Chapter 12

As a writer of English--and we may add as a speculative philosopher--little as he ever troubled himself with revision and correction, he must be placed first among Americans of all the several generations to which he belonged, excepting only Franklin; and if Franklin excelled him in humor and geniality, he far surpassed Franklin in compass and vivacity. Indeed, it is only by the recent publication of his letters that his gifts in these respects are becoming well known. The first installment of his private letters published during his lifetime, though not deficient in these characteristics, yet having been written under feelings of great aggravation, and in a spirit of extreme bitterness against his political opponents, was rather damaging to him than otherwise. In the interval from 1804 to 1812, Mr. Cunningham, a maternal relative, had drawn him into a private correspondence in which, still smarting under a sense of injury, he had expressed himself with perfect unreserve and entire freedom as to the chief events of his presidential administration and the character and motives of the parties concerned in them.

By a gross breach of confidence, of which Mr. Adams, like other impulsive and confiding persons, often had been the victim, those letters were sold by Cunningham's heir in 1824, while the writer and many of the parties referred to were still alive. They were published as a part of the electioneering machinery against John Quincy Adams. They called out a violent retort from Colonel Pickering, who had been secretary of State to Washington and Adams, till dismissed from office by the latter; but though Mr. Jefferson was also severely handled in them, they occasioned no interruption to the friendly relation which had been re-established between him and Mr. Adams.

Those two leading actors in American politics, at first so co-operative and afterward so hostile, again reunited in friendly intercourse, having outlived almost all of their fellow-actors, continued to descend hand in hand to the grave. Adams lived to see his son president, and to receive Jefferson's congratulations on the same. By a remarkable coincidence, they both expired on the fiftieth anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, in which they both had taken so active a part, Adams, however, being the survivor by a few hours.

Of Adams' personal appearance and domestic character in his old age, his grandson gives the following account: "In figure, John Adams was not tall, scarcely exceeding middle height, but of a stout, well-knit frame, denoting vigor and long life, yet as he grew old inclining more and more to corpulence. His head was large and round, with a wide forehead and expanded brows. His eye was mild and benignant, perhaps even humorous when he was free from emotion, but when excited it fully expressed the vehemence of the spirit that stirred within."

"His presence was grave and imposing on serious occasions, but not unbending. He delighted in social conversation, in which he was sometimes tempted to what he called rodomontade. But he seldom fatigued those who heard him; for he mixed so much of natural vigor of fancy and illustration with the store of his acquired knowledge, as to keep alive their interest for a long time."

"His affections were warm, though not habitually demonstrated toward his relatives. His anger, when thoroughly aroused, was for a time extremely violent, but when it subsided it left no trace of malevolence behind. Nobody could see him intimately without admiring the simplicity and truth which shone in his actions, and standing in some awe of the power and energy of his will. It was in these moments that he impressed those around him with a sense of his greatness. Even the men employed on his farm were in the habit of citing instances, some of which have been remembered down to the present day."

"At times his vehemence became so great as to make him overbearing and unjust. This was apt to happen in cases of pretension and any kind of wrong-doing. Mr. Adams was very impatient of cant, or of opposition to any of his deeply established convictions. Neither was his indignation at all graduated to the character of the individuals who might happen to excite it. He had little respect of persons, and would hold an illiterate man or raw boy to as heavy a responsibility for uttering a crude heresy, as the strongest thinker or the most profound scholar."

The same writer makes the following remarks on his general character: "His nature was too susceptible to emotions of sympathy and kindness, for it tempted him to trust more than was prudent in the professions of some who proved unworthy of his confidence. Ambitious in one sense he certainly was, but it was not the mere aspiration for place or power. It was a desire to excel in the minds of men by the development of high qualities, the love, in short, of an honorable fame, that stirred him to exult in the rewards of popular favor. Yet this passion never tempted him to change a course of action or to suppress a serious conviction, to bend to a prevailing error or to disavow one odious truth."

In these last assertions we do not fully concur. They involve some controverted points of history; however, they may be made with far more plausibility of Mr. Adams than of the greater portion of political men.

There is much in the life of John Adams worthy of careful consideration. He rose from poverty to distinction; he was a capable man, capable of filling the highest place in the estimation of his posterity, yet his serious faults led to his political ruin. The careful perusal of his life will enable one to understand the principles of the two great parties of to-day, modified though they be, the fundamental principles remaining the same.

THOMAS JEFFERSON.

