to the danger not only of rifle and cannon, but of fire and starvation. The small garrison detached from the guards was known to be inadequately supplied with ammunition. It was known, however, that the danger of the situation had long been foreseen by Monseigneur Favier, who, speaking with unequalled authority, had weeks before the siege vainly urged his Minister to bring troops to Peking. When the crisis became inevitable and Christian refugees poured into the city the Bishop endeavoured to buy arms and ammunition, so that there was a hope, though a faint one, that the Chinese themselves had assisted in the defence. So with stores. Large quantities of grain were stored in the Pei-tang, but whether sufficient for a siege for a garrison of 3,000 souls was not known. Their condition was a constant source of anxiety to the Europeans within the Legations, who were powerless to help them. Watch was kept unceasingly for any sign of the disaster that seemed inevitable—the massacre and the conflagration.

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"Towards evening of the 28th a Krupp gun was mounted in the Mongol market, not 300 yards from the British Legation, and fire was opened upon a storeyed building occupied by marines in the south court of the Legation. Fired at short range, the shells crashed through the roof and walls. For an hour the bombardment continued, but no one was injured, though a crack racing pony in the stables below was killed, and next day eaten. It was determined to capture this gun, so in the early morning a force consisting of 26 British, ten Germans, ten Russians, five French, and five Italians, and about 20 volunteers made a sortie from the Legation to try and capture the gun and burn the houses covering it; but the attempt was a fiasco. The men got tangled up in the lanes so that the reserve line with the kerosene marched ahead of the firing line; there was a Babel of voices, no one knew where to go, the captain lost his head and set fire to the houses in the rear and the men retreated pell-mell. … The Chinese, however, were alarmed and removed the gun. Meanwhile both French and German Legations had suffered heavily. …

"On the 29th the French Legation was hard pressed. One of their officers, the midshipman Herbert, was shot. Reinforcements were hastily sent from the Fu, and the attack was repulsed; but some of the outer buildings of the Legation were burned, and the French had to retire further into the Legation. In this siege it was striking what a powerful part petroleum was made to play. Already the French Legation had suffered more severely than any other Legation; of their 45 men 16 had been killed or wounded. Krupp guns had been mounted not 50 yards to the eastward, and the eastern walls of the pavilions were being gradually and systematically battered into ruins. All day now and until the cessation of hostilities shells were pounding into the French Legation, into Chamot's hotel, and from the Chien Mên on the wall, promiscuously, everywhere. Much property was destroyed, but, though the shells burst everywhere and escapes were marvellous, few people were hit. Bullets whistled in the Legation compounds. Surgeon Lippett was talking to Mr. Conger in the American Legation when he was hit by a bullet that smashed the thigh bone. Had the bullet not struck the surgeon it would have hit the Minister. Mr. Pethick was sitting at a window of the American Legation fanning himself when a bullet pierced the fan. A civilian was wounded in the British Legation, and a marine, Phillips, was killed while walking in the compound. A fragment of shell fell on a patient inside the hospital.

"The cordon was drawing closer. In the Fu nearly one-third of the buildings had been abandoned and the Japanese retired to a second line of defence. Shells were fired by the hundred. On the 29th 70 shells were thrown into the British Legation. The difficulty of holding the American and German barricades on the city wall was increasing. The positions were very much exposed. A Krupp gun was brought close to the American barricade. The Russo-Chinese Bank and all the buildings near were occupied by Chinese troops, the walls being loopholed and lanes barricaded. And all were so close that you could not look through a loop-hole without being shot at. Yet the American barricade, with its mixed guard of Americans, Russians, and British, had to be held at all hazards; otherwise the Krupp gun could be brought down the wall and play havoc upon the Legations, the furthest of which—the British—was at its nearest point not 400 yards distant. Still more exposed than the American barricade was the outpost on the wall held by the Germans. At first they had been reinforced by the French and Austrians, but the needs of the French Legation were equally pressing and the guards were withdrawn and a small picket of British sent to aid the Germans. … In the morning of July 1 the Chinese climbed up the ramp and surprised the guard. The order was hastily given to retire, and the picket, shaken by its losses of yesterday, left the wall. The German non-commissioned officer who gave the order was severely blamed for thus abandoning a position that he had been ordered to hold. Withdrawal left the Americans exposed in the rear. They saw the Germans retire, and in a panic fell back to the Legation, rushing pell-mell down the ramp. Nothing had occurred at the barricade itself to justify the retreat, although two men had fallen within a few hours before. Yet the wall was the key of the position and had to be maintained. A conference was held at the British Legation, and as a result orders were given to return to the post. Captain Myers at once took back a strong detachment of 14 Americans, ten British, and ten Russians, and reoccupied the barricade as if nothing had happened. The Chinese, ignorant that the post had been evacuated, lost their opportunity. Then the guard in the French Legation was driven a stage further back and M. Wagner, a volunteer, was killed by the bursting of a shell. …

"It was a day of misfortunes. In the afternoon the most disastrous sortie of the siege was attempted. A Krupp gun, firing at short range into the Fu (i. e., the Prince's Palace), was a serious menace to our communications. Captain Paolini, the Italian officer, conceived the idea that he could capture the gun if volunteers could be given him and if the Japanese could assist. … By this ineffective sortie our small garrison was reduced by three men killed, one officer and four men and one volunteer wounded. Fortunately it was no worse. The gun that was not captured was brought up again next day into play and continued battering down the Fu walls. The enemy were working their way ever nearer to the refugee Christians. Their rage to reach the Christians was appalling. They cursed them from over the wall, hurled stones at them, and threw shells to explode overhead. Only after the armistice, when we received the 'Peking Gazette,' did we find that word to burn out and slaughter the converts had come from the highest in the land. The Japanese were driven still further back. Already they had lost heavily, for upon them had fallen the brunt of a defence the gallantry of which surpassed all praise. When the siege was raised it was found that of the entire force of marines only five men had escaped without wounds; one was wounded five times. Colonel Shiba early raised a force of 'Christian volunteers,' drilled them, instructed them, and armed them with rifles captured from the enemy. They made an effective addition to the Japanese strength. …

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"At daybreak on July 3, the Chinese barricade on the top of the wall near the American outpost was successfully stormed by a party of British, Americans, and Russians, under the leadership of Captain Myers, Captain Vroublevsky, and Mr. Nigel Oliphant. … The position was intolerable. It was imperative to rush the barricade and drive out the Chinese; nothing else could be done. An attack was planned for 3 in the morning, and before that hour a strong force of British was sent over from the legation. The combined force assembled for the attack consisted of 26 British marines under Sergeant Murphy and Corporal Gregory, with Mr. Nigel Oliphant as volunteer, 15 Russians under Captain Vroublevsky, and 15 Americans, all being under the command of Captain Myers. When asked if they came willingly one American begged to be relieved and was sent below. This left the total force at 56, of whom 14 were Americans. So close were the Chinese that it was only a couple of jumps from our barricade to their fort. There was a rush to be first over, the fort was stormed, and dashing round the covering wall the 'foreign devils' charged behind the barricade. Taken by surprise the Chinese fired in the air, fled incontinently, and were shot down as they ran along the open surface of the wall. Captain Vroublevsky and his detachment acted with especial gallantry, for their duty it was to attack the Chinese barricade in the front, while the British and Americans took it in the rear. Two banners marked 'General Ma' were captured. Fifteen Chinese soldiers of Tung-fuh-siang were killed outright and many more must have been wounded. Some rifles and ammunition were captured. Then the allied forces, exposed to a heavy fire, retired within what had been the Chinese barricade and employed it against the enemy who had built it. Captain Myers was wounded in the knee by tripping over a fallen spear, two Americans, Turner and Thomas—one having accidentally jumped on the wrong side of the barricade—were killed, and Corporal Gregory was wounded in the foot. News of the successful sortie gave much pleasure to the community. Chinese coolies were sent on the wall, and a strongly intrenched redoubt was built there; the camp was made safe by traverses. Unfortunately, the wound of Captain Myers proved more serious than was at first suspected, and he was not again able to return to duty. The services of a brave and capable officer were lost to the garrison; his post on the wall was taken most ably by Captain Percy Smith and other officers in turn.

"Most of the shelling was now directed against the French and German Legations and Chamot's Hotel. The hotel was struck 91 times and was several times set on fire, but the flame was extinguished. Work continued there, however hot the shelling, for food had to be prepared there for half the community in Peking, Russians, French, Germans, and Austrians. The energy of Chamot was marvellous. He fed the troops and a crowd of Christian refugees, killed his own mules and horses, ground his own wheat, and baked 300 loaves a day. Shelled out of the kitchen he baked in the parlour. His courage inspired the Chinese, and they followed him under fire with an amazing confidence.

"Then suddenly a new attempt was made to reduce the British Legation. Guns firing round shot, eight-pounders and four-pounders, were mounted on the Imperial City wall overlooking from the north the Hanlin and the British Legation. With glasses—the distance was only 350 yards—one could clearly see the officers and distinguish their Imperial Peacock feathers and Mandarin hats. … Three batteries in all, carrying five guns, were mounted on the Imperial City wall where the bombardment could be witnessed by the Empress Dowager and her counsellors, and day after day round shot were thrown from them into the British Legation, into a compound crowded with women and children. … On July 5 Mr. David Oliphant, of the British Legation, was killed. He was felling a tree by the well in the Hanlin when he was shot by a sniper concealed in a roof in the Imperial Carriage Park, and died within an hour. Only 24 years of age, he was a student of exceptional promise and ability. …

"Day by day the Chinese were pressing us more closely. In the Fu they were gradually wedging their way in from the north-east so as to cut the communications between the British and the Legations to the east. They burned their way from house to house. Keeping under cover, they set alight the gables within reach by torches of cloth soaked in kerosene held at the end of long poles. If the roof were beyond reach they threw over fireballs of kerosene, or, if still further, shot into them with arrows freighted with burning cloth. In this way and with the use of the heavy gun they battered a way through the houses and courtyards of the Prince's Palace. A daring attempt made by the Japanese to capture the gun resulted in failure. Coolies failed them when they were within four yards of success, and they were forced to retire. Their gallant leader Captain Ando was shot in the throat while waving on his men, one marine was seriously wounded, and one Christian volunteer killed. … By the 8th the position in the Fu was alarming, for the Japanese force had been reduced to 13 marines and 14 volunteers; yet with decreasing numbers they were constantly called upon to defend a longer line. Reinforcements were sent them of half-a-dozen Customs and student volunteers and of six British marines. Nothing can give a better indication of the smallness of our garrison than the fact that throughout the siege reinforcements meant five men or ten men. Strong reinforcements meant 15 men. Our reinforcements were counted by ones, not by companies. With this force a line of intrenchments stretching from the outer court of the Fu on the east across the grounds to near the extreme northwest corner was held till the end. … The position was one of constant solicitude, for the loss of the Fu would have imperilled the British Legation. A Krupp gun, mounted 50 yards away, had the range and raked the post with shell and shrapnel. To strengthen the breastwork exposure to rifle fire was incurred from 20 yards' distance, while to reach the post required crossing a zone of fire which was perhaps the hottest in the whole of the defences. Many men were wounded there, and one Italian had his head blown off. Shell fire finally made it impossible to live there. The advanced posts were abandoned, and the sentries fell back to the main picket. No sooner was the advanced post abandoned than it was occupied by the Chinese, and the defences we had made were turned against us.

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"Meanwhile, the French and German Legations were being roughly handled, and men were falling daily. At the German Legation shells burst through the Minister's drawing-room. Most of the other buildings conspicuous by their height were uninhabitable, but every member of the Legation remained at his post. So, too, in the French Legation, where the Austrians were, Dr. and Madame von Rosthorn remained by the side of their men. The French volunteers and Dr. Matignon stood stanchly by their Legation, although it was fast tumbling into ruins, their coolness and resolution being in curious contrast to the despair of their Minister, who, crying, 'Tout est perdu,' melodramatically burned the French archives in a ditch at the British Legation. Chinese and French were so close that the voices of the Chinese officers could be heard encouraging their men. Chinese were within the Legation itself. Their guns literally bombarded the Minister's residence 'à bout portant,' and the noise of the exploding shells was terrific. Yet the men never flinched. … July 11 was a day of many casualties. One German was mortally wounded; one Englishman, one Italian, and one Japanese were seriously wounded. Mr. Nigel Oliphant, a volunteer, received a bullet wound in the leg, while Mr. Narahara, the well-known secretary of the Japanese Legation, wounded by the bursting of a shell, suffered a compound fracture of the leg, which from the first gave cause for anxiety. He gradually sank and died on July 24. …

On the 11th 18 prisoners were captured by the French in a temple near the Legation. They were soldiers, and a Chinese Christian gave information as to their whereabouts. Everyone of them was put to death without mercy in the French Legation, bayoneted by a French corporal to save cartridges. Questioned before death they gave much information that was obviously false. One man, however, declared that a mine was being driven under the French Legation. His story had quick corroboration. As the afternoon of the 13th was closing a feint attack was made on the Japanese intrenchments in the Fu. Then the sound of many bugles was heard from the camps round the French Legation, to be followed in a few minutes by a terrific explosion, and in a moment or two by another; and bricks and debris were hurled into the air. It was a dull roar in the midst of the devilish cries of hordes of Chinese, shrieking like spirits in hell, the rattle of musketry, and the boom of heavy guns. The mine of which the prisoner had warned us had exploded and burst an entrance into the French Legation. When the first mine exploded the French Captain Darcy, the Austrian Charge d'Affaires, two French marines, and Mr. Destelan of the Customs were standing over the death-trap. Mr. Destelan was buried up to the neck, but was rescued unhurt, the two marines were engulfed and their bodies were never recovered, Captain Darcy and Dr. von Rosthorn escaped miraculously. The latter was buried by the first explosion and released unhurt a moment or two later by the second. Driven out of the main buildings, the small garrison (it consisted only of 17 Austrians with three officers, 27 French with two officers, and nine volunteers) fell back a few paces to a line of defence, part of which had only been completed in the afternoon, and securely held the position.

"Simultaneously with this attack upon the French Legation the Chinese made a determined assault upon the German Legation, the effective strength of whose garrison numbered only one officer and 31 men. They broke into the Club alongside the Legation and were on the tennis ground when Count Soden and a handful of German soldiers gallantly charged them at the point of the bayonet and drove them out headlong. … Uniforms on the dead Chinese showed that the attack had been carried out by the troops of Yung Lu, reinforced by the savages of Tung-fuh-siang. Some of the dead were armed with the latest pattern Mauser and the newest German army revolver. Some ammunition, of which the guards were in much need, was recovered and distributed among the Japanese and Italians. Firing continued round the other Legations; every battery opened fire; the air hissed with bullets. There was momentary darkness, then flames broke out from the large foreign houses between the German Legation and Canal-street. It seemed at one time as if the whole of the quarter would be burned, but the fire did not spread. Heavy rain came on, and the rest of the night passed in quiet.

"On July 14, a messenger, sent out on the 10th, with a letter for the troops, returned to the British Legation. He had been arrested by the Chinese, cruelly beaten, and taken, he said, to the yamên of Yung Lu, and there given the following letter, purporting to be written by Prince Ching 'and others,' addressed to the British Minister. It was the first communication of any kind whatsoever that had reached us from outside for nearly one month. 'For the last ten days the soldiers and Militia have been fighting, and there has been no communication between us, to our great anxiety. Some time ago we hung up a board, expressing our intentions, but no answer has been received, and contrary to expectation the foreign soldiers made renewed attacks, causing alarm and suspicion among soldiers and people. Yesterday the troops captured a convert named Chin Ssu-hei and learnt from him that all the foreign Ministers 'were well, which caused us very great satisfaction. But it is the unexpected which happens. The reinforcements of foreign troops were long ago stopped and turned back by the "Boxers," and if, in accordance with previous agreement, we were to guard your Excellencies out of the city, there are so many "Boxers" on the road to Tien-tsin and Ta-ku that we should be apprehensive of misadventure. We now request your Excellencies to first take your families and the various members of your staffs, and leave your Legations in detachments. We should select trustworthy officers to give close and strict protection, and you should temporarily reside in the Tsung-li-Yamên, pending future arrangements for your return home, in order to preserve friendly relations intact from beginning to end. But at the time of leaving the Legations there must on no account whatever be taken any single armed soldier, in order to prevent doubt and fear on the part of the troops and people, leading to untoward incidents. If your Excellencies are willing to show this confidence, we beg you to communicate with all the foreign Ministers in Peking, to-morrow at noon being the limit of time, and to let the original messenger deliver the reply in order that we may settle the day for leaving the Legations. This is the single way of preserving relations which we have been able to devise in the face of innumerable difficulties. If no reply is received by the time fixed, even our affection will not enable us to help you. Compliments. (Signed) Prince Ching and others. July 14, 1900.'

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"Following as it did immediately after the attack on the French Legation, which reduced it to ruins, the letter did not lack for impudence. 'Boxers' had driven back our troops, 'Militia,' not 'Boxers,' had been attacking us in Peking. The letter was read with derision. It was interpreted as a guileless attempt to seduce the Ministers away from their Legations and massacre them at ease. News we heard subsequently had just reached the Chinese of the taking of Tien-tsin city. … On the 15th a reply was sent declining on the part of the foreign representatives the invitation to proceed to the Tsung-li-Yamên, and pointing out that no attacks had been made by our troops, who were only defending the lives and property of foreigners against the attacks of Chinese Government troops. The reply concluded with a statement that if the Chinese Government wished to negotiate they should send a responsible official with a white flag. …

"The morning of the 16th opened with a disaster. Captain Strouts, the senior British officer, was shot while returning from the outposts in the Fu. He was struck in the upper part of the left thigh by an expanding bullet, and died an hour after being brought into the hospital, to the grief of the entire community. … While shells were bursting in the trees, and amid the crack of rifle bullets, the brave young fellow to whose gallant defence we all owed so much was laid to rest. … While the service was proceeding a messenger bearing a flag of truce was approaching the gate. … The letter was from 'Prince Ching and others.' It explained that the reason for suggesting the removal of the Legations to the Tsung-li-Yamên was that the Chinese Government could afford more efficient protection to the members of the Legations if concentrated than if scattered as at present. As the foreign Ministers did not agree, however, the Chinese would as in duty bound do their utmost to protect the Legations where they were. (While the latter sentence was being read the translator had to raise his voice in order that it should be heard above the crack of the Imperial rifle bullets.) They would bring reinforcements and continue their endeavours to prevent the 'Boxers' from firing, and they trusted that the foreign Ministers on their part would restrain their troops also from firing.

