CHAPTER XII

THE END

La mort a des rigueurs à nulle autre pareilles; Ou a beau la prier, La cruelle qu'elle est, se bouche les oreilles, Et nous laisse crier.

Le pauvre en sa cabine, où le chaume le couvre, Est sujet à ses lois; Et la garde qui veille aux barrières du Louvre, N'en défend point nos rois.

FRANÇOIS DE MALHERBE

In the end the Restoration came as a joyful surprise to Queen Henrietta and her sons. After all the struggles, after all the intrigues, after all the schemes, Charles Stuart returned to the throne of his father by the free choice of a people afraid of a military despotism, weary of the disorders which had followed the death of Cromwell, and remembering that, after all, the exiled King had had little or no complicity in the deeds which brought his father to the scaffold. England was tired of Puritanism, and was preparing with all eagerness to welcome the Merry Monarch.

France, which had shown herself decidedly tepid in helping the King of England in his adversities, and had, even at the nod of the usurper, driven him beyond her borders, was quite ready to rejoice at his good luck. Even Mazarin offered the most gratifying sympathy, while Queen Anne and the common people manifested a more real gladness. The English colony in Paris was naturally almost beside itself with joy and triumph, which burst forth in noisy rejoicings, wherein music, drinking, and fireworks played about equal parts.

As for Henrietta, her joy was too deep for words. The small but pretty house at Colombes, where she now spent much of her time, was the scene of suitable festivity, but she was probably glad when she could retire to Chaillot to receive the sympathy of Mother de la Fayette, and to assist at a solemn Te Deum of thanksgiving, which was sung in the chapel of the convent. When the news came that her son, on his landing in England, had almost been torn to pieces in the delight of his subjects, her joy was complete. "At last," she wrote in a happy letter to her sister Christine, "at last the good God has looked upon us in His mercy, and has worked, so to speak, a miracle in this re-establishment, having in an instant changed the hearts of a people which has passed from the greatest hatred to expressions of the greatest possible kindness and submission, marked, moreover, by expressions of unparalleled joy."[421] The King, her son, she added, would, she believed, be more powerful than any of his predecessors, a forecast in which she showed her usual lack of political penetration, for the English people, even in the delirium of loyalty of the Restoration, did not throw away the fruits of the long struggle.

Charles wrote most kindly to his mother, begging her to come to England to share his triumph, and she confessed, in a letter to her sister Christine, that she should like before she died to see her family reunited after their long wanderings, and "vagabonds no more." But she delayed several months, during the course of which her nephew, Louis XIV, whom she had once hoped to see her son-in-law, married the bride of his mother's choosing, the Infanta of Spain. The Queen of England, in company with her sister of France, repaired to the house of Madame de Beauvais,[422] whence, from a balcony overlooking the Rue S. Antoine, the royal ladies witnessed the entry into Paris of the King of France and his wife, Louis riding on horseback, and the bride sitting in a car drawn by six splendid horses. Only a few weeks after this day of rejoicing Henrietta's joy was turned to grief, and even her pleasure in her son's restoration was dashed by the sad news of the death of her youngest son Henry, who had grown into a tall, fine young man, whose gallant bearing was much admired when he rode into London at the left hand of his brother the King, on the happy 29th of May. The poor lad was smitten by the scourge of smallpox, and in a few days he was laid in the grave.

It was not until October that the Queen turned her steps towards England, accompanied by her youngest daughter, who was now a girl of sixteen, the beautiful

"Princesse blanche comme albâtre,"[423]

who was soon to be the bride of her cousin Philip, the brother of Louis XIV. In spite of the happy occasion, it was sad to Henrietta to retrace the wedding journey of her youth, and to have to take part in festivities which recalled those of that long-passed time. On this occasion she set sail from Calais, but it was again at Dover that she set foot upon the soil of her adopted country, which she had not seen for sixteen years, and which her daughter had left as a child too young for memory.

Nor were the sad associations of the past the Queen's only cause for sorrow. Her grief was still fresh for her dead son, and for her two living ones her mind was full of anxiety. "I am going to England to marry one and to unmarry the other," she had said on leaving Paris. She was revolving schemes in her head for a marriage between the King and a niece of Cardinal Mazarin, whose large dowry, it was thought, would be useful in paying off the army of Cromwell and in settling the discontent which surely must be still lurking in the newly converted country. But more painful thoughts were given to her second son. This young man, whose exploits, together with those of his younger brother, at the battle of the Dunes, had won the admiration of the French against whom they were fighting, and whose fame was so great that his praises were sung in the coffee-houses of distant Constantinople, had so far forgotten his high lineage as to contract an alliance with a young woman of low rank, of no compensating beauty and of somewhat doubtful character. It was small consolation to Henrietta that the lady she was called upon to welcome as Duchess of York was the daughter of Sir Edward Hyde. At first she sternly refused to recognize the marriage, and it was only the entreaties of her two most intimate friends and counsellors, Lord Jermyn and the Abbé Montagu, that induced her to be reconciled to her son and to receive his wife. Perhaps she was also influenced by the knowledge that her eldest son, who at this time was much under the power of Hyde, wished her to show mercy. Still, it was with an aching heart that she saw her gallant young son mated with a woman in every way inferior to him; and her chagrin would not have been decreased could she have looked into the future and seen the two daughters of Anne Hyde sitting, in succession, upon the throne from which they had thrust their father.

