Chapter 19

In 1821 Mr. Van Buren was chosen to the United States Senate and was made a member of the convention to revise the State constitution. In the latter body he advocated the extension of the elective franchise, but opposed universal sufferage, as also the plan of appointing justices of the peace by popular election. He voted against depriving the colored citizens of the franchise but supported the proposal to require of them a freehold qualification of $250. In 1828 he was elected governor of the great State of New York and resigned his seat in the National Congress to assume this new position. As governor he opposed the safety fund system which was adopted by the legislature in 1829. In the month of March of the next year after assuming the gubernatorial chair he accepted the leading position in the cabinet of President Jackson but resigned two years later.

On May 22nd, 1832, he was nominated for the office of vice-president on the ticket with General Jackson, and was elected. The Democratic National Convention, which met at Baltimore May 20th, 1835, unanimously nominated him for the presidency, and in the ensuing election he received 170 electoral votes out of a total of 283,--73 being cast for his principal antagonist, General Harrison. The country was now plunged into the deepest pecuniary embarrassments, the result of previous hot-house schemes and speculations, rather than the result of the administrative measures of Van Buren. He had succeeded to the presidency at a most unfortunate time. Commerce was prostrate; hundreds of mercantile houses in every quarter were bankrupt; imposing public meetings attributed these disasters to the policy of the government.

On May 15th, he summoned an extraordinary session of congress to meet the following September. The president in his message advised that a bankrupt law for banking and other incorporations be enacted; and that the approaching deficit in the treasury be made good by withholding from the States the fourth and last installment of a previous large surplus ordered to be deposited with them by act of June 23rd, 1836, and by the temporary issue of $6,000,000 of treasury notes. He also recommended the adoption of what was called the independent treasury system, which was passed in the senate, but was laid on the table in the other branch of congress. The payment of the fourth installment to the States was postponed, and the emission of $10,000,000 of treasury notes was authorized.

Again the President in his next annual message recommended the passage of the independent treasury bill, but the measure was again rejected. Another presidential measure, however, was more fortunate, a so-called pre-emption law being enacted, giving settlers on public lands the right to buy them in preference to others. Van Buren's third annual message was largely occupied with financial discussions and especially with argument in favor of the divorcement of the national government from the banks throughout the country, and for the exclusive receipt and payment of gold and silver in all public transactions; that is to say, for the independent treasury. Through his urgent arguments in its favor it became a law June 30, 1840, and it is the distinguishing feature in his administration. The canvass of 1840 was early begun by the opposition, and became a bitterly contested one. The Whigs placed Harrison at the head of their ticket and as Van Buren had no competitor, he became the candidate of the Democracy. Never in the political history of the United States had there been such universal excitement as was displayed in the ensuing campaign. The great financial trials through which the government had passed were made the basis of all argument by the press and orators for the opposition.

Charges of corruption, extravagance and indifference to the welfare of the laboring classes were collected and dumped upon poor Van Buren. Thus was Van Buren represented, while the enthusiasm for Harrison was greatly augmented by log cabins, emblematical of his humble origin. This time Van Buren received only 60 electoral votes, while General Harrison received 234. His last annual message set forth with renewed energy the benefits of the independent treasury; announced with satisfaction that the government was without a public debt; and earnestly advised the enactment of more stringent laws for the suppression of the African slave trade.

In 1844 Mr. Van Buren's friends once more urged his nomination for the presidency by the Democratic national convention at Baltimore. But he was rejected there on account of his opposition to the annexation of Texas to the Union, avowed in a public letter to a citizen of Mississippi who had asked for his position on that question. Though a majority of the delegates in the convention were pledged to his support, a rule being passed making a two-thirds vote necessary to a choice, proved fatal to his interest. For several ballots he led all competitors when he withdrew his name and Mr. Polk was nominated on the ninth ballot.

In 1848, when the Democrats had nominated General Cass, and avowed their readiness to tolerate slavery in the new territories lately acquired from Mexico, Mr. Van Buren and his adherents adopting the name of the free democracy at once began to discuss in public that new aspect of the slavery question.

They held a convention at Utica on June 22nd which nominated Mr. Van Buren for president, and Henry Dodge of Wisconsin for vice-president. Mr. Dodge declined, and at a great convention in Buffalo on August 9th, Charles Francis Adams was substituted. The convention declared: "Congress has no more right to make a slave than to make a king; it is the duty of the federal government to relieve itself from all responsibility for the existence and continuance of slavery wherever the government possesses constitutional authority to legislate on that subject and is thus responsible for its existence."