"By the same messenger a cipher message was brought to Mr. Conger, the American Minister. It said:—'Communicate tidings bearer.' It was in the State Department cipher and had no date or indication by whom it had been sent. Mr. Conger replied in the same cipher:—'For one month we have been besieged in British Legation under continued shot and shell from Chinese troops. Quick relief only can prevent general massacre.' When forwarding his reply he asked that it should be sent to the address from which the other had come, which address had not been communicated to him. Next day the Yamên sent him an answer saying that his message had been forwarded and explaining that the telegram sent to him had been contained in a telegram from Wu Ting Fang, the Chinese Minister at Washington, dated July 11. This telegram read:—'The United States cheerfully aid China, but it is thinking of Mr. Minister Conger. The Hon. Secretary of State inquires after him by telegram, which I beg to be transmitted to him and get his reply.' From this we could well imagine what specious assurances had been given to Mr. Hay by Wu Ting Fang's bland assurances that there had been a most regrettable outbreak on the part of lawless bands in the north of China which the Government was vainly struggling to cope with. … From July 17 there was a cessation of hostilities; not that men were not wounded afterwards and Christian coolies fired upon whenever they showed themselves, but the organized attacks ceased and the Krupp guns were muzzled. Fearing treachery, however, we relaxed none of our vigilance. Trenches were cut where mines might have been driven. All walls and shelters were so strengthened as to be practically shell-proof. Our preparations were purely defensive. On their part the Chinese also continued work at their barricades. From their barricade on the top of the wall near the German Legation they advanced westward so that they could fire directly down into the German Legation and pick off men going up the steps of the Minister's house. They built a wall with loop-holes across Legation-street not 20 yards from the Russian barricade. In nearly every position the enemy were so close that you could shoot into the muzzles of their rifles thrust through the loop-holes. The cordon was still drawn tightly round us, and we were penned in to prevent our acting in co-operation with the troops who were coming to our relief. No provisions were permitted to reach us, but a few eggs for the women and children were surreptitiously sold us by Chinese soldiers. All were on reduced rations, the allowance for the 2,750 native Christians whom we had to provide for being barely sufficient to save them from starvation. Their sufferings were very great, the mortality among the children and the aged pitiful. No one could have foreseen that within the restricted limits of the besieged area, with the food supply therein obtainable, 473 civilians (of these 414—namely, 191 men, 147 women, 76 children—were inside the British Legation), a garrison of 400 men, 2,750 refugees, and some 400 native servants could have sustained a siege of two entire months. Providentially in the very centre of Legation-street there was a mill with a large quantity of grain which turned out 900 lb. of flour a day divided between the hotel and the Legation. One day the Tsung-li-Yamên insultingly sent us a present of 1,000 lb. of flour and some ice and vegetables, but no one would venture to eat the flour, fearing that it might be poisoned. Communications now passed almost daily with the Tsung-li-Yamên or with the officials whose despatches were signed 'Prince Ching and others.' On July 17, Sir Claude MacDonald replied to the suggestion that the Ministers would restrain their troops from firing upon the Chinese. He said that from the first the foreign troops had acted entirely in self-defence, and would continue to do so. But the Chinese must understand that previous events had led to a want of confidence and that if barricades were erected or troops moved in the vicinity of the Legations the foreign guards would be obliged to fire. In the afternoon the Chinese replied, reviewing the situation and ascribing the hostilities to the attacks previously made by the Legation guards. They noted with satisfaction that a cessation of firing was agreed to on both sides, but suggested that as foreign soldiers had been firing from the city wall east of the Chien Mên, they should be removed from that position. {126} Next day, Sir Claude MacDonald replied with a review of the situation from the foreign point of view. … He hoped that mutual confidence would gradually be restored, but meanwhile he again pointed out that cessation of hostile preparations as well as firing was necessary on the part of the Chinese troops to secure that the foreign troops should cease firing. As for the suggestion that the foreign troops should leave the city wall, it was impossible to accede to it, because a great part of the attacks on the Legations had been made from the wall. He concluded by suggesting that sellers of fruit and ice should be allowed to come in. They were never permitted to come in. It was clear, however, that events were happening elsewhere to cause alarm in the Imperial Court. On the afternoon of the first day of what might be called the armistice M Pelliot, a French gentleman from Tongking, entered the Chinese lines and to the great anxiety of all was absent five hours. He was taken by soldiers to a yamên of one of the big generals—he knew not which—was plied with questions which, speaking some Chinese, he could answer, and was sent back unmolested with an escort of 15 soldiers 'to protect him against the Boxers.' This unusual clemency was interpreted favourably. It was clear that the Chinese had sustained a severe defeat and that relief was coming. Next day direct communication was for the first time held with an official of the Tsung-li-Yamên. A secretary named Wen Jui came to the Legation to see Sir Claude MacDonald and was received by the Minister outside the gate, not being permitted to enter. He said that the regrettable occurrences were due to 'local banditti,' that the Government had great concern to protect the foreigners, that Baron von Ketteler's body had been recovered from the hands of the 'local banditti' who had murdered him and been enclosed in a valuable coffin. He urged that the maintenance of foreign troops on the city was unnecessary and that they should be withdrawn. It was pointed out to him that, as we had been very continuously shelled from the city wall both from the Ha-ta Mên and the Chien Mên, it would be inadvisable to retire. Asked to send copies of the 'Peking Gazette,' he hesitated a moment and then stammered that he really had not himself seen the 'Peking Gazette' for a long time, but he would inquire and see if they could be bought. He never came back and never sent a 'Gazette.' His name was Wen Jui. When we did obtain copies of the 'Gazette' it was interesting to find two items that must have been especially unpleasant for him to have us know. On June 24, by Imperial decree, leaders were appointed to the 'Boxers,' or 'patriotic militia.' Among the chiefs was Wen Jui.

"The visit of Wen Jui was on the 18th. Up to the time of his visit, though more than four weeks had passed since the assassination, no allusion of any kind whatever had been made in any 'Peking Gazette' to the murder of Baron van Ketteler. Then the Empress-Dowager, yielding to her fears, published an allusion to the murder. Will the German Emperor rest satisfied with the tardy official reference to the brutal assassination of his Minister by an Imperial officer? 'Last month the Chancellor of the Japanese Legation was killed. This was, indeed, most unexpected. Before this matter had been settled the German Minister was killed. Suddenly meeting this affair caused us deep grief. We ought vigorously to seek the murderer and punish him.' No more. The date July 18; the murder June 20!

"Yet even in this decree there was a complete 'volte-face.' Missionaries who were by the decree of July 2 'to be at once driven away to their own countries' were by the decree of July 18 'to be protected in every province,' 'to be protected without the least carelessness.' The truculence and belligerence of the decrees issued when our troops had been driven back had disappeared; the tone now was one of justification and conciliation. Only one interpretation was possible—that the Chinese had been defeated. Confirmation came the same day. A messenger sent out by the Japanese successfully passed the enemy's lines and brought us the news that we had so long awaited. … By the same messenger a letter was received by the French Minister. … The same messenger also brought to the Belgian Minister a despatch from his Consul at Tien-tsin. … Days followed quietly now, though 'sniping' did not cease. Several casualties occurred among the garrison. A Russian was killed and an Austrian wounded; an Italian wounded and also a Japanese. In the Fu it was still dangerous for the Christian refugees to move about, and several were hit and two killed. But the Yamên became more and more conciliatory, until we could gauge the advance of the reliefs by the degree of apology in their despatches. But all supplies were rigorously cut off, and the sufferings of the Christians were acute. …

"On the 22nd Sir Robert Hart received a despatch from the Tsung-li-Yamên. They naïvely remarked that it was now one month since they had heard from him, and his silence gave them concern for his welfare. Moreover, a report had just reached them that his house had been burned, but they expressed the hope that he and al his staff were well. Another despatch requested his advice upon a Customs question that had arisen in Shanghai. Sir Robert Hart wrote a dignified reply. For more than a month, he said, he had been a refugee in the British Legation with all his staff, having had to flee from his house without warning; that all Customs records and papers, and every paper and letter of value that he had accumulated during a lifetime, had been destroyed; that not only his house, but some 19 other buildings in the occupation of his staff had been burned with all their contents; that the acting postal secretary had been killed by a shell, and two other members of his staff—Mr. Richardson and Mr. Macoun—had been wounded by bullets. …

"Meanwhile, the armistice continued, if armistice it can be called where true armistice there was none. Desultory firing continued, and sniping was still the chief pastime at the Chinese outposts. Friendly relations were, however, opened with some Chinese soldiers in the Fu. A Japanese Volunteer established a bureau of intelligence to which the enemy's soldiers had access. One soldier was especially communicative, and earned high reward for the valuable information that he conveyed to us. For a week from July 26 to August 2 daily bulletins based upon this information of the advance of the relief column were posted on the bell tower of the British Legation. {127} An unbroken series of victories was attending our relief forces. … Letters were given to the soldier to take to the General of the relief column, and a reward offered if an answer should be brought next day, but no answer was ever brought. Our informant had brought the armies along too quickly. He was compelled to send them back. Accordingly on the 31st he made the Chinese recapture Chang-chia-wan, killing 60 of the foreigners; advancing upon Matou he killed 70 foreigners more, and drove them back to An-ping. Next day he drove the foreigners disastrously back to Tien-tsin with a loss of 1,000. The day was equally disastrous to himself. Our informant had killed the goose that lay the golden egg. For a messenger arrived on that day with letters from Tien-tsin, dated July 30, informing us that a large force was on the point of leaving for our relief. … Meanwhile, while our informant was marching our relief backwards and forwards to Tien-tsin, Prince Ching and others were vainly urging the Ministers to leave Peking, but whether they left Peking or not they were to hand over the Christian refugees now under the protection of the Legations to the mercies of the Government, which had issued a decree commanding that they be exterminated unless they recanted their errors. In other communications Prince Ching 'and others' urged that the foreign Ministers should telegraph to their Government 'en clair' lying reports of the condition of affairs in Peking.

Two days after the cessation of hostilities Prince Ching 'and others' sent a despatch to Sir Claude MacDonald to the effect that it was impossible to protect the Ministers in Peking because 'Boxers' were gathering from all points of the compass, and that nothing would satisfy them (the 'Boxers') but the destruction of the Legations, and that the Ministers would be given safe conduct to Tien-tsin. Sir Claude, in reply, asked why it was that protection could be given to the Ministers on the way to Tien-tsin and yet could not be given to them while in the Legations in Peking. Prince Ching 'and others' replied: 'July 25, 1900. … As to the inquiry what difference there is between giving protection in the city or on the road, and why it is possible to give it in the latter, there is only an apparent discrepancy. For the being in the city is permanent, the being on the road is temporary. If all the foreign Ministers are willing to temporarily retire we should propose the route to Tung-chau and thence by boat down stream to Tien-tsin, which could be reached in only two days. No matter what difficulties there might be a numerous body of troops would be sent, half by water to form a close escort, half by road to keep all safe for a long way on both banks. Since the time would be short we can guarantee that there would be no mishap. It is otherwise with a permanent residence in Peking, where it is impossible to foretell when a disaster may occur.' … In the envelope which brought this letter were two other communications of the same guileless nature. 'On July 24,' said the first, 'we received a telegram from Mr. Warren, British Consul-General in Shanghai, to the effect that while China was protecting the Legations no telegram had been received from the British Minister, and asking the Yamên to transmit Sir C. M. MacDonald's telegram to Shanghai. As in duty bound we communicate the above, and beg you to send a telegram "en clair" to the Yamên for transmission.' Tender consideration was shown for us in the second letter:—'For the past month and more military affairs have been very pressing. Your Excellency and other Ministers ought to telegraph home that your families are well in order to soothe anxiety, but at the present moment peace is not yet restored, and your Legation telegrams must be wholly "en clair," stating that all is well, without touching on military affairs. Under those conditions the Yamên can transmit them. The writers beg that your Excellency will communicate this to the other foreign Ministers.'

"Evasive replies were given to these communications. … Our position at this time compelled us to temporize. We knew from the alteration in tone of the Chinese despatches that they had suffered defeats and were growing alarmed, but we did not know how much longer international jealousies or difficulties of obtaining transport were to delay the departure of the troops for Tien-tsin. … Though now nominally under the protection of an armistice sniping still continued, especially in the Fu, into any exposed portion of the besieged area. … The Chinese worked on continuously at their fortifications. … Finding that the Ministers declined to telegraph to their Governments 'en clair' that all was well with the Legations, the Tsung-li-Yamên wrote to Sir Robert Hart asking him to send home a telegram in the sense they suggested. Sir Robert replied diplomatically, 'If I were to wire the truth about the Legations I should not be believed.'

"A malevolent attempt was next made by the Chinese to obtain possession of the refugees who were in our safe keeping. On July 27 they wrote to Sir Claude MacDonald saying that 'they hear that there are lodged at the Legations a considerable number of converts, and that, as 'the space is limited and weather hot, they suggest that they must be causing the Legations considerable inconvenience. And now that people's minds are quieted, these converts can all be sent out and go about their ordinary avocations. They need not have doubts or fears. If you concur, an estimate should be made of the numbers and a date fixed for letting them out. Then all will be in harmony.' The reply of the diplomatic body was to the effect that while they were considering the two last letters—one offering safe conduct to Tien-tsin and the other declaring that the converts might leave the Legations in perfect security—heavy firing was heard in the direction of the Pei-tang, which was evidently being attacked in force; that yesterday and last night a barricade was built across the North Bridge, from behind which shots are being continuously fired into the British Legation. The French and Russian Legations are also being fired upon. As all this seems inconsistent with the above letters, an explanation is asked for before further consideration is given to the offer. Promptly the Yamên sent its explanation. The Pei-tang refugees, it seemed, who were starving, had made a sortie to obtain food. And they had fired upon the people. 'A decree,' it went on to say, 'has now been requested to the effect that if the converts do not come out to plunder they are to be protected and not to be continually attacked, for they also are the children of the State. This practice (of continually firing upon the converts) will thus be gradually stopped.' {128} Such a callous reply was read with indignation, and there was not the slightest intention on the part of any Minister to leave Peking. Yet on the 4th of August a decree was issued appointing Yung Lu to conduct the foreign Ministers safely to Tien-tsin 'in order once more to show the tenderness of the Throne for the men from afar.' …

"On August 10, Friday, a messenger succeeded in passing the enemy's lines, and brought us letters from General Gaselee and General Fukushima. A strong relief force was marching to Peking, and would arrive here if nothing untoward happened on the 13th or 14th. Our danger then was that the enemy would make a final effort to rush the Legations before the arrival of reinforcements. And the expected happened. …

"Yesterday [August 13] passed under a continuous fusillade which increased during the night. Then at 3 on this morning we were all awakened by the booming of guns in the east and by the welcome sound of volley firing. Word flew round that 'the foreign troops are at the city wall and are shelling the East Gate.' At daylight most of us went on to the wall, and witnessed the shelling of the Great East Gate. We knew that the allies would advance in separate columns, and were on the qui vive of excitement, knowing that at any moment now the troops might arrive. Luncheon, the hard luncheon of horse flesh, came on, and we had just finished when the cry rang through the Legation, 'The British are coming,' and there was a rush to the entrance and up Canal-street towards the Water Gate. The stalwart form of the general and his staff were entering by the Water Gate, followed by the 1st Regiment of Sikhs and the 7th Rajputs. They passed down Canal-street, and amid a scene of indescribable emotion marched to the British Legation. The siege has been raised.

"Peking, August 15. On reading over my narrative of the siege I find that in the hurry and confusion of concluding my report I have omitted one or two things that I had wished to say. In the first place, I find that I have not in any adequate way expressed the obligation of all those confined in the British Legation to the splendid services done by the Reverend F. D. Gamewell, of the American Episcopal Mission [who was educated as a civil engineer at Troy and Cornell], to whom was due the designing and construction of all our defences, and who carried out in the most admirable manner the ideas and suggestions of our Minister, Sir Claude MacDonald. To the Reverend Frank Norris, of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, our thanks are also specially due. He superintended, often under heavy fire, the construction of defences in the Prince's Fu and in other exposed places, working always with a courage and energy worthy of admiration. He was struck in the neck once by a segment of a shell, but escaped marvellously from serious injury. He speaks Chinese well, and Chinese worked under him with a fearlessness that few men can inspire. In the second place, I noticed that I have not sufficiently recorded the valuable services rendered by Mr. H. G. Squiers, the First Secretary of the American Legation, who on the death of Captain Strouts became Chief of the Staff to Sir Claude MacDonald. He had been for 15 years in the United States cavalry, and his knowledge and skill and the resolution with which he inspired his small body of men will not readily be forgotten. …

"To-day the Pei-tang Cathedral was relieved. Bishops, priests, and sisters had survived the siege and, thanks to the wonderful foresight of Bishop Favier, the Christians had been spared from starvation. Japanese coming down from the north of the city relieved the cathedral; French, British, and Russians from the south arrived as the siege was raised. Mines had been employed with deadly effect. The guards had lost five French killed and five Italians. Some 200 of the Christians had perished."

_London Times, October 13 and 15, 1900._

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June-December). Upright conduct of the Chinese Viceroys in the Yang-tsze provinces.

In his annual message of December 3, 1900, to Congress, referring to the occurrences in China, the President of the United States remarked with much justice: "It is a relief to recall and a pleasure to record the loyal conduct of the viceroys and local authorities of the southern and eastern provinces. Their efforts were continuously directed to the pacific control of the vast populations under their rule and to the scrupulous observance of foreign treaty rights. At critical moments they did not hesitate to memorialize the Throne, urging the protection of the legations, the restoration of communication, and the assertion of the Imperial authority against the subversive elements. They maintained excellent relations with the official representatives of foreign powers. To their kindly disposition is largely due the success of the consuls in removing many of the missionaries from the interior to places of safety." The viceroys especially referred to in this are Chang Chih-tung and Liu Kun-yi, often referred to as "the Yang-tsze viceroys."

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (July). Speech of German Emperor to troops departing to China, commanding no quarter.

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER 9).

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (July). American troops sent to co-operate with those of other Powers. Capture of Tientsin by the allied forces. Death of Colonel Liscum. Reported massacre of foreign Ministers and others in Peking. The long month of dread suspense. Overtures from Earl Li Hung-chang for negotiation.

"On the 26th of June Major Gen. Adna R Chaffee, U. S. V., was appointed to the command of the American forces in China. He embarked from San Francisco on the 1st of July, reached Nagasaki on the 24th, and Taku, China, on the 28th. … On reaching Nagasaki he received the following instructions, dated, … July 19: 'Secretary War directs that you proceed at once with transport Grant, Sixth Cavalry, and Marines to Taku, China, and take command of American land forces, which will be an independent command known as the China relief expedition. You will find there the Ninth and Fourteenth Infantry, one battery of the Fifth Artillery, and one battalion of Marines. Sumner sailed from San Francisco July 17 with Second Battalion of Fifteenth Infantry and recruits to capacity of vessel. {129} Reinforcements will follow to make your force in the immediate future up to 5,000, and very soon to 10,000. … Reports now indicate that American Minister with all the legation have been destroyed in Pekin. Chinese representative here, however, insists to the contrary, and there is, therefore, a hope which you will not lose sight of until certainty is absolute. It is the desire of this Government to maintain its relations of friendship with the part of Chinese people and Chinese officials not concerned in outrages on Americans. Among these we consider Li Hung Chang, just appointed viceroy of Chili. You will to the extent of your power aid the Government of China, or any part thereof, in repressing such outrages and in rescuing Americans, and in protecting American citizens and interests, and wherever Chinese Government fails to render such protection you will do all in your power to supply it. Confer freely with commanders of other national forces, act concurrently with them, and seek entire harmony of action along the lines of similar purpose and interest. There should be full and free conference as to operations before they are entered upon. You are at liberty to agree with them from time to time as to a common official direction of the various forces in their combined operations, preserving, however, the integrity of your own American division, ready to be used as a separate and complete organization. Much must be left to your wise discretion and that of the admiral. At all times report fully and freely to this Department your wants and views. The President has to-day appointed you major-general of volunteers.' …

"In the meantime the Ninth Infantry, from Manila, reached Taku on the 6th of July. Two battalions of that regiment, under Colonel Liscum, pressed forward to Tientsin, reaching that point on the 11th, and on the 13th took part with the British, French, and Japanese forces in an attack upon the southwest part of the walled city of Tientsin, which had been rendered necessary by the persistent shelling of the foreign quarters, outside of the walls, on the part of the Chinese troops occupying the city. Colonel Liscum's command formed part of a brigade under General Dorward, of the British army, and was assigned to the duty of protecting the flank of the allied forces. In the performance of that duty it maintained a position under heavy fire for fifteen hours, with a loss of 18 killed and 77 wounded. Among the killed was the gallant Colonel Liscum, who thus ended an honorable service of nearly forty years, commencing in the ranks of the First Vermont Infantry at the outbreak of the civil war, and distinguished by unvarying courage, fidelity, and high character. The regiment was withdrawn from its position on the night of the 13th, and on the morning of the 14th the native city was captured, and the southeast quarter was assigned to the American forces for police and protection. …

"At the time of the capture of Tientsin the most positive and circumstantial accounts of the massacre of all the ministers and members of the legations in Pekin, coming apparently from Chinese sources, had been published, and were almost universally believed. The general view taken by the civilized world of the duty to be performed in China was not that the living representatives of the Western powers in Pekin were to be rescued, but that their murder was to be avenged and their murderers punished. In the performance of that duty time and rapidity of movement were not especially important. The resolution of the commanders of the allied forces, communicated by Admiral Kempff on the 8th of July, to the effect that 80,000 men would be required—20,000 to hold the position from Taku to Tientsin and 60,000 to march to Pekin, while not more than 40,800 troops were expected to have arrived by the middle of August, practically abandoned all expectation of rescuing the ministers and members of the legations alive, for it proposed that after the middle of August any forward movement should be still deferred until 40,000 more troops had arrived. On the 11th of July, however, the American Secretary of State secured, through the Chinese minister at Washington, the forwarding of a dispatch in the State Department cipher to the American minister at Pekin, and on the 20th of July, pursuant to the same arrangement, an answer in cipher was received from Minister Conger, as follows: 'For one month we have been besieged in British legation under continued shot and shell from Chinese troops. Quick relief only can prevent general massacre.' This dispatch from Mr. Conger was the first communication received by any Western power from any representative in Pekin for about a month, and although it was at first received in Europe with some incredulity, it presented a situation which plainly called for the urgency of a relief expedition rather than for perfection of preparation. It was made the basis of urgent pressure for an immediate movement upon Pekin, without waiting for the accumulation of the large force previously proposed."

_United States, Secretary of War, Annual Report, November 30, 1900, pages 14-16, 19-20._

As mentioned above, in the instructions of the American government to General Chaffee, the veteran Chinese statesman and diplomat, Earl Li Hung-chang, well known in Europe and America, had now been recalled by the Peking government to the viceroyalty of Chili, from which he was removed six years before, and had been given the authority of a plenipotentiary to negotiate with the allied Powers. He addressed a proposal to the latter, to the effect that the Ministers in Peking would be delivered, under safe escort, at Tientsin, if the allies would refrain from advancing their forces to Peking. The reply from all the governments concerned was substantially the same as that made by the United States, in the following terms: "The government will not enter into any arrangement regarding disposition or treatment of legations without first having free communication with Minister Conger. Responsibility for their protection rests upon Chinese government. Power to deliver at Tientsin presupposes power to protect and to open communication. This is insisted on." Earl Li then asked whether, "if free communication were established, it could be arranged that the Powers should not advance pending negotiations," and was told in reply: "Free communication with our representatives in Peking is demanded as a matter of absolute right, and not as a favor. Since the Chinese government admits that it possesses the power to give communication, it puts itself in an unfriendly attitude by denying it. No negotiations seem advisable until the Chinese government shall have put the diplomatic representatives of the Powers in full and free communication with their respective governments, and removed all danger to their lives and liberty."