Queen Henrietta Maria was received with all kindness in England, which she found in such a fever of loyalty as to make it quite needless to think of the dowry of Mazarin's niece. The ever-fickle populace welcomed her with joy which made it difficult to believe that she had even been unpopular. Her dowry was restored to her, and her son rewarded his mother's faithful servants. Jermyn, whose advocacy of the Duchess of York had not perhaps been quite disinterested, received the title of Earl of St. Albans; and Montagu no doubt might also have obtained the recompense of his fidelity had he not by now regarded France and the Church as a truer _patria_ than his own country. As Grand Almoner to the Queen he presided over her ecclesiastical establishment, which was again settled at Somerset House, whither the Capuchin Fathers had returned to carry on a vigorous religious campaign, in which their superior, Father Cyprien,[424] who preached sermons "to touch the heart of demons," took an active part. The palace had been much knocked about during the war, and it was one of Henrietta's pleasures to restore it to its former beauty, an achievement which her old admirer, Sir William Waller, celebrated in smooth, polished verses of the type which was rapidly ousting the literary fashions of an earlier day. The Queen showed a surprising memory for the persons and things of the past, and delighted her son's courtiers by the graceful tact with which she recalled their circumstances and asked after their wives and families. But she was not very happy. Probably she felt the loss of her former political influence. Certainly she felt all the bitterness of returning a lonely and widowed old woman to the scenes of her happy married life. Sometimes, when all was bright around her, she would be found in some retired corner, where, with eyes full of tears, she was dwelling in thought upon the happy days of the past, and thinking of him to whom her will had been law.

Thus by December, 1660, she had made up her mind to return to France; and after a parting saddened by the recent death of her eldest daughter, the Princess of Orange, who died of smallpox in London, she set out. Her journey was delayed by the serious illness of Princess Henrietta at Portsmouth, so that she did not reach Paris until the February of the next year. She was welcomed with much affection by her many friends, but perhaps the marriage of her daughter Henrietta, the daily companion of fifteen years, which took place with great éclat at the Palais Royal, made her life too lonely; for after the birth of the young wife's first child, a little girl to whom she was godmother, she determined to set out again for England, and report had it that there she meant to live and die. Her eldest son had just married a princess of Portugal, whose acquaintance she was anxious to make, and royal tact led her to add that she also wished to see the little daughter who had recently been born to the Duke and Duchess of York.

There was no lack of heartiness in the welcome of her sons. Both Charles and James put to sea to meet her; but, owing to stormy weather, their boat was driven back, and the Queen's first welcome was the joyous salvos of Dover which answered the thunder of the guns of Calais.

None but the most formal accounts remain to tell of Henrietta's impressions of her daughter-in-law, Catherine of Braganza. She can hardly have been pleased with the insipid girl whose bigoted piety and dull precision of character were not calculated to win the heart of an intellectual roué such as Charles II, who in women preferred a sparkling wit even to beauty. His mother, whose happy married life had made her shudder at the very name of illicit love, was no doubt judiciously blind where her sons were concerned; but she must have felt for this poor child whose chances of happiness were from the beginning very small. The two queens found a common interest in religion. Catherine was indeed _dévote_ as Henrietta had never been; but the elder woman had throughout her life given sufficient proof of zeal, and she had recently written a letter to the Pope, informing him that the chief reason of her return to England was her desire to advance the Catholic religion in that land. The Court of Rome was getting weary of the ungrateful island on which "missioners, seminaires, regulars, seculars, archpriests, interposition of Princes, and what not,"[425] had all been thrown away. But Henrietta, true to her sanguine nature, still hoped to be the saviour of the English Catholics. Her chapel at Somerset House was once more the resort of the faithful, where hundreds abjured the heresy of their birth, some of which conversions were so amazing as to merit a place in the memoirs of Father Cyprien. Above all, the Queen knew that her eldest son, whose private opinions varied between the tenets of Hobbes and those of the Church of Rome, would have liked to be tolerant. What she failed to appreciate was that his wandering exiled life had taught him to sacrifice any private fancy or liking rather than go on his travels again.

Somerset House was not only a religious centre. Wherever Henrietta was there were laughter, wit, and cheerfulness. Even in the darkest days of the past she would dry her tears to laugh at anything which struck her as droll, and now, in her old age, though sorrow and self-discipline had softened the sharpness of her tongue, her conversation had the charm of that of a witty woman who had mixed with famous people, and who had borne a principal part in the events of the age which was just passing away. Life had been to her what books are to more studious people; for, like the father whose wit she had inherited, she did not care for reading, and this, in her later life, she frankly regretted. She was now a "little, plain old woman,"[426] always quietly dressed, and worn out by trouble and ill-health; but the charm which was her cradle gift had not left her, and her Court proved much more attractive than that of her daughter-in-law, to whom nature had been less bountiful, and whose prim youth was no match for the sprightly age of the daughter of Henry IV.

But the rivalry was not to be a long one. It seems that the air of England had not agreed with Henrietta, even when she was young and happy; and now her health daily became worse, until at last her physicians told her plainly that if she remained in England she would die. Perhaps she was not altogether sorry for this decision. She loved her sunny native land, and her heart yearned for her youngest and dearest child and for her nuns at Chaillot. Moreover, the troubles of her previous visit had not passed away. She bade a loving farewell to the two sons whose faces she knew she would never see again, and then made for the last time the familiar journey to Paris, where she was received with the customary kindness of the French royal family.

