chapter 21

(copyright, Dodd, Mead &; Company, New York, quoted with permission)._

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: Expansion of the European races during the Century. Changes in the distribution of political power. Dominance of the Anglo-American peoples. Rise of the United States of America to the highest rank.

At a dinner given by the Manchester Statistical Society, October 17, 1900, Sir Robert Giffen, the eminent statistician, made a notable speech on the political ideas which the statistics of the Nineteenth Century suggest. "The first of these was the prodigious rate at which the civilized world— the community of European nations and nations of European origin—was growing. The population of Europe and of nations of European origin like the United States might now be put at something over 500,000,000. The United States themselves might be put at nearly 80 millions; Russia in its recent census showed a population which must already have grown to about 135 millions; Germany about 55 millions; the United Kingdom, with the self-governing colonies of Canada and Australasia and the white population of South Africa, 55 millions; Austria-Hungary, 45 millions; France, 40 millions; Italy, 32 millions; Spain and Portugal, 25 millions; Scandinavian countries, ten millions; Holland and Belgium, ten millions; and other European countries, 20 millions. A century ago the corresponding figure to this 500,000,000 would not have been more than about 170,000,000. The economic development of the people had been even more marvellous. The wealth of the people all told, which would probably not have been reckoned at more than £5,000,000,000 at the beginning of the century, must be reckoned now by tens of thousands of millions.

"Again the development was for the most part not uniform among the European populations. It was most marked in the Anglo-American section. The increase here was from a population of not more than about 20 millions, which was the population of the United States and the United Kingdom together 100 years ago, to a population of not less than 130 millions at the present time. Russia and Germany also showed remarkable increases, but nothing like this. This astonishing growth of population meant a great change in the relative position of the European nations in the world—their relative weight in international politics. Practically the non-European races of the world had all the time been stationary, except in India, where the 'pax Britannica' had permitted the native population to expand. The result was that the forces of civilization, as against those of the black and yellow races, had become practically irresistible. The numbers were relatively far greater than ever they were before, and the economic force was indefinitely greater. A great change in the distribution of political power among European nations themselves was also indicated. The existence alone of the United States implied an immense change. If we considered that an empire like that of Britain had its strength rather diminished than increased by the possession of territories like India, then the United States having a larger European population than that of the British Empire might be considered the most powerful State in the world as far as population and resources were concerned. No doubt Russia had a much larger population, but the inferiority of the units was so great that the preeminence of the United States was not in question. Germany, Russia, and the United Kingdom had all grown, while France and Austria had by comparison remained stationary, so that now the great world Powers were four only—the United States, Britain, Russia, and Germany, with France a doubtful fifth. The extent of the revolution that had taken place in a century was evident, and obviously accounted for much that was going on in international politics.

"If the forces now in existence continue to operate as they had done in the past century for only a few more generations, the close of the coming century must witness a further transformation, whose beginnings would be apparent in the lifetime of some amongst us. It was a reasonable probability that unless some great internal change should take place in the ideas and conduct of the European races themselves, the population of 500 millions would in another century become one of 1,500 to 2,000 millions. The black and yellow races still remaining, as far as one could see, comparatively stationary, this would make a greatly changed world. The yellow peril, for instance, of which we heard so much, would have vanished, because the yellow races themselves would be so much outnumbered. What would be the 400 millions of China compared with 1,500 to 2,000 millions of European race? Further progress must also be made in the redistribution of power among European nations. International politics would be more and more limited to the affairs of what were already the four great Powers—the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, and Russia. The most serious problem would of course be whether the dilemma stated by Malthus and hitherto put aside by the occupation of new lands, would at length become an urgently practical question. It was impossible not to wonder which of the two forces—the growth of population and the increase of the needs of the growing population on the one side, and the growth of invention and mechanical power in supplying human wants on the other side—would gain as time went on. Referring to the desire to secure new markets abroad, Sir Robert Giffen said that the figures with which he had been dealing pointed to quite another source of new markets. Surely there could be no lack of new customers if the 500 millions of the advanced races themselves were to be doubled in from 30 to 50 years and trebled or quadrupled in a century."

_London Times, October 18, 1900._

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THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: The lengthened average of human life.

"What has been the chief characteristic of the nineteenth century? No two critics agree, nor can they, because each prefers a different quality. One singles out science, another, invention, as the dominant trait. A third, who looks mainly at the political aspect of life, says democracy. Others, again, say pessimism, philanthropy, doubt, or toleration. So many features, so much diversity, argue at least for many-sidedness.

"There is one characteristic, however, which distinguishes the nineteenth century from all previous centuries—a characteristic which has become too common to attract the attention it deserves, although it really measures all the rest: this is longevity. During the past one hundred years the length of life of the average man in the United States and in the more civilized parts of Europe has increased from a little over 30 to about 40 years. A multitude of causes, mostly physical, have contributed to this result. Foremost among these should be placed (1) whatever may be included under the general term sanitation; (2) improved methods in medicine; and (3) the more regular habits of living which are the direct outcome of industrial life on a large scale.

"These are some of the evident means by which life has been lengthened. Inventions, which have made production cheap and the transportation of all products both cheap and easy, have had an influence too great to be computed. And no doubt much has been due to a general improvement in methods of government; although, in the main, there has been much less progress in practical government than is commonly supposed. No great railroad company or banking house or manufacturing corporation could prosper if its officers and employees were chosen and kept in office according to the system by which political offices, almost everywhere, are filled. 'None hut experts wanted,' is the sign written over the entrance to every profession, trade, and occupation—except government.

"But, whatever governments have done or left undone, the fact to be insisted on here is, that the average man to-day lives almost ten years longer than his grandfather lived."

_W. R. Thayer, Longevity and Degeneration (Forum, February, 1900)._

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: The Musical Century.

"Music is the only one of the fine arts of which it can be said that it reached its highest development in the nineteenth century. It is the modern art par excellence; and while everybody has been told that it is the youngest of the arts, few realize how much is implied in that assertion."

_Henry T. Finck, The Musical Century (New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: The Woman's Century.

"Victor Hugo predicted that the nineteenth century would be known as Woman's Century. The comparison of the woman of 1800 and the woman of 1900 offers abundant proof of the correctness of the prophecy."

_Mrs. Carrie C. Catt, Women in the Industries and Professions (New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

"In 1900 a third of all the college students in the United States are women. Sixty per cent. of the pupils in the secondary schools, both public and private, are girls—i. e., more girls are preparing for college than boys. Women having in general more leisure than men, there is reason to expect that there will soon be more women than men in our colleges and graduate schools. The time, too, has passed when girls went to college to prepare themselves solely for teaching or for other bread-winning occupations. In considerable numbers they now seek intellectual resources and the enrichment of their private lives. Thus far between 50 and 60 per cent. of women college graduates have at some time taught. In the country at large more than 70 per cent. of the teaching is done by women, in the North Atlantic portion over 80 per cent. Even in the secondary schools, public and private, more women than men are teaching, though in all other countries the advanced instruction of boys is exclusively in the hands of men. Never before has a nation intrusted all the school training of the vast majority of its future population, men as well as women, to women alone."

_Mrs. Alice F. Palmer, The Higher Education of Women (New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: The Age of Steel succeeding the Age of Iron.

"The age of iron, which passed away during the last century, was succeeded by the age of Bessemer steel, which enjoyed a reign of only thirty-six years, beginning, as it did, in 1864, and is in turn now passing away to be succeeded by the age of Siemens open-hearth steel. Already the product of open-hearth is far beyond that of Bessemer in Britain, and such the writer ventures to predict will soon be the case in the United States."

_Andrew Carnegie, The Development of Steel Manufacture (New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: As the "Age of Steam."

See (in volume 4) STEAM ENGINE, STEAM LOCOMOTION, etc.; and (in this volume) SCIENCE, RECENT: MECHANICAL.

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: As the "Electric Age."

See (in volume 2) ELECTRICAL, DISCOVERY; and (in this volume) SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

----------THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: End--------

NIPPUR, Explorations of the ruins of.

See (in this volume) ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

NIUCHWANG: "Niuchwang, while a comparatively small city of but 60,000 population, is of especial importance to the United States as a treaty port. It is located at the extreme north of the Gulf of Pechili, considerably farther north than Tientsin, and is of especial importance to the United States because of the demand for goods from this country in that section. … The proposed Russian railway line, which is projected through Manchuria and the province of Shingking to the port of Port Arthur, passes near Niuchwang and is to be connected by a short line. Another line, to be built by British capital, will connect Niuchwang with Shanhaikwan, which is already in railway connection with Peking, the capital of the Empire."

_United States, Bureau of Statistics, Monthly Summary, March, 1899, page 2196._

NIUCHWANG: Russian occupation.

See (in this volume) MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900.

NORFOLK ISLAND: Change of government.

(in this volume) AUSTRALIA (NEW SOUTH WALES): A. D. 1896.

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NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1897-1899. Local Dispensary Laws.

An Act applying the South Carolina "dispensary" system of regulation for the liquor traffic (see, in this volume, SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899) to Fayetteville was passed by the Legislature in 1897, and several smaller towns secured local legislation to the same effect in 1899; but attempts to carry a general dispensary law for the State were defeated.

NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1898. Race war in Wilmington.

Wilmington, North Carolina, was the scene, in November, of what can only be called a fierce revolution, whereby the city government, dominated by the colored population, which outnumbered the white, was violently overturned by the latter. The race conflict was precipitated by an article in a Republican newspaper, edited by a negro, which reflected on the honor of some of the white women, and caused wild excitement among the white men. The offending newspaper office was destroyed and its editor fled. Resistance being offered, furious fighting occurred, in which a considerable number of negroes was killed, many were wounded, and hundreds were driven by terror from the town. White Republican officials were also expelled or took to flight, and their opponents secured control of city affairs.

NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1900. Constitutional amendment for the qualification of the suffrage.

By a constitutional amendment, adopted in August, 1900, the following qualification of the suffrage was established:

"SECTION 4. Every person presenting himself for registration shall be able to read and write any section of the constitution in the English language: and, before he shall be entitled to vote, he shall have paid, on or before the 1st day of May of the year in which he proposes to vote, his poll tax for the previous year as prescribed by Article V, section 1, of the constitution. But no male person who was, on January 1, 1867, or at any time prior thereto, entitled to vote under the laws of any State in the United States wherein he then resided, and no lineal descendant of any such person, shall be denied the right to register and vote at any election in this State by reason of his failure to possess the educational qualification herein prescribed, provided he shall have registered in accordance with the terms of this section prior to December, 1908. The general assembly shall provide for the registration of all persons entitled to vote without the educational qualifications herein prescribed, and shall, on or before November 1, 1908, provide for the making of a permanent record of such registration, and all persons so registered shall forever thereafter have the right to vote in all elections by the people in this State, unless disqualified under section 2 of this article: Provided, Such person shall have paid his poll tax as above required."

NORTHWEST TERRITORIES, Canadian: Self-government granted.

See (in this volume) CANADA: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER).

NORWAY.

See (in this volume) SWEDEN AND NORWAY.

NOVA SCOTIA.

See (in this volume) CANADA.

NOVA ZEMBLA, Recent exploration of.

See (in this volume) POLAR EXPLORATION, 1895, 1896, 1897, 1900.

NUFFAR, NIFFER, Explorations at.

See (in this volume) ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

NUPÉ, British subjugation of.

See (in this volume) AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (NIGERIA).

NUREMBERG: A. D. 1900. Remarkable growth in five years.

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

NYASSALAND.

See (in this volume) BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE.

O.

OIL RIVERS PROTECTORATE, The.

See (in this volume) NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

OLD-AGE INSURANCE: In Germany.

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

OLD-AGE PENSIONS: In New South Wales.

See (in this volume) AUSTRALIA (NEW SOUTH WALES): A. D. 1900.

OLD-AGE PENSIONS: In New Zealand.

See (in this volume) NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1899; and AUSTRALIA: RECENT EXTENSIONS OF DEMOCRACY.

OLD-AGE PENSIONS: The question in England.

See (in this volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1896; and 1899-1900.

OLNEY, Richard: Correspondence with Lord Salisbury on the Venezuela boundary question.

See (in this volume) VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (JULY), and (NOVEMBER).

OLYMPIC GAMES, Revival of.

See (in this volume) ATHENS: A. D. 1896.

OMAHA: A. D. 1898. The Trans-Mississippi Exposition.

A highly successful Trans-Mississippi Exposition was opened on the 1st of June and closed on the last day of October, having been attended by 2,600,000 people. Buildings and grounds were prepared with beautiful effect, at a cost of $2,500,000.

OMDURMAN: Capital of the Khalifa. Capture by the Anglo-Egyptian Army.

See (in this volume) EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; and 1897-1898.

ONTARIO.

See (in this volume) CANADA.

"OPEN DOOR," The commercial policy of the.

See (in this volume) CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

OPIUM COMMISSION, Report of the.

See (in this volume) INDIA: A. D. 1895 (APRIL).

ORANGE FREE STATE: A. D. 1895. Proposed federal union with the Transvaal.

See (in this volume) AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (ORANGE FREE STATE).

ORANGE FREE STATE: A. D. 1897. Treaty with the South African Republic.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE AND TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (APRIL).

ORANGE FREE STATE: A. D. 1899-1900. Making common cause with the South African Republic. War with Great Britain.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE): A. D. 1899 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER), and after.

ORANGE FREE STATE: A. D. 1900 (May.) Proclamation of annexation to the British dominions.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE): A. D. 1900 (MAY).

{344}

OSMAN DIGNA.

See (in this volume) EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; 1897-1898; and 1899-1900.

OTIS, General: Reports as Military Governor of the Philippines.

See (in this volume) PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

OTTAWA: A. D. 1900. Great fire.

The city of Ottawa, capital of the Dominion of Canada, and the lumber manufacturing town of Hull, on the opposite side of the Ottawa River, were both devastated, on the 26th of April, by one of the most destructive fires of the century. It originated in the upsetting of a lamp in a dwelling in Hull. This was at half-past ten o'clock in the morning. A big gale blowing from the northeast made quick work of the inflammable houses in Hull, and by twelve o'clock the flames had reached the river-bank and leaped across to the Ottawa side. The fire then retraced its steps in Hull, and destroyed a group of factories. It "blazed a crescent-shaped path five miles long and a mile wide, destroying in its journey the public buildings and the residential part of Hull, the industrial area of the Chaudiere, and the suburbs of the Ottawa laboring classes at Mechanicsburg, Rochesterville, and Hintonburg. Fully 15,000 people were rendered homeless, and $15,000,000 worth of property was annihilated."

_Canadian Magazine, July, 1900._

OTTOMAN BANK: Attack of Armenian revolutionists at Constantinople.

See (in this volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (AUGUST).

P.

PAARDEBERG, Battle of.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

PACT OF HALEPA, The.

See (in this volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1896.

PAGO PAGO: Acquisition by the United States.

See (in this volume) SAMOAN ISLANDS.

PALESTINE: A. D. 1897-1901. The Zionist movement for Jewish colonization.

See (in this volume) JEWS: A. D. 1897-1901.

PALESTINE: A. D. 1898. Visit of the German Emperor.

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

PALESTINE: A. D. 1901. Turkish restriction on Jewish visits.

See (in this volume) JEWS: A. D. 1901.

PALMER, General John M.: Candidacy for the American Presidency in 1896.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

PAMIR REGION, The: Anglo-Russian agreement concerning.

See (in this volume) AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1895.

PAMPANGAS, The.

See (in this volume) PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

PANA, Riotous coal-mining strike at.

See (in this volume) INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1898.

PANAMA CANAL, The: A. D. 1900.

See (in this volume) PANAMA CANAL; and (in this volume) CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

PAN-AMERICAN EXPOSITION, The.

See (in this volume) BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.

PANGASINANS, The.

See (in this volume) PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

PAN-GERMANIC UNION.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1901.

----------PAPACY: Start--------

PAPACY: A. D. 1894. Conference with Eastern Patriarchs.

A conference of Eastern Patriarchs to consider the reunion of the Eastern Churches (Armenian, Maronite, Melchite, etc.) with the Church of Rome was opened at the Vatican, in October, under the presidency of the Pope. The meeting had no result.

PAPACY: A. D. 1894-1895. The Hungarian Ecclesiastical Laws.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1894-1895.

PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (March). Resumption of authority over the Coptic Church.

The authority of the Pope over the Coptic Church was resumed on the 30th of March, 1896, after a suspension of four centuries, by the re-establishment of the Catholic Patriarchate of Alexandria. Bishop Macarius was appointed Patriarch and two bishops were appointed for Upper and Lower Egypt.

PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (September). Decision on the invalidity of Anglican orders.

In September, 1896, the final decision of the Vatican, on a reopened question as to the validity of ordinations under the ritual of the Church of England, was announced by Pope Leo XIII. in a bull which declares: "After long study, I must confirm the decree of my predecessors, that all ordinations made under the Anglican rite are absolutely invalid." Soon after the decision was announced, a writer in the "Contemporary Review" gave the following account of circumstances connected with it:

"The question of Anglican Orders was taken up in connection with the appeal for union made by Leo XIII. in the Encyclical' Præclara' of 1894, and more particularly in his letter to the English people. The group of Anglicans of whom Lord Halifax is the spokesman took this appeal seriously, and ever since that time negotiations have been going on more or less continuously between them and the Vatican. … The idea of an incorporate union, so dear to Lord Halifax, and so much favoured in the first instance by the Pope, could only be carried out on the basis of a prior admission that the Anglican Church had an existence as a Church, and was therefore in a position to discuss a union with the Roman Church. {345} Once recognise the validity of her Orders, and it would be possible to go into conference as to the points of difference between the two Churches, and the means of coming to an agreement. It is quite certain that the Pope entered heartily into these views. The Abbé Duchesne was accordingly deputed to inquire into the validity of the Anglican Orders, and was well aware that a favourable conclusion would be very well received. This was before the Abbé was put at the head of the French College at Rome. He made his investigation, arrived at the conclusion that the Orders were valid, sent his report to the Vatican, and received from Cardinal Rampolla a letter of thanks and congratulations, together with a grand silver medal, which the Holy Father sent him as a sign of his satisfaction and particular goodwill. All this happened in the winter of 1894-95.

