History for ready reference, Volume 4, Nicæa to Tunis
Part 79
"The Libby, which is best known, though also used as a place of confinement for private soldiers, is generally understood to be the officers' prison. It is a row of brick buildings, three stories high, situated on the canal [in Richmond, Virginia], and overlooking the James river, and was formerly a tobacco warehouse. … The rooms are 100 feet long by 40 feet broad. In six of these rooms, 1,200 United States officers, of all grades, from the Brigadier-General to the Second-Lieutenant, were confined for many months, and this was all the space that was allowed them in which to cook, eat, wash, sleep, and take exercise. … Ten feet by two were all that could be claimed by each man—hardly enough to measure his length upon; and even this was further abridged by the room necessarily taken for cooking, washing and clothes-drying. At one time they were not allowed the use of benches, chairs, or stools, nor even to fold their blankets and sit upon them, but those who would rest were obliged to huddle on their haunches, as one of them expresses it, 'like so many slaves on the middle passage.' After awhile this severe restriction was removed, and they were allowed to make chairs and stools for themselves, out of the barrels and boxes which they had received from the North. They were overrun with vermin in spite of every precaution and constant ablutions. Their blankets, which averaged one to a man, and sometimes less, had not been issued by the rebels, but had been procured in different ways; sometimes by purchase, sometimes through the Sanitary Commission. The prisoners had to help themselves from the refuse accumulation of these articles. … The prison did not seem to be under any general and uniform army regulations, but the captives were subject to the caprices of Major Turner, the officer in charge, and Richard Turner, inspector of the prison. It was among the rules that no one should go within three feet of the windows, a rule which seems to be general in all Southern prisons of this character. … Often by accident, or unconsciously, an officer would go near a window, and be instantly shot at without warning. The reports of the sentry's musket were heard almost every day, and frequently a prisoner fell either killed or wounded. It was even worse with a large prison near by, called the Pemberton Buildings, which was crowded with enlisted men. … The daily ration in the officers' quarter of Libby Prison was a small loaf of bread about the size of a man's fist, made of Indian meal. Sometimes it was made from wheat flour, but of variable quality. It weighed a little over half a pound. With it was given a piece of beef weighing two ounces. … But there is a still lower depth of suffering to be exposed. The rank of the officers, however disregarded in most respects, induced some consideration, but for the private soldiers there seemed to be no regard whatever, and no sentiment which could restrain. It is to this most melancholy part of their task that the Commissioners now proceed. Belle Isle is a small island in the James river, opposite the Tredegar Iron–works, and in full sight from the Libby windows. … The portion on which the prisoners are confined is low, sandy, and barren, without a tree to cast a shadow, and poured upon by the burning rays of a Southern sun. Here is an enclosure, variously estimated to be from three to six acres in extent, surrounded by an earthwork about three feet high, with a ditch on either side. … The interior has something of the look of an encampment, a number of Sibley tents being set in rows, with 'streets' between. These tents, rotten, torn, full of holes,—poor shelter at any rate,—accommodated only a small proportion of the number who were confined within these low earth walls. The number varied at different periods, but from 10,000 to 12,000 men have been imprisoned in this small space at one time, turned into the enclosure like so many cattle, to find what resting place they could. … Thousands had no tents, and no shelter of any kind. Nothing was provided for their accommodation. Lumber was plenty in a country of forests, but not a cabin or shed was built. … Every day, during the winter season, numbers were conveyed away stiff and stark, having fallen asleep in everlasting cold. … They were fed as the swine are fed. A chunk of corn-bread, 12 or 14 ounces in weight, half-baked, full of cracks as if baked in the sun, musty in taste, containing whole grains of corn, fragments of cob, and pieces of husks; meat often tainted, suspiciously like mule–meat, and a mere mouthful at that; two or three spoonfuls of rotten beans; soup thin and briny, often with worms floating on the surface. None of these were given together, and the whole ration was never one-half the quantity necessary for the support of a healthy man."