* * * * *

The last years of Henrietta Maria's life were calm and peaceful, except for her ill-health. "I have never had a day free from pain for twenty years," she said shortly before her death to her friends at Chaillot. She had little to trouble her beyond the gentle sorrow of seeing those with whom she had been associated pass, one by one, to the silence of the grave. Her brother, the Duke of Orleans, ended his restless life in the year of the Restoration, leaving his title to his nephew, Henrietta's son-in-law. Cardinal Mazarin passed away in 1661, avaricious to the last, and counting with dying fingers the treasures to which his heart still clung. Four years later Queen Anne of Austria followed him, after an illness the infinitely pathetic record of which is to be found in the pages of Madame de Motteville. She was a great loss to her sister-in-law, the more so as Henrietta's faithful friend, the Abbé Montagu, was so high in her favour that it was feared he would succeed to the influence and position of Mazarin, and thus France be under a foreigner once more. The tie between these two was of no ordinary strength. Not only had Montagu been a friend and companion of the unforgotten Buckingham, but Anne never ceased to remember the service which he had rendered to her in the past. When he returned to France, after his long imprisonment, sobered by trouble, and so far from desiring the ecclesiastical honours on which his heart had once been set that he turned from them when offered, he became in some measure her spiritual adviser, a rôle for which he was well suited, as he knew probably better than any one else the secrets of the past. From his lips, at her own request, the dying Queen received the solemn intimation of the approach of death, and almost her last conscious words were addressed to him. "M. de Montagu knows how much I have to thank God for," she said, fixing her eyes on the Abbé as he knelt weeping beside her, words which both Madame de Motteville, who was present, and Montagu himself interpreted as bearing witness to Anne's innocence in the days when she compromised her reputation by vanity and coquetting.[427]

Henrietta's health, which had never recovered from the strain of the Civil War and the terrible experiences of her last confinement, became worse and worse; so that in December, 1668, she wrote to her son Charles that her remaining days would not be many. She suffered much from sleeplessness and fainting fits, and even the waters of Bourbon, which she had long been accustomed to drink every year, afforded her little relief. The thought of death had ever been to her, as to her accomplished friend Madame de Motteville, one of terror. She did not like even to speak of it. "It is better," she was wont to say, "to give one's attention to living well, and to hope for God's mercy in the last hour." But now that death was drawing near it lost something of its terror, and she said quite openly that she was going to Chaillot to die. "I shall think no more of doctors or medicine," she added, "but only of my soul." In this spirit she went out to her house at Colombes to spend there the golden days of a French autumn, until the feast of All Saints should call her to her convent. "The Queen-Mother is extreme ill, and seems to apprehend herself extremely,"[428] wrote Ralph Montagu, the English ambassador in Paris, on September 7th, 1669.

A few days later the end came. To the Queen's sleeplessness was added an aversion from all food, and at the request of the King of France, who was much attached to his aunt, a consultation of doctors was held, among whom the principal place was taken by Vallot, a man of great experience, who was first physician to the Crown of France, but who, nevertheless, was believed by some to have been negligent in his care of Queen Anne. He, thinking that Henrietta's great weakness came from her distressing insomnia, advised that she should take a grain of some sedative at night. The Queen, who had explained her symptoms with great clearness, objected the opinion of Sir Theodore Mayerne that such remedies were dangerous to her constitution, adding, laughing, that an old gipsy woman in England had once told her that she would never die except of a grain. Vallot listened respectfully, but he was unconvinced, so that his patient, feeling her reluctance to be foolish, agreed to follow his advice. The day wore on, and after a quiet evening with her ladies, Henrietta retired to bed as usual; but she did not feel very well, and it was suggested that she should not take the opiate. However, she could not sleep, and when her physician was called to her bedside she asked with some eagerness for the drug. He administered it in an egg, after which the Queen lay down again, to fall into a sleep which became deeper and deeper, until it passed into the last sleep of death.[429]

* * * * *

With daybreak all was confusion at Colombes. Messengers hurried off to Paris to acquaint the King of France with the news of his aunt's death, and to S. Cloud to break the sad tidings to the Duchess of Orleans, who would be her mother's truest mourner. By some strange oversight or malice the English ambassador was left to hear the intelligence by chance. Ralph Montagu, who had a very poor opinion of the Earl of St. Albans, whose position as Lord Chamberlain to the late Queen gave him considerable power, believed that that nobleman had purposely kept him in ignorance, so that there should not be "left a silver spoon in the house."[430] In the interests of the King of England he hurried off to the King of France, who, in spite of the protests of the Earl, caused seals to be placed upon his aunt's property until it could be properly disposed of.

There was great mourning for Henrietta in France, not only because she was personally beloved, but because the King and the people saw in her not so much the widow of the King of England as the last surviving child of the much-loved Henry the Great. High and low vied with each other in their desire to do her honour, and Louis XIV expressed his wish that she should lie by her father in the royal Abbey of S. Denys, where he ordered that a splendid funeral service, following the precedent of that of his mother, should be celebrated at his expense. He immediately dispatched a _lettre de cachet_[431] to the Prior and monks of the house, ordering them to receive with all honour the body of the Queen of England.