{130}

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (July-August). Boxer attack on the Russians in Manchuria, and Russian retaliation.

See (in this volume) MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900.

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August). Appointment of Count Waldersee to command the allied forces.

Field-Marshal Count von Waldersee, appointed to command the German forces sent to China, being of higher military rank than any other of the commanding officers in that country, was proposed for the general command of the allied armies, and accepted as such. Before his arrival in China, however, many of the American, Russian, and some other troops, had been withdrawn.

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August 4-16). The advance of the allied forces on Peking and the capture of the city.

The following is from the report of General Chaffee, commanding the American forces in the allied movement from Tientsin, to rescue the beleaguered Legations at Peking: "On my arrival at Tientsin I called on the various generals commanding troops, and on August 1 a conference of generals was held at the headquarters of Lieutenant-General Linivitch, of the Russian army. Present at the conference were the commanding general of the Russian army and his chief of staff; Lieutenant-General Yamagutchi and his chief of staff; Major-General Fukushima, of the Japanese army; Lieutenant-General Gaselee, of the British army, and his chief of staff, General Barrow; General Frey, of the French army; the Germans were also represented by an officer of the German navy; myself and Major Jesse M. Lee, Ninth Infantry, and Lieutenant Louis M. Little, of the marines, who speaks French. The purpose of this conference was to decide whether the armies were ready to make a movement for the relief of Pekin. It was disclosed in the conference that the Japanese, whose forces occupied the right bank of the river in and about Tientsin, where also were located the British and American forces, had by various patrols determined that the Chinese were in considerable force in the vicinity of Pei-tsang, about 7 miles distance up the river from Tientsin, and that they were strengthening their position by earthworks extending from the right bank of the river westward something like 3 miles, and from the left bank east to the railroad embankment was also being strengthened. The forces were variously estimated, from reports of Chinese, at from 10,000 to 12,000 men in the vicinity of Pei-tsang, with large bodies to the rearward as far as Yangtsun, where it was reported their main line of defenses would be encountered.

"The first question submitted for decision was 'whether a movement should be made at once,' which was decided in the affirmative, two Powers only dissenting, and these not seriously, as their doubt seemed to be that the force we could put in movement was not sufficiently strong to meet the opposition that might be expected. The decision was that the attack should be made on Sunday, August 5, and as the Japanese, British, and American forces occupied the right bank of the river, the Russians the left, the attack should be made without change of situation of the troops, the British to send four heavy guns to aid the Russian column. The strategy on the right bank of the river was left to the determination of the British, American, and Japanese generals. The force reported to the conference as available for the movement was: Japanese, about 8,000; Russian, 4,800; British, about 3,000; American, 2,100; French, 800. With special effort on the part of Captains Byron and Wood, Reilly's battery was gotten to Tientsin August 3 and assembled. We were also able to make one pack train available on the 4th, just in time to march with the column. The marines and Sixth Cavalry were gotten off the 'Grant' and to Tientsin August 3. The presence of the Sixth Cavalry at Tientsin, dismounted, enabled me to take all available men of the Ninth and Fourteenth, also all the marines except one company 100 strong, left to assist the civil government of the city. By arrangement prior to my arrival the officers selected to establish a civil government for Tientsin were to be allowed a military force, of which the United States should furnish 100. I was compelled, of course, to leave the Sixth Cavalry, because the horses had not arrived. … The troops moved out from the city of Tientsin during the afternoon and night of August 4 and bivouacked in the vicinity of Si-ku arsenal, the same that was taken by Admiral Seymour in his retrograde movement."

The Chinese were driven from the Arsenal by the Japanese, before whom they also fell back from Pei-tsang, and the first serious battle was fought at Yang-tsun, on the 6th. Having rested at Yang-tsun and cared for its sick and wounded, on the 7th, the army moved forward on the 8th, encountered slight resistance at Shang-shia-wan on the 11th, found Tong-chow abandoned, on the 12th, and reached Pekin on the 14th, having suffered more from heat, fatigue, and the want of potable water on the march, than from "Boxers" or imperial troops.

Returning now to the report of General Chaffee, we take from it his account of the final movement to the walls of Pekin, of the forcing of the gates and of the clearing of Chinese troops from the city: "The Japanese when taking possession of Tong-Chow in the morning [of the 12th] advanced troops toward Pekin for a distance of 6½ miles. It was finally agreed that the next day, the 13th, should be devoted to reconnaissance; the Japanese should reconnoiter on the two roads to the right or north of the paved road which is just north of the canal; the Russians on the paved road, if at all; the Americans to reconnoiter on the road just south of the canal; the British a parallel road 1½ miles to the left of the road occupied by the Americans. On the 14th the armies should be concentrated on the advance line held by the Japanese, and that that evening a conference should be held to determine what the method of attack on Pekin should be. On the morning of the 13th I reconnoitered the road to be occupied by the Americans with Troop M, Sixth Cavalry, Reilly's battery, and the Fourteenth Infantry up to the point specified in our agreement, or about 7 miles from Tong-Chow. Finding no opposition, I directed the remainder of my force to march out and close in on the advance guard. This force arrived at midnight. The British reconnoitered their road with some cavalry. The Japanese reconnoitered their front and also the front which properly belonged to the Russians.

{131}

"For reasons unknown to me the Russians left their camp at Tong-Chow about the time that my troops were marching to close on my advance guard. They followed the road which had been assigned to them, and about nine o'clock heavy firing was heard in the vicinity of Pekin. It was the next day ascertained that they had moved forward during the previous evening and had attacked the 'Tong-pien-men Gate,' an east gate of the city near where the Chinese wall joins the Tartar wall. Very heavy artillery and considerable small-arm firing was continued throughout the night. At the time of the occurrence I supposed the firing to be the last efforts of the Chinese troops to destroy the legations. …

"The 14th being the day decided upon for the concentration on the line 7 miles from Tong-Chow, I made no preparations for carrying on any operations beyond a small reconnaissance by a troop of cavalry to my front, which duty I assigned to Captain Cabell. … My cavalry had been absent not more than an hour, when Mr. Lowry, the interpreter who had accompanied it, raced back and informed me that Captain Cabell was surrounded by Chinese cavalry. I immediately ordered a battalion of the Fourteenth Infantry to fall in, and we went forward about a mile and a half and found Captain Cabell occupying some houses, firing from the roofs on a village in his front. I insisted on the French troops giving me the road, which they reluctantly did. Having joined Cabell, I continued the reconnaissance to my front, wishing to get as near the wall of the city as I could, but not expecting to move my whole force, which was contrary to the agreement at Tong-Chow on the evening of August 12. Without serious opposition we arrived at the northeast corner of the Chinese city, having brushed away some Chinese troops or 'Boxers' that fired from villages to our left and front. About 10 o'clock I saw the advantage of holding the ground that I had obtained, and directed all my force to move forward, as I had then become aware of Russian troops being in action on my right, and could also hear the Japanese artillery farther to the right. My left flank at this time was uncovered, except by a small force of British cavalry. The British troops did not advance from Tong-Chow until the 14th, owing to the agreement previously referred to. On that day they marched for the line of concentration and found my force advancing on Pekin. At noon a British battery was at work a mile to my left and rear.

"At 11 a. m. two companies of the Fourteenth Infantry, under the immediate command of Colonel Daggett, had scaled the wall of the Chinese city at the northeast corner, and the flag of that regiment was the first foreign colors unfurled upon the walls surrounding Pekin. The two companies on the wall, with the assistance of the troops facing the wall, drove away the Chinese defenders from the corner to the east gate of the Chinese city, where the British entered without opposition later in the day. About noon it was reported to me that the Russians had battered open 'Tung-pien-men gate' during the night and had effected an entrance there. I arrived at the gate soon afterwards and found in the gate some of the Fourteenth Infantry, followed by Reilly's battery. The Russian artillery and troops were in great confusion in the passage, their artillery facing in both directions, and I could see no effort being made to extricate themselves and give passage into the city. One company of the Fourteenth Infantry deployed itself in the buildings to the right of the gate and poured effective fire onto the Tartar wall. Captain Reilly got two guns through a very narrow passage to his left, tearing down a wall to do so, and found a position a few yards to the left of the road where he could enfilade the Tartar wall, section by section, with shrapnel. The Fourteenth Infantry crossed the moat and, taking position paralleling the moat, deployed along a street facing the Tartar wall, and with the aid of the artillery swept it of Chinese troops. In this way, gradually working to the westward, the Tartar wall was cleared of opposition to the 'Bait-men gate' and beyond.

"Orders were sent to the Ninth to follow up the movement of the Fourteenth Infantry and Reilly's battery as soon as the wall was cleared of Chinese; also to follow the movement to the 'Chien-men' gate of the Tartar city. The marines were to follow the general movement, but later were ordered to protect the train. At about 3 o'clock p. m. our advance had arrived opposite the legations, the fire of the Chinese having practically ended, and we drew over to the Tartar wall and entered the legation grounds with the Fourteenth Infantry by the 'water gate or moat,' Reilly's battery passing through the 'Chien-men' gate, which was opened by the American and Russian marines of the besieged force. The Fourteenth Infantry was selected on this occasion in recognition of gallantry at Yang-tsun and during this day. The British troops entered at the 'Shahuo' gate of the Chinese city, and following a road through the center of the city to opposite the legations, arrived there through the 'water gate or moat' in advance of the United States troops. Having communicated with Minister Conger, I withdrew the troops from the legation and camped just outside near the Tartar wall for the night. My casualties during the day were 8 enlisted men wounded in the Fourteenth Infantry, 1 enlisted man wounded of Battery F, Fifth Artillery, and 1 officer and 2 enlisted men wounded of the marines. …

"I was informed by Mr. Conger that a portion of the imperial city directly in front of the Chien-men gate had been used by Chinese to fire on the legations, and I determined to force the Chinese troops from this position. On the morning of the 15th I placed four guns of Reilly's battery on the Tartar wall at Chien-men gate and swept the walls to the westward to the next gate, there being some slight opposition in that direction, supported by poor artillery. About 8 o'clock a. m. the Chinese opened fire on us at Chien-men gate, from the second gate of the imperial city north of Chien-men gate, whereupon I directed an attack on the first gate to be made, and in a short while Lieutenant Charles P. Summerall, of Reilly's battery, had opened the door of this gate. Our troops entered, and were met with a severe fire from the next gate, about 600 yards distant. Fire was directed upon the second gate with the battery and such of the infantry as could be elevated on the Tartar wall and side walls of the imperial city and act effectively. In the course of half an hour the Chinese fire was silenced, and Colonel Daggett led forward his regiment to the base of the second gate. Lieutenant Summerall was directed to open this gate with artillery, which he did. The course just indicated was pursued for four gates, the Chinese troops being driven from each gate in succession, the fourth gate being near what is known as the 'palace grounds,' which is surrounded by the 'imperial guards.'

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"At a conference that afternoon it was decided not to occupy the imperial city, and I withdrew my troops into the camp occupied the night before, maintaining my position on the Tartar wall at Chien-men gate. The idea of not occupying the imperial city was not concurred in by the ministers in a conference held by them the next day. In their opinion the imperial city should be occupied. It was later decided by the generals to occupy the imperial grounds, and in consequence of this decision I reoccupied the grounds we had won on the 15th, placing the Ninth Infantry within as guard at the gate where our attack ceased.

"During the 15th and the attack upon the gates referred to our losses were 2 enlisted men killed and 4 wounded, Ninth Infantry; 3 enlisted men killed and 14 wounded, Fourteenth Infantry; 1 enlisted man, Battery F, Fifth Artillery, wounded. At 8.50 o'clock a. m. of this date Captain Henry J. Reilly, Fifth Artillery, was struck in the mouth and almost instantly killed when standing at my left elbow observing the effect of a shot from one of his guns by his side.

"At a conference of the generals on the afternoon of the 16th the Chinese and Tartar cities were divided to the various forces for police and protection of the inhabitants. The United States troops were assigned to the west half of the Chinese city and to that section of the Tartar city lying between the Chien-men gate and Shun-chin gate of the south wall of the Tartar city and north to the east and west street through the Tartar city, being bounded upon the east by the wall of the imperial city."

_United States, Secretary of War, Annual Report, November 30, 1900, pages 61-71._

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August 5-16). The horrors of the allied invasion. Barbarity of some divisions of the army in the march from Tien-tsin to Peking. Murder, rape, pillage and destruction.

Of the conduct of some divisions of the allied army which advanced from Tien-tsin, and which represented to "the heathen Chinee" the civilized and Christian nations of Europe and the Western world, a writer in "Scribner's Magazine," who evidently shared the experience and witnessed the scenes of the march, gives the following account: "The dreary stretches through which the Pei-ho flows, never attractive to the Western eye, presented, as the allied armies slowly traversed them, a scene of indescribable desolation. … In a region which usually contained a population of many millions, scarcely a human being, besides those attached to the allied armies, was to be seen. Towns and villages were completely deserted. In China an ordinary town will have from one to three hundred thousand inhabitants, while villages not of sufficient importance to be designated on the maps, have populations varying from ten to thirty thousand. These villages line the banks of the Pei-ho and the main road to Peking by hundreds. The troops were never entirely clear of them. … So hurried had been the flight of the inhabitants that hundreds of houses were left open, such household possessions that could not be carried away being tousled about in great disorder. Of all that dense population, only a few scattered hundreds of aged, decrepit men and women, and some unfortunate cripples and abandoned children, remained. A great majority of these were ruthlessly slain. The Russians and Japanese shot or bayoneted them without compunction. Their prayers for mercy availed not. If these miserable unfortunates chanced to fall into the hands of American or British troops they had a chance for their lives, but even our armies are not free from these wanton sacrifices. Every town, every village, every peasant's hut in the path of the troops was first looted and then burned. A stretch of country fully ten miles in width was thus swept. Mounted 'flanks in the air' scoured far and wide, keen on the scent of plunder, dark columns of smoke on the horizon attesting their labors. In this merry task of chastising the heathen Chinese, the Cossacks easily excelled. … Like an avenging Juggernaut the Army of Civilization moved. Terror strode before it; Death and Desolation sat and brooded in its path. Through such scenes as these, day after day, the army glided. A spirit of utter callousness took root, and enveloped officers and men alike. Pathetic scenes passed without comment or even notice. Pathos, involved in a riot of more violent emotions, had lost its power to move."

_T. F. Millard, A Comparison of the Armies in China (Scribner's Magazine, January, 1901)._

Another eye witness, writing in the "Contemporary Review," tells the same sickening and shameful story, with more vividness of description and detail: "As a rule," he remarks, "the heathen Chinee suffers silently, and dies calmly. He has, it is true, a deep-rooted hatred of war, and sometimes a paralysing fear of being shot down in battle. But he takes beheading, hanging, or death by torture with as much resignation as did Seneca, and a great deal less fuss. And he bears the loss of those near and dear to him with the same serenity, heroism, or heartlessness. But he does not often move to pity, and very seldom yearns for sympathy. The dire sights which anyone might have witnessed during the months of August and September in Northern China afforded admirable illustrations of this aspect of the national character. The doings of some of the apostles of culture were so heinous that even the plea of their having been perpetrated upon wild savages would not free them from the nature of crimes. I myself remember how profoundly I was impressed when sailing on one calm summer's day up to the bar of Taku towards the mouth of the river Pei-ho. Dead bodies of Chinamen were floating seawards, some with eyes agape and aghast, others with brainless skulls and eyeless sockets, and nearly all of them wearing their blue blouses, baggy trousers, and black glossy pigtails. Many of them looked as if they were merely swimming on their backs. …

{133}

"The next picture that engraved itself upon my memory had for its frame the town of Tong-kew. … On the right bank [of the Pei-ho] naked children were amusing themselves in the infected water which covered them to the arm-pits, dancing, shouting, splashing each other, turning somersaults, and intoxicating themselves with the pure joy of living. A few yards behind them lay their fathers, mothers, sisters, brothers, dead, unburied, mouldering away. On the left bank, which was also but a few yards off, was the site of Tongkew: a vast expanse of smoking rubbish heaps. Not a roof was left standing; hardly a wall was without a wide breach; formless mounds of baked mud, charred woodwork, and half-buried clothes were burning or smouldering still. Here and there a few rootless dwellings were left, as if to give an idea of what the town had been before the torch of civilisation set it aflame. Everyone of these houses, one could see, had been robbed, wrecked, and wantonly ruined. All the inhabitants who were in the place when the troops swept through had been swiftly sent to their last account, but not yet to their final resting-place. Beside the demolished huts, under the lengthening shadows of the crumbling walls, on the thresholds of houseless doorways, were spread out scores, hundreds of mats, pieces of canvas, fragments of tarpaulin, and wisps of straw, which bulged suspiciously upwards. At first one wondered what they could have been put there for. But the clue was soon revealed. In places where the soldiers had scamped their work, or prey birds had been busy, a pair of fleshless feet or a plaited pigtail protruding from the scanty covering satisfied any curiosity which the passer-by could have felt after having breathed the nauseating air. Near the motionless plumage of the tall grass happy children were playing. Hard by an uncovered corpse a group of Chinamen were carrying out the orders they had received from the invaders. None of the living seemed to heed the dead. …

"Feeling that I never know a man until I have been permitted to see somewhat of his hidden springs of action and gauge the depth or shallowness of his emotion, I set myself to get a glance at what lay behind the mask of propriety which a Chinaman habitually wears in Tongkew as in every other town and village in the Empire. As soon as the ice seemed broken I asked one smiling individual: 'Why do you stay here with the slayers of your relatives and friends?' 'To escape their fate, if we can,' was the reply. 'We may be killed at any time, but while we live we must eat, and for food we have to work.' 'Were many of your people killed?' I inquired. 'Look there,' he answered, pointing to the corpses in the vast over-ground churchyard, 'and in the river there are many more. The Russians killed every Chinaman they met. Of them we are in great fear. They never look whether we have crosses or medals; they shoot everyone.' 'You are a Christian, then?' I queried. 'Yea, a Christian,' he eagerly answered. 'And I,' 'And I,' chimed in two others. Ten minutes' further conversation, however, brought out the fact that they were Christians not for conscience' sake but for safety, and they were sorely afraid that they were leaning on a broken reed. The upshot of what they had to tell me was that the Europeans, mainly the Russians, looked upon them all as legitimate quarry, and hounded them down accordingly. They and theirs, they declared, had been shot in skirmishes, killed in sport, and bayoneted in play.