_V. Mott, and others, Report of United States Sanitary Commission Com. of Inquiry on the Sufferings of Prisoners of War in the hands of the Rebel Authorities, chapters 2-3._
The little hamlet of Anderson, so named, in 1853, after John W. Anderson, of Savannah, but called Andersonville by the Post Office Department, is situated in the heart of the richest portion of the cotton and corn-growing region of Georgia, on the Southwestern Railroad, 62 miles south from Macon and 9 miles north of Americus. "Here, on the 27th day of November, 1863, W. S. Winder, a captain in the rebel army, and who was selected for the purpose, came and located the grounds, for a 'Confederate States Military Prison.' … When the site was definitely established, it was found to be covered with a thick growth of pines and oaks. … It was … suggested to W. S. Winder by a disinterested spectator of his preliminary proceedings … that the shade afforded by the trees would prove grateful protections to the prisoners. The reply was characteristic of the man and prophetic of their future fate. 'That is just what I am not going to do! I will make a pen here for the d—d Yankees, where they will rot faster than they can be sent!' … The trees were leveled to the ground, and the space was cleared. … No buildings, barracks, houses, or huts of any kind were built. {2608} The canopy of the sky was the only covering." In March, 1864, John H. Winder, father of the W. S. Winder mentioned above, became commandant of the post, and with him came Henry Wirz, as superintendent of the prison. These two names are linked in infamy with the horrors of the Andersonville Prison-Pen. "The stockade at Andersonville was originally built, as we learn from many sources, with a capacity for 10,000, its area being about 18 acres. It continued without enlargement until the month of June, 1864, when it was increased about one third, its area then, as shown by actual survey, being 23½ acres. … From Colonel Chandler's Inspection Report [the report of a Confederate official], dated August 5th, 1864, I quote the following: 'A railing around the inside of the stockade, and about 20 feet from it, constitutes the 'dead line,' beyond which prisoners are not allowed to pass. A small stream passes from west to east through the inclosure, about 150 yards from its southern limit, and furnishes the only water for washing accessible to the prisoners. Bordering this stream, about three quarters of an acre in the centre of the inclosure are so marshy as to be at present unfit for occupation, reducing the available present area to about 23½ acres, which gives somewhat less than six square feet to each prisoner'; and, he remarks, 'even this is being constantly reduced by the additions to their number.' … Dr. Joseph Jones, Professor of Chemistry in the Medical College of Georgia, … went to Andersonville under the direction of the surgeon general of the Confederacy, pursuant to an order dated Richmond, Virginia, August 6th, 1864. … Dr. Jones proceeds to give a table illustrating the mean strength of prisoners confined in the stockade. … His table … shows the following as the mean result: March, 7,500; April, 10,000; May, 15,000; June, 22,291; July, 29,030; August, 32,899. He says: 'Within the circumscribed area of the stockade the Federal prisoners were compelled to perform all the offices of life, cooking, washing, urinating, defecation, exercise, and sleeping.' … 'The low grounds bordering the stream were covered with human excrement and filth of all kinds, which in many cases appeared to be alive with working maggots. An indescribable sickening stench arose from the fermenting mass of human dung and filth.' And again: 'There were nearly 5,000 seriously-ill Federals in the stockade and Confederate States Military Prison Hospital, and the deaths exceeded 100 per day. … I visited 2,000 sick within the stockade, lying under some long sheds which they had built at the northern portion for themselves. At this time only one medical officer was in attendance.'" At the close of the war, Wirz, the inhuman jailor of Andersonville was tried for his many crimes before a military commission, over which General Lewis Wallace presided, was condemned and was hanged, at Andersonville, November 10, 1865. His superior officer, Winder, escaped the earthly tribunal by dying of a gangrenous disorder, which had been caused, without doubt, by the poisoned air of the place.
_A. Spencer, Narrative of Andersonville, chapters 1, 4, 5, 13, 15._
"There can be no accurate count of the mortality in rebel prisons. The report made by the War Department to the 40th Congress shows that about 188,000 Union soldiers were captured by the Confederates; that half of them were paroled, and half confined in prison; of this number 36,000 died in captivity. The Union armies, on the other hand, captured 476,000 Confederates: of these 227,000 were retained as prisoners, and 30,000 died. While the percentage of mortality in Northern prisons was 13 in the hundred, that in rebel prisons was 38."
_J. G. Nicolay and J. Hay, Abraham Lincoln, volume 7, chapter 16._
_Report of Special Commission on Treatment of Prisoners (H.R. Report No. 45, 40th Cong., 3d Session)._
_Trial of Henry Wirz._
_Southern Historical Society Papers, volume 1._
ALSO IN: _J. McElroy, Andersonville. [https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/4257 (volume 1)]_
_F. F. Cavada, Libby Life_.
_A. B. Isham, H. M. Davidson and H. B. Furness, Prisoners of War and Military Prisons._
PRIVATE WARFARE, The Right of.
See LANDFRIEDE.
PRIVATEERING, American, in the War of 1812.