Meanwhile at Colombes on a bed of state lay the corpse.[432] But that same evening, following the custom of the times, the heart was taken out, enclosed in a silver casket, and carried to its last resting-place at Chaillot. A sorrowful company escorted the precious relic, which was met at the door of the convent by the religious, each of whom held in her hand a lighted taper. Then in a set little speech the Abbé Montagu, as Grand Almoner to the late Queen, delivered it over to the Superior, commending it to the pious care of the community.

Two days after this mournful little ceremony the body was carried through the Porte S. Denys, along the road which Henrietta had traversed as a bride, to the royal abbey, where it was to rest. There, watched by faithful guardians, it lay in a chapel behind the choir for more than a month, until the 20th of November, when the funeral service was celebrated. The obsequies were a magnificent affair, comparable with the splendours of the long-ago wedding. In the great church hung with black, on a magnificent mausoleum supported by eight marble pillars and blazing with a quantity of lighted tapers, Henrietta, who, living, had known what it was to lack the necessaries of life, lay as a King's daughter in her death, and that the contrast might be the more complete, her body, which had long laid aside the trappings of royalty, was covered by a gorgeous pall "of gold brocade covered by silver brocade and edged with ermine." By the will of the King representatives of the sovereign bodies were present, while the mourners included princes and princesses and even one of higher rank, for Casimir, the ex-King of Poland, who had exchanged his crown for a monk's frock, had journeyed to do honour to the Queen of England from the great Abbey of S. Germain des Prés, where he was spending a peaceful old age, and where his tomb may be seen to this day. The attendance of clergy indeed was not large, but that was only because orders had been issued that the sovereign bodies should be saluted before the prelates, an insult which the pride of the Church could not stomach.

After a new and delightful rendering by the choir of the _Dies Iræ_, the Bishop of Amiens ascended the pulpit. Francis Faure was probably selected for this office partly because he had been a servant of the dead Queen in her early married life, and partly because she had taken pleasure in hearing him deliver the panegyric of S. Francis de Sales in the chapel of the convent of Chaillot on the occasion of the saint's canonization. It seems, however, that this "_cordelier mitré_", as Gui Patin calls him, was not very popular with Parisian audiences, for the discourse which he delivered at the funeral of Queen Anne was severely criticized, and his sermon on the Queen of England had no better reception. Nevertheless, it reads as the work of an honest and affectionate man earnestly striving, not always indeed with success, to avoid that flattery of the great of which the times were so tolerant, but which is peculiarly vain in connection with death, the great leveller. His text was, "Watch and pray"; and he dwelt with some sternness upon the awful suddenness of the Queen's end, of which the Chaillot nuns said sweetly that it was the mercy of God to save her from the apprehension of the death which she feared so much. The discourse[433] was long, and it was nearly four o'clock in the afternoon before the body of Henrietta Maria was lowered into the royal vault, to lie beside that of her father.

But the pious care of Louis did not end at S. Denys. Nearly a week later (November 25th) another service was celebrated in Paris itself, at the Cathedral of Notre-Dame, as an additional mark of the King's respect for his aunt. The Duke and Duchess of Orleans were again the chief mourners, while this time the preacher was Father Senault, Superior of that Congregation of the Oratory from which the Queen, ever since her marriage, had chosen her confessors.[434] He was a preacher of repute, as well as a writer of distinction, and his discourse on this occasion met with the "marvellous success which attends all his actions."[435]

But before this, before even the service at S. Denys, the most famous of Henrietta Maria's funeral sermons had been preached. The filial piety of the Duchess of Orleans could not permit that her cousin the King of France should be the only person to do honour to her mother's memory. Her thoughts naturally turned to the convent at Chaillot, which her mother had loved so dearly, and where so much of her own youth had been spent. There the Queen had already been mourned by the good nuns; there Masses were offered for her soul. It was but fitting that there also should be celebrated the solemn service offered by her daughter's devotion.

On November 12th the chapel of the convent, which the care of the religious had caused to be hung with mourning, was crowded by those who had come at the invitation of the Duchess of Orleans to do honour to her mother's memory. These were no royal obsequies due to Henrietta's quality as a daughter of France, but an offering of domestic love, and, as was befitting, the celebrant of the Mass was the late Queen's faithful, lifelong friend, Walter Montagu. But for the preacher was found one who has caused this simple service to be remembered while S. Denys and Notre-Dame are forgotten. The Abbé Bossuet was already Bishop-elect of Condom, but when he stood in the pulpit of Chaillot he still wore the dress of a simple priest. The discourse was pronounced "with much applause of the audience,"[436] wrote dryly the official chronicler of these events. It will be remembered as long as the French tongue. To one heart it spoke with something more than the charms of oratory, for from this day Henrietta of Orleans dated her friendship with the good Bishop. She did not know that in less than a year the same eloquent voice would be raised over her own dead body, and that her young life would have become, like her mother's, nothing but a text for a sermon.[437]