"But the ever-recurring refrain of their narrative was the massacre in cold blood of the three hundred coolies of Taku. … The story has been often told since then, not merely in the north but throughout the length and breadth of China. The leading facts, as narrated on the spot, are these: Some three hundred hard-working coolies eked out a very cheerless existence by loading and unloading the steamers of all nations which touched at Taku. For the convenience of both sides they all cooped themselves up in one boat, which served them as a permanent dwelling. When times were slack they were huddled together there like herrings in a barrel, and when work was brisk they toiled and moiled like galley slaves. Thus they managed to get along, doing harm to no man and good to many. The attack of the foreign troops upon Taku was the beginning of their end. Hearing one day the sharp reports of rifle shots, this peaceable and useful community was panic-stricken. In order to save their dreary lives they determined to go ashore. Strong in their weakness, and trusting in their character of working men who abhorred war, they steered their boat landwards. In an evil hour they were espied by the Russian troops, who at that time had orders, it is said, to slay every human being who wore a pigtail. Each of the three hundred defenceless coolies at once became a target for Muscovite bullets. It must have been a sickening sight when it was all done. …

"The river Pei-ho, could it bear witness in words to the dramas of blood enacted on its banks by Europeans, would have many a tale to tell as grewsome as that of the slaughter of the three hundred coolies. … I lived for twelve or thirteen days on that foul river, and never was I more profoundly impressed than by what I saw in its waters and on its banks. The first day after I had left Tientsin I was towed by untiring coolies through a land thickly studded over with what had once been human dwellings, but were now high heaps of smouldering rubbish. … A wave of death and desolation had swept over the land, washing away the vestiges of Chinese culture. Men, women, boys, girls, and babes in arms had been shot, stabbed, and hewn to bits in this labyrinth of streets, and now, on both banks of the river, reigned the peace described by Tacitus. …

"Fire and sword had put their marks upon this entire country. The untrampled corn was rotting in the fields, the pastures were herdless, rootless the ruins of houses, the hamlets devoid of inhabitants. In all the villages we passed the desolation was the same. … The streets and houses of war-blasted cities were also the scenes of harrowing tragedies, calculated to sear and scar the memory even of the average man who is not given to 'sickly sentimentality.' In war they would have passed unnoticed; in times of peace (hostilities were definitely over) they ought to have been stopped by drastic measures, if mild means had proved ineffectual. I speak as an eye-witness when I say, for example, that over and over again the gutters of the city of Tungtschau ran red with blood, and I sometimes found it impossible to go my way without getting my boots bespattered with human gore. There were few shops, private houses and courtyards without dead bodies and pools of dark blood. … The thirst of blood had made men mad. The pettiest and most despicable whipper-snapper who happened to have seen the light of day in Europe or Japan had uncontrolled power over the life and limbs, the body and soul, of the most highly-cultivated Chinaman in the city. From his decision there was no appeal. A Chinaman never knew what might betide him an hour hence, if the European lost his temper. He might lie down to rest after having worked like a beast of burden for twelve or fourteen hours only to be suddenly awakened out of his sleep, marched a few paces from his hard couch, and shot dead. {134} He was never told, and probably seldom guessed, the reason why. I saw an old man and woman who were thus hurriedly hustled out of existence. Their day's work done they were walking home, when a fire broke out on a little barge on the river. They were the only living beings found out of bed at the time, and in the pockets of the woman a candle and some matches were stowed away. Nobody, not even the boat-watchman, had seen them on or near the boat. They were pounced upon, taken to the river's edge, shot and buried. It was the work of fifteen minutes or less. …

"The circumstantial tales told of the dishonouring of wives, girls, children, in Tientsin, Tungtschau, Pekin, are such as should in normal beings kindle some sparks of indignation without the aid of 'sickly sentimentality.' … I knew well a man whose wife had been dealt with in this manner, and then killed along with her child. He was one of the 'good and loyal people' who were on excellent terms with the Christians; but, if ever he gets a chance of wreaking vengeance upon the foreigners, he will not lightly let it slip. I knew of others whose wives and daughters hanged themselves on trees or drowned themselves in garden-wells in order to escape a much worse lot. Chinese women honestly believed that no more terrible fate could overtake them than to fall alive into the hands of Europeans and Christians. And it is to be feared that they were right. Buddhism and Confucianism have their martyrs to chastity, whose heroic feats no martyrology will ever record. Some of these obscure, but rightminded, girls and women hurled themselves into the river, and, finding only three feet of water there, kept their heads under the surface until death had set his seal on the sacrifice of their life. This suicidal frenzy was catching. … So far as I have been able to make out, and I have been at some pains to investigate the subject, no officers or soldiers of English or German-speaking nationalities have been guilty of these abominations against defenceless women."

_E. J. Dillon, The Chinese Wolf and the European Lamb (Contemporary Review, January, 1901)._

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August 15-28). Occupation of Peking by the allied forces. International jealousies. License to some of the soldiery. Shameful stories of looting and outrage. Formal march through the "Forbidden City."

"Early on the morning of the 15th [of August]—the day after the siege of the Legations was raised—General Chaffee [the American commander] advanced his men from the Chien Mên, which he had held overnight, and drove the Chinese from gateway to gateway back along the wide-paved approach to the far-famed 'Forbidden City.' From the wall at the Chien Mên the American field battery shelled each of the great gateways before the infantry advanced, and Captain Reilly, who commanded the battery, was killed while directing the operations—a bullet striking him full in the face and passing out through the back of his head. In him was lost a popular and efficient officer. The movements of the Americans were watched with no little anxiety by certain of the allies, who evidently feared that General Chaffee was about to enter and seize the Forbidden City itself. The French, who had only that morning arrived, were apparently very keen to establish a claim by joining in the attack, for they took their mountain guns to the top of the wall opposite the Legations, and began blazing away in the direction of the approaches to the Palace. It so happened that by this time the Americans had penetrated nearly to the gateway of the Palace itself, and this French fire, so suddenly opened, was directed upon them, instead of, as the French General thought, upon the enemy. General Chaffee rode down himself from the Chien Mên to where the guns were placed on the wall, and from below conducted a spirited conversation with the French General and M. Pichon. 'Stop firing those guns,' the General shouted up from 60 ft. below, 'you are killing my men.' Not understanding, the French General replied to the effect that he was firing for the honour of France, and M. Pichon joined in with similar protestations. General Chaffee's protests increased in vigour, and the force, perhaps, rather than the lucidity of them eventually induced the French General to desist from firing upon the Americans for the honour and glory of 'la patrie.' The Russians also displayed a marked desire to participate in the operations in front of the Palace, coming up after the fighting was practically finished and attempting to occupy a part of the position won by the Americans. Again General Chaffee had to speak forcibly to persuade the Russians to retire. General Chaffee cleared and occupied the whole length of the approaches—a series of noble paved courtyards—from the Chien Mên to the south gate of the Palace, before which he set a strong guard. His doings were quite evidently being watched with suspicion, and in the afternoon a conference was held, at which it was solemnly agreed by the representatives of the allies that in the meantime, pending the arrangement of some concerted plan, the Forbidden City should not be entered. In other parts of the city the work of clearing out the enemy was meanwhile progressing, the Japanese and Russians operating on the east and to the north, and the British to the south in the Chinese city.

"It was thought that an expedition would have been undertaken by the French to relieve the besieged in the Pei-tang. Help could have been obtained for the asking, and it is difficult to understand why no effort was made to reach the unfortunate people, who, be it noted, were still being attacked, and whose position, for all that was known, might have been desperate to the last degree. The story of the long and weary weeks of fighting round the stately cathedral pile—alas, now, now battered and rent!—must be written by no outsider from hearsay, but first hand by a survivor. As heard from the lips of Père Favier, it is, indeed, a thrilling narrative in many respects, surpassing in wonder even its sister story of the defence of the Legations. … The relief was effected the following morning by a combined force of French and Russians, with whom also were the British Marines under Major Luke, R. M. L. I., the whole under the command of the French general. When this force arrived it was found that the Japanese had already practically raised the siege, having started earlier and worked along on the north-west of the Imperial City, driving the Chinese before them. However, the Japanese had not actually penetrated into the Pei-tang defences, and the French had the satisfaction, after all, of being first in to receive a joyful welcome from their long-suffering fellow-countrymen. {135} The raising of the siege was signalized by the slaughter of a large number of Chinese who had been rounded up into a cul de sac and who were killed to a man, the Chinese Christian converts joining in with the French soldiers of the relieving force, who lent them bayonets, and abandoning themselves to the spirit of revenge. Witnesses describe the scene as a sickening sight, but in judging such acts it is necessary to remember the provocation, and these people had been sorely tried. …

"The French general had given orders to Major Luke to remain with his men to guard a bridge in the rear while the relief of the Pei-tang was being effected. Afterwards the main body of the relieving force was pushed on through the Imperial City, leaving the British contingent behind. After waiting some time Major Luke came to the conclusion that he must have been forgotten, and, leaving a guard on the bridge, followed on in the track of the French troops, to find that they had penetrated into the Imperial City along the wall of the Palace as far as the Meishan (Coal Hill), from the pagodas on which the tri-colour was flying. The Russians had taken up a position near the North Gate of the Palace, and he was only just in time to secure the temple building at the foot of the Meishan, and the camping-ground alongside of it. There was great enthusiasm between the Russians and French, who cheered each other as their forces appeared, in marked contrast to the coolness with which the arrival of Major Luke and his men was received. … The Russians are camped round the old place and will permit no one in to see over it; in fact, in this part of the city French or Russian sentries make it difficult to see most of the many objects of art or interest. …

"Now that the common bond of interest in the success of the relief expedition was removed, the points of difference at once began to appear, and the underlying jealousy and suspicion with which it seems each nation regards almost every other manifested itself in various ways, particularly in the unseemly race for loot and the game of general grab that now started up, the methods of which were indicated above with regard to the seizure of the Meishan. The Japanese seized the Board of Revenue and must have found a huge amount of money there, to judge by the length of the line of pack mules that it took to carry it away. Through a mistake, it is said, on the part of the Americans, the French got possession of the Palace of Prince Li, said to contain treasure to the extent of many millions of dollars. The Russians also got some treasure, seizing on a large bank.

"Inside the Forbidden City, the Chinese say, there is fabulous wealth in treasure stowed away or buried, and it is principally lest this should prove true that so much jealousy exists about the privilege of entering. Of course, the question is also of great importance politically, and after several diplomatic conferences it was eventually decided that, on a date still to be arranged, the Ministers and Generals of all the Powers should enter at the same time and proceed together through the Palace, ascertaining the nature and value of its contents and then sealing the whole place up and withdrawing to await instructions from the home Governments. … As regards the larger game of grab, the Russians succeeded in winning the last large prize, the Wan Shen Shan, or new Summer Palace, seven miles out near the western hills, racing for it against a body of Japanese and coming in a quarter of an hour ahead, having had a long start. So the story goes, but it is not easy to check such stories, both Japanese and Russians being very reticent about their relations with each other. One thing only is certain, that the Russians are in jealous possession of the Wan Shen Shan. Two British officers who rode out there a couple of days ago in uniform were refused admission to the grounds.

"Alongside of this official looting, private looting on the part of the foreign soldiers was freely permitted during the first few days; in fact, the city was abandoned for the most part to the soldiery, and horrible stories of the kind common in war, but nevertheless and everlastingly revolting, were current—stories of the ravishing of women in circumstances of great savagery, particularly by the rough Russian soldiers and their following of French. The number of Chinese women who committed suicide rather than submit to dishonour was considerable. A British officer of standing told me he had seen seven hanging from the same beam in the house of apparently a well-to-do Chinaman. These stories, and I heard of many more, reflect credit upon Chinese womanhood and something very different upon the armies of Europe, which are supposed to be the forerunners and upholders of civilization in this particular campaign. However, this period of licence was not of long duration. The soldiers having had their fling, the city was divided, by arrangement, into districts, each under the control of one of the Powers, proclamations were issued reassuring the remaining peaceable citizens and encouraging others to return, and gradually the work of restoring law and order and confidence is progressing. …

"Where is the Chinese Government? Fled to Je-hol? No one seems to know for certain. It is only certain that on the morning of the 14th the Empress-Dowager and her following, and the Imperial Court, fled by the west gate of the city and disappeared. This flight took place while the Japanese were actually engaged in shelling the Tse-kwa Mên and the city wall. If they had succeeded in their first attempt on the gate in the morning, the flight of the Court might have been prevented. The Empress and her advisers had a narrow escape. …

"August 28. After deliberations occupying a full fortnight the question of what was to be done with the Forbidden City has been settled, at any rate, for the time being. The main problem presented was not new; Lord Elgin had to face it forty years ago. Considerations of immediate political expediency guided his action then, as they have dictated the course adopted now. He spared the Imperial Palace, and burnt instead the Yuen Ming Yuen, or Summer Palace, seven miles from Peking. As a result the fact that British troops ever entered Peking does not appear in Chinese history, indeed the idea is ridiculed by Mandarindom. Remembering this, many people here thought it would be desirable in the present instance to burn the Imperial Palace, after carefully removing the art treasures, and thus, if possible, impress upon the whole Chinese nation some idea of the enormity of the crime which their Government has committed against civilization at large. {136} On the other hand, it was held that if this were done the Imperial Court, through loss of 'face,' could never return to Peking, and this contingency appealed strongly to the representatives of both Russia and Japan, who conceived that the interests of their respective countries demanded the retention of Peking as the capital. What the representatives of the other Powers thought has not transpired, nor does it matter much at present, the overwhelming position of Russia and Japan combined making all opposition to their proposals futile. Germany may insist upon burning the Palace when he forces have all arrived, and those who think it ought to be done hope that she will; but in the meantime the conference of commanding officers, in consultation with the Ministers, decided not to do more than march a small force of foreign troops through the 'sacred precincts' from the South Gate to the North, after which these were to be again closed, leaving the Palace intact. There was to be no looting. Everything was to be done to provide against the idea arising that the place had been desecrated. The ceremony was merely to be a display of military power. …

"Arrangements were made for certain Chinese officials to be present during the ceremony and also for a number of attendants to open up the various halls through which the troops would require to pass, and to close the doors behind the 'barbarians' when they finally withdrew. Yesterday there were reports of further friction and possible further postponement of the ceremony, but by evening these had died away and the programme had assumed at last a definite shape. According to it the various troops were to parade this morning between 7 and 8 outside the Tien-an Mên, the Inner Gate of the Imperial City. There at the time appointed they were drawn up, and the interest of a great historic event began. The Imperial Palace, or Forbidden City, is an enclosure about two-thirds of a mile long from north to south and about half a mile broad from east to west. It is surrounded by a high wall. Outside this wall on the west, north, and east lies a broad moat. From the south it is approached by a series of immense paved courtyards divided one from the other by high and massive gateways, above which rise imposing pavilions with yellow-tiled overhanging roofs, flanked by great towers built in the same style and similarly roofed with Imperial yellow. This Forbidden City or Imperial Palace enclosure is situated within the Imperial City, a larger enclosure, also surrounded by a high tile-topped wall. It was outside the Inner Gateway to this Imperial City that the troops were drawn up. The Russians took up their position on the centre, close to the stone bridge in front of the Tien-an Mên; the Japanese were opposite the gateway on the left; the British to the right of the Russians in a wide paved avenue running east and west outside the inner wall of the Imperial City. The remainder of the allies were drawn up to the rear of the Russians and Japanese in the wide avenue running north and south from the Outer Gateway (Ta-ching Mên). As a pageant it was not a success. Soldiers on service do not make a fine show. … Inside the Tien-an Mên the central stone road continues for about half a mile down a broad, flagged avenue running between handsome temple buildings on either hand, until the Wu Mên, or south gate, of the Forbidden City is reached. It is an imposing entrance. The gateway itself is high and massive, and the towers on top are particularly fine. Thus far, on the morning of the 15th, the American troops fought, driving the Chinese before them into the city. The self-denial displayed by General Chaffee on that occasion has not, perhaps, received proper recognition. There was at that time no agreement to hold him back, and he might have pressed on and taken the palace and hoisted the Stars and Stripes over it. It would have been a fine prize, and the temptation must have been great, but General Chaffee, acting, possibly, under the advice of Mr. Conger, the United States Minister, refrained—a noteworthy act. This gateway has been held by an American guard ever since, and American troops have been quartered in the approach to it. …

"After it was over the generals and staff officers and the Ministers and other privileged persons returned by the way we had come through the Forbidden City. Tea was provided by the Chinese officials in the summer-house of the palace garden, the quaint beauties of which there was now time to appreciate. Beautiful stone carvings and magnificent bronzes claimed attention. The march through had occupied about an hour, and another was spent sauntering back through the various halls and courtyards. As the halls were cleared the Chinese attendants hastily closed the doors behind us with evident relief at our departure. A few jade ornaments were pocketed by quick-fingered persons desirous of possessing souvenirs, but on the whole the understanding that there was to be no looting was carried out. Arrived at the courtyard where their horses had been left, the generals and staff officers mounted and rode out of the palace, and the rest of us followed on foot. The gates were once more closed and guards were stationed outside to prevent anyone from entering. The Forbidden City resumed its normal state, inviolate, undesecrated. The honour of the civilized world, we were told, had been thus vindicated. But had it?"

_London Times, Peking Correspondence._

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August-September). The flight of the Imperial Court.

The following account of the flight of the Court from Peking to Tai-yuen-fu was given to a newspaper correspondent, in October, by Prince Su, who accompanied the fugitive Emperor and Dowager-Empress, and afterwards returned to Peking:

"The day the Court left Peking they travelled in carts to Kuan-shi, 20 miles to the north, escorted by 3,000 soldiers of various commands. This composite army pillaged, murdered, and outraged along the whole route. At Kuan-shi the Imperial cortege was supplied with mule litters. The flight then continued at the rate of 20 miles daily to Hsuan-hua-fu, where a halt was made for three days. This place is 120 miles from Peking. Up to this time the flight had been of a most panic-stricken nature. So little authority was exerted that the soldiers even stole the meals which had been prepared for the Emperor and the Dowager-Empress. Some improvement was effected by the execution of several for murder and pillaging, and gradually the various constituents of the force were brought under control. {137} Many of the Dowager-Empress's advisers were in favour of remaining at Hsuan-hua-fu, on account of the comparatively easy means of communication with the capital. The majority, however, were in such fear of pursuit by the foreign troops that the proposition was overruled. The flight was then resumed towards Tai-yuen-fu. Before leaving Hsuan-hua-fu, 10,000 additional troops under Tung-fuh-siang joined the escort. The newcomers, however, only added to the discord already prevailing. The Dowager-Empress did little else but weep and upbraid those whose advice had brought them into such a position. The Emperor reviled everyone irrespective of his opinions. The journey to Tai-yuen-fu took 26 days, the longest route being taken for fear of pursuit. On arriving there the formation of some kind of Government was attempted, but owing to the many elements of discord this was found to be next to impossible. Though many edicts were issued they could not be enforced. Neither party cared for an open rupture, and affairs rapidly assumed a state of chaos. Prince Su further said that the Emperor did not desire to leave Peking, preferring to trust himself to the allies, but his objections were not listened to and he was compelled to accompany the flight."

The final resting-place of the fugitive Imperial Court for some months was Si-ngan-fu, or Sin-gan Fu, or Segan Fu, or Sian Fu (as it is variously written), a large city, the capital of the western province of Shensi.

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August-December). Discussions among "the Powers" as to the terms to be made with the Chinese Government. Opening of negotiations with Prince Ching and Li Hung-chang.

Immediately upon the capture of Peking, Li Hung-chang addressed appeals to the Powers for a cessation of hostilities, for the withdrawal of troops from Peking, and for the appointment of envoys to negotiate a permanent peace. Discussion among the governments followed, the first definite outcome of which appeared in the announcement of an intention on the part of Russia to withdraw her troops from Peking as soon as order had been re-established there, and of a disposition on the part of the United States to act with Russia in that procedure. This substantial agreement between the two governments was made public by the printing of the following dispatch, dated August 29, from Mr. Adee, the American Acting Secretary of State, to the representatives of the United States in London, Paris, Vienna, Berlin, Rome, and Tokio:

"The Russian Charge d'Affaires yesterday afternoon made me an oral statement regarding Russia's purposes in China to the following effect:—'That, as she has already repeatedly declared, Russia has no designs of territorial acquisition in China; that, equally with the other Powers now operating there, Russia sought the safety of her Legation in Peking and to help the Chinese Government to repress the troubles that arose; that incidentally to the necessary defensive measures on the Russian border, Russia has occupied Niu-chwang for military purposes, and as soon as order is re-established she will withdraw her troops from the town if the action of the other Powers be no obstacle; that the purpose for which the various Governments have co-operated for the relief of the Legations in Peking has been accomplished; that taking the position that as the Chinese Government has left Peking there is no need for the Russian representative to remain, Russia has directed her Minister to retire with his official personnel from China; that the Russian troops will likewise be withdrawn, and that when the Government of China shall regain the reins of government and can afford an authority with which the other Powers can deal, and will express a desire to enter into negotiations, the Russian Government will also name its representative.' Holding these views and purposes, Russia has expressed the hope that the United States will share the same opinion.

"To this declaration our reply has been made by the following memorandum:—'The Government of the United States has received with much satisfaction the reiterated statement that Russia has no designs of territorial acquisition in China and that, equally with the other Powers now operating in China, Russia has sought the safety of her Legation and to help the Chinese Government to repress the existing troubles. The same purposes have moved, and will continue to control, the Government of the United States, and the frank declarations of Russia in this regard are in accord with those made to the United States by the other Powers. All the Powers, therefore, having disclaimed any purpose to acquire any part of China, and now that the adherence thereto has been renewed since relief reached Peking, it ought not to be difficult by concurrent action through negotiations to reach an amicable settlement with China whereby the treaty rights of all the Powers shall be secured for the future, the open door assured, the interests and property of foreign citizens conserved, and full reparation made for the wrongs and injuries suffered by them.

"So far as we are advised, the greater part of China is at peace and earnestly desires to protect the life and property of all foreigners, and in several of the provinces active and successful efforts to suppress the 'Boxers' have been taken by the Viceroys, to whom we have extended encouragement through our Consuls and naval officers. This present good relation should be promoted for the peace of China. While we agree that the immediate object for which the military forces of the Powers have been co-operating—the relief of the Ministers in Peking—has been accomplished, there still remain other purposes which all the Powers have in common, which have been referred to in the communication of the Russian Charge d' Affaires, and which were specifically enumerated in our Note to the Powers.

"These are:—To afford all possible protection everywhere in China to foreign life and property; to guard and protect all legitimate foreign interests; to aid in preventing the spread of disorders in the other provinces of the Empire and the recurrence of such disorders; to seek a solution which may bring about permanent safety and peace in China; to preserve the Chinese territorial and administrative entity; to protect all rights guaranteed by treaty and international law to friendly Powers; and to safeguard for the world the principle of equal and impartial trade with all parts of the Chinese Empire. In our opinion, these purposes could best be attained by the joint occupation of Peking under a definite understanding between the Powers until the Chinese Government shall have been re-established and shall be in a position to enter into new treaties containing adequate provisions for reparation and guarantees for future protection.

