Chapter 18

He warmly supported Jackson in his administration of the affairs of the government, and as is well-known rendered him valuable and efficient service by his speech on the expunging resolution which he successfully carried through the senate. In 1829 he made a speech on the salt tax, which was a masterly production, and through its influence is due largely the repeal of the same.

He was among the foremost who advocated a railroad to the Pacific coast, and it was Thomas Benton who first introduced the idea of congress granting pre-emption rights to actual settlers. He favored trade with New Mexico, and establishing commerce on the great lakes. He was an eminent specie advocate; so vehement was he that he became known as "OLD BULLION," and it was through his influence that the forty-ninth parallel was decided upon as the northern boundary of Oregon. He opposed the fugitive slave law, and openly denounced nullification views wherever expressed. Nothing but his known opposition to the extension of slavery caused his final defeat in the legislature when that body chose another to succeed him in the United States senate.

Thus in defence of human liberty ended his splendid career of thirty years in the upper house, struck down by the frown of demagogism. Two years later he was elected to the House of Representatives, where he did noble work in opposition to the Kansas-Nebraska act, denouncing it as a violation of the Missouri Compromise, and was defeated as a candidate for congress in the next campaign. After two years devotion to literature he was a candidate for governor of his State, but was defeated by a third ticket being placed in the field. He was the popular candidate, however, of the three, against great odds being defeated by only a few votes.

During this year he supported Mr. Buchanan for the presidency against his son-in-law, Mr. Fremont. He now retired permanently from public life, devoting his exclusive attention to literature, and his "Thirty Years View; or a History of the Working of the United States Government for Thirty Years from 1820 to 1850," was a masterly piece of literature, and reached a mammoth sale; more than sixty thousand copies being sold when first issued. When this was finished he immediately began another, "An Abridgment of the Debates of Congress from 1789 to 1850." Although at the advanced age of seventy-six, he labored at this task daily, the latter part of which was dictated while on his death-bed, and while he could speak only in whispers. Surely he deserved the success which had attended his efforts. He died in Washington on the 10th day of April, 1858.

He had a large and grandly proportioned head, and was a most aggressive debater. It was in the Expunging Resolution and the exciting debates in which he bore so prominent a part that he gained his greatest reputation. This bill and the manner in which he managed its course through the senate, securing its adoption against the combined effort of such men as Clay, Webster and Calhoun illustrates the characteristics of the man more clearly than anything that could be said of him. When reading the life of Andrew Jackson the reader will remember that the senate passed a resolution condemning the action of the president, Mr. Jackson, in regard to the distribution of the public funds in the following language: _Resolved_, That the president in the late executive proceedings in relation to the public revenue has assumed upon himself authority and power not conferred by the constitution and laws, but in derogation of both.

The motion of Mr. Benton was to strike from the journals of the senate this resolution of censure. In support of the president's course and of Mr. Benton's proposed method of vindication various public proceedings were had in various sections of the country, and some of the State legislatures not only voted in favor of the removal of the record of censure but instructed their congressional delegations to use their influence and votes in a similar direction.

Mr. Benton's resolutions rehearsed the principal points involved in the past history and present aspects of the controversy quite at length, the closing resolution being as follows: "That the said resolve be expunged from the journal, and for that purpose that the secretary of the Senate at such time as the Senate may appoint, shall bring the manuscript journal of the session 1883-4 into the Senate, draw black lines round the said resolve, and write across the face thereof in strong letters the following words: 'Expunged by order of the Senate this--day of--, in the year of our Lord--.'"

For three years successively did Mr. Benton bring forward on different occasions his celebrated motion, and again and again he suffered defeat after the most scathing debates that ever took place in any parliamentary body, the Senate at this time containing an unusual amount of oratorical talent and forensic power. But the last scene, and with it victory to the great Missourian and his presidential master, was now near at hand, and this scene, as described by Mr. Benton himself, was as follows:

Saturday the fourteenth of January the Democratic Senators agreed to have a meeting, and to take their final measures for passing an expunging resolution. They knew they had the numbers, but they also knew they had adversaries to grapple with to whom might be applied the motto of Louis Fourteenth: 'Not an unequal match for numbers.' They also knew that members of the party were in process of separating from it and would require reconciliating. They met in the night at the then famous restaurant of Boulanger giving to the assemblage the air of convivial entertainment. It continued till midnight and required all the moderation, tact and skill of the prime movers to obtain and maintain the Union in details on the success of which depended the fate of the measure. The men of concilliation were to be the efficient men of that night, and all the winning resources of Wright, Allen and Linn were put in requisition. There were serious differences upon the method of expurgation, while agreed upon the thing; and finally obliteration, the favorite mover, was given up and the mode of expurgation adopted which had been proposed in the resolution of the general assembly of Virginia, namely, to inclose the obnoxious sentence in a square of black lines--an oblong square, a compromise of opinions to which the mover agreed upon condition of being allowed to compose the epitaph, "Expunged by the order of the senate."