* * * * *

There was some difficulty about the Queen's property, as she died intestate. By the law of England everything she died possessed of passed to her eldest son; by the law of France her property would be equally divided among her children or their representatives. The property was not large, and Ralph Montagu believed that when the debts were paid there would be little left "but her two houses at Colombes, which would sell for ten or twelve thousand pistols, and were always, if she had made a will, intended to be given Madame." The person most inclined to dispute the claim of the King of England was the Duke of Orleans, who, perhaps knowing his mother-in-law's intentions, proposed that his wife should take the property in France as her share, leaving to her two brothers their mother's jointure, which had been granted for two further years. But another claimant appeared in the person of Henrietta's grandson, the Prince of Orange, who said that if Monsieur took a share he should advance a claim, otherwise he would submit to the pleasure of the King of England. Madame finally persuaded her husband to desist, which was esteemed a great service to her brother, as by the terms of the late Queen's marriage contract it would have been very difficult to parry his claims. Thus the whole of Henrietta's slender fortune fell to her son Charles II of England. But since he had always had a kindness for the nuns of Chaillot, he gave to them the furniture of his mother's apartments there. Some of it was too fine for them, and this portion they sold for the benefit of the house. They had no use for Flanders tapestry, for state beds or arm-chairs; but they kept, among other things, two feather beds, all the linen and pottery, and three very beautiful pictures. The proceeds of the sale enabled the nuns to build ten new cells, as well as to lay aside a sum of money for the expenses of the yearly commemoration of their royal foundress.[438]

* * * * *

Of those who mourned for Henrietta Maria it remains to say a few words. The future history of her two sons and of her nephew, Louis XIV, is too well known to need remark, except that it may be mentioned that James, in the tardy repentance of exile, found much comfort and edification among the nuns of Chaillot. The tragic fate of her daughter has already been referred to. Henrietta of Orleans, in the bloom of a beauty which recalled that of her mother, died at S. Cloud in the autumn of 1670, not without suspicion of poison. The Earl of St. Albans[439] returned to London, where he spent a drinking and card-playing old age, of which the most notable achievement was the foundation of St. James's Square, by which means he may almost claim the title of founder of modern West London, where Jermyn Street yet preserves his name. Walter Montagu, his friend of many years, had a very different fate. After the death of his three patronesses, the Queen of France, the Queen of England, and the Duchess of Orleans, he was made to resign the Abbey of S. Martin's, Pontoise. He returned to Paris and entered the Hospital of the Incurables in the Rue de Sève.[440] "My lord," said an English priest[441] of remarkable piety, who was waiting there for death, as he saw the Abbé enter, "you are come to teach me how to die." "No, Mr. Clifford," replied Montagu, "I have come to learn from you how to live."

In this calm retreat his last years flowed quietly away. He "only occupied himself with the eternal years and with the practice of all the vertues,"[442] said the chronicler of S. Martin's; but incidentally he was able to render many services to the English colony in Paris, though his cousin Ralph complained that he had grown "very ignorant and out of fashion."[443] He died peacefully at the Incurables in February, 1677, and his body was carried to S. Martin's, at Pontoise, of which he had been a princely benefactor, to be buried in the chapel[444] of S. Walter, the first Abbot of the house and his patron saint, which he had beautified at great expense. Mother Jeanne, who still ruled over the Carmelites of Pontoise, caused a Mass to be sung for his soul, and equal honour was paid to his memory by the English Benedictine nuns of the same town. In Paris another old friend was doubtless thinking of him, for in a retirement almost monastical Madame de Chevreuse yet lived, one of the last of those who had gathered at the brilliant Court of Charles I and Henrietta Maria.

* * * * *

Thus Henrietta Maria, Queen of England,

"Left love and life and slept in endless rest."[445]

As she was unfortunate in life, so she has been unfortunate in death; for a people whose historical judgments were stereotyped by the revolution of 1688 has remembered her failings and forgotten her charms. It is only within recent years that the justice of history, working on the materials which are slowly unfolding the secrets of time, has been able to redress the balance and to reveal the personality of the woman who, amid all her misfortunes and all her faults, never lacked while living the devotion of love and friendship.

[Footnote 421: _Lettres de Henriette Marie à sa soeur Christine_, p. 121.]

[Footnote 422: This fine old house is still standing in the Rue François Mirron.]

[Footnote 423: Loret: _La Muse Historique_, t. 3, p. 252.]

[Footnote 424: This friar seems to have been more highly esteemed than, to judge by his memoirs, he quite deserved. _La Muse Historique_ has a long panegyric of him beginning--

Ce père a beaucoup de science De vertue d'esprit d'eloquence Faizans quelque fois des Sermons A pouvoir toucher des Demons.--T. IV, p. 116.]

[Footnote 425: Archives of See of Westminster.]

[Footnote 426: Pepys: _Diary_, November 22nd, 1660.]

[Footnote 427: Mme de Motteville: _Mémoires_ (1783), VI, pp. 307, 308.]

[Footnote 428: Hist. MSS. Com. MSS. of Duke of Buccleuch at Montagu House. Vol. I, p. 438.]

[Footnote 429: There are several accounts of Henrietta's death differing considerably in detail, especially as to the time when the opiate was given. Vallot was much blamed for the advice he had given.]

[Footnote 430: Hist. MSS. Com. MSS. of Duke of Buccleuch at Montagu House. Vol. I, p. 440.]

[Footnote 431: "A nos chers et bien aimez le grand Prieur et Religieux de l'Abbaye Royalle de S. Denis en France" (September 12th, 1669).--Arch. Nat., K. 119, No. 7.]