{138}

"With the establishment and recognition of such authority the United States would wish to withdraw its military forces from Peking and remit to the processes of peaceful negotiation our just demands. We consider, however, that the continued occupation of Peking would be ineffective to produce the desired result unless all the Powers unite therein with entire harmony of purpose. Any Power which determines to withdraw its troops from Peking will necessarily proceed thereafter to protect its interests in China by its own method, and we think this would make a general withdrawal expedient. As to the time and manner of withdrawal, we think that, in view of the imperfect knowledge of the military situation resulting from the interruptions of telegraphic communication, the several military commanders in Peking should be instructed to confer and to agree together upon the withdrawal as a concerted movement, as they agreed upon in advance.

"The result of these considerations is that, unless there is such a general expression by the Powers in favour of the continued occupation as to modify the views expressed by the Russian Government and lead to a general agreement for continued occupation, we shall give instructions to the commander of the American forces in China to withdraw our troops from Peking after due conference with the other commanders as to the time and manner of withdrawal.

"The Government of the United States is much gratified by the assurance given by Russia that the occupation of Niu-chwang is for military purposes incidental to the military steps for the security of the Russian border provinces menaced by the Chinese, and that as soon as order is established Russia will withdraw her troops from those places if the action of the other Powers is not an obstacle thereto. No obstacle in this regard can arise through any action of the United States, whose policy is fixed and has been repeatedly proclaimed."

Even before the communication received from Russia, the government of the United States had taken steps to withdraw the greater part of its troops. "On the 25th of August," says the American Secretary of War, in his annual report, November 30, 1900, "General Chaffee was directed to hold his forces in readiness for instructions to withdraw, and on the 25th of September he was instructed to send to Manila all the American troops in China with the exception of a legation guard, to consist of a regiment of infantry, a squadron of cavalry, and one light battery."

The expressions from Russia and the United States in favor of an early withdrawal of foreign troops from Peking, and the opening of pacific negotiations with the Chinese government, were unsatisfactory to several of the concerted Powers, and were sharply criticised in the British and German press. The German government, especially, was disposed to insist upon stern and strenuous measures in dealing with that of China, and it addressed the following circular note, on the 18th of September, to all the Powers:

"The Government of the Emperor holds as preliminary to entering upon diplomatic relations with the Chinese Government that those persons must be delivered up who have been proved to be the original and real instigators of the outrages against international law which have occurred at Peking. The number of those who were merely instruments in carrying out the outrages is too great. Wholesale executions would be contrary to the civilized conscience, and the circumstances of such a group of leaders cannot be completely ascertained. But a few whose guilt is notorious should be delivered up and punished. The representatives of the powers at Peking are in a position to give or bring forward convincing evidence. Less importance attaches to the number punished than to their character as chief instigators or leaders. The Government believes it can count on the unanimity of all the Cabinets in regard to this point, insomuch as indifference to the idea of just atonement would be equivalent to indifference to a repetition of the crime. The Government proposes, therefore, that the Cabinets concerned should instruct their representatives at Peking to indicate those leading Chinese personages from whose guilt in instigating or perpetrating outrages all doubt is excluded."

The British government was understood to be not unwilling to support this demand from Germany, but little encouragement seems to have been officially given to it from other quarters, and the government of the United States was most emphatic in declining to approve it. The reply of the latter to the German circular note was promptly given, September 21, as follows: "The government of the United States has, from the outset, proclaimed its purpose to hold to the uttermost accountability the responsible authors of any wrongs done in China to citizens of the United States and their interests, as was stated in the Government's circular communication to the Powers of July 3 last. These wrongs have been committed not alone in Peking, but in many parts of the Empire, and their punishment is believed to be an essential element of any effective settlement which shall prevent a recurrence of such outrages and bring about permanent safety and peace in China. It is thought, however, that no punitive measures can be so effective by way of reparation for wrongs suffered and as deterrent examples for the future as the degradation and punishment of the responsible authors by the supreme Imperial authority itself, and it seems only just to China that she should be afforded in the first instance an opportunity to do this and thus rehabilitate herself before the world.

"Believing thus, and without abating in anywise its deliberate purpose to exact the fullest accountability from the responsible authors of the wrongs we have suffered in China, the Government of the United States is not disposed, as a preliminary condition to entering into diplomatic negotiations with the Chinese Government, to join in a demand that said Government surrender to the Powers such persons as, according to the determination of the Powers themselves, may be held to be the first and real perpetrators of those wrongs. On the other hand, this Government is disposed to hold that the punishment of the high responsible authors of these wrongs, not only in Peking, but throughout China, is essentially a condition to be embraced and provided for in the negotiations for a final settlement. {139} It is the purpose of this Government, at the earliest practicable moment, to name its plenipotentiaries for negotiating a settlement with China, and in the mean time to authorize its Minister in Peking to enter forthwith into conference with the duly authorized representatives of the Chinese Government, with a view of bringing about a preliminary agreement whereby the full exercise of the Imperial power for the preservation of order and the protection of foreign life and property throughout China, pending final negotiations with the Powers, shall be assured."

On the same day on which the above note was written the American government announced its recognition of Prince Ching and Li Hung-chang, as plenipotentiaries appointed to represent the Emperor of China, in preliminary negotiations for the restoration of the imperial authority at Peking and for a settlement with the foreign Powers.

Differences between the Powers acting together in China, as to the preliminary conditions of negotiation with the Chinese government, and as to the nature and range of the demands to be made upon it, were finally adjusted on the lines of a proposal advanced by the French Foreign Office, in a note dated October 4, addressed to the several governments, as follows:

"The intention of the Powers in sending their forces to China was, above all, to deliver the Legations. Thanks to their union and the valour of their troops this object has been attained. The question now is to obtain from the Chinese Government, which has given Prince Ching and Li Hung-chang full powers to negotiate and to treat in its name, suitable reparation for the past and serious guarantees for the future. Penetrated with the spirit which has evoked the previous declarations of the different Governments, the Government of the Republic has summarized its own sentiments in the following points, which it submits as a basis for the forthcoming negotiations after the customary verification of powers:

(1) The punishment of the chief culprits, who will be designated by the representatives of the Powers in Peking.

(2) The maintenance of the embargo on the importation of arms.

(3) Equitable indemnity for the States and for private persons.

(4) The establishment in Peking of a permanent guard for the Legations.

(5) The dismantling of the Ta-ku forts.

(6) The military occupation of two or three points on the Tien-tsin-Peking route, thus assuring complete liberty of access for the Legations should they wish to go to the coast and to forces from the sea-board which might have to go up to the capital.

It appears impossible to the Government of the Republic that these so legitimate conditions, if collectively presented by the representatives of the Powers and supported by the presence of the international troops, will not shortly be accepted by the Chinese Government."

On the 17th of October, the French Embassy at Washington announced to the American government that "all the interested powers have adhered to the essential principles of the French note," and added: "The essential thing now is to show the Chinese Government, which has declared itself ready to negotiate, that the powers are animated by the same spirit; that they are decided to respect the integrity of China and the independence of its Government, but that they are none the less resolved to obtain the satisfaction to which they have a right. In this regard it would seem that if the proposition which has been accepted as the basis of negotiations were communicated to the Chinese plenipotentiaries by the Ministers of the powers at Peking, or in their name by their Dean, this step would be of a nature to have a happy influence upon the determinations of the Emperor of China and of his Government." The government of the United States approved of this suggestion from France, and announced that it had "instructed its Minister in Peking to concur in presenting to the Chinese plenipotentiaries the points upon which we are agreed." Other governments, however, seem to have given different instructions, and some weeks were spent by the foreign Ministers at Peking in formulating the joint note in which their requirements were to be presented to Prince Ching and Earl Li.

The latter, meantime, had submitted, on their own part, to the allied plenipotentiaries, a draft of what they conceived to be the just preliminaries of a definitive treaty. They prefaced it with a brief review of what had occurred, and some remarks, confessing that "the throne now realizes that all these calamities have been caused by the fact that Princes and high Ministers of State screened the Boxer desperados, and is accordingly determined to punish severely the Princes and Ministers concerned in accordance with precedent by handing them over to their respective Yamêns for the determination of a penalty." The "draft clauses" then submitted were as follows:

"The siege of the Legations was a flagrant violation of the usages of international law and an utterly unpermissible act. China admits the gravity of her error and undertakes that there shall be no repetition of the occurrence. China admits her liability to pay an indemnity, and leaves it to the Powers to appoint officers who shall investigate the details and make out a general statement of claims to be dealt with accordingly.

"With regard to the subsequent trade relations between China and the foreign Powers, it will be for the latter to make their own arrangements as to whether former treaties shall be adhered to in their entirety, modified in details, or exchanged for new ones. China will take steps to put the respective proposals into operation accordingly.

"Before drawing up a definitive treaty it will be necessary for China and the Powers to be agreed as to general principles. Upon this agreement being arrived at, the Ministers of the Powers will remove the seals which have been affixed to the various departments of the Tsung-li-Yamên and proceed to the Yamên for the despatch of business in matters relating to international questions exactly as before.

"So soon as a settlement of matters of detail shall have been agreed upon between China and the various nations concerned in accordance with the requirements of each particular nation, and so soon as the question of the payment of an indemnity shall have been satisfactorily settled, the Powers will respectively withdraw their troops. The despatch of troops to China by the Powers was undertaken with the sole object of protecting the Ministers, and so soon as peace negotiations between China and the Powers shall have been opened there shall be a cessation of hostilities.

{140}

"The statement that treaties will be made with each of the Powers in no way prejudices the fact that with regard to the trade conventions mentioned the conditions vary in accordance with the respective powers concerned. With regard to the headings of a definitive treaty, questions of nomenclature and precedence affecting each of the Powers which may arise in framing the treaty can be adjusted at personal conferences." Great Britain and Germany were now acting in close accord, having, apparently, been drawn together by a common distrust of the intentions of Russia. On the 16th of October, Lord Salisbury and Count Hatzfeldt signed the following agreement, which was made known at once to the other governments concerned, and its principles assented to by all:

"Her Britannic Majesty's Government and the Imperial German Government, being desirous to maintain their interests in China and their rights under existing treaties, have agreed to observe the following principles in regard to their mutual policy in China:—

"1. It is a matter of joint and permanent international interest that the ports on the rivers and littoral of China should remain free and open to trade and to every other legitimate form of economic activity for the nationals of all countries without distinction; and the two Governments agree on their part to uphold the same for all Chinese territory as far as they can exercise influence.

"2. The Imperial German Government and her Britannic Majesty's Government will not, on their part, make use of the present complication to obtain for themselves any territorial advantages in Chinese dominions, and will direct their policy towards maintaining undiminished the territorial condition of the Chinese Empire.

"3. In case of another Power making use of the complications in China in order to obtain under any form whatever such territorial advantages, the two Contracting Parties reserve to themselves to come to a preliminary understanding as to the eventual steps to be taken for the protection of their own interests in China.

"4. The two Governments will communicate this Agreement to the other Powers interested, and especially to Austria-Hungary, France, Italy, Japan, Russia, and the United States of America, and will invite them to accept the principles recorded in it."

The assent of Russia was no less positive than that of the other Powers. It was conveyed in the following words: "The first point of this Agreement, stipulating that the ports situated on the rivers and littoral of China, wherever the two Governments exercise their influence, should remain free and open to commerce, can be favorably entertained by Russia, as this stipulation does not infringe in any way the 'status quo' established in China by existing treaties. The second point corresponds all the more with the intentions of Russia, seeing that, from the commencement of the present complications, she was the first to lay down the maintenance of the integrity of the Chinese Empire as a fundamental principle of her policy in China. As regards the third point relating to the eventuality of an infringement of this fundamental principle, the Imperial Government, while referring to their Circular of the 12th (25th) August, can only renew the declaration that such an infringement would oblige Russia to modify her attitude according to circumstances."

On the 13th of November, while the foreign plenipotentiaries at Peking were trying to agree in formulating the demands they should make, the Chinese imperial government issued a decree for the punishment of officials held responsible for the Boxer outrages. As given the Press by the Japanese Legation at Washington, in translation from the text received there, it was as follows;

"Orders have been already issued for the punishment of the officials responsible for opening hostilities upon friendly Powers and bringing the country into the present critical condition by neglecting to suppress and even by encouraging the Boxers. But as Peking and its neighborhood have not yet been entirely cleared of the Boxers, the innocent people are still suffering terribly through the devastation of their fields and the destruction of their houses, a state of affairs which cannot fail to fill one with the bitterest feelings against these officials. And if they are not severely punished, how can the anger of the people be appeased and the indignation of the foreign Powers allayed?

"Accordingly, Prince Tuan is hereby deprived of his title and rank, and shall, together with Prince Chwang, who has already been deprived of his title, be delivered to the Clan Court to be kept in prison until the restoration of peace, when they shall be banished to Sheng-King, to be imprisoned for life. Princes Yi and Tsai Yung, who have both been already deprived of their titles, are also to be delivered to the Clan Court for imprisonment, while Prince Tsai Lien, also already deprived of title and rank, is to be kept confined in his own house, Duke Tsai Lan shall forfeit his ducal salary, but may be transferred with the degradation of one rank. Chief Censor Ying Nien shall be degraded two ranks and transferred. As to Kang Yi, Minister of the Board of Civil Appointment, upon his return from the commission on which he had been sent for the purpose of making inquiries into the Boxer affair he memorialized the Throne in an audience strongly in their favor. He should have been severely punished but for his death from illness, and all penalties are accordingly remitted. Chao Shuy Yao, Minister of the Board of Punishment, who had been sent on a mission similar to that of Kang Yi, returned almost immediately. Though such conduct was a flagrant neglect of his duties, still he did not make a distorted report to the Throne, and therefore he shall be deprived of his rank, but allowed to retain his present office. Finally, Yu Hsien, ex-Governor of Shan-Se, allowed, while in office, the Boxers freely to massacre the Christian missionaries and converts. For this he deserves the severest punishment, and therefore he is to be banished to the furthermost border of the country, and there to be kept at hard labor for life.

{141}

"We have a full knowledge of the present trouble from the very beginning, and therefore, though no impeachment has been brought by Chinese officials at home or abroad against Princes Yi, Tsai Lien and Tsai Yung, we order them to be punished in the same manner as those who have been impeached. All who see this edict will thus perceive our justice and impartiality in inflicting condign penalties upon these officials," It was not until the 20th of December that the joint note of the plenipotentiaries of the Powers, after having been submitted in November to the several governments represented, and amended to remove critical objections, was finally signed and delivered to the Chinese plenipotentiaries. The following is a precis of the requirements set forth in it:

"(1) An Imperial Prince is to convey to Berlin the Emperor's regret for the assassination of Baron von Ketteler, and a monument is to be erected on the site of the murder, with an inscription, in Latin, German, and Chinese, expressing the regret of the Emperor for the murder.

"(2) The most severe punishment fitting their crimes is to be inflicted on the personages designated in the Imperial decree of September 21, whose names—not mentioned—are Princes Tuan and Chuang and two other princes, Duke Lan, Chao Shu-chiao, Yang-yi, Ying-hien, also others whom the foreign Ministers shall hereafter designate. Official examinations are to be suspended for five years in those cities where foreigners have been assassinated or cruelly treated.

"(3) Honourable reparation is to be made to Japan for the murder of M. Sugiyama.

"(4) Expiatory monuments are to be erected in all foreign cemeteries where tombs have been desecrated.

"(5) The importation of arms or 'materiel' and their manufacture are to be prohibited.

"(6) An equitable indemnity is to be paid to States, societies, and individuals, also to Chinese who have suffered injury because of their employment by foreigners. China will adopt financial measures acceptable to the Powers to guarantee the payment of the indemnity and the service of the loans.

"(7) Permanent Legation guards are to be maintained, and the diplomatic quarter is to be fortified.

"(8) The Ta-ku forts and those between Peking and the sea are to be razed.

"(9) There is to be a military occupation of points necessary to ensure the safety of the communications between Peking and the sea.

"(10) Proclamations are to be posted during two years throughout the Empire threatening death to any person joining an anti-foreign society and enumerating the punishment inflicted by China upon the guilty ringleaders of the recent outrages. An Imperial edict is to be promulgated ordering Viceroys, Governors, and Provincial officials to be held responsible for anti-foreign outbreaks or violations of treaties within their jurisdiction, failure to suppress the same being visited by the immediate cashiering of the officials responsible, who shall never hold office again.

"(11) China undertakes to negotiate a revision of the commercial treaties in order to facilitate commercial relations.

"(12) The Tsung-li-Yamên is to be reformed, and the Court ceremonial for the reception of foreign Ministers modified in the sense indicated by the Powers.

"Until the foregoing conditions are complied with ('se conformer à') the Powers can hold out no expectation of a limit of time for the removal of the foreign troops now occupying Peking and the provinces."

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (November). Russo-Chinese agreement relating to Manchuria.

See (in this volume) MANCHURIA.

CHINA: A. D. 1900 (December). Russo-Chinese agreement concerning the Manchurian province of Fêng-tien.

See (in this volume) MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900.

CHINA: A. D. 1900-1901 (November-February). Seizure of grounds at Peking for a large Legation Quarter. Extensive plans of fortification.

In February, 1901, the following from a despatch written in the previous November by Mr. Conger, the American Minister at Peking, was given to the Press by the State Department at Washington: "I have the honor to report that in view of the probability of keeping large legation grounds in the future, and because of the general desire on the part of all the European representatives to have extensive legations, all of the Ministers are taking possession of considerable areas adjoining their legations—property belonging either to the Chinese Government or to private citizens, and having been abandoned by the owners during the siege—with the intention to claim them as conquest, or possibly credit something for them on their account for indemnity. I have as yet not taken formal possession of any ground for this purpose, nor shall I without instructions, but I shall not for the present permit any of the owners or other persons to reoccupy any of the property between this legation and the canal to the east of it. While this area will be very small in comparison with the other legations, yet it will be sufficient to make both the legation personnel and the guard very comfortable, and will better comport with our traditional simplicity vis-a-vis the usual magnificence of other representatives.

"It is proposed to designate the boundaries of a legation quarter, which shall include all the legations, and then demand the right to put that in a state of defence when necessary, and to prohibit the residence of Chinese there, except by permission of the Ministers. If, therefore, these ideas as to guards, defence, etc:., are to be carried out, a larger legation will be an absolute necessity. In fact, it is impossible now to accommodate the legation and staff in our present quarters without most inconvenient crowding.

"There are no public properties inside the legation quarter which we could take as a legation. All the proposed property to be added, as above mentioned, to our legation, is private ground, except a very small temple in the southeast corner, and I presume, under our policy, if taken, will be paid for either to the Chinese owners or credited upon account against the Chinese Government for indemnity, although I suspect most of the other Governments will take theirs as a species of conquest. The plot of ground adjoining and lying to the cast of the legation to which I have made reference is about the size of the premises now occupied by us."

Before its adjournment on the 4th of March, 1901, the Congress of the United States made an appropriation for the purchase of grounds for its Legation at Peking, and instructions were sent to make the purchase.

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By telegram from Peking on the 14th of February it was announced that a formidable plan of fortification for this Legation Quarter had been drawn up by the Military Council of the Powers at Peking, and that work upon it was to begin at once. The correspondent of the "London Times" described the plan and wrote satirically of it, as follows; "From supreme contempt for the weakness of China armed we have swayed to exaggerated fear of the strength of China disarmed. The international military experts have devised a scheme for putting the Legation quarter in a state of defence which is equivalent to the construction of an International fortress alongside the Imperial Palace. The plan requires the breaching of the city wall at the Water-gate, the levelling of the Ha-ta Mên and Chien Mên towers, the demolition of the ramparts giving access to them, the sweeping clear of a space 150 to 300 yards wide round the entire Legation area, and the construction of walls, glacis, moats, barbed wire defences, with siege guns, Maxims, and barracks capable of holding 2,000 troops, with military stores and equipment sufficient to withstand a siege of three months. All public buildings, boards, and civil offices between the Legations and the Imperial walls are to be levelled, while 11,000 foreign troops are to hold the communications between Peking and the sea, so that no Chinese can travel to Peking from the sea without the knowledge of the foreign military authorities.

"The erection of the defences is to begin at once, before the return of the Court to Peking. They are no doubt devised to encourage the Court to return to Peking, it being apparently the belief of the foreign Ministers that an Imperial Court governing an independent empire are eager to place themselves under the tutelage of foreign soldiers and within the reach of foreign Maxims.

"Within the large new Legation area all the private property of Chinese owners who years before sought the advantages of vicinity to the Legations has been seized by the foreign Legations. France and Germany, with a view to subsequent commercial transactions, have annexed many acres of valuable private property for which no compensation is contemplated, while the Italian Legation, which boasts a staff of two persons, carrying out the scheme of appropriation to a logical absurdity, has, in addition to other property, grabbed the Imperial Maritime Customs gardens and buildings occupied for so many years by Sir Robert Hart and his staff."