The agreement which was to lead to victory was then adopted, each one severally pledging himself to it that there should be no adjournment of the senate after the resolution was called until it was passed, and that it should be called immediately after the morning business on the Monday ensuing. Expecting a protracted session extending through the day and night, and knowing the difficulty of keeping men steady to their work and in good humor when tired and hungry, the mover of the proceeding took care to provide as far as possible against such a state of things, and gave orders that night to have an ample supply of cold hams, turkeys, rounds of beef, pickles, wines and cups of hot coffee ready in a certain committee-room near the senate chamber by four o'clock on the afternoon of Monday.

The motion to take up the subject was made at the appointed time, and immediately a debate of long speeches, chiefly on the other side, opened itself upon the question. As the darkness of approaching night came on and the great chandelier was lit up, splendidly illuminating the chamber then crowded with the members of the house, and the lobbies and galleries filled to their utmost capacity with visitors and spectators, the scene became grand and impressive. A few spoke on the side of the resolution, chiefly Rivers, Buchanan and Niles, and with an air of ease and satisfaction that bespoke a quiet determination and consciousness of victory.

The committee-room was resorted to in parties of four and six at a time, always leaving enough on watch, and not resorted to by one side alone. The opposition were invited to a full participation, an invitation of which those who were able to maintain their temper availed themselves of, but the greater part were not in a humor to eat anything--especially at such a feast. The night was wearing away, the expungers were in full force, masters of the chamber happy and visibly determined to remain. It became evident to the great opposition leaders that the inevitable hour had come that the 'damnable deed was to be done that night,' and that the dignity of silence was no longer to them a tenable position.

The battle was going against them, and they must go into it without being able to re-establish it. In the beginning they had not considered the expunging movement a serious proceeding, as it advanced they still expected it to miscarry on some point, now the reality of the thing stood before them confronting their presence and refusing to "down" at any command.

Mr. Calhoun opposed the measure in a speech of great severity. The day, said he, is gone, night approaches and night is suitable to the dark deed we meditate; there is a sort of destiny in this thing, the act must be performed, and it is an act which will tell upon the political history of this country forever. Mr. Clay indulged in unmeasured denunciation of the whole thing. The last speech in opposition to the measure was made by Mr. Webster, who employed the strongest language he could command condemnatory of an act which he declared was so unconstitutional, so derogatory to the character of the senate, and marked with so broad an impression of compliance with power. But though thus pronounced an irregular and unconstitutional proceeding by Mr. Webster and the other senators with whom he sided and voted, Mr. John Quincy Adams, who was at the time a member of the house, and in direct antagonism, politically, with Mr. Benton, and to the Jackson administration held a different opinion.

Midnight was now approaching. The dense masses which filled every inch of the room in the lobbies and in the galleries remained immovable. No one went out, no one could get in. The floor of the Senate was crammed with privileged persons, and it seemed that all Congress was there. Expectation and determination to see the conclusion were depicted on every countenance. It was evident there was to be no adjournment until the vote should be taken--until the deed was done, and this aspect of invincible determination had its effect upon the ranks of the opposition. They began to falter under a useless resistance; they alone now did the talking, and while Mr. Webster was yet reciting his protest two Senators from the opposition side who had been best able to maintain their equanimity, came around to the mover of the resolution and said: 'This question has degenerated into a trial of nerves and muscles. It has become a question of physical endurance, and we see no use in wearing ourselves out to keep off for a few hours longer what has to come before we separate. We see that you are able and determined to carry your measure--so call the vote as soon as you please. We shall say no more.'

Webster concluded. No one arose. There was a pause, a dead silence, and an intense feeling. Presently the silence was invaded by the single word 'question'--the parliamentary call for a vote--rising from the seats of different Senators. One blank in the resolve remained to be filled--the date of its adoption. It was done. The acting President of the Senate, Mr. King, of Alabama, then directed the roll to be called. The yeas and nays had been previously ordered, and proceeded to be called by the Secretary of the Senate, the result showing a majority of five on the side of the expungers.

The passage of the resolution was announced by the chair. Mr. Benton arose, and said that nothing now remained but to execute the order of the Senate, which he moved to be done forthwith. It was ordered accordingly. The secretary thereupon produced the original manuscript journal of the Senate, and opening at the page which contained the condemnatory sentence of March 28, 1834, proceeded in open Senate to draw a square of broad black lines around the sentence, and to write across its face in strong letters: EXPUNGED BY ORDER OF THE SENATE THIS 16TH DAY OF JANUARY, 1837.