"The war [of 1812-14] lasted about three years, and the result was, as near as I have been able to ascertain, a loss to Great Britain of about 2,000 ships and vessels of every description, including men-of-war and merchantmen. Eighteen hundred sail are recorded as having been taken, burnt, sunk, or destroyed. To this number may be added 200 more, which were either destroyed or considered too insignificant to be reported; making an aggregate of 2,000 sail of British shipping captured by our little navy, with the aid of privateers and letters-of-marque. … I have not had sufficient time in giving this summary to ascertain, precisely, what proportion of these 2,000 vessels were captured by the United States government ships; but, at a rough estimate, should judge one-third part of the whole number, leaving two-thirds, or, say, 1330 sail, to have been taken by American privateers and private-armed vessels. I have found it difficult to ascertain the exact number of our own vessels taken and destroyed by the English; but, from the best information I can obtain, I should judge they would not amount to more than 500 sail. It must be recollected that the most of our losses occurred during the first six months of the war. After that period, we had very few vessels afloat, except privateers and letters-of–marque."
_G. Coggeshall, History of American Privateers, 1812-14, pages 394-395._
PRIVATEERS. LETTERS OF MARQUE.
"Until lately all maritime states have … been in the habit of using privateers, which are vessels belonging to private owners, and sailing under a commission of war [such commissions being denominated letters of marque and reprisal] empowering the person to whom it is granted to carry on all forms of hostility which are permissible at sea by the usages of war. … Universally as privateers were formerly employed, the right to use them has now almost disappeared from the world. It formed part of the Declaration adopted at the Congress of Paris in 1856 with reference to Maritime Law that 'privateering is and remains abolished'; and all civilised states have since become signataries of the Declaration, except the United States, Spain, and Mexico. For the future privateers can only be employed by signataries of the Declaration of Paris during war with one of the last-mentioned states."
_W. E. Hall, Treatise on International Law, part 3, chapter 7, section 180._
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"There is a distinction between a privateer and a letter of marque in this, that the former are always equipped for the sole purpose of war, while the latter may be a merchantman, uniting the purposes of commerce to those of capture. In popular language, however, all private vessels commissioned for hostile purposes, upon the enemy's property, are called letters of marque."
_F. H. Upton, The Law of Nations affecting Commerce during War, page 186._
See, also, DECLARATION OF PARIS.
PRIVILEGE OF UNION AND GENERAL PRIVILEGE OF ARAGON.
See CORTES, THE EARLY SPANISH.
PRIVILEGIUM MAJUS, THE.
See AUSTRIA: A. D. 1330-1364.
PRIVY COUNCIL, THE.
"It was in the reign of Henry VI. that the King's Council first assumed the name of the 'Privy Council,' and it was also during the minority of this King that a select Council was gradually emerging from out of the larger body of the Privy Council, which ultimately resulted in the institution of our modern Cabinet.
See CABINET, THE ENGLISH.
From the accession of Henry VII. to the reign of Charles I. the Privy Council was wholly subservient to the royal will, and the instrument of unconstitutional and arbitrary proceedings. The first act of the Long Parliament was to deprive the Council of most of its judicial power, leaving, however, its constitution and political functions unchanged. Since the Revolution of 1688 the Privy Council has dwindled into comparative insignificance, when contrasted with its original authoritative position. Its judicial functions are now restrained within very narrow limits. The only relic of its ancient authority in criminal matters is its power of taking examinations, and issuing commitments for treason. It still, however, continues to exercise an original jurisdiction in advising the Crown concerning the grant of charters, and it has exclusively assumed the appellate jurisdiction over the colonies and dependencies of the Crown, which formerly appertained to the Council in Parliament. Theoretically, the Privy Council still retains its ancient supremacy, and in a constitutional point of view is presumed to be the only legal and responsible Council of the Crown. … As her Majesty can only act through her privy councillors, or upon their advice, all the higher and more formal acts of administration must proceed from the authority of the Sovereign in Council, and their performance be directed by orders issued by the Sovereign at a meeting of the Privy Council specially convened for that purpose. No rule can be laid down defining those political acts of the Crown which may be performed upon the advice of particular ministers, or those which must be exercised only 'in Council'—the distinction depends partly on usage and partly on the wording of Acts of Parliament. … The ancient functions of the Privy Council are now performed by committees, excepting those formal measures which proceed from the authority of her Majesty in Council. The acts of these committees are designated as those of the Lords of the Council. These Lords of Council (who are usually selected by the Lord President of the Council, of whom more hereafter) constitute a high court of record for the Investigation of all offences against the Government, and of such other extraordinary matters as may be brought before them. … If the matter be one properly cognisable by a legal tribunal, it is referred to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. This committee, which is composed of the Lord President, the Lord Chancellor, and such members of the Privy Council as from time to time hold certain