CHINA: A. D. 1901 (January-February). Famine in Shensi.

A Press telegram from Peking, late in January, announced a fearful famine prevailing in the province of Shensi, where thousands of natives were dying. The Chinese government was distributing rice, and there was reported to be discrimination against native Christians in the distribution. Mr. Conger, Sir E. Satow, and M. Pichon protested to Prince Ching and Li Hung-chang against such discrimination. A Court edict was therefore issued on the 26th instant ordering all relief officials and Chinese soldiers to treat Christians in exactly the same way as all other Chinese throughout the Empire, under penalty of decapitation. Another despatch, early in February, stated: "Trustworthy reports received here from Singan-fu [the temporary residence of the fugitive Chinese court] all agree that the famine in the provinces of Shen-si and Shan-si is one of the worst in the history of China. It is estimated that two-thirds of the people are without sufficient food or the means of obtaining it. They are also suffering from the bitter cold. As there is little fuel in either province the woodwork of the houses is being used to supply the want. Oxen, horses, and dogs have been practically all sacrificed to allay hunger. Three years of crop failures in both provinces and more or less of famine in previous seasons had brought the people to poverty when winter began. This year their condition has rapidly grown worse. Prince Ching stated to Mr. Conger, the United States Minister, that the people were reduced to eating human flesh and to selling their women and children. Infanticide is alarmingly common."

CHINA: A. D. 1901 (January-February). Submission to the demands of the Powers by the Imperial Government. Punishments inflicted and promised. A new Reform Edict.

With no great delay, the Chinese plenipotentiaries at Peking were authorized by the Emperor and Empress to agree to the demands of the Powers, which they did by formally signing the Joint Note. Prince Ching gave his signature on the 12th of January, 1901, and Li Hung-chang, who was seriously ill, signed on the following day. Discussion of the punishments to be inflicted on guilty officials was then opened, and went on for some time. On the 5th of February, the foreign Ministers submitted the names of twelve leading officials, against whom formal indictments were framed, and who were considered to be deserving of death. Three of them, however (Kang Yi, Hsu Tung, and Li Ping Heng), were found to be already deceased. The remaining nine were the following: Prince Chuang, commander-in-chief of the Boxers; Prince Tuan, who was held to be the principal instigator of the attack on foreigners; Duke Lan, the Vice-President of Police, who admitted the Boxers to the city; Yu Hsien, who was the governor of Shan-Si Province, promoter of the Boxer movement there, and director of the massacres in that province; General Tung Fu Siang, who led the attacks on the Legations, Ying Nien, Chao Hsu Kiao, Hsu Cheng Yu, and Chih Siu, who were variously prominent in the murderous work. In the cases of Prince Tuan and Duke Lan, who were related to the Imperial family, and in the case of General Tung Fu Siang, whose military command gave him power to be troublesome, the Chinese court pleaded such difficulties in the way of executing a decree of death that the Ministers at Peking were persuaded to be satisfied with sentences of exile, or degradation in rank, or both. On the 21st of February the Ministers received notice that an imperial edict had been issued, condemning General Tung Fu Siang to be degraded and deprived of his rank; Prince Tuan and Duke Lan to be disgraced and exiled; Prince Chuang, Ying Nien and Chao Hsu Kiao to commit suicide; Hsu Cheng Yu, Yu Hsien and Chih Siu to be beheaded. Hsu Cheng Yu and Chih Siu were then prisoners in the hands of the foreign military authorities at Peking, and the sentence was executed upon them there, on the 26th of February, in the presence of Japanese, French, German and American troops. A despatch from Peking reporting the execution stated that, while it was being carried out, "the ministers held a meeting and determined on the part of the majority to draw a curtain over further demands for blood. United States Special Commissioner Rockhill sided strongly with those favoring humane methods, who are Sir Ernest Satow and MM. Komura, De Cologan and De Giers, respectively British, Japanese, Spanish and Russian ministers. Others believe that China has not been sufficiently punished, and that men should be executed in every city, town and village where foreigners were injured."

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While the subject of punishments was pending, and with a view, it was said, of quickening the action of the Chinese government, Count von Waldersee, the German Field-Marshal commanding the allied forces in China, ordered preparations to be made for an extensive military expedition into the interior. The government of the United States gave prompt directions that its forces at Peking should not take part in this movement, and the remonstrances of other Powers more pacifically inclined than the Germans caused the project to be given up.

Meantime, three Imperial edicts of importance, if faithfully carried out, had been issued. One, on the 5th of February, commanded new undertakings of reform, accounting for the abandonment of the reform movement of 1898 by declaring that it was seditionary and would have resulted in anarchy, and that it was entered upon when the Emperor was in bad health; for all which reasons he had requested the Empress Dowager to resume the reins of government. Now, it was declared, since peace negotiations were in progress, the government should be formed on a basis for future prosperity. Established good methods of foreign countries should be introduced to supply China's deficiencies. "China's greatest difficulty," said the edict, "is her old customs, which have resulted in the insincere dispatch of business and the promoting of private gain. Up to the present time those who have followed the Western methods have had only superficial knowledge, knowing only a little of foreign languages and foreign inventions, without knowing the real basis of the strength of foreign nations. Such methods are insufficient for real reform."

In order to obtain a true basis, the Emperor commanded a consultation between the ministers of the privy council, the six boards, nine officers, the Chinese ministers to foreign countries and all the viceroys and governors. Those were instructed to recommend reforms in the seven branches of government, namely, the central government, ceremonies, taxation, schools, civil-service examinations, military affairs and public economies. They were also to recommend what part of the old system can be used and what part needs changing. Two months were given them in which to prepare their report.

On the following day, two edicts, in fulfilment of demands made in the Joint Note of the Powers, were promulgated. The first provided, in accordance with article 3 of the Joint Note, for the suspension of official examinations for five years in places where foreigners are killed. The second edict forbade anti-foreign societies, recited the punishment of guilty parties and declared that local officials will be held responsible for the maintenance of order. If trouble occurs the officials would be removed without delay and never again allowed to hold office.

CHINA: A. D. 1901 (March). The murdered Christian missionaries and native converts. Varying statements and estimates of their number.

To the time of this writing (March, 1901), no complete enumeration of the foreign Christian missionaries and members of missionary families who were killed during the Boxer outbreak of the past year has been made. Varying estimates have appeared, from time to time, and it is possible that one of the latest among these, communicated from Shanghai on the 1st of March, may approach to accuracy. It was published in the "North China Daily News," and said to be founded on the missionary records, according to which, said the "News," "a total of 134 adults and 52 children were killed or died of injuries in the Boxer rising of 1899 and 1900."

On the 13th of March, the "Lokal Anzeiger," of Berlin, published a statistical report from its Peking correspondent of "foreign Christians killed during the troubles, exclusive of the Peking siege," which enumerated 118 Englishmen, 79 Americans, Swedes and Norwegians, 26 Frenchmen, 11 Belgians, 10 Italians and Swiss, and 1 German. The total of these figures is largely in excess of those given by the "North China Daily News," but they cover, not missionaries alone, but all foreign Christians. It is impossible, however, not to doubt the accuracy of both these accounts. Of native Christians, the German writer estimated that 30,000 had perished. In September, 1900, the United States Consul-General at Shanghai, Mr. Goodnow, "after making inquiries from every possible source," placed the number of British and American missionaries who had probably been killed at 93, taking no account of a larger number in Chih-li and Shan-si whose fate was entirely unknown. Of those whose deaths he believed to be absolutely proved at that time, 34 were British, including 9 men, 15 women and 10 children, and 22 were American, 8 of these being men, 8 women and 6 children.

In December, 1900, a private letter from the "Association for the Propagation of the Faith, St. Mary's Seminary," Baltimore, Maryland, stated that up to the end of September 48 Catholic missionaries were known to have been murdered. A pastoral letter issued in December by Cardinal Vaughan, in London, without stating the numbers killed, declared that all work of the Catholic church, throughout the most of China, where 942 European and 445 native priests had been engaged, was practically swept away.

A private letter, written early in January, 1901, by the Reverend Dr. Judson Smith, one of the corresponding secretaries of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, contains the following statement: "The American Board has lost in the recent disturbances in China 13 missionaries, 6 men and 7 women, and 5 children belonging to the families who perished. The number of native converts connected with the mission churches of the American Board who have suffered death during these troubles cannot be stated with accuracy. It undoubtedly exceeds 1,000; it may reach a much larger figure; but some facts that have come to light of late imply that more of those who were supposed to be lost have been in hiding than was known. If we should reckon along with native converts members of their families who have suffered death, the number would probably be doubled."

There seems to be absolutely no basis of real information for any estimate that has been made of the extent of massacre among the native Christian converts. Thousands perished, without doubt, but how many thousands is yet to be learned. As intimated by Dr. Smith, larger numbers than have been supposed may have escaped, and it will probably be long before the true facts are gathered from all parts of the country.

{144}

In any view, the massacre of missionaries and their families was hideous enough; but fictions of horror were shamefully added, it seems, in some of the stories which came from the East. At Pao-Ting Fu, where women were said to have suffered indescribable brutalities before being slain, investigation by an American military officer convinced him that "there is no evidence of any peculiar atrocities committed upon the persons of those who were slain"; and the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions has publicly announced: "While forced to believe that our missionaries in Shan Si and at Pao Ting Fu were put to death by the Chinese, we have never credited the published reports concerning atrocities connected with their slaughter."

CHINA: A. D. 1901 (March). Withdrawal of American troops, excepting a Legation guard.

The following order was sent by cable from the War Department at Washington to General Chaffee, commanding the United States forces in China, on the 15th of March: "In reply to your telegram Secretary of War directs you complete arrangements sail for Manila with your command and staff officers by end April, leaving as legation guard infantry company composed of 150 men having at least one year to serve or those intending re-enlist, with full complement of officers, medical officer, sufficient hospital corps men and, if you think best, field officer especially qualified to command guard. Retain and instruct officer quartermaster's department proceed to erect necessary buildings for guard according to plan and estimates you approve."

CHINA: A. D. 1901 (March-April). Discussion of the question of indemnity. Uneasiness concerning rumored secret negotiations of Russia with the Chinese government relative to Manchuria.

As we write this (early in April), the reckoning of indemnities to be demanded by the several Powers of the Concert in China is still under discussion between the Ministers at Peking, and is found to be very difficult of settlement. There is understood to be wide differences of disposition among the governments represented in the discussion, some being accused of a greed that would endeavor to wring from the Chinese government far more than the country can possibly pay; while others are laboring to reduce the total of exactions within a more reasonable limit. At the latest accounts from Peking, a special committee of the Ministers was said to be engaged in a searching investigation of the resources of China, in order to ascertain what sum the Empire has ability to pay, and in what manner the payment can best be secured and best made. It seems to be hoped that when those facts are made clear there may be possibilities of an agreement as to the division of the total sum between the nations whose legations were attacked, whose citizens were slain, and who sent troops to crush the Boxer rising.

Meantime grave anxieties are being caused by rumors of a secret treaty concerning Manchuria which Russia is said to be attempting to extort from the Chinese government [see, in this volume, MANCHURIA], the whispered terms of which would give her, in that vast region, a degree of control never likely to become less. The most positive remonstrance yet known to have been made, against any concession of that nature, was addressed, on the 1st of March, by the government of the United States, to its representatives at St. Petersburg, Berlin, London, Paris, Vienna, Rome, and Tokio, as follows:

"The following memorandum, which was handed to the Chinese Minister on February 19, is transmitted to you for your information and communication to the government to which you are accredited: "The preservation of the territorial integrity of China having been recognized by all the powers now engaged in joint negotiation concerning the injuries recently inflicted upon their ministers and nationals by certain officials and subjects of the Chinese Empire, it is evidently advantageous to China to continue the present international understanding upon this subject. It would be, therefore, unwise and dangerous in the extreme for China to make any arrangement or to consider any proposition of a private nature involving the surrender of territory or financial obligations by convention with any particular power; and the government of the United States, aiming solely at the preservation of China from the danger indicated and the conservation of the largest and most beneficial relations between the empire and other countries, in accordance with the principles set forth in its circular note of July 3, 1900, and in a purely friendly spirit toward the Chinese Empire and all the powers now interested in the negotiations, desires to express its sense of the impropriety, inexpediency and even extreme danger to the interests of China of considering any private territorial or financial arrangements, at least without the full knowledge and approval of all the powers now engaged in negotiation. HAY."

----------CHINA: End--------

CHINESE TAXES.

See (in this volume) LIKIN.

CHING, Prince: Chinese Plenipotentiary to negotiate with the allied Powers.

See (in this volume) CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

CHITRAL: A. D. 1895. The defense and relief of.

See (in this volume) INDIA: A. D. 1895 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

CHITRAL:A. D. 1901. Included in a new British Indian province.

See (in this volume) INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

CHOCTAWS, United States agreements with the.

See (in this volume) INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

CHRISTIAN ENDEAVOR, The Young People's Society of.

The nineteenth annual international convention of Young People's Societies of Christian Endeavor was held in the Alexandra Palace, London, England, from the 13th to the 20th of July, 1900, delegates being present from most countries of the world. Reports presented to the convention showed a total membership of about 3,500,000, in 59,712 societies, 43,262 of which were in the United States, 4,000 in Canada, some 7,000 in Great Britain, 4,000 in Australia, and smaller numbers in Germany, India, China, Japan, Mexico, and elsewhere.

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The first society, which supplied the germ of organization for all succeeding ones, was formed in the Williston Congregational Church of Portland, Maine, on the 2d of February, 1881, by the Reverend Francis E. Clark, the pastor of the church. The object, as indicated by the name of the society, was to organize the religious energies of the young people of the church for Christian life and work. The idea was caught and imitated in other churches—Congregational, Presbyterian, Methodist, Baptist, and others—very rapidly, and the organization soon became, not only widely national, but international. In 1898, it was reported that Russia then remained the only country in the world without a Christian Endeavor Society, and the total was 54,191. In the next year's report Russia was announced to have entered the list of countries represented, and the number of societies had advanced to 55,813. In 1900, the numbers had risen to the height stated above. The Epworth League is a kindred organization of young people in the Methodist Church.

See (in this volume) EPWORTH LEAGUE.

CHRISTIANS AND MOSLEMS: Conflicts in Armenia.

See (in this volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1895.

CONFLICTS IN CRETE.

See (in this volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

CHUNGKING.

"Chungking, which lies nearly 2,000 miles inland, is, despite its interior position, one of the most important of the more recently opened ports of China. Located at practically the head of navigation on the Yangtze, it is the chief city of the largest, most populous, and perhaps the most productive province of China, whose relative position, industries, population, and diversified products make it quite similar to the great productive valley of the upper Mississippi. The province of Szechuan is the largest province of China, having an area of 166,800 square miles, and a population of 67,000,000, or but little less than that of the entire United States. Its area and density of population may be more readily recognized in the fact that its size is about the same as that of the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Kentucky combined, but that its population is six times as great as that of those States. Its productions include wheat, tobacco, buckwheat, hemp, maize, millet, barley, sugar cane, cotton, and silk."

_United States, Bureau of Statistics, Monthly Summary, March, 1899, page 2196._

CHURCH OF ENGLAND: A. D. 1896. Papal declaration of the invalidity of its ordinations.

See (in this volume) PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (SEPTEMBER).

CIVIL CODE: Introduction in Germany.

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY).

-------CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: Start-----

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1893-1896. Extensions of the Civil-Service rules by President Cleveland.

"Through the extensions of the Federal classification during President Cleveland's second administration, the number of positions covered by the civil-service rules was increased two-fold. On March 3, 1893, the number classified was 42,928. By a series of executive orders ranging from March 20, 1894, to June 25. 1895, 10,000 places were added to the list, bringing the total, approximately, to 53,000. Meanwhile, the Civil Service Commission had recommended to the President a general revision that would correct the imperfections of the original rules and extend their scope to the full degree contemplated by the Pendleton Act. After much correspondence and consultation with department officers, and careful work on the part of the Commission, the rules of May 6 [1896] were promulgated. They added to the classification about 29,000 more places, and by transferring to the control of the Commission the system of Navy Yard employment, established by Secretary Tracy, brought the total number in the classified service to 87,117. The positions in the Executive branch unaffected by these orders included those classes expressly excluded by the statute—persons nominated for confirmation by the Senate and those employed 'merely as laborers or workmen'—together with the fourth-class postmasters, clerks in post-offices other than free delivery offices and in Customs districts having less than five employees, persons receiving less than $300 annual compensation, and about 1,000 miscellaneous positions of minor character, not classified for reasons having to do with the good of the service—91,600 in all. Within the classified service, the list of positions excepted from competitive examination was confined to the private secretaries and clerks of the President and Cabinet officers, cashiers in the Customs Service, the Internal Revenue Service and the principal post-offices, attorneys who prepare cases for trial, principal Customs deputies and all assistant postmasters—781 in all. The new rules provided for a general system of promotion, based on competitive examinations and efficiency records, and gave the Commission somewhat larger powers in the matter of removals by providing that no officer or employee in the classified service, of whatever station, should be removed for political or religious reasons, and that in all cases like penalties should be imposed for like offenses. They created an admirable system, a system founded on the most sensible rules of business administration, and likely to work badly only where the Commission might encounter the opposition of hostile appointing officers. President Cleveland's revised rules were promulgated before the Convention of either political party had been held, and before the results of the election could be foreshadowed. The extensions were practically approved, however, by the Republican platform, which was adopted with full knowledge of the nature of the changes, and which declared that the law should be 'thoroughly and honestly enforced and extended wherever practicable.' … Mr. McKinley, in his letter of acceptance and in his inaugural address, repeated the pledge of the Republican party to uphold the law, and during the two months of his administration now past he has consistently done so. He has been beset by many thousands of place-seekers, by Senators and Representatives and by members of his own Cabinet, all urging that he undo the work of his predecessor, either wholly or in part, and so break his word of honor to the nation, in order that they may profit. … At least five bills have been introduced in Congress, providing for the repeal of the law. … Finally, the Senate has authorized an investigation, by the Committee on Civil Service and Retrenchment, with the view of ascertaining whether the law should be 'continued, amended or repealed,' and sessions of this Committee are now in progress. … Mr. McKinley, by maintaining the system against these organized attacks, will do as great a thing as Mr. Cleveland did in upbuilding it."

_Report of the Executive Committee of the New York Civil Service Reform Association, 1897._

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In his annual Message to Congress, December, 1896, President Cleveland remarked on the subject:

"There are now in the competitive classified service upward of eighty-four thousand places. More than half of these have been included from time to time since March 4, 1893. … If fourth-class postmasterships are not included in the statement, it may be said that practically all positions contemplated by the civil-service law are now classified. Abundant reasons exist for including these postmasterships, based upon economy, improved service, and the peace and quiet of neighborhoods. If, however, obstacles prevent such action at present, I earnestly hope that Congress will, without increasing post-office appropriations, so adjust them as to permit in proper cases a consolidation of these post-offices, to the end that through this process the result desired may to a limited extent be accomplished. The civil-service rules as amended during the last year provide for a sensible and uniform method of promotion, basing eligibility to better positions upon demonstrated efficiency and faithfulness."

_United States, Message and Documents (Abridgment), 1896-1897, page 33._

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1894. Constitutional provision in New York.

See (in this volume) CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK.

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1897-1898. Onslaught of the spoils-men at Washington. Failure of the Congressional attack.

"During the four months following the inauguration [of President McKinley] the onslaught of place-seekers was almost unprecedented. Ninety-nine out of every hundred of them discovered that the office or position he desired was classified and subject to competitive examination. The tenure of the incumbent in each case was virtually at the pleasure of the department officers; removals might easily be made; but appointments to the places made vacant could be made only from the eligible lists, and the lists were fairly well filled. It is true that the rules permitted the reinstatement without examination of persons who had been separated from the service without personal fault within one year, or of veterans who had been in the service at any time, and that some removals were made to make room for these. But the appointments in such cases went but a very little way toward meeting the demand. The result was that almost the whole pressure of the office-hunting forces and of their members of Congress was directed for the while toward one end—the revocation or material modification of the civil service rules. President McKinley was asked to break his personal pledges, as well as those of his party, and to take from the classified service more than one half of the 87,000 offices and positions it contained. … But the President yielded substantially nothing. … The attack of the spoils-seekers was turned at once from the President to Congress. It was declared loudly that the desired modifications would be secured through legislation, and that it might even be difficult to restrain the majority from voting an absolute repeal. In the House the new movement was led by General Grosvenor of Ohio; in the Senate by Dr. Gallinger of New Hampshire. … The first debates of the session dealt with civil service reform. The House devoted two weeks to the subject in connection with the consideration of the annual appropriation for the Civil Service Commission. … The effort to defeat the appropriation ended in the usual failure. It was explained, however, that all of this had been mere preparation for the proposed legislation. A committee was appointed by the Republican opponents, under the lead of General Grosvenor, to prepare a bill. The bill appeared on January 6, when it was introduced by Mr. Evans of Kentucky, and referred to the Committee on Reform in the Civil Service. It limited the application of the civil service law to clerical employees at Washington, letter carriers and mail clerks, and employees in principal Post Offices and Customs Houses, proposing thus to take from the present classified service about 55,000 positions. A series of hearings was arranged by the Civil Service Committee, at which representatives of this and other Associations, and of the Civil Service Commission, were present. A sub-committee of seven, composing a majority of the full committee, shortly afterward voted unanimously to report the bill adversely. About the same time, the Senate Civil Service Committee, which had been investigating the operation of the law since early summer, presented its report. Of the eight members, three recommended a limited number of exceptions, amounting in all to probably 11,000; three recommended a greatly reduced list of exceptions, and two proposed none whatever. All agreed that the President alone had authority to act, and that no legislation was needed. … The collapse of the movement in Congress has turned the attention of the spoilsmen again toward the President. He is asked once more to make sweeping exceptions."