HENRY CLAY.

A few miles from old Hanover court-house in Virginia, where the splendors of Patrick Henry's genius first beamed forth, is a humble dwelling by the road-side, in the midst of a miserably poor region known as the slashes. There, on the 12th of April, 1777, Henry Clay, the great American statesman, was born, and from the district-schools of his neighborhood he derived his education. He was the son of a Baptist clergyman of very limited means, hence his early advantages were of necessity meager. He was very bashful and diffident, scarcely dare recite before his class at school, but he DETERMINED to BECOME AN ORATOR, he accordingly began the plan of committing speeches and then reciting them in the corn-fields; at other times they were delivered in the barn, before the cows and horse.

Henry became a copyist in the office of the clerk of the Court of Chancery, at Richmond. Here he was enabled to begin the study of law, an opportunity which he at once embraced. While other boys were improving their time 'having fun,' he was studying, and so closely did he occupy his odd time that he was enabled to pass the necessary examination and be admitted to the bar at the early age of twenty. Two years later he moved "West," (he was enterprising), settling at Lexington, Kentucky, where he entered upon the practice of law.

Here he became an active politician as well as a popular lawyer. He was an intelligent young man, and early cultivated a genial disposition which was a leading feature of his splendid success in life. In 1799 Kentucky called a convention for the purpose of revising the constitution of the State. During this campaign young Clay labored earnestly to elect delegates to that convention favorable to the extinction of slavery. Thus early he manifested an interest in a question many years in advance of his countrymen. This is the man who, when afterward told that his action on a certain measure would certainly injure his political prospect replied, "I WOULD RATHER BE RIGHT THAN BE PRESIDENT."

It was even so in this case, his action in behalf of the freedom of slaves offended many but his opposition to the obnoxious alien and sedition laws later restored him to popular favor. After serving in the State legislature with some distinction he was elected to fill the unexpired term of General Adair in the United States Senate. Here he made excellent use of his time, advocating bills on internal improvements, accomplishing much toward that end, although his time expired at the end of the year. He left an impression on that body which foretold his future greatness. He was now returned to his State legislature where he was elected speaker, a position which he held for the next two terms.

Another vacancy occurred and Mr. Clay was again elected to fill the unexpired time in the United States Senate. This time he remained a member of that body two years, and it was during this term that he placed himself on record as one of the first and most powerful of early protectionists; he also favored the admission of Louisiana as a State. His term expired, he returned to his constituents, who promptly elected him to a seat in the House of Representatives, and immediately upon his appearance in that body he was chosen SPEAKER of the House!

This is an honor without parallel in the whole history of our legislative affairs. It was at this session that John C. Calhoun and William H. Crawford first made their appearance in the National Congress. The duties of this high office he discharged with marked ability and great satisfaction through that and the succeeding Congress until 1814, when he was appointed one of the commissioners to negotiate at Ghent, a treaty of peace with Great Britain. Abroad Mr. Clay proved to be a diplomate of no mean ability, and during his absence he was re-elected to the National Congress, and upon his re-appearance in that august assembly was immediately chosen speaker.

Mr. Clay was one of the unsuccessful candidates for the presidency in 1824, receiving thirty-seven electoral votes, but became Secretary of State under John Quincy Adams, who was chosen president by Congress. In 1831, after a temporary retirement, he was elected to the National Senate, this time for a full term of six years. His services during this period were very important. His compromise measure was probably, under the circumstances, one of the most important bills that ever passed the senate. As is well-known, it secured the gradual reduction of the tariff for ten years, thus satisfying the South, but allowing the manufacturers time to accommodate themselves to the change. Mr. Clay was a strong protectionist but this was a compromise on both sides which Clay was willing to make, even though it might be to satisfy a political opponent--Calhoun--to whom he was bitterly opposed.

Certain it is when he saw his country in danger Henry Clay was not the one to allow partisan hate to stand in opposition to any bill which might tend to peace, and while this measure had little merit in it of itself, still it averted a civil war at that time. In 1834 President Jackson proposed to Congress that they should give him authority to secure indemnity from France through reprisals. Mr. Clay, as chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, reported that Congress would not be justified in so doing, as the neglect on the part of France was clearly unintentional, thus war was once more averted through the influence of the 'great pacifier.'