"In the autumn of 1895 the idea of union was in higher favour at the Vatican than ever. Cardinal Rampolla encouraged the foundation of the 'Revue Anglo-Romaine,' a journal devoted to the treatment of problems concerning the union of Churches, and particularly the re-union of the Anglican Church, and edited by the Abbé Portal, a French priest, and a personal friend of Lord Halifax. This movement in favour of union was, however, regarded by the Catholics in England with no little apprehension and mistrust, and their opposition alone would have been sufficient to wreck it for the time being. Cardinal Vaughan viewed the idea of incorporate union as a chimera, but treated the efforts to realise it as a real danger. … Leo, who would fain have maintained an attitude of judicial impartiality, soon found out that he must take a side: he must either definitely encourage the hopes of the Anglicans, or he must do something to calm the excited fears of the Catholics. Even at Rome, if we except the Pope and Cardinal Rampolla, who for a long time fondly hoped that they could make this policy of union a means of accomplishing very large results, theological opinion was adverse to the validity. Were there not, indeed, decisions of the Sacred Congregations which settled the dispute? There were, but in spite of them all the Pope was not disabused of his fancy. Compelled at last to take some action, he named a Commission of theologians, which sat at Rome in the spring of the present year [1896], under the presidency of Cardinal Mazzella. … The theologians set forth the arguments which favoured their respective views; papers were written, and, after a series of deliberations, a report was placed in the hands of the Pope. No conclusion was arrived at: none could be come to in this preliminary assembly. Only the materials for a judgment were worked out, in case his Holiness should think fit to pronounce a decision. … The Pope himself tells us, in the Bull Apostolicæ Curæ, that he left the final examination of the question to the congregation of cardinals called ' Suprema.' … The 'Suprema' met on July 16, under the presidency of the Pope. All the cardinals were of opinion that the matter had been long since decided, and that the debates in the preliminary commission had served to show how wise the decision had been. … The Bull declaring Anglican Orders null and void was published about the middle of September."

_Catholicus, The Pope and the Anglicans: The Policy of the Bull (Contemporary Review, December, 1896)._

PAPACY: A. D. 1897. Influence in Austria.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PAPACY: A. D. 1898 (January). Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. on the Manitoba School Question.

See (in this volume) CANADA: A. D. 1898 (JANUARY).

PAPACY: A. D. 1899. Secession of German Catholics in Austria from the Church.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1000.

PAPACY: A. D. 1899 (January). Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. condemning certain opinions "called by some 'Americanism.'"

The following passages are from the translation of an encyclical letter addressed, on the 22d of January, 1899, by Pope Leo XIII. to Cardinal Gibbons, for communication to the bishops and clergy of the Catholic Church in America:

"To Our Beloved Son, James, Cardinal Gibbons, Cardinal Priest of the Title Sancta Maria, Beyond the Tiber, Archbishop of Baltimore: … We have often considered and admired the noble gifts of your nation which enable the American people to be alive to every good work which promotes the good of humanity and the splendor of civilization. Although this letter is not intended, as preceding ones, to repeat the words of praise so often spoken, but rather to call attention to some things to be avoided and corrected; still because it is conceived in that same spirit of apostolic charity which has inspired all our letters, we shall expect that you will take it as another proof of our love; the more so because it is intended to suppress certain contentions which have arisen lately among you to the detriment of the peace of many souls.

"It is known to you, beloved son, that the biography of Isaac Thomas Hecker, especially through the action of those who undertook to translate or interpret it in a foreign language, has excited not a little controversy, on account of certain opinions brought forward concerning the way of leading Christian life. We, therefore, on account of our apostolic office, having to guard the integrity of the faith and the security of the faithful, are desirous of writing to you more at length concerning this whole matter.

"The underlying principle of these new opinions is that, in order to more easily attract those who differ from her, the Church should shape her teachings more in accord with the spirit of the age and relax some of her ancient severity and make some concessions to new opinions. Many think that these concessions should be made not only in regard to ways of living, but even in regard to doctrines which belong to the deposit of the faith. They contend that it would be opportune, in order to gain those who differ from us, to omit certain points of her teaching which are of lesser importance, and to tone down the meaning which the Church has always attached to them. It does not need many words, beloved son, to prove the falsity of these ideas if the nature and origin of the doctrine which the Church proposes are recalled to mind. The Vatican Council says concerning this point: 'For the doctrine of faith which God has revealed has not been proposed, like a philosophical invention to be perfected by human ingenuity, but has been delivered as a divine deposit to the Spouse of Christ to be faithfully kept and infallibly declared. Hence that meaning of the sacred dogmas is perpetually to be retained which our Holy Mother, the Church, has once declared, nor is that meaning ever to be departed from under the pretense or pretext of a deeper comprehension of them.'

_Constitutis de Fide Catholica, Chapter iv._ …

{346}

"Let it be far from anyone's mind to suppress for any reason any doctrine that has been handed down. Such a policy would tend rather to separate Catholics from the Church than to bring in those who differ. There is nothing closer to our heart than to have those who are separated from the fold of Christ return to it, but in no other way than the way pointed out by Christ.

"The rule of life laid down for Catholics is not of such a nature that it cannot accommodate itself to the exigencies of various times and places. The Church has, guided by her Divine Master, a kind and merciful spirit, for which reason from the very beginning she has been what St. Paul said of himself: 'I became all things to all men that I might save all.'

"History proves clearly that the Apostolic See, to which has been intrusted the mission not only of teaching but of governing the whole Church, has continued 'in one and the same doctrine, one and the same sense, and one and the same judgment.'

_Constitutis de fide, Chapter iv._

"But in regard to ways of living she has been accustomed to so yield that, the divine principle of morals being kept intact, she has never neglected to accommodate herself to the character and genius of the nations which she embraces. Who can doubt that she will act in this same spirit again if the salvation of souls requires it? In this matter the Church must be the judge, not private men who are often deceived by the appearance of right. In this, all who wish to escape the blame of our predecessor, Pius the Sixth, must concur. He condemned as injurious to the Church and the spirit of God who guides her the doctrine contained in proposition lxxviii of the Synod of Pistoia, 'that the discipline made and approved by the Church should be submitted to examination, as if the Church could frame a code of laws useless or heavier than human liberty can bear.'

"But, beloved son, in this present matter of which we are speaking, there is even a greater danger and a more manifest opposition to Catholic doctrine and discipline in that opinion of the lovers of novelty, according to which they hold such liberty should be allowed in the Church, that her supervision and watchfulness being in some sense lessened, allowance be granted the faithful, each one to follow out more freely the leading of his own mind and the trend of his own proper activity. They are of opinion that such liberty has its counterpart in the newly given civil freedom which is now the right and the foundation of almost every secular state.

"In the apostolic letters concerning the constitution of states, addressed by us to the bishops of the whole Church, we discussed this point at length; and there set forth the difference existing between the Church, which is a divine society, and all other social human organizations which depend simply on free will and choice of men. It is well, then, to particularly direct attention to the opinion which serves as the argument in behalf of this greater liberty sought for and recommended to Catholics.

"It is alleged that now the Vatican decree concerning the infallible teaching authority of the Roman Pontiff having been proclaimed that nothing further on that score can give any solicitude, and accordingly, since that has been safe-guarded and put beyond question a wider and freer field both for thought and action lies open to each one. But such reasoning is evidently faulty, since, if we are to come to any conclusion from the infallible teaching authority of the Church, it should rather be that no one should wish to depart from it and moreover that the minds of all being leavened and directed thereby, greater security from private error would be enjoyed by all. And further, those who avail themselves of such a way of reasoning seem to depart seriously from the over-ruling wisdom of the Most High—which wisdom, since it was pleased to set forth by most solemn decision the authority and supreme teaching rights of this Apostolic See—willed that decision precisely in order to safeguard the minds of the Church's children from the dangers of these present times.

"These dangers, viz., the confounding of license with liberty, the passion for discussing and pouring contempt upon any possible subject, the assumed right to hold whatever opinions one pleases upon any subject and to set them forth in print to the world, have so wrapped minds in darkness that there is now a greater need of the Church's teaching office than ever before, lest people become unmindful both of conscience and of duty.

"We, indeed, have no thought of rejecting everything that modern industry and study has produced; so far from it that we welcome to the patrimony of truth and to an ever-widening scope of public well-being whatsoever helps toward the progress of learning and virtue. Yet all this, to be of any solid benefit, nay, to have a real existence and growth, can only be on the condition of recognizing the wisdom and authority of the Church. …

"From the foregoing it is manifest, beloved son, that we are not able to give approval to those views which, in their collective sense, are called by some 'Americanism.' But if by this name are to be understood certain endowments of mind which belong to the American people, just as other characteristics belong to various other nations, and if, moreover, by it is designated your political condition and the laws and customs by which you are governed, there is no reason to take exception to the name. But if this is to be so understood that the doctrines which have been adverted to above are not only indicated, but exalted, there can be no manner of doubt that our venerable brethren, the bishops of America, would be the first to repudiate and condemn it as being most injurious to themselves and to their country. For it would give rise to the suspicion that there are among you some who conceive and would have the Church in America to be different from what it is in the rest of the world.

"But the true church is one, as by unity of doctrine, so by unity of government, and she is catholic also. Since God has placed the centre and foundation of unity in the chair of Blessed Peter, she is rightly called the Roman Church, for 'where Peter is, there is the church.' Wherefore, if anybody wishes to be considered a real Catholic, he ought to be able to say from his heart the self-same words which Jerome addressed to Pope Damasus; 'I, acknowledging no other leader than Christ, am bound in fellowship with Your Holiness: that is, with the chair of Peter. I know that the church was built upon him as its rock, and that whosoever gathereth not with you, scattereth.' …"

_American Catholic Quarterly Review, April, 1899._

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PAPACY: A. D. 1900 (September-October). Church and State in Austria.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER).

PAPACY: A. D. 1900 (December). Pope Leo XIII. on the French Associations Bill.

See (in this volume)) FRANCE; A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

PAPACY: A. D. 1900-1901. Proclamation of the Universal Jubilee of the Holy Year Nineteen Hundred. Its extension for six months.

