chapter 12.

ALSO IN: _J. M. Spence, The Land of Bolivar, volume 1, chapter 7._

_E. B. Eastwick, Venezuela, chapter 11 (Battle of Carabobo)._

COLOMBIAN STATES: A. D. 1821-1854. Emancipation of slaves.

The abolition of slavery in the three republics of New Granada, Venezuela and Ecuador was initiated in the Republic of Colombia, while it embraced them all. "By a law of the 21st of July, 1821, it was provided that the children of slaves, born after its publication in the principal cities of the republic, should be free. ... Certain revenues were appropriated to the creation of an emancipation fund in each district. ... Aside from a certain bungling looseness with which almost all Spanish-American laws are drawn, it [the act of 1821] contains some very sensible regulations, and served to lay a solid foundation for the work of emancipation, since completed by the three republics which then constituted Colombia." In Ecuador the completion of emancipation was reached in 1854.

_F. Hassaurek, Four Years among Spanish-Americans, pages 330-333._

COLOMBIAN STATES: A. D. 1826. The Congress of Panama.

"The proposition for assembling this body emanated from Bolivar, who, in 1823, as president of Colombia, invited the governments of Mexico, Peru, Chile, and Buenos Ayres, to form a confederacy of the Spanish-American states, by means of plenipotentiaries to be convened, in the spirit of classic analogy, in the isthmus of Panama. To this invitation the governments of Peru and Mexico promptly acceded, Chile and Buenos Ayres neglected or declined to be represented in the assembly, for the reasons which we shall presently state. {487} This magnificent idea of a second Achæan League seized on the imaginations of many speculative and of some practical men in America and Europe, as destined to create a new era in the political history of the world by originating a purer system of public law, and almost realizing Bernardin de Saint Pierre's league of the modern nations. In its original shape, it was professedly a plan of a belligerent nature, having for its main object to combine the revolutionized states against the common enemy. But time was required for carrying it into effect. Meanwhile the project, magnified by the course of events, began to change its complexion. The United States were invited to participate in the Congress, so as to form an American policy, and a rallying point for American interests, in opposition to those of Europe; and, after the discussions which are so familiar to all, the government of the United States accepted the invitation, and despatched its representatives to Panama. ... In the interval, between the proposal of the plan and its execution, Central America was added to the family of American nations, and agreed to take part in the Congress. At length, after many delays, this modern Amphictyonic Council, consisting of plenipotentiaries from Colombia, Central America, Peru and Mexico, assembled in the city of Panama, June 22, 1826, and in a session of three weeks concluded various treaties; one of perpetual union, league, and confederation; others relating to the contingents which the confederates should contribute for the common defence; and another for the annual meeting of the Congress in time of war. Having thus promptly despatched their private affairs, the assembly adjourned to Tacubaya in Mexico, on account of the insalubrious climate of Panama, before the delegation of the United States had arrived; since when it has justly acquired the epithet of 'introuvable,' and probably never will reassemble in its original form. Is there not a secret history of all this? Why did Chile and Buenos Ayres refuse to participate in the Congress? Why has it now vanished from the face of the earth? The answer given in South America is, that Bolivar proposed the assembly as part of a grand scheme of ambition,--ascribed to him by the republican party, and not without some countenance from his own conduct,--for establishing a military empire to embrace the whole of Spanish-America, or at least an empire uniting Colombia and the two Perus. To give the color of plausibility to the projected assembly, the United States were invited to be represented; and it is said Bolivar did not expect, nor very graciously receive, their acceptance of the invitation."

_C. Cushing, Bolivar and the Bolivian Constitution (N. A. Review, January, 1830)._

In the United States "no question, in its day, excited more heat and intemperate discussion, or more feeling between a President and Senate, than this proposed mission to the Congress of American nations at Panama; and no heated question ever cooled off and died out so suddenly and completely. ... Though long since sunk into oblivion, and its name almost forgotten, it was a master subject on the political theatre during its day; and gave rise to questions of national and of constitutional law, and of national policy, the importance of which survive the occasion from which they sprung; and the solution of which (as then solved), may be some guide to future action, if similar questions again occur. Besides the grave questions to which the subject gave rise, the subject itself became one of unusual and painful excitement. It agitated the people, made a violent debate in the two Houses of Congress, inflamed the passions of parties and individuals, raised a tempest before which Congress bent, made bad feeling between the President [John Quincy Adams] and the Senate; and led to the duel between Mr. Randolph and Mr. Clay. It was an administration measure, and pressed by all the means known to an administration. It was evidently relied upon as a means of acting upon the people--as a popular movement which might have the effect of turning the tide which was then running high against Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay. ... Now, the chief benefit to be derived from its retrospect--and that indeed is a real one--is a view of the firmness with which was then maintained, by a minority, the old policy of the United States, to avoid entangling alliances and interference with the affairs of other nations;--and the exposition of the Monroe doctrine, from one so competent to give it as Mr. Adams."