_Report of the Executive Committee of the New York Civil Service Reform Association, 1898._

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES:A. D. 1897-1899. Temporary check in New York. Governor Black's law. Restoration of the merit system under Governor Roosevelt.

"In June [1897]—after the Court of Appeals … had declared that the constitutional amendment was self-executing, and that appointments made without competitive examination, where competitive examinations were practicable, must be held to be illegal—steps were taken to secure a reduction of the exempt and non-competitive positions in the State Service. A letter was addressed to Governor Morton, by the officers of the Association, on June 8, asking that the service be reclassified, on a basis competitive as far as practicable. The Governor replied that he had already given the subject some thought, and that he would be glad to give our suggestions careful consideration. On the 4th of August he instructed the Civil Service Commission to prepare such a revision of the rules and classification as had been proposed. On the 11th of November this revision, prepared by Commissioner Burt, was adopted by the full Commission, and on the 9th of December the new rules were formally promulgated by the Governor and placed in immediate operation. … The Governor, earlier in the year, had reversed his action in the case of inspectors and other employees of the new Excise Department, by transferring them from the non-competitive to the competitive class. … This marked the beginning of a vigorous movement against the competitive system led by chairmen of district committees, and other machine functionaries. {147} Governor Morton's sweeping order of December completed the discomfiture of these people and strengthened their purpose to make a final desperate effort to break the system down. The new Governor, of whom little had been known prior to his unexpected nomination in September, proved to be in full sympathy with their plan. In his message to the legislature, Mr. Black, in a paragraph devoted to 'Civil Service,' referred to the system built up by his predecessor in contemptuous language, and declared that, in his judgment, 'Civil service would work better with less starch.' He recommended legislation that would render the examinations 'more practical,' and that would permit appointing officers to select from the whole number on an eligible list and not confine them to selections 'from among those graded highest.' Such legislation, he promised; would 'meet with prompt executive approval.' Each house of the legislature referred this part of the message to its Judiciary Committee, with instructions to report a bill embodying the Governor's ideas. … Within a few days of the close of the legislative session, the measure currently described as 'Governor Black's bill was Introduced. … The bill provided that in all examinations for the State, county or municipal service, not more than 50 per cent. might be given for 'merit,' to be determined by the Examining Boards, and that the rest of the rating, representing 'fitness,' was to be given by the appointing officer, or by some person or persons designated by him. All existing eligible lists were to be abolished in 30 days, and the new scheme was to go into operation at once. … A hearing was given by the Senate Committee on the following day, and one by the Assembly Committee a few days later. … The bill, with some amendments, was passed In the Senate, under suspension of the rules, and as a party measure. … It was passed in the Assembly also as a caucus measure."

_Report of the Executive Committee of the New York Civil Service Reform Association, 1897._

"Early [in 1898] after time had been allowed for the act to prove its capabilities in practice, steps were taken toward commencing a suit to test its constitutionality in the courts. … Pending the bringing of a test suit, a bill was prepared for the Association and introduced in the Legislature on March 16th, last, one of the features of which was the repeal of the unsatisfactory law. … The bill … was passed by the Senate on March 29th. On the 31st, the last day of the session, it was passed by the Assembly. … On the same date it was signed by the Governor and became a law. This act has the effect of exempting the cities from the operation of the act of 1897, restoring the former competitive system in each of them."

_Report of the Executive Committee of the New York Civil Service Reform Association, 1898._

"As a result of the confusing legislation of [1897 and 1898] at least four systems of widely differing character had come into existence by the first of [1899]. New York city had its charter rules, … the state departments were conducted under two adaptations of the Black law, and in the smaller cities the plan of the original law of 1883 was followed. In his first annual message, Governor Roosevelt directed the attention of the Legislature to this anomalous condition and strongly urged the passage of an act repealing the Black law and establishing a uniform system, for the state and cities alike, subject to state control. Such an act was prepared with the co-operation of a special committee of the Association. … After some discussion it was determined to recast the measure, adopting a form amounting to a codification of all previously existing statutes, and less strict in certain of its general provisions. … The bill was … passed by the Senate by a majority of two. … In the Assembly it was passed with slight amendments. … On the … 19th of April the act was signed by the Governor, and went into immediate effect. … The passage of this law will necessitate the complete recasting of the civil service system in New York, on radically different lines."

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1899. Modification of Civil Service Rules by President McKinley. Severe criticism of the order by the National Civil Service Reform League.

On the 29th of May, 1899, President McKinley was persuaded to issue an order greatly modifying the civil service rules, releasing many offices from their operation and permitting numerous transfers in the service on a non-competitive examination. This presidential order was criticised with severity in a statement promptly issued by the Executive Committee of the National Civil Service Reform League, which says: "The National Civil Service Reform League, after mature consideration, regards the order of President McKinley, of May 29, changing the Civil Service rules, as a backward step of the most pronounced character. The order follows a long succession of violations, of both the spirit and the literal terms of the law and rules, in various branches of the service, and must be considered in its relations to these. Its immediate effects, which have been understated, may be set forth as follows:

(1) It withdraws from the classified service not merely 3,000 or 4,000 offices and positions, but, as nearly as can be now estimated, 10,109. It removes 3,693 from the class of positions filled hitherto either through competitive examination or through an orderly practice of promotion, and it transfers 6,416 other positions in the War Department, filled hitherto through a competitive registration system, under the control of the Civil Service Commission, to a system to be devised and placed in effect by the present Secretary of War.

(2) It declares regular at least one thousand additional appointments made temporarily, without examination—in many cases in direct disregard of the law—in branches that are not affected by the exceptions, but that remain nominally competitive.

(3) It permits the permanent appointment of persons employed without examination, for emergency purposes during the course of war with Spain, thus furnishing a standing list of many thousands which positions in the War Department may be filled, without tests of fitness, for a long time to come.

(4) It alters the rules to the effect that in future any person appointed with or without competitive examination, or without any examination, may be placed by transfer in any classified position without regard to the character or similarity of the employments interchanged, and after non-competitive examination only.

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(5) It permits the reinstatement, within the discretion of the respective department officers, of persons separated from the service at any previous time for any stated reason.

The effect of these changes in the body of the rules will be of a more serious nature than that of the absolute exceptions made. It will be practicable to fill competitive positions of every description either through arbitrary reinstatement—or through original appointment to a lower grade, or to an excepted position without tests of any sort, or even by transfer from the great emergency force of the War Department, to be followed in any such case by a mere 'pass' examination. As general experience has proven, the 'pass' examinations, in the course of time, degenerate almost invariably into farce. It will be practicable also to restore to the service at the incoming of each new administration those dismissed for any cause during the period of any administration preceding. That such a practice will lead to wholesale political reprisals, and, coupled with the other provisions referred to, to the re-establishment on a large scale of the spoils system of rotation and favoritism, cannot be doubted."

In his next succeeding annual Message to Congress the President used the following language on the subject: "The Executive order [by President Cleveland] of May 6, 1896, extending the limits of the classified service, brought within the operation of the civil-service law and rules nearly all of the executive civil service not previously classified. Some of the inclusions were found wholly illogical and unsuited to the work of the several Departments. The application of the rules to many of the places so included was found to result in friction and embarrassment. After long and very careful consideration it became evident to the heads of the Departments, responsible for their efficiency, that in order to remove these difficulties and promote an efficient and harmonious administration certain amendments were necessary. These amendments were promulgated by me in Executive order dated May 29, 1899. All of the amendments had for their main object a more efficient and satisfactory administration of the system of appointments established by the civil-service law. The results attained show that under their operation the public service has improved and that the civil-service system is relieved of many objectionable features which heretofore subjected it to just criticism and the administrative officers to the charge of unbusinesslike methods in the conduct of public affairs. It is believed that the merit system has been greatly strengthened and its permanence assured."

_United States, Message and Documents (Abridgment), 1890-1900, volume 1._

At its next annual meeting, December 14, 1900, in New York, the National Civil Service Reform League reiterated its condemnation of the order of President McKinley, declaring: "The year has shown that the step remains as unjustified in principle as ever and that it has produced, in practical result, just the injuries to the service that were feared, as the reports of our committee of various branches of the service have proved. The league, therefore, asserts without hesitancy that the restoration of very nearly all places in every branch of the service exempted from classification by this deplorable order is demanded by the public interest and that the order itself should be substantially revoked."

CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1900. Civil Service Rules in the Philippine Islands.

"An Act for the establishment and maintenance of an efficient and honest civil service in the Philippine Islands" was adopted, on the 19th of September, by the Commission which now administers the civil government of those islands. The bill is founded on the principles of the American civil service in their stricter construction, and its provisions extend to all the executive branches of the government. The framing of rules and regulations for the service are left to the Civil Service Board provided for in the act. A correspondent of the "New York Tribune," writing from Manila on the day after the enactment, states: "W. Leon Pepperman, who has long been connected with the civil service in the United States, and who has made a personal study of the systems maintained by Great Britain, France, and Holland in their Eastern colonies, will be on this board, as will be F. W. Kiggins of the Washington Civil Service Commission. The third member probably will be a Filipino. President Taft had selected for this post Dr. Joaquin Gonzalez, an able man, but that gentleman's untimely death on the eve of his appointment has forced President Taft to find another native capable of meeting the necessary requirements. Mr. Kiggins probably will act as Chief Examiner, and Mr. Pepperman as Chairman of the board:" According to the same correspondent: " Examinations for admittance to the service will be held in Manila, Iloilo, and Cebu, in the Philippines, and in the United States under the auspices and control of the Federal Civil Service Commission." At the annual meeting of the National Civil Service Reform League of the United States held in New York, December 13, 1900, the above measure was commended highly in the report of a special committee appointed to consider the subject of the civil service in our new dependencies, as being one by which, "if it be persevered in, the merit system will be established in the islands of that archipelago, at least as thoroughly and consistently as in any department of government, Federal, State or municipal, in the Union. This must be, in any case, regarded as a gratifying recognition of sound principles of administration on the part of the commission and justifies the hope that, within the limits of their jurisdiction at least, no repetition of the scandals of post-bellum days will be tolerated. The ruling of the several departments that the provisions of the Federal offices established in the dependencies which would be classified if within the United States is also a matter to be noted with satisfaction by the friends of good government."

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CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901. The "spoils system" of service in the House of Representatives.

The "spoils system" maintained by Congressmen among their own immediate employees, in the service of the House of Representatives, was depicted in a report, submitted February 28, 1901, by a special committee which had been appointed to investigate the pay of the House employees. The report, presented by Mr. Moody, of Massachusetts, makes the following general statements, with abundance of illustrative instances, few of which can be given here: "The four officers elected by the House, namely, the Clerk, Sergeant-at-Arms, Doorkeeper, and Postmaster, appoint the employees of the House, except the clerks and assistant clerks of members and committees, four elevator men, the stenographers, and those appointed by House resolutions. The appointments, however, are made on the recommendation of members of the House, and very largely, though not entirely, of members of the dominant party in the House. If a member upon whose recommendation an appointment is made desires the removal of his appointee and the substitution of another person, the removal and substitution are made without regard to the capacity of either person. In case a member upon whose recommendation an appointment has been made ceases to be a member of the House, an employee recommended by him ordinarily loses his place. Thus the officers of the House, though responsible for the character of the service rendered by the employees, have in reality little or no voice in their selection, and, as might reasonably be expected, the results obtained from the system which we have described are in some cases extremely unsatisfactory. This method of appointing House employees has existed for many years, during which the House has been under the control of each party alternately. We believe that candor compels us to state at the outset that some of the faults in administration which we have observed are attributable to the system and to the persistence of members of the House in urging upon the officers the appointment of their constituents and friends to subordinate places, and that such faults are deeply rooted, of long standing, and likely to continue under the administration of any political party as long as such a system is maintained."

The committee found nothing to criticise in the administration of the offices of the House Postmaster or Sergeant-at-Arms. With reference to the offices of the Clerk and the Doorkeeper they say: "We have found in both departments certain abuses, which may be grouped under three heads, namely: Transfers of employees from the duties of the positions to which they were appointed to other duties, unjustifiable payments of compensation to employees while absent from their posts of duty, and divisions of salary.

"First. Transfers of employees from the duties to which they were appointed to other duties.—Some part of this evil is doubtless attributable to the fact that the annual appropriation acts have not properly provided for the necessities of the House service. An illustration of this is furnished by the case of Guy Underwood, who is carried on the rolls as a laborer at $720 per annum, while in point of fact he performs the duty of assistant in the Hall Library of the House and his compensation is usually increased to $1,800 per annum by an appropriation of $1,080 in the general deficiency act. Again, a sufficient number of messengers has not been provided for the actual necessities of the service, while more folders have been provided than are required. As a result of this men have been transferred from the duties of a folder to those of a messenger, and the compensation of some has been increased by appropriation in deficiency acts. But evils of another class result from transfers, some examples of which we report. They result in part, at least, from an attempt to adjust salaries so as to satisfy the members that their appointees obtain a just share of the whole appropriation, instead of attempting to apportion the compensation to the merits of the respective employees and the character of the services which they render. …

"Second. Payments of compensation to employees while absent.—The duty of many of the employees of the House ceases with the end of a session, or very soon thereafter. Such is the case with the reading clerks, messengers, enrolling clerks, and many others who might be named. Their absence from Washington after a session of Congress closes and their duties are finished is as legitimate as the absence of the members themselves. But many employees who should be at their posts have been from time to time absent without justification, both during sessions and between sessions. In the absence of any record it is impossible for the committee to ascertain with anything like accuracy the amount of absenteeism, but in our opinion it is very considerable.

"Some of those employed in the library service have been absent for long periods between the sessions of Congress, although the House library is in a condition which demands constant attention for years to come in order to bring it up to a proper condition of efficiency. The pay roll of the librarian, his assistants, and those detailed to the library service, including deficiency appropriations, amounts to $9,200 per annum. No one of the employees of the library, with the exception of a $600 deficiency employee and Guy Underwood, who in his freshman year at college was librarian part of one session at the Ohio State University, has ever had any library experience, although they all appear to be capable, intelligent men. The House library is said to consist of 300,000 volumes, many of which are duplicates, and is scattered from the Dome to the basement of the Capitol, in some instances, until recently, books being piled in unused rooms, like so much wood or coal. The present librarian testified as follows:

'Q. It would be difficult to describe a worse condition than existed?'

'A. It would, for the condition of books. It would be all right for a barnyard, but for books it was terrible.' It is just to say that under the present administration of the library some attempt has been made at improvement, but the effect of fifty years' neglect can not be remedied in a day. We can not think that any absenteeism, beyond a reasonable vacation, on the part of those employed in the library is justifiable in view of the foregoing facts.

"The folders, taking the orders of members rather than those of the Doorkeeper, are absent a great deal during the vacation, and in some cases persons are employed by resolution to do their work. The Doorkeeper testified as follows:

'I think Mr. Lyon told me where members requested they had three months at home during this last Congress.' 'Q. Drawing their pay in the meantime?' 'A. Yes, sir; they had three months'.' 'Q. That is not in the interest of your service, is it?' 'A. No, sir.' 'Q. Have you been able to prevent it?' 'A. No, sir.' 'Q. Why?' 'A. They would go to the superintendent of the folding room and say to him, "My man has got to go home."' 'Q. You mean the members would go?' 'A. Yes, sir. I do not like to criticise members, but that is the situation. They go and say, "I have got to have my man home, and he must go home; it is absolutely necessary;" and he has been permitted to go.'

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"We have been unable to inquire as much into specific instances of absenteeism as we desired, but it may be said generally that absenteeism on the folders' force is very general. …

"Third, division of salaries.—According to the testimony of Thomas H. McKee, the Journal clerk, the custom of dividing salaries is an old one and has existed for at least twenty years. We are satisfied that we are unable to report all the instances of divisions of salaries which have occurred: but we submit the following facts, which were clearly proved before us: On the organization of the House in the Fifty-fourth Congress it appears that more places, or places with higher salaries, were promised than the officers of the House were able to discover under the law. It does not appear by whom these promises were made. There began at once a system whereby the employees agreed to contribute greater or less portions of the salaries they received for the purpose either of paying persons not on the roll or of increasing the compensation of persons who were on the roll. Of the latter class, the increases were not proportioned to the character of the services rendered or the merit of the employees, but to the supposed rights of the States or Congressional districts from which the recipients came. Some of these contributions were made voluntarily and cheerfully; others we believe to have been made under a species of moral duress."

_Congressional Record, February 28, 1901, page 3597._

CLERICAL PARTY: Austria.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897, and after.

CLERICAL PARTY: Belgium.

See (in this volume) BELGIUM: A. D. 1899-1900.

CLEVELAND, Grover: President of the United States.

See (in volume 5 and in this volume.) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1893, to 1897.

CLEVELAND, Grover: Extensions of Civil Service Rules.

See (in this volume) CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1893-1896.

CLEVELAND, Grover: Message to Congress on the Boundary Dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela.

See (in this volume) VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (DECEMBER).

CLEVELAND, Grover: On Cuban affairs.

See (in this volume) CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

CLEVELAND, OHIO: A. D. 1896.

The centennial anniversary of the founding of the city was celebrated with appropriate ceremonies on the 22d of July, 1896, and made memorable by a gift to the city, by Mr. John D. Rockefeller, of 276 acres of land for a public park.

COAL MINERS, Strikes among.

See (in this volume) INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES.

COAMO, Engagement at.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

COLENSO, Battle of.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

COLLEGES.

See (in this volume) EDUCATION.

COLOMBIA: A. D. 1893-1900. Resumption of work on the Panama Canal. Revolutionary movements. Prolonged Civil War. Boundary dispute with Costa Rica. Panama Canal concession twice extended.

In 1893 the receiver or liquidator of the affairs of the bankrupt Panama Canal Company of De Lesseps (see, in volume 4, PANAMA CANAL) obtained from the government of Colombia an extension of the terms of the concession under which that company had worked, provided that work on the canal should be resumed before November 1, 1894. He succeeded in forming in France a new company which actually made a beginning of work on the canal before the limit of time expired. But this attempted revival of the undertaking was quickly harassed, like everything else in Colombia, by an outbreak of revolt against the clerical control of government under President Caro. The revolutionary movement was begun late in 1894, receiving aid from exiles and sympathizers in Venezuela, Ecuador and Central America. It had no substantial success, the revolutionists being generally defeated in the pitched battles that were fought; but after a few months they were broken into guerilla bands and continued warfare in that method throughout most of the year 1895. They were still threatening in 1896, but the activity and energy of President Caro prevented any serious outbreak. A boundary dispute between Colombia and Costa Rica, which became considerably embittered in 1896, was finally referred to the President of the French Republic, whose decision was announced in September, 1900.

Colombia began a fresh experience of civil war in the autumn of 1899, when an obstinate movement for the overthrow of President Saclemente (elected in 1898) was begun. General Herrera was said, at the outset, to be in the lead, but, as the struggle proceeded, General Rafael Uribe-Uribe seems to have become its real chief. It went on with fierce fighting, especially in the isthmus, and with varying fortunes, until near the close of 1900, when the insurgents met with a defeat which drove General Uribe-Uribe to flight. He made his escape to Venezuela, and thence to the United States, arriving at New York early in February, 1901. In conversation with representatives of the Press he insisted that there was no thought in his party or in his own mind of abandoning the revolutionary attempt. The cause of the revolution, he said, was due to the oppression of the government, which was in the hands of the Conservative party. "They have not governed according to the constitution," he said, "and while taxing the Liberals, will not allow them to be adequately represented in the government. For fifteen years the Liberal party has been deprived of all its rights. I have been the only representative of the party in Congress. We tried every peaceable method to obtain our rights before going to war, but could not get anything from the government. The government did not want to change anything, because it did not want to lose any of its power. I, as the only representative of the Liberal party, made up my mind to fight, and will fight to the end."

By what is said to have been a forced resignation, some time in the later part of the year 1900, President Saclemente, a very old man, retired from the active duties of the office, which were taken in hand by the Vice-President, Dr. Manoquin.