At the presidential election of 1839 Mr. Clay, General Harrison, and General Scott were submitted to the Whig Convention as candidates. Mr. Clay was clearly the choice of the convention, but by one of those strange movements which so often occur at such times General Harrison was nominated. Many of Clay's friends were disposed to bolt, but Mr. Clay promptly acknowledged the ticket, and it was elected. Then followed the death of the President in office, the obnoxious vetoes of the newly installed President--Tyler--the division of the Whig party, the nomination of Mr. Clay at this late inopportune time and the election of Mr. Polk.

At the next convention Mr. Clay was a very prominent candidate for the nomination, but Mr. Taylor's military career seemed to carry everything with it and he was nominated and elected. Had Mr. Clay been nominated at either this convention or in 1839 he would have been elected, but like Webster, the presidential honors were not essential to perpetuate his name. During the year 1849, as the people of Kentucky were about to remodel their constitution, Mr. Clay urged them to embody the principles of gradual emancipation, but they refused to do so.

He was again returned to the senate, and during this term brought out the compromise act of 1850. This measure, while recognizing no legal authority for the existence of slavery in the newly acquired territory of New Mexico, yet declared that in the establishment of territorial governments in such territory no restriction should be made relative to slavery. It also provided for the admission of California without restrictions on the subject of slavery, and opposed the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. The bill carried with slight changes. Mr. Clay being very feeble was in his seat but few days of the session.

In 1852 he gradually sank until on June 29th, 1852, he died. In him intellect, reason, eloquence, and courage united to form a character fit to command. It was the remark of a distinguished senator that Mr. Clay's eloquence was absolutely intangible to delineation; that the most labored description could not embrace it, and that to be understood it must be seen and felt. He was an orator by nature, and by his indomitable assiduity he at once rose to prominence. His eagle eye burned with patriotic ardor or flashed indignation and defiance upon his foes or was suffused with commiseration or of pity; and it was because HE felt that made OTHERS feel.

A gentleman, after hearing one of his magnificent efforts in the Senate, thus described him: "Every muscle of the orator's face was at work. His whole body seemed agitated, as if each part was instinct with a separate life; and his small white hand with its blue veins apparently distended almost to bursting, moved gracefully, but with all the energy of rapid and vehement gesture. The appearance of the speaker seemed that of a pure intellect wrought up to its mightiest energies and brightly shining through the thin and transparent will of flesh that invested it."

The particulars of the duel between Mr. Clay and Mr. Randolph maybe interesting to our readers. The eccentric descendant of Pocahontas appeared on the ground in a huge morning gown. This garment had such a vast circumference that the precise whereabouts of the lean senator was a matter of very vague conjecture. The parties exchanged shots and the ball of Mr. Clay hit the centre of the visible object, but the body of Mr. Randolph was untouched. Immediately after the exchange of shots Mr. Clay instantly approached Mr. Randolph, and with a gush of the deepest emotion said, "I trust in God, my dear sir, you are untouched; after what has occurred I would not have harmed you for a thousand worlds." The incident referred to above as 'occurring' was the fact of Mr. Randolph's firing in the air, thus publicly proclaiming his intention not to harm Mr. Clay at all events.

In person, Clay was tall and commanding, being six feet and one inch in stature, and was noted for the erect appearance he presented, while standing, walking, or talking. The most striking features of his countenance were a high forehead, a prominent nose, an uncommonly large mouth, and blue eyes which, though not particularly expressive when in repose, had an electrical appearance when kindled. His voice was one of extraordinary compass, melody and power. From the 'deep and dreadful sub-bass of the organ' to the most ærial warblings of its highest key, hardly a pipe or stop was wanting. Like all the magical voices, it had the faculty of imparting to the most familiar and commonplace expressions an inexpressible fascination. Probably no orator ever lived who, when speaking on a great occasion, was more completely absorbed with his theme. "I do not know how it is with others," he once said, "but, on such occasions, I seem to be unconscious of the external world. Wholly engrossed by the subject before me, I lose all sense of personal identity, of time, or of surrounding objects."

MARTIN VAN BUREN.

In the quiet little village of Kinderhook, New York, there was at the close of the Revolution, an indifferent tavern kept by a Dutchman named Van Buren. There his distinguished son Martin was born on the 5th day of December, 1782.

After attending the academy in his native village he, at the age of fourteen, began the study of law. His success was phenomenal from the beginning, and he has passed into history as an indefatigable student all through life. In 1808 he was made surrogate of his native county. In 1812 he was elected to the senate of his native State and in that body voted for electors pledged to support DeWitt Clinton for the presidency. He was attorney-general of the State from 1815 until 1819. Mr. Van Buren was a very able politician and it was through his influence that the celebrated 'Albany Regency,' whose influence ruled the State uninterruptedly for over twenty years, was set on foot.