_T. H. Benton, Thirty Years' View, chapter 25 (volume 1)._

ALSO IN: _G. F. Tucker, The Monroe Doctrine, chapter 3._

_C. Schurz, Life of Henry Clay, chapter 11 (volume 1)._

_International American Conference (of 1889): Reports and Discussions, volume 4, History appendix._

COLOMBIAN STATES: A. D. 1830-1886. Revolutions and civil wars. The New Confederation (1863) of the United States of Colombia. The Republic of Colombia.

"New Granada was obliged in 1830 to recognize the disruption of Colombia, which had long been an accomplished fact. From this date the three states have a separate history, which is very much of a piece, though Venezuela was for some years preserved from the intestine commotions which have from the beginning distracted New Granada and Ecuador. ... Mosquera, who had won the election which decided the fate of Bolivar did not long occupy the presidency. ... Mosquera was soon driven out by General Urdanete, who was now at the head of the conservative or Bolivian party. But after the death of their leader, this party suffered a natural relapse, and Urdanete was overthrown early in 1831. The history of New Granada may be said really to commence with the presidency of Bolivar's old rival and companion in arms, Santander, who was elected under the constitution of 1832. ... His presidency ... was a comparatively bright episode: and with its termination in 1836 begins the dark and troubled period which the Granadines emphatically designate by the name of the 'Twelve Years.' The scanty measure of liberalism which Santander had dealt out to the people was now withdrawn. Marquez, his successor, was a sceptic in politics and a man of infirm will. ... Now began the ascendancy of clericalism, of absolutist oligarchy, and of government by the gallows. This same system continued under President Herran, who was elected in 1841; and then appeared on the scene, as his chief minister, the famous Dr. Ospina," who brought back the Jesuits and curtailed the constitution. Liberalism again gained ground, electing General Lopez to the presidency in 1849 find once more expelling the Jesuits. In April 1854 a radical revolution overturned the constitution and President Obando was declared dictator. The conservatives rallied, however, and regained possession of the government before the close of the year. {488} In 1857 Ospina entered on the presidency and civil war soon raged throughout the country. "After a hundred fights the revolution triumphed in July, 1861. ... Mosquera, who was now in possession of the field, was a true pupil of Bolivar's, and he thought the time had come for reviving Bolivar's plans. ... In 1863 Mosquera's new Federal Constitution was proclaimed. Henceforth each State [of the eight federal States into which the 44 provinces of New Granada were divided] became practically independent under its own President; and to mark the change the title of the nation was altered. At first it was called the Granadine Confederation: but it afterwards took the name of Colombia [the United States of Colombia], which had formerly been the title of the larger Confederation under Bolivar. Among the most important facts in recent Colombian history is the independence of the State of Panama, which has become of great importance through the construction of the railway connecting the port of Colon, or Aspinwall, as it was named by the Americans, on the Atlantic, with that of Panama on the Pacific. This rail way was opened in 1855; and in the same year Panama declared itself a sovereign state. The State of Panama, after many years of conservative domination, has now perhaps the most democratic government in the world. The President is elected for two years only, and is incapable of re-election. Panama has had many revolutions of its own; nor has the new Federal Constitution solved all the difficulties of the Granadine government. In 1867 Mosquera was obliged to have recourse to a coup d'état, and declared himself dictator, but he was soon afterwards arrested; a conservative revolution took place; Mosquera was banished; and Gutierrez became President. The liberals, however, came back the next year, under Ponce. Since 1874 [the date of writing being 1879], General Perez has been President of Colombia."

_E. J. Payne, History of European Colonies, chapter 16._

"The federal Constitution of 1863 was clearly formed on the model of the Constitution of the United States of America. It remained in force until 1886, when it was superseded by a law which gave the State a centralized organization and named it the 'Republic of Colombia.'"

_Constitution of the Republic of Colombia, with Historical Introduction by B. Moses (Supplement to Annals of American Academy of Political and Social Science, January, 1893)._

COLOMBIAN STATES: A. D. 1885-1891. The Revolution of 1885. The constitution of 1886. The presidency of Dr. Nuñez.