The following is the text of the Papal proclamation of the Universal Jubilee, in its English translation, as published in the "American Catholic Quarterly Review":

"To all the Faithful of Christ who shall read these Letters, Health and Apostolic Benediction. The century, which, by the grace of God, we have ourselves seen almost from its commencement, draws rapidly to its close. Willingly have we followed the institutions of our predecessors in so ordering things that they may redound in the good of all Christian peoples, and which may be perhaps for them the last proof of our care to the government of the Sovereign Pontificate. We speak of the Great Jubilee introduced in ancient times among Christian customs and observed by our predecessors, who bestowed upon the years of general jubilee the title of the Holy Year, because it was usual for such a year to be blessed by a greater number of holy ceremonies, as these furnish the most copious means of help for the correction of morals and the leading of souls to sanctity.

"We have ourselves seen with our own eyes the fruitful result of the last solemn celebration of the Holy Year. It was in the Pontificate of Leo XII, and we were as yet in the years of our youth. It was truly a grand sight to see then the manifestations of religious fervor in Rome. We can remember as if the scene were still before our eyes, the immense concourse of pilgrims, the multitudes which flocked processionally to one or other of the great basilicas, the sacred orators who preached in the public streets, and the most frequented quarters of the city resounding with the Divine praises. The Sovereign Pontiff himself, with a numerous suite of Cardinals and in the sight of all the people, gave a noble example of piety and charity.

"From such thoughts as these we turn with renewed sorrow to the times in which we now live; for such practices of piety, when without hindrance they were fulfilled under the eyes of all the citizens, augmented admirably the fervor and piety of the whole people; but now, on account of the changed condition of Rome, it is impossible to renew them, for in order to do so in any measure we must depend upon the arbitration of others. But however that may be, God, who ever blesses salutary counsels, will concede—such is our hope—success to this our design, undertaken solely for Him and for His glory. At what do we aim or what do we wish? Nothing else truly than to render more easy the way of eternal salvation to the souls confided to us, and for this end to administer to the infirm of spirit those remedies which it has pleased our Lord Jesus Christ to place in our hands. This administration seems to us not alone a duty of our apostolic office, but a duty which is peculiarly necessary to our times. The present age, however, cannot be said to be sterile, either in regard to good works or to Christian virtues. Thanks be to God, we have examples of both in abundance, nor is there any virtue, however lofty and arduous its attainment and practice, in which many are not found to signalize themselves, because it is a power proper to the Christian religion, Divinely founded, inexhaustible and perpetual, to generate and nourish virtue. Yet, casting our eyes around, we see, on the other hand, with what blindness, with what persistent error, whole peoples are hurrying to eternal ruin. And this thought strikes bitterly to our heart—how many Christians, led away by the license of hearing and of thought, absorbing with avidity the intoxicating errors of false doctrine, go on day by day dissipating and destroying the grand gift of the faith. Hence arise repugnance to Christian living, that insatiable appetite for the things of this world, and hence cares and thoughts alienated from God and rooted in the world. It is almost impossible to express in words the damage which has already accrued from this iniquitous source to the very foundations of society. The minds of men ordinarily rebellious, the blind tendency of popular cupidity, hidden perils, tragical crimes, are nothing more to those who seek their source and cause than the unrestrained strife to possess and enjoy the goods of this world.

"It is of supreme importance, therefore, to public no less than private life, to admonish men as to the duties of their state, to arouse souls steeped in forgetfulness of duty, to recall to the thought of their own salvation those who run imminent risk of perishing and of losing through their negligence and pride those celestial and unchangeable rewards for the possession of which we are born. This is the aim of the Holy Year. The Church, mindful only of her intrinsic benignity and mercy as a most tender Mother, studies at this time, with love and by every means within her ample power, to re-conduct souls to better counsels and to promote in each works of expiation by means of penance and emendation of life. To this end, multiplying prayers and augmenting the fervor of the faithful, she seeks to appease the outraged majesty of God and to draw down His copious and celestial gifts. She opens wide the rich treasury of indulgences, of which she is the appointed dispenser, and exhorts the whole of Christianity to the firm hope of pardon. She is purely intent upon vanquishing with unconquerable love and sweetness the most rebellious wills. How, then, may we not hope to obtain, with God's help, rich fruits and profuse, and such as are most adapted to the present needs?

"Several extraordinary solemnities, the notices of which we believe to be already sufficiently diffused, and which will serve in some manner to consecrate the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth, greatly increase the advantage of the opportunity now given. We speak of the honors to be rendered at this time in every part of the world to Jesus Christ as our Redeemer. On this account we were profuse in our approbation and praise of a project which had its source in the piety of private individuals, and, in fact, what could be more holy and salutary? All that which man should hope for and desire is contained in the only-begotten Son of God, our Salvation, Life, and Resurrection. {348} To desire to abandon Him is to desire eternal perdition. We could never silence adoration, praise, thanksgiving due to our Lord Jesus Christ, and without intermission they should be repeated everywhere, for in every place no thanksgiving, no honor, can be so great but that it may be increased. Our age produces perhaps many men who are forgetful and ungrateful, who ordinarily respond to the mercy of their Divine Saviour with disdain and to His gifts with offenses and injuries. Certainly the lives of many are so far removed from His laws and His precepts as to argue in themselves ungrateful and malicious souls. And what shall we say to see renewed again in these times and not once alone, the blasphemy of the Arian heresy regarding the Divinity of Jesus Christ. Courage, then, and to work, all you who with this new and most beautiful proposition seek to excite the piety of the people to new fervor. Do what you can in such manner that you impede not the course of the Jubilee and the appointed solemnities. Let it be added that in the forthcoming manifestations of faith and religion this special intention shall be kept in view—hatred of all that which within our memory has been impiously said or done, especially against the Divine Majesty of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to satisfy publicly for the injuries publicly inflicted upon Him. Now if we are really in earnest, we must know that to repent of evil done, and, having implored peace and pardon of God, to exercise ourselves with great diligence, in the duties necessary to virtue, and to assume those we have cast aside, is the means of satisfaction most desirable and assured, and which bears upon it the impress of truth. Since the Holy Year offers to all the opportunities which we have touched on in the beginning, it is a necessary provision that the Christian people enter upon it full of courage and of hope.

"For which reason, raising our eyes to heaven and praying from our heart that God, so rich in mercy, would vouchsafe to concede benignly His blessing and favor to our desires and works, and would illuminate with His Divine light the minds of all men, and move their souls to conform with His holy will and inestimable goodness, We, following in this the example of the Roman Pontiffs, our predecessors, with the assent of the Cardinals of the Holy Roman College, our Venerable Brethren, in virtue of these letters, with the authority of Christ, of the blessed Peter and Paul, and with our own authority, order and promulgate from this hour the great and universal jubilee, which will commence in this holy city of Rome at the first Vespers of the Nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ of the year 1899, and which will close at first Vespers of the Nativity of our Lord of the year 1900. May all redound to the glory of God, the salvation of souls, and the good of the Church. During this year of jubilee we concede and impart mercifully in our Lord full indulgence, remission and pardon of sin to all faithful Christians of either sex, who, being truly penitent shall confess and communicate, visiting devoutly the Roman basilicas of SS. Peter and Paul, St. John Lateran, and St. Mary Major, at least once a day for twenty days continuously or at intervals; that is, the obligation is to be fulfilled between the first Vespers of each day and the last Vespers of the day following, whether the Faithful be citizens of Rome or not, if they are residing permanently in Rome. If they come to Rome as pilgrims, then they must visit the said basilicas in the same manner for ten days, praying devoutly to God for the exaltation of Holy Church, for the extirpation of heresies, for peace and concord amongst Christian princes, and for the salvation of the whole Christian people.

"And since it may happen to many that with all their good-will they cannot or can only in part carry out the above, being either, while in Rome or on their journey, impeded by illness or other legitimate causes, we, taking into account their good-will, can, when they are truly repentant and have duly confessed and communicated, concede to them the participation in the same indulgences and remission of sins as if they had actually visited the basilicas on the days appointed. Rome, therefore, invites you lovingly to her bosom, beloved children, from all parts of the world, who have means of visiting her. Know also that to a good Catholic in this sacred time it is fitting that he come to Rome guided purely by Christian faith, and that he should renounce especially the satisfaction of sight-seeing merely idle or profane, turning his soul rather to those things which predispose him to religion and piety. And that which tends greatly so to predispose him, if he look within, is the natural character of the city, a certain character divinely impressed upon her, and not to be changed by human means, nor by any act of violence. For Jesus Christ, the Saviour of the world, chose only, amongst all its cities, that of Rome to be the centre of an action more than earthly, consecrating it to Himself. Here He placed, and not without long and careful preparation, the throne of His own empire; here He commanded that the see of His Vicar should be raised to the perpetuity of time; here He willed that the light of revealed truth should be jealously and inviolably guarded, and that from here light should be diffused throughout the whole earth in such a manner that those who are alienated from the faith of Rome are alienated from Christ. The religious monuments raised by our fathers, the singular majesty of her temples, the tomb of the Apostles, the Catacombs of the martyrs, all serve to increase the aspect of holiness and to impress those who visit her in the spirit of faith. Whosoever knows the voice of such monuments feels that he is no pilgrim in a foreign city, but a citizen in his own, and by God's grace he will realize this fact at his going, more forcibly than at his coming.

"We wish, in order that these present letters may be brought more easily under the notice of all, that printed copies, signed by a public notary and furnished with the seal of some ecclesiastical dignitary, shall be received with the same faith as would be given to the original by those who have heard or read it.

"To no one will it be lawful to alter any word of this our disposition, promulgation, concession, and will, or to rashly oppose it. If any should presume to make any such attempt, let them know that they incur thereby the indignation of God Almighty and of His Apostles Peter and Paul.

"Given at St. Peter's, Rome, on the 11th of May, in the year of the Incarnation of our Lord 1899, and the 22d of our Pontificate. C. Card. ALOISI-MASELLA, Pro-Datory. L. Card. MACCHI.