[Footnote 432: The official account of the Queen's death and of the three funeral services is contained in MS. Cinqants de Colbert, p. 142.]

[Footnote 433: "Oraison funèbre de Henriette Marie de France Reyne de la Grande Bretagne prononcée dans l'Eglise de Saint Denys en France par Monseigneur l'Evesque d'Amiens" (1670).]

[Footnote 434: Her confessor at the time of her death was Father Lambert, who succeeded Father Viette.]

[Footnote 435: MS. Cinq cents de Colbert, p. 142.]

[Footnote 436: Cinq cents de Colbert, p. 142.]

[Footnote 437: On the first day of the year 1670 Walter Montagu "Voulant temoyner sa reconnaissance envers la Reine d'Angleterre ... indiqua dans son église [S. Martin's, Pontoise] un service solemnel par le repos de son âme."--Histoire de l'Abbaye de S. Martin de Pontoise, 1769. Bibliothèque Mazarine, MS. 3368.]

[Footnote 438: Arch. Nat., K. 1303, No. 6. The portion sold realized £4143.]

[Footnote 439: It is necessary to say a few words as to the alleged marriage between Henrietta Maria and Jermyn. It was believed by some contemporaries (e.g. Pepys and Reresby) that they were married, but it is very unlikely that this was the case. In a note to Smeaton's reprint (1820) to _The Life and Death of that matchless mirror of Magnanimity and Heroick Vertue Henrietta Maria de Bourbon_, it is asserted that a document was in existence in which Jermyn settled property on Henrietta Maria at the time of his marriage with her. This statement is absolutely unsupported, and even if the document ever existed it may have been a forgery. Henrietta as a Catholic could not have married Jermyn, a Protestant, without a dispensation from the Pope, which it would have been very difficult to obtain without the transaction becoming known. No trace of a dispensation has ever been found. The Queen's closest friends, Mme de Motteville and the Chaillot nuns, give no hint of such marriage, of which, had it existed, they must have been aware.]

[Footnote 440: Now the Hôpital Laënnec in the Rue de Sèvres.]

[Footnote 441: William Clifford, whom Henrietta Maria recommended to the Pope in 1656 as a suitable bishop for England. P.R.O. Roman Transcripts.]

[Footnote 442: Bib. Mazarin, MS. 3368.]

[Footnote 443: Hist. MSS. Com. MSS. of Duke of Buccleuch at Montagu House. Vol. I, p. 423.]

[Footnote 444: It is usually said that he was buried at the Incurables, but both the contemporary Gazette and Abbess Neville's Annals (of the English Benedictines at Pontoise) say that he was buried at S. Martin's, and the latter authority, which gives many details of his later life, adds that the interment took place in the chapel of S. Walter, and there is no doubt that their statement is correct. How the mistake arose is seen from a document preserved in the Archives de l'Assistance Publique, fonds des Incurables, carton 22, which speaks of a monument "posée, sur les entrailles de M. de Montagu en la nef de l'èglise dud" hospital [des Incurables].]

[Footnote 445: William Browne.]

APPENDIX

I

ARCHIVES OF THE SEE OF WESTMINSTER

_The answer given by the Commissioners of the Counsell to the French Embassadour Mareshall Bassompiere_

The French were sent away as delinquents, having by their ill-carriage troubled the affaires of the kingdome, the domesticall government of his Ma:ties house, and the sacred union betwixt his Ma:tie and the Queene. The French Bishop and Blainvill endeavoured to make factione betwyeen the subiectes and the King stirring up men of ill affections in the Parliament against that which was for the service of the King and the tranquillity of the State. Some French officers suffered others to take houses in their names, where priestes might retire and there they brought up young weemen and children to be sent to the Spanish seminaries. They made the Queene's house a Rande-vous for Jesuits and fugitives. They subtly discovered what passed in privat betweene the K. and the Queene. They obliged her to take their opinion and allowance upon everything wh. the K. propounded and required of her. They endeavoured to frame a repugnance in the Queene to all wh. the King desired and ordained and they professed to foment discord betweene their Ma:ties as a thing importing the good of the Churche. They endeavoured to imprint in our Queene contempt of our nation, customes, and language. They had wrought the Qu.'s person, as it were to a kinde of rule of monasticall obedience, so farr as to make her doe things base and servil. They led her a foote a long waye to make her goe in devotion to the place where they are wont to execute infamous malefactours; which acte did turne not only to the shame of the Queene, but to the infamie of the K's predecessours for having put innocent persons to death, whom these fellows count martyrs, whereas not one was executed for Religion, but for crime of treason in the highest degree....