high judicial offices, has jurisdiction in appeals from all colonial courts: it is also the supreme court of maritime jurisdiction, and the tribunal wherein the Crown exercises its judicial supremacy in ecclesiastical cases. The Privy Council has also to direct local authorities throughout the kingdom in matters affecting the preservation of the public health. A committee of the Privy Council is also appointed to provide 'for the general management and superintendence of Education,' and subject to this committee is the Science and Art Department for the United Kingdom. … Formerly meetings of the Council were frequently held, but they now seldom occur oftener than once in three or four weeks, and are always convened to assemble at the royal residence for the time being. The attendance of seven Privy Councillors used to be regarded as the quorum necessary to constitute a Council for ordinary purposes of state, but this number has been diminished frequently to only three. No Privy Councillor presumes to attend upon any meeting of the Privy Council unless specially summoned. The last time the whole Council was convoked was in 1839. Privy Councillors are appointed absolutely, without patent or grant, at the discretion of the Sovereign. Their number is unlimited. … Since the separate existence of the Cabinet Council, meetings of the Privy Council for purposes of deliberation have ceased to be held. The Privy Council consists ordinarily of the members of the Royal Family, the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, the Bishop of London, all the Cabinet Ministers, the Lord Chancellor, the chief officers of the Royal Household, the Judges of the Courts of Equity, the Chief Justices of the Courts of Common Law, and some of the Puisne Judges, the Ecclesiastical and Admiralty Judges and the Judge-Advocate, the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, the Speaker of the House of Commons, the Ambassadors and the Chief Ministers Plenipotentiary, the Governors of the chief colonies, the Commander-in-Chief, the Vice-President of the Committee of Council for Education, certain other officials I need not particularise, and occasionally a Junior Lord of the Admiralty, though it is not usual for Under Secretaries of State or Junior Lords of the Treasury or Admiralty to have this rank conferred upon them. A seat in the Privy Council is sometimes given to persons retiring from the public service, who have filled responsible situations under the Crown, as an honorary distinction. A Privy Councillor is styled Right Honourable, and he takes precedence of all baronets, knights, and younger sons of viscounts and barons."
_A. C. Ewald, The Crown and its Advisers, lecture 2._
ALSO IN: _A. V. Dicey, The Privy Council._
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PROBULI, The.
A board of ten provisional councillors, instituted at Athens during the later period of the Peloponnesian War, after the great calamity at Syracuse. It was intended to introduce a conservative agency into the too democratic constitution of the state; to be "a board composed of men of mature age, who should examine all proposals and motions, after which only such among the latter as this board had sanctioned and approved should come before the citizens. This new board was, at the same time, in urgent cases itself to propose the necessary measures."
_E. Curtius, History of Greece, book 4, chapter 5._
See ATHENS; B. C. 413-411.
PROBUS, Roman Emperor, A. D. 276-282.
PROBUS, Wall of.
See GERMANY: A. D. 277.
PROCESSION OF THE HOLY SPIRIT, Controversy on.
See FILIOQUE CONTROVERSY.
PROCONSUL AND PROPRÆTOR, ROMAN.
"If a Consul was pursuing his operations ever so successfully, he was liable to be superseded at the year's close by his successor in the Consulship: and this successor brought with him new soldiers and new officers; everything, it would seem, had to be done over again. This was always felt in times of difficulty, and the constitutional usages were practically suspended. … In the year 328 B. C. the Senate first assumed the power of decreeing that a Consul or Prætor might be continued in his command for several successive years, with the title of Proconsul, or Proprætor, the power of these officers being, within their own district, equal to the power of the Consul or Prætor himself. The Proconsul also was allowed to keep part of his old army, and would of course continue his Tribunes and Centurions in office. … Almost all the great successes of Marcellus and Scipio were gained in Proconsular commands."
_H. G. Liddell, History of Rome, book 4, chapter 35._
PROCURATOR. PROCTOR.
See ROME: B. C. 31-A. D. 14.
PROHIBITIONISTS.
A party in American politics which contends for the enactment of laws to prohibit the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors.
PROMANTY, The Right of.
See GREECE: B. C. 449-445.
PROPAGANDA, The College of the.
See PAPACY: A. D. 1622.
PROPHESYINGS.
In the early part of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, among those English reformers who were subsequently known as Puritans, "the clergy in several dioceses set up, with encouragement from their superiors, a certain religious exercise, called prophesyings. They met at appointed times to expound and discuss together particular texts of Scripture, under the presidency of a moderator appointed by the bishop, who finished by repeating the substance of their debate, with his own determination upon it. These discussions were in public, and it was contended that this sifting of the grounds of their faith, and habitual argumentation, would both tend to edify the people, very little acquainted as yet with their religion, and supply in some degree the deficiencies of learning among the pastors themselves." The prophesyings, however, were suppressed by the queen and Archbishop Parker.
_H. Hallam, Constitutional History of England, chapter 4 (volume 1)._
ALSO IN: _J. B. Marsden, History of the Early Puritans, chapter 4. sections 7-25._
PROPHETS, The Hebrew.