During the year 1900, the government signed a further extension of the concession to the Panama Canal Company, prolonging the period within which the canal must be completed six years from April, 1904.

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COLORADO: A. D. 1897. Abolition of the death penalty.

By an Act of the Legislature of Colorado which became law in March, 1897, the death penalty was abolished in that state.

COLORADOS.

See (in this volume) URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

COLUMBUS, Christopher: Removal of remains from Havana to Seville.

See (in this volume) CUBA: A. D. 1898 (DECEMBER).

COMBINATIONS, Industrial.

See (in this volume) TRUSTS.

COMMANDO. Commandeering.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1894.

COMMERCIAL CONGRESS, International.

See (in this volume) INTERNATIONAL COMMERCIAL CONGRESS.

COMMERCIAL MUSEUM, Philadelphia.

See (in this volume) PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1897.

COMPULSORY INSURANCE: The State System in Germany.

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

COMPULSORY VOTING.

See (in this volume) BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

CONCERT OF EUROPE. Concert of the Powers.

"We have heard of late so much about 'the Concert' that the man in the street talks of it as if it were a fact of nature like the Bosphorus or the Nile; and he assumes that he and all his neighbours understand exactly what it means. Yet it may be doubted whether even persons so omniscient as the politician and the journalist could describe it with any approach to truth or even to common sense. An energetic newspaper lately described the Concert as 'Three Despots, two Vassals, and a Coward.' This doubtless was a libel. An Olympian Under-Secretary called it 'the Cabinet of Europe.' Lord Salisbury himself, impatient of facile caricatures, insisted that it was a 'Federation.' It has also, to Sir William Harcourt's wrath, been spoken of as an 'Areopagus' having 'legislative' powers. All these phrases are mere nonsense; and yet they have profoundly influenced the action of this country and the course of recent history. The patent fact of the hour is that six powerful States are pleased to interest themselves in the Eastern Question—which is the question of the dissolution of Turkey.

See, in this volume, TURKEY: A. D. 1895, and after.

They base their claim to take exceptional steps in the matter on the plea that there is imminent risk of a general European war if they do not act. … What is the Concert of Europe? It is not a treaty, still less a federation. If it is anything, it is a tacit understanding between the 'six Powers' that they will take common action, or abstain from 'isolated action,' in the Eastern question. Whether it is even that, in any rational sense of the word 'understanding,' is more than doubtful. For there has been much and very grave 'isolated action,' even in pending troubles."

See, in this volume, TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH); and 1897-1899]

_The Concert of Europe (Contemporary Review, May, 1897)._

The joint action of the leading European Powers in dealing with Turkish affairs, between 1896 and 1899, which took the name of "The Concert of Europe," was imitated in 1900, when the more troublesome "Far Eastern Question" was suddenly sprung upon the world by the "Boxer" rising in China. The United States and Japan were then associated in action with the European nations; and the "Concert of Europe" was succeeded by a larger "Concert of the Powers."

See, in this volume, CHINA: A. D. 1900, JANUARY-MARCH, and after.

CONCESSIONS, The battle of, in China.

See (in this volume) CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

CONDOMINIUM, Anglo-Egyptian, in the Sudan.

See (in this volume) EGYPT: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

CONFEDERATE DISABILITIES, Removal of.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (MARCH).

CONGER, Edwin H.: United States Minister to China.

See (in this volume) CHINA.

CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1897. Mutiny of troops of Baron Dhanis's expedition.

See (in this volume) AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (CONGO FREE STATE).

CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1899. Results of the King of Belgium's attempt to found an African Empire. Contradictory representations.

"The opening in the first few days of July [1898] of the railway through the District of the Cataracts, from Matadi to Stanley Pool, has turned public attention to Central Africa, where the genius and courage of the King of the Belgians have created a Black Empire within the short space of twelve years. It is the special pride of its founder that the vast state of the Congo has been formed without bloodshed, except at the cost of the cruel Arab slave-hunters, and of the not less cruel cannibals like Msiri or the Batetelas, that a thousand treaties have been signed without a gunshot, and that from the commencement the highest ideals of modern civilisation have been aimed at, and, considering the stupendous difficulties of the task, practically attained in the administration. The standard of humanity and progress has been firmly planted in the midst of a population of thirty millions, the decadence of those millions has been arrested, peace exists where there was only slaughter and savagery, and prosperity is coming in the train of improved communications, and of the development of the natural resources of a most promising region. In the history of Empires that of the Congo State is unique. …

"The Berlin Conference did nothing for the Congo State beyond giving it a being and a name.

See, in volume 1, CONGO FREE STATE.

On the other hand it imposed upon it some onerous conditions. There was to be freedom of trade—an excellent principle, but not contributory to the State exchequer—it was to employ all its strength in the suppression of the slave trade—'a gigantic task, undertaken with the resources of pygmies,' as some one has said—and the navigation of the Congo was to be free to all the world without a single toll. The sufficiently ample dimensions marked out for the State in the Conventional limits attached to the Berlin General Act had to be defined and regulated by subsequent negotiation with the neighbouring Powers. {152} France attenuated the northern possessions of the State at every possible opportunity, but at length, in February, 1895, she was induced to waive in favour of Belgium the right of pre-emption which the Congo Association had given her in April, 1884, over its possessions, at the moment when the Anglo-Portuguese Convention threatened that enterprise with extinction. … Four years after the meeting at Berlin it was found necessary to convene another conference of the Powers, held on this occasion at Brussels, under the presidency of Baron Lambermont, whose share in the success of the earlier conference had been very marked and brilliant. The chief object set before the new Conference was to devise means for the abolition of the Slave Trade in Central Africa. … The Conference lasted more than seven months, and it was not until July, 1890, that the General Act bearing the signatures of the Powers was agreed upon. It increased the obligations resting on the State; its decisions, to which the Independent State was itself a party, made the task more onerous, but at the same time it sanctioned the necessary measures to give the State the revenue needed for the execution of its new programme. …

"Fresh from the Brussels Conference the Congo State threw itself into the struggle with the Arabs. … Thanks to the skill and energy with which the campaign was conducted the triumph of the State was complete, and the downfall of the Arabs sounded the knell of the slave trade, of which they were the principal, and indeed the sole, promoters. The Arab campaign did not conclude the military perils that beset the nascent State. The Batetela contingent of the Public Force or native army of the Congo mutinied in January, 1897, while on the march to occupy the Lado district of the Upper Nile, and the episode, ushered in in characters of blood by the assassination of many Belgian officers, seemed to shake the recently-constructed edifice to its base. But if the ordeal was severe, the manner in which the authorities have triumphed over their adversaries and surmounted their difficulties, furnishes clear evidence of the stability of their power. The Batetela mutineers have been overthrown in several signal encounters, a mere handful of fugitives still survive, and each mail brings news of their further dispersal. Even at the moment of its occurrence the blow from the Batetela mutiny was tempered by the success of the column under Commandant Chaltin in overthrowing the Dervishes at Redjaf and in establishing the State's authority on the part of the Nile assigned to it by the Anglo-Congolese Convention of 1894. The triumphs of the Congo State have, however, been those of peace and not of war. With the exception of the operations named and the overthrow of the despotism of the savage Msiri, the State's record is one of unbroken tranquillity. These wars, little in magnitude but great in their consequences, were necessary for the suppression of the slave trade as well as for the legitimate assertion of the authority of the Congo Government. But their immediate consequence was the effective carrying out of the clauses in the Penal Code making all participation in the capture of slaves or in cannibalism a capital offence. That was the primary task, the initial step, in the establishment of civilisation in Central Africa, and of the credit for this the Congo State cannot be deprived. When this was done there remained the still more difficult task of saving the black races from the evils which civilisation brings in its train among an ignorant population incapable of self-control. The import of firearms had to be checked in order to prevent an untamed race indulging in internecine strife, or turning their weapons upon the mere handful of Europeans engaged in the task of regenerating the negroes. The necessary measures inspired by the double motives of self-preservation and the welfare of the blacks have been taken, and the State controls in the most complete and effectual manner the importation of all weapons and munitions of war. Nor has the success of the administration been less clear or decisive in its control of the liquor traffic."

_Demetrius C. Boulger, Twelve Years' Work on the Congo (Fortnightly Review, October, 1898)._

To a considerable extent this favorable view of the work of the Belgians in the Congo State is sustained by the report which a British Consul, Mr. Pickersgill, made to his government in 1898. He wrote admiringly of the energy with which the Belgians had overcome enormous difficulties in their undertaking, and then asked: "Has this splendid invasion justified itself by benefiting the aborigines? Equatorial Africa is not a white man's country. He can never prove his claim to sole possession of it by surviving as the fittest; and without the black man's co-operation it can serve no useful purpose to anybody. Has the welfare of the African, then, whose prosperous existence is thus indispensable, been duly cared for in the Congo State?" By way of answer to these questions, his report sets forth, with apparently strict fairness, the conditions produced in the country as he carefully observed them. He found that much good had been done to the natives by restrictions on the liquor trade, by an extensive suppression of inter-tribal wars, and by a diminution of cannibalism. Then comes a rehearsal of facts which have a different look.

"The yoke of the notorious Arab slave-traders has been broken, and traffic in human beings amongst the natives themselves has been diminished to a considerable degree. Eulogy here begins with a spurt and runs out thin at the end. But there is no better way of recording the facts concisely. To hear, amidst the story's wild surroundings, how Dhanis and Hinde, and their intrepid comrades, threw themselves, time after time, upon the strongholds of the banded men-stealers, until the Zone Arabe was won in the name of freedom, is to thrill with admiration of a gallant crusade. … But it is disappointing to see the outcome of this lofty enterprise sink to a mere modification of the evil that was so righteously attacked. Like the Portuguese in Angola, the Belgians on the Congo have adopted the system of requiring the slave to pay for his freedom by serving a new master during a fixed term of years for wages merely nominal. On this principle is based the 'serviçal' system of the first-named possession, and the 'libéré' system of the latter; the only difference between the two being that the Portuguese Government permits limited re-enslavement for the benefit of private individuals, but does not purchase on its own account; while the Government of the Independent State retains for itself an advantage which it taboos to everybody else.

{153}

"The State supports this system because labour is more easily obtainable thereby than by enforcing corvee amongst the free people, and less expensively than by paying wages. The slave so acquired, however, is supposed to have undergone a change of status, and is baptized officially as a free man. After seven years' service under the new name he is entitled to his liberty complete. In Angola the limit is five years. The natives are being drilled into the habit of regular work. … The first Europeans who travelled inland of Matadi had to rely entirely on porters from the coast, and it was not until the missionaries had gained the confidence of the people, and discovered individuals amongst them who could be trusted as gangers, that the employment of local carriers became feasible. The work was paid for, of course, and it is to the credit of the State that the remuneration continued, undiminished, after compulsion was applied. But how, it cannot fail to be asked, did the necessity for compulsion arise? In the same way that it has since arisen in connection with other forms of labour: the State wished to get on faster than circumstances would permit. Accordingly the Government authorities prohibited the missionaries from recruiting where porters were most easily obtained, and under the direction of their military chief, the late Governor-General Wahis, initiated a rigorous system of corvee. In spite of the remuneration this was resisted, at first by the men liable to serve absenting themselves from home, and afterwards, when the State Officers began to seize their women and children as hostages, by preparations for war. Deserting their villages, the people of the caravan route took to the bush, and efforts were made by the chiefs to bring about a general uprising of the entire Cataract district. Things were in so critical a condition that Colonel Wahis had to leave unpunished the destruction of a Government station and the murder of the officer in charge. Mainly through the influence of the missionaries the general conflagration was prevented, but the original outbreak continued to smoulder for months, and transport work of all kinds had to be discontinued until means were devised of equalising the burden of the corvee, and of enlisting the co-operation of the chiefs in its management. That was in 1894. Three years later the system appeared to be working with remarkable smoothness. … Whatever views may be held respecting the influence of the State at the present stage of its schoolmaster task, there can be no doubt that the condition, a year or two hence, of those sections of the population about to be relieved from the transport service, will afford conclusive evidence, one way or the other, of the Government's civilising ability. … It needs no great knowledge of coloured humanity to foresee that such pupils will quickly relapse into good-for-nothingness more than aboriginal, unless their education be continued. …

"One of the most obvious duties of an European Government standing in 'loco parentis' to savage tribes, and exercising 'dominatio parentis' with an unspared rod, is to educate the juvenile pagan. Since 1892 the Congo State has disbursed, according to the published returns, taking one year with another, about 6,000l. per annum, on this department of its enterprise. It cannot be said, therefore, to have neglected the duty entirely. A school for boys has been established at Boma, and another at Nouvelle Anvers; while large numbers of children of both sexes have been placed with the Roman Catholic missionaries, in the same and other districts. Except in one direction, however, the movement has not been very successful. The young Africans thus blessed with a chance of becoming loyal with intelligence are all waifs and strays, who have been picked up by exploring parties and military expeditions. Their homes are at the points of the compass, and their speech is utter bewilderment. …

"A word must be said as to the employment of what are known as 'sentries.' A 'sentry' on the Congo is a dare-devil aboriginal, chosen, from troops impressed outside the district in which he serves, for his loyalty and force of character. Armed with a rifle and a pouch of cartridges, he is located in a native village to see that the labour for which its inhabitants are responsible is duly attended to. If they are India rubber collectors, his duty is to send the men into the forest and take note of those who do not return with the proper quantity. Where food is the tax demanded, his business is to make sure that the women prepare and deliver it; and in every other matter connected with the Government he is the factotum, as far as that village is concerned, of the officer of the district, his power being limited only by the amount of zeal the latter may show in checking oppression. When Governor-General Wahis returned from his tour of inspection he seemed disposed to recommend the abolition of this system, which is open to much abuse. But steps have not yet been taken in that direction."

_Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications (Papers by Command: No. 459, Miscellaneous Series, 1898, pages 7-12)._

From this account of things it would seem that Mr. Boulger, in the view quoted above from his article on the work of King Leopold in the Congo country, had chosen to look only at what is best in the results. On the other hand, the writer of the following criticism in the "Spectator" of London may have looked at nothing but the blacker side:

"King Leopold II., who, though he inherits some of the Coburg kingcraft, is not a really able man, deceived by confidence in his own great wealth and by the incurable Continental idea that anybody can make money in the tropics if he is only hard enough, undertook an enterprise wholly beyond his resources, and by making revenue instead of good government his end, spoiled the whole effect of his first successes. The Congo Free State, covering a million square miles, that is, as large as India, and containing a population supposed to exceed forty-two millions, was committed by Europe to his charge in absolute sovereignty, and at first there appeared to be no resistance. Steamers and telegraphs and stations are trifles to a millionaire, and there were any number of Belgian engineers and young officers and clerks eager for employment. The weak point of the undertaking, inadequate resources, soon, however, became patent to the world. The King had the disposal of a few white troops, but they were only Belgians, who suffer greatly in tropical warfare, and his agents had to form an acclimatised army 'on the cheap.' They engaged, therefore, the fiercest blacks they could find, most of them cannibals, paid them by tolerating license, and then endeavoured to maintain their own authority by savage discipline. {154} The result was that the men, as events have proved, and as the King seems in his apologia to admit, were always on the verge of mutiny, and that the native tribes, with their advantages of position, numbers, and knowledge of the forest and the swamps, proved at least as good fighters as most of the forces of the Congo State. So great, however, is the intellectual superiority of white men, so immeasurable the advantage involved in any tincture science, that the Belgians might still have prevailed but for the absolute necessity of obtaining money. They could not wait for the growth of resources under scientific taxation such as will follow Mr. Mitchell Innes's financial reforms in Siam, but attempted to obtain them from direct taxation and monopolies, especially that of rubber. Resistance was punished with a savage cruelty, which we are quite ready to believe was not the original intention of the Belgians, but which could not be avoided when the only mode of punishing a village was to let loose black cannibals on it to work their will, and which gradually hardened even the Europeans, and the consequence was universal disloyalty. The braver tribes fought with desperation, the black troops were at once cowed and attracted by their opponents, the black porters and agriculturists became secret enemies, all were kept in order by terror alone, and we all see the result. The Belgians are beaten; their chiefs, Baron Dhanis and Major Lothaire, are believed to be prisoners; and the vast territories of the far interior, whence alone rubber can now be obtained, are already lost. … The administration on the spot is tainted by the history of its cruelties and its failures, and there are not the means in Brussels of replacing it by competent officials, or of supplying them with the considerable means required for what must now be a deliberate reconquest."

_Spectator (London), February 4, 1899._

CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1900. Expiration of the Belgian Convention of 1890. King Leopold's will.

Three days after the close of the year 1900, the Convention of 1890, which regulated for a period of ten years the relations between Belgium and the Congo State, expired by lapse of time, but was likely to be renewed. The chief provisions of the Convention were

(1) that Belgium should advance to the Congo State a loan of 25,000,000f. (£1,000,000), free of interest, of which one-fifth was payable at sight and the balance in ten yearly instalments of 2,000,000f. each;

(2) Belgium acquired within six months of the final payment the option of annexing the Congo State with all the rights and appurtenances of sovereignty attaching thereto; or

(3) if Belgium did not avail herself of this right the loan was only redeemable after a further period of ten years, but became subject to interest at the rate of 3, per cent. per annum.

The will of King Leopold, executed in 1889, runs as follows:

"We bequeath and transmit to Belgium, after our death, all our Sovereign rights to the Congo Free State, such as they have been recognized by the declarations, conventions, and treaties, drawn up since 1884, on the one hand between the International Association of the Congo, and on the other hand the Free State, as well as all the property, rights, and advantages, accruing from such sovereignty. Until such time as the Legislature of Belgium shall have stated its intentions as to the acceptation of these dispositions, the sovereignty shall be exercised collectively by the Council of three administrators of the Free State and by the Governor-General."

----------CONGO FREE STATE: End--------

CONGRESS: Of the United States. Reapportionment of Representatives.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

CONSTANTINOPLE: A. D. 1896. Attack of Armenian revolutionists on the Ottoman Bank, and subsequent Turkish massacre of Armenians.

See (in this volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (AUGUST).

----------CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.: Start--------

The following is the "Act to constitute the Commonwealth of Australia," as passed by the Imperial Parliament, July 9, 1900 (63 & 64 Vict. ch. 12)—see (in this volume) AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900. The text is from the official publication of the Act:

Whereas the people of New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, humbly relying on the blessing of Almighty God, have agreed to unite in one indissoluble Federal Commonwealth under the Crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and under the Constitution hereby established: And whereas it is expedient to provide for the admission into the Commonwealth of other Australasian Colonies and possessions of the Queen: Be it therefore enacted by the Queen's most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, as follows:-

1. This Act may be cited as the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act.

2. The provisions of this Act referring to the Queen shall extend to Her Majesty's heirs and successors in the sovereignty of the United Kingdom.

3. It shall be lawful for the Queen, with the advice of the Privy Council, to declare by proclamation that, on and after a day therein appointed, not being later than one year after the passing of this Act, the people of New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, and also, if Her Majesty is satisfied that the people of Western Australia have agreed thereto, of Western Australia, shall be united in a Federal Commonwealth under the name of the Commonwealth of Australia. But the Queen may, at any time after the proclamation, appoint a Governor-General for the Commonwealth.

4. The Commonwealth shall be established, and the Constitution of the Commonwealth shall take effect, on and after the day so appointed. But the Parliaments of the several colonies may at any time after the passing of this Act make any such laws, to come into operation on the day so appointed, as they might have made if the Constitution had taken effect at the passing of this Act.

{155}

5. This Act, and all laws made by the Parliament of the Commonwealth under the Constitution, shall be binding on the courts, judges, and people of every State and of every part of the Commonwealth, notwithstanding anything in the laws of any State; and the laws of the Commonwealth shall be in force on all British ships, the Queen's ships of war excepted, whose first port of clearance and whose port of destination are in the Commonwealth.

6. "The Commonwealth" shall mean the Commonwealth of Australia as established under this Act. "The States" shall mean such of the colonies of New South Wales, New Zealand, Queensland, Tasmania, Victoria, Western Australia, and South Australia, including the northern territory of South Australia, as for the time being are parts of the Commonwealth, and such colonies or territories as may be admitted into or established by the Commonwealth as States; and each of such parts of the Commonwealth shall be called "a State." "Original States" shall mean such States as are parts of the Commonwealth at its establishment.

7. The Federal Council of Australasia Act, 1885, is hereby repealed, but so as not to affect any laws passed by the Federal Council of Australasia and in force at the establishment of the Commonwealth. Any such law may be repealed as to any State by the Parliament of the Commonwealth, or as to any colony not being a State by the Parliament thereof.

8. After the passing of this Act the Colonial Boundaries Act, 1895, shall not apply to any colony which becomes a State of the Commonwealth; but the Commonwealth shall be taken to be a self-governing colony for the purposes of that Act.

9. The Constitution of the Commonwealth shall be as follows:

THE CONSTITUTION. This Constitution is divided as follows:-