The subject of this narrative was born in Virginia, in the year 1743, on the 2nd day of April. As young Jefferson was born to affluence and was bountifully blessed with all the educational advantages which wealth will bring, many of our young readers may say--well, I could succeed, perhaps, had I those advantages. We will grant that you could provided you took means similar to those used by Jefferson, for while we must admit that all cannot be Jeffersons, nor Lincolns, nor Garfields, still we are constantly repeating in our mind the words of the poet:--

"Lives of great men all remind us We can make our lives sublime, And, departing, leave behind us Footprints on the sands of time,"

it has been said that where twenty enter the dry-goods trade nineteen will fail and from their despair behold the odd one succeed--utilizing the very weapons within their own grasp to bring about his success. This is true, not only of the dry-goods trade but of all trades, of all professions, and to resume our subject--Jefferson had much with which to contend.

He finally attended school at William and Mary College for two years. Here he strove to cultivate friendly feelings with all whom he met, with excellent success, becoming very popular with both companions and teachers. It was while a student that he heard the famous speech of Patrick Henry; and those immortal words, "GIVE ME LIBERTY OR GIVE ME DEATH," seemed to kindle within him a patriotic spirit which grew until it burst forth in that noble statue to his memory,--the Declaration of Independence, which was the work of his pen. He studied law for a time, after a two years' college course, when, in 1767 he began its practice.

As Mr. Jefferson is described as tall and spare with gray eyes and red hair, surely his success is not due to his personal appearance. At the beginning of his practice he was not considered what might be termed brilliant, but the fact that he was employed on over two hundred cases within the first two years of his practice proves the secret of his success to have been his undefatigable energy. It is also stated that he rarely spoke in public which shows his good sense in discovering where his strength lay,--then pushing on that line to success.

He was elected by his countrymen to the house of Burgesses where he at once took a decided stand against parliamentary encroachment. It was in this first of his legislative efforts that he brought forward a bill tending to the freedom of slaves, provided their masters felt so disposed, but this measure was defeated. The house of Burgesses appointed him a member of the committee of correspondence. The duty of this committee was to disseminate intelligence upon the issues of the day, notably the system of taxation which the mother-country was trying to impose upon the colonies.

His article entitled: "A Summary View of the Rights of British America," was a masterly production, clearly defining the right of the colonies to resist taxation, and it was the principles here set forth that were afterwards adopted as the Declaration of Independence. This, paper was printed, not only in America, but in England, where its author was placed on the roll of treason and brought before parliament. This document also placed Jefferson in America among the foremost writers of that age; it also showed him to be a bold and uncompromising opponent of oppression, and an eloquent advocate of constitutional freedom.

He was sent to the Continental Congress. On the floor he was silent but he had the 'reputation of a masterly pen,' says John Adams, and in committee was a most influential member. He drafted the Declaration of Independence, and on June 28th it was laid before Congress and finally adopted, with but a few verbal changes. This document probably has the greatest celebrity of any paper of like nature in existence.

He now resigned his seat in Congress to push needed reform in his State preparatory to the new order of affairs. The first thing needed was a State constitution. Jefferson aided much in the framing of this. He was placed on the committee to reorganize the State laws, and to Jefferson is due the abolition of Primogenitureship--the exclusive right of the first-born to all property of the family. The measure establishing religious freedom, whereby people were not to be taxed for the support of a religion not theirs, was also the work of his hand. These measures were very democratic indeed and owing to the aristocratic views of the people at that time, excited great opposition, but they were finally passed and since have been law.

Thus it will be seen that Jefferson was the author of many of our dearest ideas of equality. In 1778 he procured the passage of a bill forbidding future importation of slaves and the next year he was elected governor of Virginia, to succeed Patrick Henry. He assumed the duties of this office in a most gloomy time. The enemy were preparing to carry the war into the South, and Jefferson knew they would find Virginia almost defenseless. Her resources were drained to the dregs to sustain hostilities in South Carolina and Georgia, and her sea coast was almost wholly unprotected. The State was invaded by the enemy several times and once the Governor was almost captured by Tarleton.

Jefferson declined a re-election as he perceived that a military leader was needed, and he was succeeded by General Nelson. Jefferson was appointed one of the Ministers of the Colonies to Europe to assist Adams and Franklin in negotiating treaties of commerce. He was the means which brought about our system of coins, doing away with the old English pounds, shillings and pence, substituting the dollar and fractions of a dollar, even down to a cent. He became our Minister to France in 1785 in place of Franklin who had resigned. Here he did good service for his country by securing the admission into France of tobacco, flour, rice and various other American products.