In accepting the nomination of this new party Mr. Van Buren declared his full assent to its anti-slavery principles. The result was that in New York he received the votes of more than half of those who had hitherto been attached to the Democratic party, and that General Taylor the candidate of the Whig party was elected. At the outbreak of the civil war he at once declared himself in favor of maintaining the Republic as a Union. Unhappily he died before the close of the war and was thus deprived the satisfaction of seeing perpetuated the Union he so dearly loved. On the 24th of July, 1872, at his home in Kinderhook, he passed from death into life.

STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLASS.

One of the most noted statesman of the day was the subject of this narrative. Short, thickset, and muscular in person, and strong in intellect Stephen A. Douglass came to be known as 'The Little Giant.'

For many years he held a very conspicuous place in the political history of the republic. He was a native of the 'Green Mountain State,' being born at Brandon, April 23d, 1813. When he was about two months old his father, who was a physician, died, and his mother removed to a small farm, where Stephen remained until he was about fifteen years old. Having received a common school education he was very anxious to take a college course, but this being impossible, he determined thereafter to earn his own living. He accordingly apprenticed himself to a cabinet-maker, but his health would not allow the pursuit of this business, and he was compelled to abandon the undertaking.

When he was possibly able he removed to Illinois. Upon his arrival in Jacksonville his entire wealth consisted of the sum of thirty-seven cents. He determined to start a school at a place called Winchester, some fifteen miles from Jacksonville, and as he had little money, walked the entire distance. Arriving in Winchester the first sight that met his eyes was a crowd assembled at an auction, and he secured employment for the time being as clerk for the auctioneer. For this service, which lasted three days, he received $6, and with this sum he started a school, which occupied his attention during the day.

For two years previous he had studied law during his SPARE MOMENTS; much of his time nights was now devoted to the completion of his legal studies. Being admitted to the bar during the following year, 1834, he opened an office and began practicing in the higher courts where he was eminently successful, acquiring a lucrative practice, and HE WAS ELECTED ATTORNEY-GENERAL OF THE STATE BEFORE HE WAS TWENTY-TWO.

He soon became a member of the legislature, taking his seat as the youngest member in that body. He was the Democratic nominee for Congress before he had acquired the required age, however, his twenty-fifth birthday occurred before election, thus this obstacle was removed. In his district a most spirited canvass took place, and out of over thirty-five thousand votes cast, his opponent was declared elected by only five. He was appointed register of the land office at Springfield, but resigned this position in 1889. He became Secretary of State the following year, and in 1841 was elected a judge of the Supreme Court at the age of twenty-eight. This position he also resigned two years after to represent his district in congress where he was returned by successive elections until 1848.

He was recognized as one of the able members while in the national legislature, and his speeches on the Oregon question are models. He next became a Senator from his State, and supported President Polk in the Mexican war. As is well-known he was the father of the Kansas-Nebraska act, popularly known as 'Squatter Sovereignty,' carrying the measure through in spite of great opposition.

He was a strong candidate for the Democratic nomination for the presidency in 1852, and his strength was still more developed four years later when he was the favorite candidate save one, James Buchanan, who finally received the honor. At the end of the next four years he was nominated by the convention meeting at Charleston, and was the unanimous choice of the northern wing of the Democracy, but bitterly opposed by the Southern faction, who nominated Mr. Breckinridge at a separate convention. This caused a split in the Democratic vote, and Mr. Lincoln was elected on a minority of the total vote cast.

Stephen A. Douglass however, like Webster and Clay, needed not the honor of occupying the presidential chair to make his name illustrious. He was remarkably successful in the promotion of his State's interest in Congress. To him is due the credit of securing the splendid grant of land which brought about the successful operation of the Illinois Central railroad which contributed so much toward the weakened resources of the State. As previously stated, Mr. Douglass was defeated by Mr. Lincoln, yet at the outbreak of the civil war his voice was heard in earnest pleas for the Union, declaring that if this system of resistance by the sword, when defeated at the ballot-box was persisted in, then "The history of the United States is already written in the history of Mexico."

He most strongly denounced secession as a crime and characterized it as madness. His dying words were in defence of the Union. To say that Mr. Douglass was a wonderful man is the least that can be said, while more could be added in his praise with propriety. As an orator he was graceful, and possessed natural qualities which carried an audience by storm. He died June 3rd, 1861, at the outbreak of the civil war. Had he lived no one would have rendered more valuable assistance in the suppression of that gigantic rebellion than would Stephen A. Douglass.