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"Witnessed on behalf of the Curia: G. DELL' AQUILA VISCONTI. Registered in the Secretariate of Briefs, J. CUGNONI. In the year of the Nativity of our Lord 1899, on the 11th day of May, feast of the Ascension of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the 22d year of the Pontificate of our Holy Father and Lord in Christ, Leo XIII, by Divine Providence Pope, I have read and solemnly promulgated the present apostolical letters in the presence of the people, in the porch of the Holy Patriarchal Vatican Basilica. GIUSEPPE DELL' AQUILA VISCONTI, Official of the Curia."

On the termination of the "holy year," by a letter "given at Rome in the year of Our Lord 1901," the Pope announced: "We do, therefore, by the authority of Almighty God, of the Blessed Apostles Peter and Paul, and by our own, extend and prorogue, for a period of six months, the Great Jubilee which has just been celebrated in the Holy City. Wherefore, to all the faithful of both sexes, in all parts of the earth, including even those that have come to Rome during the past year and there or elsewhere gained the Jubilee under any conditions, we grant and accord mercifully in the Lord, for once, the fullest indulgence, remission and pardon of their sins, the annual Paschal confession and communion being, however, not valid as conditions for gaining the Jubilee, provided that within six months from the date of the publication in each diocese of this letter they visit the cathedral in the episcopal city or the principal church in other parts of the different dioceses, together with three other churches in the same place, as appointed by the Ordinary either directly or through his officials, the parish priests or Vicar Foran, at least once a day for fifteen continuous or uninterrupted days, natural or ecclesiastical (the ecclesiastical day being that which commences with the first vespers of one day and ends with the dusk of the day following), and pray devoutly to God for the exaltation of the Church, the extirpation of heresy, the concord of Catholic princes and the salvation of the Christian people. In places where there are not four churches, power is granted in the same way to the Ordinaries to fix a smaller number or churches, or even one church where there is only one, in which the faithful may make the full number of visits, separate and distinct, on the same natural or ecclesiastical day, in such a way that the sixty visits be distributed through fifteen continuous or interrupted days."

Provisions relating to the circumstances of persons at sea or traveling, or in religious community, or in prison, are prescribed in the papal letter, and special privileges and powers are granted to "Jubilee confessors,"

PAPACY: A. D. 1901. Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. concerning Social and Christian Democracy.

In a letter dated January 18, 1901, addressed "to the Patriarchs, Primates, Archbishops, Bishops, and other Local Ordinaries in communion with the Apostolic See," the Pope has discussed the subjects of Democracy and Socialism, with reference to controverted views and opinions "defining what Catholics ought to think," and giving them "some injunctions so as to make their own action larger in scope and more beneficial to the commonwealth." The letter opens with these words: "Venerable Brethren—Grave economical disputes in more than one country have long been raging; peace and concord are affected; the violence of the disputants grows every day, insomuch that the thoughts of the wiser part are laden with doubt, and apprehension. These disputes arise in the first instance from widespread philosophical and moral error. The scientific resources belonging to the age, increased facilities of communication and appliances of all kinds for economizing labor and making it more productive have resulted in a keener struggle for existence. Through the malefic influence of agitators the gulf between rich and poor has been widened, so that frequent disturbances arise and even great calamities seem impending such as would bring ruin on a country."

The Pope then refers to his early encyclicals ("Quod Apostolici Muneris," issued in 1878, on the error in socialistic opinions, and "Rerum Novarum," issued in 1891, on "the rights and duties binding together the two classes of capitalists and laborers"), and to the good influence which he finds reason to believe they have had, and says further: "Thus, therefore, under the guidance of the Church, some sort of concerted action and institutional provision has been set up among Catholics for the protection of the lower classes, who are very often as much the victims of dangerous machinations and snares as they are suffering from hardship and poverty. The creed of the benefactor of the people had originally no name of its own; that of Christian Socialism and its derivatives, which some brought in, has not undeservedly grown obsolete. Afterward many wanted, very rightly, to name it Popular Christianity. In some places those who devote themselves to such work are called Christian Socialists; elsewhere it is called Christian Democracy, and its supporters Christian Democrats, as opposed to the Social Democracy, which Socialists uphold. Of these two appellations, certainly that of Christian Socialists, if not also of Christian Democracy, is offensive to many right-minded people, inasmuch as they think there is a perilous ambiguity attaching to it. They are afraid of the name for several reasons—popular government may be covertly promoted or preferred to other forms of political constitution; the influence of Christianity may seem to be confined to the benefit of the common people, all other ranks being as it were left out in the cold; beneath the specious designation may lurk some design or other of subverting all legitimate authority, being civil and religious.

"There is now commonly much dispute, and sometimes over-bitter dispute, on this topic, and we deem it our duty to put an end to the controversy by defining what Catholics ought to think; moreover we intend to give them some injunctions so as to make their own action larger in scope and more beneficial to the commonwealth.

"What Social Democracy means, and what Christian ought to mean, does not surely admit of doubt. The former, more or less extreme, as the case may be, is by many carried to such extravagance of wickedness as to reckon human satisfaction supreme and acknowledge nothing higher, to pursue bodily goods and those of the natural world, and to make the happiness of man consist in attaining and enjoying them. Hence they would have the supreme power in a state to be in the hands of the common people, in such sort that all distinction or rank being abolished and every citizen made equal to every other, all might have equal access also to the good things of life; the law of lordship is to be abolished, private fortunes confiscated and even socialization of the appliances of labor carried out.

{350}

But Christian Democracy, as Christian, ought to have as its foundation the principles laid down by divine faith, having regard, indeed, to the temporal advantage of the lower orders, but designing therewith to fit their minds for the enjoyment of things eternal. Accordingly, to Christian Democracy, let there be nothing more sacred than law and right; let it bid the right of having and holding be kept inviolate; let it maintain the diversity of ranks which properly belong to a well-ordered state; in fine, let it prefer for human association that form and character which its divine author has imposed upon it. Clearly, therefore, Social and Christian Democracy can have nothing in common; the difference between them is no less than that between the sectarianism of socialism and the profession of the Christian law.

"Far be it from any one to pervert the name of Christian Democracy to political ends. For although democracy by its very name and by philosophical usage denotes popular rule, yet in this application it must be employed altogether without political significance, so as to denote nothing whatever besides this beneficent Christian action upon the people. For natural morality and the precepts of the Gospel, for the very reason that they transcend the chances of human existence, must necessarily be independent of any particular form of civil government and adapt themselves to all, so long as there is nothing to conflict with virtue and right. They are, therefore, and remain in themselves, absolutely external to all conflict of parties and vicissitudes of occurrence, so that, under whatever kind of government, people may and ought to abide by these precepts, which bid them love God above all and their neighbors as themselves. This has ever been the morality of the Church: by it Roman Pontiffs have constantly dealt with states whatever might be their executive government. And this being so, the mind and action of Catholics, when devoted to promoting the good of the lower orders, cannot by any possibility aim at embracing and introducing any one form of government in preference to another.

"Just in the same way must Christian Democracy repudiate the other ground of offense, which arises from paying so much regard to the interests of the lower classes as to seem to pass over the higher, who are nevertheless of equal importance to the preservation and development of the State. The Christian law of charity, which we have just mentioned, forbids this. It is large enough to embrace all ranks as the aim and the task of those who would have the common people in a Christian spirit on the one hand suitably relieved, and, on the other, preserved against the contagion of socialism. …

"We have recalled these various topics on which we have before this found occasion to dilate according to our ability, and we trust that all dispute over the name of Christian Democracy may now be laid aside, as well as any suspicion of dangerous signification attaching to it. This trust we rightly cherish. For making exception of the ideas of certain persons regarding the force and virtue of this kind of Christian Democracy, ideas which are not free from extravagance or error, surely there will be no single person to find fault with an endeavor, conformably to the law of nature and of God, to do merely this, to make the lives of laborers and artisans more tolerable, and gradually to give them the opportunity of self-culture, so that at home and in the world they may freely fulfil the obligations of virtue and religion, may feel themselves to be men, and not mere animals, Christian men, not pagans, and so strive with more felicity and earnestness to attain that 'one thing needful,' that final good, for which we came into the world. This is belonging to one and the same family, the offspring of the same all-beneficent Father, redeemed by one Saviour and called to the same eternal inheritance. …

"God forbid that under the name of Christian democracy should lie the surreptitious aim of throwing off all obedience and turning away from those in lawful authority. The law of nature, no less than that of Christ, enjoins respect for all such as in their several degree hold office in the State, and further enjoins obedience to their lawful commands. This is the only attitude worthy of a man and a Christian, and ought to be taken up heartily and as a matter of duty, 'for conscience's sake,' as the Apostle himself has admonished, when he ordained: 'Let every soul be subject to the highest powers.' …

"We spoke just now advisedly of virtue and religion. For it is the opinion of some, which is caught up by the masses, that the social question, as they call it, is 'economical' merely. The precise opposite is the truth—that it is first of all moral and religious, and for that reason its solution is to be expected mainly from the moral law and the pronouncements of religion. … Without the instincts which Christian wisdom implants and keeps alive, without providence, self-control, thrift, endurance and other natural qualities, you may try your hardest, but prosperity you cannot provide. That is the reason why we have never encouraged Catholics to form associations for the assistance of the poor, or introduce other schemes of the kind, without at the same time warning them that such things must not be attempted without the sanction of religion, without its inclusion and aid. … It is a laudable charity not merely to relieve the temporary needs of the poor, but to have an organized system of relief; this will be a more real and reliable assistance. It must be considered still more laudable to desire to instill into the minds of the mechanic and of the laborer notions of thrift and prudence, so that they may at least in part make provision for their declining years. It is an aim which not only relieves the cost of the wealthy, but it is a moral step for the poor themselves; it encourages them to approve their position, while it keeps them away from temptations, checks self-indulgence and leads them on to virtuous behavior. …

"Finally, we again enjoin with greater insistence that whatever schemes people take up in the popular cause, whether individually or in association, they should remember that they must be entirely submissive to episcopal authority. Do not let them be beguiled by an excessive ardor for charitable enterprise, which, if it induces any relaxation of due obedience, is itself false, unproductive of solid benefit and displeasing to God. Those who please God are those who are ready to give up their own ideas and listen to the bidding of the rulers of the Church, absolutely as to His own."