Being offered the head of Washington's cabinet, he accepted it. Immediately upon his entrance into the cabinet, in 1790, began the struggle between the Federalist and Republican parties, their leaders, Hamilton and now Jefferson, both being members of the cabinet. Jefferson was probably the real originator of the State sovereignity idea, and the constitution did not wholly meet his approval. He thought better of it, however, when he became President and felt more forcibly the need of authority in such a trying position.

He had just returned from an extended trip through Europe, and he contended that the world was governed too much. He was intensely Democratic in his belief and as the head of the then rising Republican party--now the Democratic--opposed all measures which tended toward centralizing in one government, characterizing all such measures as leading to monarchy.

Washington was a Federalist, and in all the leading measures gave his support to Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Jefferson's opponent. As it was out of the question for Jefferson to remain in the cabinet of an executive wholly at variance with him politically, he accordingly resigned in 1793 and retired to his farm at 'Monticello' to attend to his private affairs as he was embarrassed financially at this time, and his attention was very much needed.

In 1796, Washington designing to retire from public service, the two great parties decided upon Adams and Jefferson as their standard-bearers; the electoral votes being counted, it was found that Adams stood first and Jefferson next. Adams was therefore declared president and Jefferson, according to existing law, vice-president. Then followed the alien and sedition laws and the war demonstrations against France by the federal party, which was objected to by the Republicans. The bearing of France became so unendurable that Washington offered to take his place at the head of the army. Finding all else of no avail, the Republicans resorted to the State Arenas; the result was the 'Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of '98,' the former of which was the work of Jefferson, the latter that of Madison. As is well known these were the foundation, years after, of Calhoun's Nullification Views. It was a principle of Jefferson, which was never effectually settled, until civil war had rent the nation almost in twain.

Happily peace triumphed, and in the campaign that followed, the Republicans were successful, Mr. Jefferson becoming president--Aaron Burr vice-president. Jefferson's ascension to the presidency caused a complete revolution in the politics of the country. The central idea around which the party revolved was the diffusion of power among the people. To this idea they would bend every question indiscriminately, whether it related to a national bank, tariff, slavery, or taxes. It held that in the States themselves rested the original authority, that in the government lay the power only for acts of a general character. Jefferson, their first president, now came to Washington.

President Washington came to the capitol with servants in livery, in a magnificent carriage drawn by four cream-colored horses, Jefferson came on horseback, hitching his horse to a post while he delivered a fifteen minute address. He abolished the presidential levees, and concealed his birthday to prevent its being celebrated. He even detested the word minister prefixed to one's name, and eschewed breeches, wearing pantaloons. It was during his administration that Louisiana was purchased, although, according to his own theory, he had no constitutional right to do so, but the great benefit derived from this purchase soon silenced all opposition.

It was during his administration that the piratical Barbary States were cured of their insolence, and in his second term that Burr's trial occurred. At the close of this second term he retired to private life to become the 'Sage of Monticello.' He now turned his attention to the establishing of the University of Virginia. He was a believer in the free development of the human powers so far as was consistent with good government. He subjected the constitution of the United States to a careful scrutiny governed by this theory, and became convinced that the doctrine of State sovereignty was right and he fought for it persistently when called to the head of the government.

His inaugural address breathed that idea, but when Aaron Burr bearded the authority of his government he began to realize the rottenness of such a foundation, and when it came to the purchase of Louisiana, his doctrine had to be stretched, and he finally became convinced, as he expressed it, that the Government must show its teeth.

On July 4th, 1826, at a little past noon, he died, a few hours before his political opponent, but fast friend, John Adams. How strange to think that about that hour fifty years before they had each signed the declaration of the freedom of the country which they had so ably served. The granite for his monument lies unquarried nor is its erection needed. The Declaration of Independence is a far greater monument than could be fashioned from brass or stone.

JOHN MARSHALL.

America has been bountifully blessed with great and good men. Washington 'The father'--I was about to say--'founder of his country'; Jefferson who taught us the beauty of plain dress but rich manners; Hamilton who placed a tottering treasury upon a strong foundation,--Great indeed were all of these, but there was born in Fouquier county, Virginia, on the 24th day of September, 1755, a child who was to be known to all posterity as the great Chief Justice of the United States. This was John Marshall.

He was the eldest of a family of fifteen children. In early boyhood he took an interest in poetry and was perfectly familiar with Dryden, Pope, Milton and Shakespeare. He was for many years full of dreamy romance and poetical enthusiasm, and his solitary meditations were usually amid the wildest scenery.