But it was in the great political debate between himself and Abraham Lincoln that Mr. Douglass gained his greatest notoriety as well as Lincoln himself. The details of this debate will be seen in our sketch of Mr. Lincoln.

ABBOTT LAWRENCE.

Solomon said: "Seest thou a man diligent in his business? he shall stand before kings,--he shall not stand before mean men." How true are those words; how often have we seen them demonstrated.

Abbott Lawrence, brother of Amos Lawrence, was born December 16, 1792, and what education he had he received at the academy in Groton. When about sixteen years of age he took the stage for Boston, with the princely sum of three dollars in his pocket. He entered the store of his brother Amos as clerk. After five years of faithful service he was taken in as partner, and the firm-style became A. & A. Lawrence.

The war of 1812 came on, and Abbott, who possessed less money than his brother, failed, but he was not disheartened. He applied to the government for a position in the army, but before his application could be acted upon peace was declared.

After the war his brother Amos helped him, and once more they entered into partnership, Abbott going to England to buy goods for the firm. About 1820 the Lawrence brothers, with that enterprise which characterizes all great business men, commenced manufacturing goods in America, instead of importing them from the old world, and to the Lawrences is due no small credit, as the cities of Lowell and Lawrence will testify. He was a member of the celebrated convention at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, whose recommendations to Congress resulted in the tariff act of 1828, which was so obnoxious to Calhoun and the Cotton States. In 1834 Mr. Lawrence was elected to Congress, where he did valuable service on the Committee of Ways and Means. He declined re-election, but afterward was persuaded to become a candidate and was again elected. By the advice of Daniel Webster he was sent to England on the boundary question.

President Taylor offered him a seat in his Cabinet, but he declined--later he was sent to England, where he became a distinguished diplomat, and was recalled only at his own request. At one time he lacked but six votes of being nominated for Vice-President.

On the 18th of August, 1855, Abbott Lawrence died. Nearly every business place in Boston was closed--in fact, Boston was in mourning; the military companies were out on solemn parade, flags were placed at half-mast, and minute-guns were fired. Thus passed away one of the merchant princes of New England.

ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS.

This great statesman was born in Georgia on February 11, 1812, and was left an orphan at an early age. He studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1834, having the advantage of a college education. He entered upon the practice of law at Crawfordsville in his native State, and his natural ability and splendid education soon won for him a most lucrative practice.

Mr. Stephens early became a convert to the Calhoun school of politics, and he remained firmly fixed until death in the belief that slavery was the proper sphere in which all colored people should move. He believed it was better for the races both white and black.

Though physically weak he was wonderfully developed in personal courage. In 1836 Mr. Stephens was elected to the State legislature, to which he succeeded five successive terms. In 1842 he was elected to the State senate, there to remain only one year when he was sent as a Whig to the national congress, there to remain until 1859 when, July 2nd, in a speech at Augusta he announced his intention of retiring to private life. When the old Whig party was superceded by the present Republican party Mr. Stephens joined the Democrats. During the presidential canvass of 1860 Mr. Stephens supported the northern wing under Douglass, and in a speech at the capitol of his State bitterly denounced secession. As the speech so well illustrates his powers of oratory, so far as words can portray that power, we give the speech as follows:--

This step, secession, once taken can never be recalled, and all the baleful and withering consequences that must follow, as you will see, will rest on this convention for all coming time. When we and our posterity shall see our lovely South desolated by the demon of war which this act of yours will inevitably provoke, when our green fields and waving harvests shall be trodden down by a murderous soldiery, and the fiery car of war sweeps over our land, our temples of justice laid in ashes and every horror and desolation upon us; who, but him who shall have given his vote for this unwise and ill-timed measure shall be held to a strict account for this suicidal act by the present generation, and be cursed and execrated by all posterity, in all coming time, for the wide and desolating ruin that will inevitably follow this act you now propose to perpetrate?

Pause, I entreat you, and consider for a moment what reasons you can give that will satisfy yourselves in calmer moments? What reasons can you give to your fellow-sufferers in the calamity that it will bring upon us? What reasons can you give to the nations of the earth to justify it? They will be calm and deliberate judges of this case, and to what cause, or one overt-act can you point on which to rest the plea of justification? What right has the North assailed? Of what interest has the South been invaded? What justice has been denied? And what claim founded in justice and right has been unsatisfied? Can any of you name to-day one governmental act of wrong deliberately and purposely done by the government at Washington, of which the South has a right to complain? I challenge an answer.