II

P.R.O. ROMAN TRANSCRIPTS

(_To Cardinal Barberini_)

Le grand zele qui a tourjours paru en sa Saintete pour procurer ladvantage de la religion catolique en ce peis et la passion que jay par tout les moyens possibles de contribuer, moblige a communi que a sa saintete a quoy la conjonction presante menase de la reduire; et de proposer a Sa Satete les melieurs expedients que je puis trouuer pour y remidier a fin de voir sette descharge de mestre aquitee de tout ce qui despandoit de moy tout le monde a ases de congnoisance de v[~re] piete et moy ases de preuues de v[~re] affection pour massurer que vous contribures de bon coeur a se deseing: en quoy le secret est sy important que je nay pas trouue apropos de vous envoyer une personne expres de peur de donner ombrage ysy qui pouroit fort nuir aux affaires du Roy Monseigneur et des catoliques: la Violence avec quoy le parlement a commance contre les catoliques a oblige le Roy Monseigneur a leur accorder la demande quils ont faite de banir les catoliques a dix milles de Londre, ils commansent a faire une riguoreuse recherche contre touts les prestres et menasent de mestre toute les loix les plus severes en execution contre eux qui vont jusques au sang, et moy mesme suis menacee de avoir mon contract de marriage rompu: et particulierement en se qui est des prestres; et la misere est que les affaires du Roy Monseigneur ne luy permette pas de soposer a toute sette violance a quoy il a bien paru depuis son avenemant a la couronne que son naturel ne a pas estte porte car au contaire il soufre maintenant pour sa bonte envers seux de [~nr]e religion; jay songe a un moyen et le seull que se tamps sy permet pour prevenir une grande partie de ses violances qui est pour employer de largent pour gagner les principaux de sette faction puritaine, et je croye avoir tellemant dispoise mon deseing quil ne me manquera que argent pour en venir about: les desordres de se peis sy randent impossible de trouuer ysy une telle somme dargent quil faudroit a cause _de lesclat que sela feroit_, se qui pouroit aussy frustrer le sucses: sest pour quoy jay cru en premier lieu estre obligee davoir recours a sa Saintete pour luy demander son assistance en une occasion sy presante et le danger sy ineuitable sans se remede a fin quil voye quil nia rien que je ne desire exposer en sette cause je mofre a donner telle caution qui sera valable pour la somme de cinc cent mil escus; car les catoliques estant une fois eschapes de se parlement present il ne oroit que a esperer et rien a craindre dhors en avant et le seul moyent est seluy que je propose: sest pourquoy je vous prie de communiquer sesy a Sa Saintete, a qui je suplie tres humblement de ne le consulter quavec vous car sy sela venoit a estre seu je serois perduee; et de me faire responce la plus prompte que sera possible, et selon v[~re] resolution, vous pouues envoyer les lettres de change a Paris pour me les faire tenir ysy et le plus secretement que faire se peut. Je ne doute pas que si il plaist a sa Stete de masister en ce deseing de remestre les catoliques en repos et de porter le Roy Monseigneur a leur faire plus de grases que jamais. En tout cas joray le temognage de sa Stete et le v[~re] davoir fait de mon coste tout mon possible pour faire reusir se deseing sy bon et utille a la religion; je nay que faire a vous presser de contribuer a sesy v[~re] piete vous porte ases a le faire seullemant une prompte responce la queue jatans par le mesme porteur le quel jay envoye a Paris pour vous faire tenir selle sy par Mr. le nonce la faire demandant rien plus que la diligence et le secret je me remest a la prudence de Sa Stete. et a la vostre et demeureray.

Mon cousin, V[~re] bien affectionne cousine,

HENRIETTE MARIE R.

Il nia personne que sa Stete. vous et moy qui sache se sy encore.

III

THOMASOM TRACTS

The Queene's Proceedings in Holland. Being the copie of a letter from the Staple at Middleborough to Mr. Vanrode a Dutch Marchant in London. (19 Dec. 1642.).... Colonel Goring is travelled into Ortoys and Flanders to raise forces of Men and Armour, he having a Commission from the King of France to take a certaine number from each Garrison, for the Queene and present supply for England. Colonel Gage who is Colonell over the English in Flanders, gave Colonel Goring a Challenge for presuming to beat up his Drums to flock away his Officers and Souldiers, nevertheless the souldiers being poore and long behind of their contribution mony agreed, and five or 600 English followed Colonel Goring to Dunkirke, Newport, Ostend, and Graveling, where they now remaine till they be Shipt for England, there hath bin great meanes to the States that these Souldiers might bee permitted to passe through their Country and so take shipping for England, but the Queene nor the Ambassador can prevaile with the States for their consents therein. I have also here set you downe the summes of money raised amongst the Priests, Jesuites, Seminaries, Friers, Nuns, and holy Sisters through the land, and paid in to the Jesuites of St. Omers his Colledge towards the maintenance of his Majesties warres. And first as in order the English Cloyster at St. Omers,[446] the Jesuits have raised 3000 pounds, besides the Taxes they have imposed upon every Scholler 5_l._ a man being about 400, and that if any shall refuse the payment thereof to lose their Degrees in the House, and be for ever discharged for having any future benefit therein: in which Colledge the sum collected amounts about 3500_l_, Secondly at Ayres, the summe collected amounts unto 500_l_, Thirdly, at Beteone, the summe collected amounts unto 500_l_, Fourthly at Arras, the some of 2000_l_, Fifthly at the University of Doway 1000_l_, Sixtly at Gaunt, betweene the Colledge of English and Irish Priests, and the Matron of the Nunnes there, was Collected 500_l_, Seventhly at Durmount, 50_l_, eightly at Bruzels, from the Countesse of Westmoreland, and the Lady Babthorpe, Matrons of the holy Nuns, and the three Cloysters English, Irish, and Walloons, 3000_l_, Ninthly at Lovain, 1000_l_, Tenthly at Bridges, 300_l_, Eleventhly at Casteele, 200_l_, Twelfely at Newport 200_l_, Thirteenth at Ostend 100_l_, Fourteenth at Graveling, 100_l_, Fifteenth at Dunkerke, 500_l_, all which summes amounteth about 15000_l_, have bin Collected and in the hands of Father Browne the Head of St. Omers Colledges, besides 5000_l_ more gathered from the Governours of every Towne Village or petty Dorpe, which makes the sum of 20 thousand pounds, all which is intended to be transported to his Majesty from Dunkirke, besides the weekely allowance the Colledges will disburse towards the maintenance of the five hundred Souldiers under the command of Colonell Goring during his Majesties warres with the Parliament....