After a short college course at West Moreland, where he had as a fellow-student James Monroe, and a further classical education under a resident clergyman; he, at eighteen, began the study of law, but enlisted to fight the British before he obtained a license to practice. He soon took a part with his regiment, of which his father was major, in the battle of Great Bridge leading, as lieutenant, in a flanking party which advanced in the face of a murderous fire and put an end to the engagement.

He belonged to the Culpepper Minute-men, who wore green hunting shirts with "Liberty or Death" on the bosom in white letters, and who carried a banner which displayed a coiled rattlesnake with the motto, "Don't tread on me." He took a part in the battle of Brandywine, Germantown and Monmouth; he shared the hardships of Valley Forge; in fact saw almost continuous service from the time he enlisted at the beginning until the glorious end, for which he had so sanguinely waited, came.

Meanwhile he had studied some, and had attended a course of lectures delivered by the renowned Mr Wythe at William and Mary College, and had secured a license to practice. At the close of hostilities he commenced business as an attorney; with marked success from the first.

That extraordinary comprehension and grasp of mind by which difficulties were seized and overcome without parade, commended the attention of the courts of justice; and his sweet temper and loving ways gained for him a host of friends. Such a man, who possessed not only ability but a perfect control of himself, MUST SUCCEED. He soon rose to distinction, being elected to a seat in the council of the State. He was married in 1783 to the daughter of the State treasurer and moved to Richmond.

In spite of this removal his old neighbors re-elected him to represent their county, and in 1787 he became a member from his adopted county, Henrico. As is well-known, the Federal constitution was considered by many an approach to monarchy. It was held by Jefferson and many of his followers as tending toward that state of things of which they had so much to fear. At the Virginia Convention, assembled to discuss the constitution drawn up at Philadelphia, where great opposition was developed, Mr. Marshall's speech had a crushing effect on its assailants. He next became a member from Richmond, that city now being entitled to a representative, where he remained for three years.

Virginia was the headquarters of the State rights party, headed by Jefferson. Mr. Marshall supported the administration of Washington, defining the Federal view so clearly that it carried conviction, yet so calmly and with such moderation of tone, that when he retired from that body in 1792 he left not an enemy behind. He now devoted himself to his profession with unbounded success. While attending to a large legal practice, he also frequently appeared at public meetings in support of the administration of Washington.

In 1795 he was again a member of the House. In the violent debate over Jay's treaty he became its champion, and by a most eloquent speech, before a body that had condemned it, he secured an amendment to their resolution, reversing their former decision, and the passage of one favorable to the policy. Washington offered him a place in his Cabinet, but he refused, as it would interfere with his profession; later he was offered the mission to France, which he also declined. In 1797 President Adams sent another delegation to France, which he accepted, and with Pickney and Gerry proceeded to Paris.

Upon his return he immediately resumed his practice, but was urged to defend his party. Washington finally prevailed upon him to run for Congress, to which he was elected in 1799. Even during the canvass Adams offered him a seat on the Supreme Bench, which he declined. Within a few weeks from the time of his entrance upon his duties as Congressman, he was called upon to announce in that body the death of Washington. His words were few, but were ever remembered as producing a profound impression.

Washington, the great Federal leader was dead. Virginia had passed the resolution of 1798, recording her solemn protest, and the Republicans were flushed with the daily increasing revulsion against the Federal Government. At this crisis John Marshall appeared in Congress and stepped to the front as the leader of his party. In 1800 he was appointed Secretary of War. Before he entered upon his duties he is placed at the head of the Cabinet as Secretary of State, and a few months later his name is sent by the President to Congress, and is unanimously confirmed for the position of Chief Justice of the United States.

John Marshall has been heretofore recognized as a man of great ability, and now he takes a position which he holds for life, and where his influence is paramount. On one occasion a young house-keeper was swearing lustily because he could find no one to carry his turkey home for him. A plain man standing by offered to perform the service, and when they arrived at the door the young man asked, 'What shall I pay you, sir'? 'O nothing,' replied the old man; 'It was on my way, and no trouble.' 'Who is that polite old gentleman,' asked the young man of a bystander. The reply was, 'That is the Chief Justice of the United States.' The young man drank the bitter cup without further comment.

An eminent writer once said of him: Here is John Marshall, whose mind seems to be an inexhaustible quarry from which he draws the materials and builds his fabrics rude and Gothic, but of such strength that neither time nor force can beat them down; a fellow who would not turn off a single step from the right line of his argument, though a paradise should rise to tempt him.

What more could be said of him,--only that he died at Philadelphia on the 6th of July, 1835; more would be superfluous.

ALEXANDER HAMILTON.