On the other hand, let me show the facts (and believe me, gentlemen, I am not here the advocate of the North, but I am here the friend, the firm friend and lover of the South and her institutions, and for this reason I speak thus plainly and faithfully for yours, mine, and every other man's interest, the words of truth and soberness), of which I wish you to judge, and I will only state facts which are clear and undeniable, and which now stand in the authentic records of the history of our country. When we of the South demanded the slave trade, or the importation of Africans for the cultivation of our lands, did they not yield the right for twenty years? When we asked a three-fifths representation in Congress for our section was it not granted? When we demanded the return of any fugitive from justice, or the recovery of those persons owing labor or allegiance, was it not incorporated in the Constitution, and again ratified and strengthened in the fugitive slave law of 1850? Do you reply that in many instances they have violated this law and have not been faithful to their engagements? As individuals and local committees they may have done so, but not by the sanction of government, for that has always been true to the Southern interests.

Again, look at another fact. When we asked that more territory should be added that we might spread the institution of slavery did they not yield to our demands by giving us Louisiana, Florida and Texas out of which four States have been carved, and ample territory left for four more to be added in due time, if you do not by this unwise and impolitic act destroy this hope, and perhaps by it lose all and have your last slave wrenched from you by stern military rule, or by the vindictative decrees of a universal emancipation which may reasonably be expected to follow.

But again gentlemen, what have we to gain by this proposed change of our relation to the general government? We have always had the control of it and can yet have if we remain in it and are as united as we have been. We have had a majority of the presidents chosen from the South as well as the control and management of most of those chosen from the North. We have had sixty years of Southern presidents to their twenty-four, thus controlling the executive department. So of the judges of the supreme court, we have had eighteen from the South and but eleven from the North. Although nearly four-fifths of the judicial business has arisen in the free States, yet a majority of the court has been from the South. This we have required so as to guard against any interpretation of the constitution unfavorable to us. In like manner we have been equally watchful in the legislative branch of the government. In choosing the presiding officer, _pro tem_, of the Senate we have had twenty-four and they only eleven; speakers of the house we have had twenty-three and they twelve. While the majority of the representatives, from their greater population, have always been from the North, yet we have generally secured the speaker because he to a great extent shapes and controls the legislation of the country, nor have we had less control in every other department of the general government.

Attorney-Generals we have had 14, while the North have had but five. Foreign ministers we have had 86, and they but 54. While three-fourths of the business which demands diplomatic agents abroad is clearly from the free States because of their greater commercial interests, we have, nevertheless, had the principal embassies so as to secure the world's markets for our cotton, tobacco and sugar, on the best possible terms. We have had a vast majority of the higher officers of both army and navy, while a larger proportion of the soldiers and sailors were drawn from the Northern States. Equally so of clerks, auditors, and comptrollers, filling the executive department; the records show for the last 50 years that of the 3,000 thus employed we have had more than two-thirds, while we have only one-third of the white population of the Republic.

Again, look at another fact, and one, be assured, in which we have a great and vital interest; it is that of revenue or means of supporting government. From official documents we learn that more than three-fourths of the revenue collected has been raised from the North. Pause now while you have the opportunity to contemplate carefully and candidly these important things. Look at another necessary branch of government, and learn from stern statistical facts how matters stand in that department, I mean the mail and post-office privileges that we now enjoy under the General Government, as it has been for years past. The expense for the transportation of the mail in the free States was by the report of the postmaster-general for 1860, a little over $13,000,000 while the income was $19,000,000. But in the Slave States the transportation of the mail was $14,716,000, and the revenue from the mail only $8,000,265, leaving a deficit of $6,715,735 to be supplied by the North for our accommodation, and without which we must have been cut off from this most essential branch of the government.

Leaving out of view for the present the countless millions of dollars you must expend in a war with the North, with tens of thousands of your brothers slain in battle, and offered up as sacrifices on the altar of your ambition--for what, I ask again? Is it for the overthrow of the American Government, established by our common ancestry, cemented and built up by their sweat and blood, and founded on the broad principles of right, justice and humanity? I must declare to you here, as I have often done before, and it has also been declared by the greatest and wisest statesmen and patriots of this and other lands, that the American Government is the best and freest of all governments, the most equal in its rights, the most just in its decisions, the most lenient in its measures, and the most inspiring in its principles to elevate the race of men that the sun of heaven ever shone upon.

Now for you to attempt to overthrow such a government as this under which we have lived for more than three-quarters of a century, in which we have gained our wealth, our standing as a nation, our domestic safety while the elements of peril are around us with peace and tranquility accompanied with unbounded prosperity and rights unassailed is the height of madness, folly and wickedness to which I will neither lend my sanction nor my vote.