_Catholic Union and Times, February 21, 1901._

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PARIS: A. D. 1897. Burning of the Charity Bazaar.

An awful destruction of life was caused on the 4th of May by fire breaking out in a charity bazaar, held in the Rue Jean Goujon, at Paris. Temporary structures had been erected, of wood and other combustible materials, to represent a street of Old Paris shops, and the flames ran through them like wildfire. The place was thronged with people, mostly of the aristocratic class and more than 200 are said to have perished.

PARIS: A. D. 1900 (April-November). Exposition.

See (in this volume) FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

PARIS: A. D. 1900 (September). Gigantic banquet to the Mayors of France.

See (in this volume) FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER).

PARIS, Treaty of (1898), between the United States and Spain.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

PARKHURST, Reverend Dr. Charles: His attack on the Tammany administration of New York City.

See (in this volume) NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1894-1895.

PARLIAMENT, The British: Ceremonious opening by King Edward VII.

See (in this volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, Austrian.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.

----------PARTIES AND FACTIONS, POLITICAL AND POLITICO-RELIGIOUS: Start--------

PARTIES: Afrikander Bund, or Bondsmen.

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1881-1888; 1898; 1898(MARCH-OCTOBER); and 1900 (DECEMBER).

PARTIES: Agrarian Protectionists, German.

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1895-1898.

PARTIES: Anti-Imperialists.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES: Anti-Semites.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896, and after; FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899, and after; GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

PARTIES: Blancos, or Whites.

See (in this volume) URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

PARTIES: The Bond.

See above, AFRIKANDER BUND.

PARTIES: Centre (Catholic, of Germany).

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D.1898 (JUNE).

PARTIES: Christian Social party.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES: Clerical party, Austria.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES: Colorados, or Reds.

See (in this volume) URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

PARTIES: Deutsch Fortschrittliche.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES: "Fanatics."

See (in this volume) BRAZIL: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES: "Free Silver" Democracy.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER) and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES: Fuyu-to (Liberals).

See (in this volume) JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.

PARTIES: German Democrats.

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

PARTIES: German Liberal party, Austria.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES: German People's party.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES: Gold Democrats.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES: Hintchak, The.

See (in this volume) TURKEY: A. D. 1895.

PARTIES: Historic Christian party.

See (in this volume) NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES: Kai-shin-to (Progressives).

See (in this volume) JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.

PARTIES: Kensei-to (Constitutional party).

See (in this volume) JAPAN: A. D. 1898-1899.

PARTIES: Labor party, French (Parti Ouvrier).

See (in this volume) FRANCE: A. D. 1896 (APRIL-MAY).

PARTIES: Liberal Democrats (German).

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

PARTIES: Liberal Unionists (German).

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

PARTIES: Lincoln party.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER), SILVER REPUBLICAN.

PARTIES: Little England party.

See (in this volume) LITTLE ENGLAND PARTY.

PARTIES: Middle-of-the-Road Populists.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER); and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES: National Democratic party.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES: National Liberals (German).

See (in this volume) GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

PARTIES: National party, 1896 and 1900.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER); and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES: National Silver party.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES: New Radical party.

See (in this volume) ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (MAY).

PARTIES: Old Czechs.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES: Pan-Germanic Union.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1901.

PARTIES: Patriotic League.

See (in this volume) FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES: Polish Club.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES: Progressives (Kaishin-to).

See (in this volume) JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.

PARTIES: Progressives (Cape).

See (in this volume) SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1898; and 1898 (MARCH-OCTOBER).

PARTIES: Protestant Anti-Revolutionists.

See (in this volume) NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES: Rikken Seiyu-kai Association of Friends of the Constitution.

See (in this volume) JAPAN: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

PARTIES: Siah Chai, The.

See (in this volume) CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST).

PARTIES: Silver Republicans.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER); and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES: Socialist parties.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897; FRANCE: A. D. 1896 (APRIL-MAY); GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1895, and 1898 (JUNE); UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER), and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES: "Sound Money" Democrats.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES: United Christian party.

See (in this volume) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES: United Irish League.

See (in this volume) IRELAND: A. D. 1900-1901.

PARTIES: "Vegetarians."

See (in this volume) CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST).

PARTIES: Verfassungstreue Grossgrundbesitz.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES: Volkspartei.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES: Young Czechs.

See (in this volume) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PATRIARCHATE: Re-established at Alexandria.

See (in this volume) PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (MARCH).

PATRIOTIC LEAGUE.

See (in this volume) FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

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PAUNCEFOTE, Sir Julian: British commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume) PEACE CONFERENCE.

----------PARTIES: End--------

----------PEACE CONFERENCE.: Start--------

PEACE CONFERENCE:

On the 24th of August, 1898, without previous heralding or intimation, Count Mouravieff, the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, placed copies of the following momentous proposal from the Tsar in the hands of all the foreign representatives attending his weekly reception at St. Petersburg:

"The maintenance of universal peace and a possible reduction of the excessive armaments which weigh upon all nations represent, in the present condition of affairs all over the world, the ideal towards which the efforts of all Governments should be directed. This view fully corresponds with the humane and magnanimous intentions of His Majesty the Emperor, my august Master. Being convinced that this high aim agrees with the most essential interests and legitimate aspirations of all the Powers, the Imperial Government considers the present moment a very favourable one for seeking, through international discussion, the most effective means of assuring to all peoples the blessings of real and lasting peace, and above all of limiting the progressive development of existing armaments. During the last twenty years aspirations towards general pacification have particularly asserted themselves in the consciences of civilized nations. The preservation of peace has been made the aim of international policy; for the sake of peace the Great Powers have formed powerful alliances, and for the purpose of establishing a better guarantee of peace they have developed their military forces in an unprecedented degree, and continue to develop them without hesitating at any sacrifice. All these efforts, however, have not yet led to the beneficent results of the desired pacification. The ever increasing financial burdens strike at the root of public prosperity. The physical and intellectual forces of the people, labour and capital, are diverted for the greater part from their natural application and wasted unproductively. Hundreds of millions are spent in acquiring terrible engines of destruction which are regarded to-day as the latest inventions of science, but are destined to-morrow to be rendered obsolete by some new discovery. National culture, economical progress, and the production of wealth are either paralysed or developed in a wrong direction. Therefore, the more the armaments of each Power increase, the less they answer to the objects aimed at by the Governments. Economic disturbances are caused in great measure by this system of excessive armaments, and the constant danger involved in this accumulation of war material renders the armed peace of to-day a crushing burden more and more difficult for the nations to bear. It consequently seems evident that if this situation be prolonged, it will inevitably lead to that very disaster which it is desired to avoid, and the horrors of which make every humane mind shudder by anticipation. It is the supreme duty, therefore, at the present moment of all States to put some limit to these unceasing armaments, and to find means of averting the calamities which threaten the whole world. Deeply impressed by this feeling, His Majesty the Emperor has been pleased to command me to propose to all Governments who have Representatives at the Imperial Court the meeting of a Conference to discuss this grave problem. Such a Conference, with God's help, would be a happy augury for the opening century. It would concentrate in one powerful effort the strivings of all States which sincerely wish to bring about the triumph of the grand idea of universal peace over the elements of trouble and discord. It would, at the same time, cement their agreement by a united affirmation of the principles of law and equity on which rest the security of States and the welfare of peoples."

_Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications (Papers by Command: Russia, Number 1, 1899)._

Having allowed his supremely noble proposition to stand before the world for consideration during a period of four months, and having received from almost every governing authority a formal expression of willingness to join in the Conference recommended, the sovereign of Russia pursued his grand design, on the 11th of January, 1899, by the following communication to the foreign representatives at his court:

"When, in the month of August last, my August master instructed me to propose to the Governments which have Representatives in St. Petersburg the meeting of a Conference with the object of seeking the most efficacious means for assuring to all peoples the blessings of real and lasting peace, and, above all, in order to put a stop to the progressive development of the present armaments, there appeared to be no obstacle in the way of the realization, at no distant date, of this humanitarian scheme. The cordial reception accorded by nearly all the Powers to the step taken by the Imperial Government could not fail to strengthen this expectation. While highly appreciating the sympathetic terms in which the adhesions of most of the Powers were expressed, the Imperial Cabinet has been also able to collect, with lively satisfaction, evidence of the warmest approval which has reached it, and continues to be received, from all classes of society in various parts of the globe. Notwithstanding the strong current of opinion which set in favour of the ideas of general pacification, the political horizon bas recently undergone a sensible change. Several Powers have undertaken fresh armaments, striving to increase further their military forces, and in the presence of this uncertain situation, it might be asked whether the Powers considered the present moment opportune for the international discussion of the ideas set forth in the Circular of the 12th (24th) August. In the hope, however, that the elements of trouble agitating political centres will soon give place to a calmer disposition of a nature to favour the success of the proposed Conference, the Imperial Government is of opinion that it would be possible to proceed forthwith to a preliminary exchange of ideas between the Powers, with the object:

(a.) Of seeking without delay means for putting a limit to the progressive increase of military and naval armaments, a question the solution of which becomes evidently more and more urgent in view of the fresh extension given to these armaments; and

(b.) Of preparing the way for a discussion of the questions relating to the possibility of preventing armed conflicts by the pacific means at the disposal of international diplomacy.