"Cartagena is virtually the centre of political power in Colombia, for it is the residence of President Nuñez, a dictator without the name. Before the revolution of 1885, during which Colon was burned and the Panama Railway protected by American marines, the States enjoyed a large measure of home rule. The insurgents who were defeated in that struggle were Radicals and advanced Liberals. They were making a stand against centralized government, and they were overthrown. When the followers of Dr. Nuñez were victorious, they transformed the constitutional system of the country. ... Dr. Nuñez, who had entered public life as a Radical agitator, swung completely around the circle. As the leader of the National party he became the ally of Clericalism, and the defender of ecclesiastical privilege. Being a man of unrivalled capacity for directing public affairs and enforcing party discipline, he has established a highly centralized military government without incurring unpopularity by remaining constantly in sight and openly exercising authority. ... Strong government has not been without its advantages; but the system can hardly be considered either republican or democratic. ... Of all the travesties of popular government which have been witnessed in Spanish America, the political play enacted in Bogotá and Cartagena is the most grotesque. Dr. Nuñez is known as the titular President of the Republic. His practice is to go to the capital at the beginning of the presidential term, and when he has taken the oath of office to remain there a few weeks until all matters of policy and discipline are arranged among his followers. He then retires to his country-seat in Cartagena, leaving the vice-President to bear the burdens of state."

_I. N. Ford, Tropical America, chapter 12._

COLOMBIAN STATES: A. D. 1892. Re-election of President Nuñez.

In 1892, Dr. Rafael Nuñez was elected President for a fourth term, the term of office being six years.

_Statesman's Year-book, 1893._

COLOMBIAN STATES: End----------

COLONI.

See DEDITITIUS.

COLONIA AGRIPPINENSIS.

Agrippina, the daughter of Germanicus and the mother of Nero, founded on the Rhine the Colonia Agrippinensis (modern Cologne)--probably the only colony of Roman veterans ever established under female auspices. The site had been previously occupied by a village of the Ubii. "It is curious that this abnormal colony has, alone, of all its kindred foundations, retained to the present day the name of Colonia."

_C. Merivale, History of the Romans, chapter 50._

COLONIA, URUGUAY.

See ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1580-1777.

COLONIZATION SOCIETY, The American.

See SLAVERY, Negro: A. D. 1816-1847.

COLONNA, The.

See Roman: 13TH-14TH CENTURIES, and A. D. 1347-1354; also PAPACY: A. D. 1294-1348.

COLONUS, The.

See SLAVERY, MEDIÆVAL: GERMANY.

COLORADO: A. D. 1803-1848. Acquisition of the eastern part in the Louisiana Purchase and the western part from Mexico.

See LOUISIANA: A. D. 1798-1803; and MEXICO: A. D. 1848.

COLORADO: A. D. 1806-1876. Early explorations. Gold discoveries. Territorial and state organization.

The first American explorer to penetrate to the mountains of Colorado was Lieutenant Zebulon Pike, sent out with a small party by General Wilkinson, in 1806. He approached within 15 miles of the Rocky Mountain Peak which bears his name. A more extensive official exploration of the country was made in 1819 by Major Stephen H. Long, whose report upon the whole region drained by the Missouri, Arkansas and Platte rivers and their tributaries was unfavorable and discouraging. Fremont's explorations, which touched Colorado, were made in 1843-44. "The only persons encountered in the Rocky mountains by Frémont at this time were the few remaining traders and their former employees, now their colonists, who lived with their Mexican and Indian wives and half-breed children in a primitive manner of life, usually under the protection of some defensive structure called a fort. {489} The first American families in Colorado were a part of the Mormon battalion of 1846, who, with their wives and children, resided at Pueblo from September to the spring and summer of the following year, when they joined the Mormon emigration to Salt Lake. ... Measures were taken early in March, 1847, to select locations for two United States forts between the Missouri and the Rocky mountains, the sites selected being those now occupied by Kearney City and Fort Laramie. ... Up to 1853 Colorado's scant population still lived in or near some defensive establishment, and had been decreasing rather than increasing for the past decade, owing to the hostility of the Indians." In 1858 the first organized searching or prospecting for gold in the region was begun by a party of Cherokee Indians and whites. Other parties soon followed; the search succeeded; and the Pike's Peak mining region was speedily swarming with eager adventurers. In the fall of 1858 two rival towns were laid out on the opposite sides of Cherry Creek. They were named respectively Auraria and Denver. The struggle for existence between them was bitter, but brief. Auraria succumbed and Denver survived, to become the metropolis of the Mountains. The first attempt at political organization was made at the Auraria settlement, in November, 1858, and took the form of a provisional territorial organization, under the name of the Territory of Jefferson; but the provisional government did not succeed in establishing its authority, opposed as it was by conflicting claims to territorial jurisdiction on the part of Utah, New Mexico, Kansas, Nebraska, and Dakota. At length, on the 28th of February, 1861, an act of Congress became law, by which the proposed new territory was duly created, but not bearing the name of Jefferson. "The name of Colorado was given to it at the suggestion of the man selected for its first governor. ... 'Some,' says Gilpin, 'wanted it called Jefferson, some Arcadia. ... I said the people have to a great extent named the States after the great rivers of the country ... and the great feature of that country is the great Colorado river.'" Remaining in the territorial condition until July 1876, Colorado was then admitted to the Union as a state.

_H. H. Bancroft, History of the Pacific States,