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In the event of the Powers considering the present moment favourable for the meeting of a Conference on these bases, it would certainly be useful for the Cabinets to come to an understanding on the subject of the programme of their labours. The subjects to be submitted for international discussion at the Conference could, in general terms, be summarized as follows:

"1. An understanding not to increase for a fixed period the present effective of the armed military and naval forces, and at the same time not to increase the Budgets pertaining thereto; and a preliminary examination of the means by which a reduction might even be effected in future in the forces and Budgets above-mentioned.

"2. To prohibit the use in the armies and fleets of any new kind of fire-arms whatever and of new explosives, or any powders more powerful than those now in use either for rifles or cannon.

"3. To restrict the use in military warfare of the formidable explosives already existing, and to prohibit the throwing of projectiles or explosives of any kind from balloons or by any similar means.

"4. To prohibit the use in naval warfare of submarine torpedo-boats or plungers, or other similar engines of destruction; to give an undertaking not to construct vessels with rams in the future.

"5. To apply to naval warfare the stipulations of the Geneva Convention of 1864, on the basis of the Additional Articles of 1868.

"6. To neutralize ships and boats employed in saving those overboard during or after an engagement.

"7. To revise the Declaration concerning the laws and customs of war elaborated in 1874 by the Conference of Brussels, which has remained unratified to the present day.

"8. To accept in principle the employment of good offices, of mediation and facultative arbitration in cases lending themselves thereto, with the object of preventing armed conflicts between nations; to come to an understanding with respect to the mode of applying these good offices, and to establish a uniform practice in using them.

"It is well understood that all questions concerning the political relations of States and the order of things established by Treaties, as generally all questions which do not directly fall within the programme adopted by the Cabinets, must be absolutely excluded from the deliberations of the Conference. In requesting you, Sir, to be good enough to apply to your Government for instructions on the subject of my present communication, I beg you at the same time to inform it that, in the interest of the great cause which my august master has so much at heart, His Imperial Majesty considers it advisable that the Conference should not sit in the capital of one of the Great Powers, where so many political interests are centred which might, perhaps, impede the progress of a work in which all the countries of the universe are equally interested."

General assent being given to the suggestions here offered, the next step toward realization of the grand project was taken, by an arrangement with the government of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, in accordance with which an invitation was addressed from The Hague, in April, to many governments, both the greater and the less of the political world, in the following terms:

"For political reasons the Imperial Russian Government considered that it would not be desirable that the meeting of the Conference should take place in the capital of one of the Great Powers, and after securing the assent of the Governments interested, it addressed the Cabinet of The Hague with a view of obtaining its consent to the choice of that capital as the seat of the Conference in question. The Minister for Foreign Affairs at once took the orders of Her Majesty the Queen in regard to this request, and I am happy to be able to inform you that Her Majesty, my august Sovereign, has been pleased to authorize him to reply that it will be particularly agreeable to her to see the proposed Conference meet at The Hague. Consequently, my Government, in accord with the Imperial Russian Government, charges me to invite [the Government named] to be good enough to be represented at the above-mentioned Conference, in order to discuss the questions indicated in the second Russian Circular of the 30th December, 1898 (11th January, 1899), as well as all other questions connected with the ideas set forth in the Circular of the 12th (24th) August, 1898, excluding, however, from the deliberations everything which refers to the political relations of States or the order of things established by Treaties. My Government trusts, that [the Government named] will associate itself with the great humanitarian work to be entered upon under the auspices of His Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias, and that it will be disposed to accept this invitation, and to take the necessary steps for the presence of its Representatives at The Hague on the 18th May next for the opening of the Conference, at which each Power, whatever may be the number of its Delegates, will only have one vote."

_Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications (Papers by Command: Miscellaneous, Number 1, 1899, pages 3-4 and 8)._

In response to this definite invitation, the governments of Austria-Hungary, Belgium, Bulgaria, China, Denmark, France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg, Mexico, Montenegro, the Netherlands, Persia, Portugal, Roumania, Russia, Servia, Siam, Spain, Sweden and Norway, Switzerland, Turkey, and the United States of America, appointed representatives who met at The Hague, on the 18th of May, 1899, and organized the Conference by electing M. de Staal, Russian Ambassador, to preside. The United States was represented by the Honorable Andrew D. White, Ambassador to Berlin, the Honorable Seth Low, President of Columbia University, the Honorable Stanford Newel, Envoy Extraordinary, &c., to The Hague, Captain Alfred T. Mahan, U. S. N., Captain. William Crozier, U. S. A., and the Honorable Frederick W. Holls, of New York. The representatives of Great Britain were Sir Julian Pauncefote, Ambassador to the United States, Sir Henry Howard, Envoy Extraordinary, &c., to The Hague, Vice-Admiral Sir John A. Fisher, Major-General Sir J. C. Ardagh, and Lieutenant-Colonel C. à Court.

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"The Conference at The Hague was a Parliament of Man representing, however imperfectly, the whole human race. The only independent ones not represented at the Huis ten Bosch were the South American republics, the Emperor of Morocco, the King of Abyssinia, and the Grand Lama of Tibet. That the South American republics were not represented is not the fault of the Russian Emperor. Mexico received and accepted an invitation. Brazil received, but rejected, the invitation to be present, and so did one other South American republic. The original Russian idea was to assemble representatives from every independent government in the world; nor did they even confine themselves to the secular governments. They were very anxious that the Pope should also be directly represented in this supreme assembly. Even with the Pope and South America left out, the Congress represented more of the world and its inhabitants than any similar assembly that has ever been gathered together for the work of international legislation. That circumstance in itself is sufficient to give distinction to the Conference at The Hague, which, it is expected, will be the forerunner of a series of conferences, each of which will aim at being more and more universally representative. On the eve of the twentieth century the human race has begun to federate itself. That is the supreme significance of the assembly which has just spent two months in the capital of Holland."

_W. T. Stead, The Conference at The Hague (Forum, September, 1899)._

To systematize and facilitate the discussions of the Conference, three Commissions or Committees were appointed, between which the several subjects suggested in the Russian circular of January 11 (as given above), and agreed to by the several governments, were distributed. The 1st, 2d, 3d and 4th propositions of the programme were referred to the First Commission, the 5th, 6th and 7th to the Second, the 8th (concerning mediation and arbitration) to the Third. This was done on the 23d of May, after which the general Conference was held only at intervals, to receive and consider reports from the several Commissions, of agreements reached or disagreements ascertained. This went on until the 29th of July, when the several Conventions, Declarations, and Recommendations agreed upon for submission to the governments represented were summarized in the following "Final Act," signed by all:

"In a series of meetings, between the 18th May and the 29th July, 1899, in which the constant desire of the Delegates above mentioned has been to realize, in the fullest manner possible, the generous views of the august Initiator of the Conference and the intentions of their Governments, the Conference has agreed, for submission for signature by the Plenipotentiaries, on the text of the Conventions and Declarations enumerated below and annexed to the present Act:

"I. Convention for the pacific settlement of international conflicts.

"II. Convention regarding the laws and customs of war by land.

"III. Convention for the adaptation to maritime warfare of the principles of the Geneva Convention of the 22nd August, 1864.

"IV. Three Declarations:

1. To prohibit the launching of projectiles and explosives from balloons or by other similar new methods,

2. To prohibit the use of projectiles, the only object of which is the diffusion of asphyxiating or deleterious gases.

3. To prohibit the use of bullets which expand or flatten easily in the human body, such as bullets with a hard envelope, of which the envelope does not entirely cover the core, or is pierced with incisions.

"These Conventions and Declarations shall form so many separate Acts. These Acts shall be dated this day, and may be signed up to the 31st December, 1899, by the Plenipotentiaries of the Powers represented at the International Peace Conference at The Hague.

"Guided by the same sentiments, the Conference has adopted unanimously the following Resolution:—'The Conference is of opinion that the restriction of military budgets, which are at present a heavy burden on the world, is extremely desirable for the increase of the material and moral welfare of mankind.'

"It has, besides, formulated the following wishes:

"1. The Conference, taking into consideration the preliminary steps taken by the Swiss Federal Government for the revision of the Geneva Convention, expresses the wish that steps may be shortly taken for the assembly of a Special Conference having for its object the revision of that Convention. This wish was voted unanimously.

"2. The Conference expresses the wish that the questions of the rights and duties of neutrals may be inserted in the programme of a Conference in the near future.

"3. The Conference expresses the wish that the questions with regard to rifles and naval guns, as considered by it, may be studied by the Governments with the object of coming to an agreement respecting the employment of new types and calibres.

"4. The Conference expresses the wish that the Governments, taking into consideration the proposals made at the Conference, may examine the possibility of an agreement as to the limitation of armed forces by land and sea, and of war budgets.

"5. The Conference expresses the wish that the proposal, which contemplates the declaration of the inviolability of private property in naval warfare, may be referred to a subsequent Conference for consideration.

"6. The Conference expresses the wish that the proposal to settle the question of the bombardment of ports, towns, and villages by a naval force may be referred to a subsequent Conference for consideration.

"The last five wishes were voted unanimously, saving some abstentions.

"In faith of which, the Plenipotentiaries have signed the present Act, and have affixed their seals thereto. Done at The Hague, 29th July, 1899, in one copy only, which shall be deposited in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and of which copies, duly certified, shall be delivered to all the Powers represented at the Conference."

_Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications (Papers by Command: Miscellaneous, Number 1, 1899, pages 3-4, 8 and 288-9)._

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The accompanying Conventions and Declarations were in no case unanimously signed, several delegations, in each case, claiming time for the governments they represented to consider certain questions involved. The most important of the proposed Conventions, namely, that "For the Pacific Settlement of International Disputes," was signed at The Hague by the delegates from Belgium, Denmark, Spain, the United States of America, Mexico, France, Greece, Montenegro, the Netherlands, Persia, Portugal, Roumania, Russia, Siam, Sweden and Norway, and Bulgaria; but not by Austria-Hungary, Germany, Italy, Japan, Great Britain, Luxembourg, Switzerland, Servia, Turkey, or China. Ultimately, however, the great Treaty of Arbitration was signed by everyone of the Powers represented. The signature of the delegates of the United States was given under reserve of a declaration which will be found in the following excerpt from the general report of the American Commission. The full text of each of the Conventions is given below.

"The entire plan for the tribunal and its use is voluntary, so far as sovereign States are concerned. The only seeming exceptions to this rule are contained in Article 1, which provides that the Signatory Powers agree to employ their efforts for securing the pacific regulation of international differences; and Article 27, which says that the Signatory Powers consider it to be a duty, in the case where an acute conflict threatens to break out between two or more of them, to remind those latter that the permanent court is open to them. The obligation thus imposed is not legal or diplomatic in its nature. These articles merely express a general moral duty for the performance of which each State is accountable only to itself. In order, however, to make assurance doubly sure and to leave no doubt whatever of the meaning of the Convention, as affecting the United States of America, the Commission made the following declaration in the full session of the Conference, held July 25:—

The Delegation of the United States of America, in signing the Convention regulating the peaceful adjustment of international differences, as proposed by the International Peace Conference, make the following declaration:—Nothing contained in this Convention shall be so construed as to require the United States of America to depart from its traditional policy of not intruding upon, interfering with, or entangling itself in the political questions or policy or internal administration of any foreign State; nor shall anything contained in the said Convention be construed to imply a relinquishment by the United States of America of its traditional attitude toward purely American questions.' Under the reserve of this declaration the United States delegates signed the Arbitration Convention itself. Article 8 of the Convention, providing for a special form of Mediation, was proposed individually by Mr. Holls of the United States Commission. … It is hoped that in particular crises, when the other means provided by the Convention for keeping or restoring peace have failed, it may prove to have real and practical value. It is certain that, by the Continental States of Europe, it has been exceedingly well received."

_General Report of the American Commission._

"Objection has been made to [the International Court of Arbitration] on the ground that submission to it is purely voluntary and that no executive authority has been provided to carry out its decrees. The answer to all such objections is simply that the power of enlightened public opinion is relied upon to be amply sufficient for the purpose of insuring obedience to every just mandate of this Court. In the case of the United States of America the judgments of the Court, according to the decisions now in force, will have a peculiarly binding force. An agreement to submit a case to the Court cannot be made by the United States, except by way of a treaty, which, when ratified by the Senate, becomes the supreme law of the land. In the case of La Ninfa, Whitelaw v. The United States (75 Fed. Rep., 513), it was decided by the United States Circuit Court of Appeals in California that by virtue of the treaty the judgment of the Court of Arbitration provided for by the terms of the treaty has all the force of a federal statute, and it is itself the supreme law of the land, binding upon every individual citizen of the United States, including all federal and State authorities. For us, at least, the International Court of Arbitration at The Hague will, if this view prevails, in reality be the highest possible tribunal, with an authority binding even on our own United States Supreme Court.

"Article 27 aims, in a measure, to supply the deficiency of the provision for obligatory arbitration, in that it declares it to be the duty of all Signatory Powers to remind anyone or more of themselves, in case of a threatened dispute, that the permanent Court of Arbitration is open to them. What particular effect this particular article will have must be left to the future. Without modification or reservation the article, when ratified by the United States, would have constituted a complete abandonment of the time-honored Monroe Doctrine. Accordingly the representatives of the United States declined to sign the treaty, except under a reservation or declaration, which was solemnly accepted by the Peace Conference, thus materially modifying the jurisdiction of the Court [see above]. … By this declaration the Monroe Doctrine was not only self-guarded, but it was stated and vindicated more emphatically than ever before in our history, and the people of this country are, therefore, in a position to cordially support the International Court of Arbitration, without the fear that the Court itself, or the fact of its establishment, may ever be used against this country, or to the embarrassment of its diplomacy and traditional policy. …

"The effect of the establishment of the Court upon European diplomacy is necessarily surrounded by great uncertainty. In a recent review of the work of the Peace Conference I ventured to use this language: 'It is most encouraging and of the highest importance that upon the whole Continent the governments are apparently in advance of public opinion upon the entire subject of the Peace Conference. The reason is not far to seek. No man who is fit for the position can to-day hold a place involving the direction of his country's international policy without feeling an almost intolerable pressure of responsibility. To him every remote chance of a lightening of his burden comes as a promise of blessed relief. It is a historical fact that none of the obstacles to success which the Peace Conference had to overcome originated in the mind of any sovereign or of any high minister of State. In every case they were raised by underlings without responsibility and anxious to show superior wisdom by finding fault. So long as this favorable governmental attitude continues there is every reason for encouragement.'

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'Continental public opinion, especially in questions of foreign policy, seems more pliable than ever before, and is as clay in the hands of a potter, so far as alliances and sympathies are concerned, when following a popular monarch or foreign minister.' I have since been assured by the highest officials of at least two great European Powers, that this statement meets with their unqualified approval. The sneers of irresponsible journals and politicians cannot and will not affect the deliberate purposes of a high-minded and serious minister of State."

_F. W. Holls, The International Court of Arbitration at The Hague; a paper read before the New York State Bar Association, January 15, 1901._

PEACE CONFERENCE: Convention for the Pacific Settlement of International Disputes.

TITLE I. On the Maintenance of the General Peace.

ARTICLE I. With a view to obviating as far as possible, recourse to force in the relations between States, the Signatory Powers agree to use their best efforts to insure the pacific settlement of international differences.

TITLE II. On Good Offices and Mediation.

ARTICLE II. In case of serious disagreement or conflict, before an appeal to arms, the Signatory Powers agree to have recourse, as far as circumstances allow, to the good offices or mediation of one or more friendly Powers.

ARTICLE III. Independently of this recourse, the Signatory Powers recommend that one or more Powers, strangers to the dispute, should, on their own initiative, and as far as circumstances may allow, offer their good offices or mediation to the States at variance. Powers, strangers to the dispute, have the right to offer good offices or mediation, even during the course of hostilities. The exercise of this right can never be regarded by one or the other of the parties in conflict as an unfriendly act.

ARTICLE IV. The part of the mediator consists in reconciling the opposing claims and appeasing the feelings of resentment which may have arisen between the States at variance.

ARTICLE V. The functions of the mediator are at an end when once it is declared, either by one of the parties to the dispute, or by the mediator himself, that the means of reconciliation proposed by him are not accepted.

ARTICLE VI. Good offices and mediation, either at the request of the parties at variance, or on the initiative of Powers strangers to the dispute, have exclusively the character of advice and never have binding force.

ARTICLE VII. The acceptance of mediation can not, unless there be an agreement to the contrary, have the effect of interrupting, delaying, or hindering mobilization or other measures of preparation for war. If mediation occurs after the commencement of hostilities it causes no interruption to the military operations in progress, unless there be an agreement to the contrary.

ARTICLE VIII. The Signatory Powers are agreed in recommending the application, when circumstances allow, for special mediation in the following form:—In case of a serious difference endangering the peace, the States at variance choose respectively a Power, to whom they intrust the mission of entering into direct communication with the Power chosen on the other side, with the object of preventing the rupture of pacific relations. For the period of this mandate, the term of which, unless otherwise stipulated, cannot exceed thirty days, the States in conflict cease from all direct communication on the subject of the dispute, which is regarded as referred exclusively to the mediating Powers, who must use their best efforts to settle it. In case of a definite rupture of pacific relations, these Powers are charged with the joint task of taking advantage of any opportunity to restore peace.

TITLE III. On International Commissions of Inquiry.

ARTICLE IX. In differences of an international nature involving neither honour nor vital interests, and arising from a difference of opinion on points of fact, the Signatory Powers recommend that the parties, who have not been able to come to an agreement by means of diplomacy, should as far as circumstances allow, institute an International Commission of Inquiry, to facilitate a solution of these differences by elucidating the facts by means of an impartial and conscientious investigation.

ARTICLE X. The International Commissions of Inquiry are constituted by special agreement between the parties in conflict. The Convention for an inquiry defines the facts to be examined and the extent of the Commissioners' powers. It settles the procedure. On the inquiry both sides must be heard. The form and the periods to be observed, if not stated in the inquiry Convention, are decided by the Commission itself.

ARTICLE XI. The International Commissions of Inquiry are formed, unless otherwise stipulated, in the manner fixed by Article XXXII of the present Convention.

ARTICLE XII. The powers in dispute engage to supply the International Commission of Inquiry, as fully as they may think possible, with all means and facilities necessary to enable it to be completely acquainted with and to accurately understand the facts in question.

ARTICLE XIII. The International Commission of Inquiry communicates its Report to the conflicting Powers, signed by all the members of the Commission.

ARTICLE XIV. The Report of the International Commission of Inquiry is limited to a statement of facts, and has in no way the character of an Arbitral Award. It leaves the conflicting Powers entire freedom as to the effect to be given to this statement.

TITLE IV. On International Arbitration.