[Footnote 446: The inaccuracies with regard to St. Omers are probably typical of those with regard to the other places. St. Omers was at this time very poor. The pupils numbered 60, not 400; the Superior's name was Port, not Browne.

There is no trace of such a collection in the records of Les Dames Anglaises at Bruges.]

IV

AFFAIRES ETRANGÈRES ANG., T. 49

_Walter Montague to Cardinal Mazarin_ (_apparently_)

La Haye 9 February 1642 [O.S.].

Les mesmes tempestes qu'ont rejette la Reyne en Hollande m'ont retenu icy car d'abord quelle fut partye le mauvais temps ne nous pouvoit rien promestre de meilleur sur son renvoy icy ce qua este le 9 iour apres son embarquement ayant endure le peril sept iours de tempeste continuelle n'ayant ramene que trois de ses vaisslaux en ayant perdu un avec tout son equipage descuyrie et les autres encore sont demeures en doute de leur salut: le peril ou elle a este, a este si grand quelle eut bien pu iustifier sa mort de peur mais Dieu luy a donne un soutien par sa grace: ... elle na iamais tesmoigne aprehension dans les preparatifs de la mort que pour les affaires de Dieu et du Roy son mary: les relations que les peres en font sont si extraordinaires quelle ont besoin dune telle authorité pour les faire croyables. Le iour apres quelle debarqua (ce quelle fit dans un petit bateau de pescheur trouve a la mer) elle receut nouvelle dune trahison decouverte dans son armee pour la livrer entre les mains des rebelles mais aussi beaucoup des instances de la part du Roy et du pays pour sa venue avec grand apparence de surete pour sa persone et grande aprehension de confusion dans les affaires sans l'assistance de sa presence tellement quelle se resoult contre tous les sentiments de son sexe et de sa sante mesme de se rambarquer au plus tost ... elle a fait grande perte dans ce naufrage mais elle a gagne dans l'opinion de tous les temoins ce quelle ne scauroit iamais perdre....

V

P.R.O. ROMAN TRANSCRIPTS

(_To Cardinal Barberini_)

Mon cousin,

Les bons effets que vous m'aues rendu de v[~re] amitie et particulierement en les vingt et cinque mille escus, que vous m'auez fourny par le Baron Herbert filtz du Marquis Wostre ont bien fait voyr le sentiment que vous auez des nos souffrances et de l'estat de nos affayres icy. Je vous supplye de croyre que comme j'embrasse auec une singuliere affection cette v[~re] bonne volonte envers nous, aussy vous fairray je paroystre la gratitude que j'en ay en toute occasion qui se presentera a ce fayre estant.

Mon cousin, vostre affectionnee cousine,

HENRIETTE MARIE R.

D'Oxford ce 20^{me} de Septembre 1643.

(The transcriber notes that the hand is like that of the King and that the signature is "Vostre affectionnee cousine," instead of the Queen's usual "Vostre tres affectionnee cousine"; he also notes the use of the pronoun "nous.")

VI

ARCHIVES OF THE SEE OF WESTMINSTER

_Endorsed_ Securitus in jurando. 1645.

Si ex una parte dignabitur regia Maiestus liberare Catholicus suos subditos à timore legum poenalium edictarum contra Recusantes ob causam Reliquiis eis qué certo et constanter concedere liberum usum Catholicae Religionis intra privatos parietes.

Dicti Subditi ex altera parte exhibent se parotos ex hac hora ad fidem et obedientiam suae maiestati perpetuò ac firmiter servandam sub solemni juramento; quantum libet augeatur Catholicorum numerus in posterum vel conspirent ullo tempore inter se quincunque Principes esterii ad restituendum, sen stabiliendum vi et armis publicum usum Catholicae religionis in hoc Regno.

Ad maius robur (si expedire videbitur) addi potest Breve pontificum, quod sine dubio sua S^{tas} facile concedet, pro ratificatione seu confirmatione dicti juramenti.

VII

P.R.O. ROMAN TRANSCRIPTS

(_To Innocent X_)

Tressaint Pere,

Le sieur Crashau ayant esté Ministre en Angleterre et nourri dans les Universités de ce pais parmy des gens tres esloignes des sentiments de nostre Sainte Religion sest toutes fois par sa lecture et son estude rendu Catholique et pour en jouïr plus paisiblement l'exercise, s'est transporté en decà et vescu prés d'un an aupres de moy, ou par le bon example de sa vie il a beaucoup edifié tous ceux qui ont, conversé avec luy. Ce qui m'a convié s'en allant presentem á Rome d'escrire ce mot á vostre Ste pour la prier de le considerer comme une personne de qui les Catholique Anglois ont conceu de grandes esperances, et que j'estime beaucoup, et de luy departir ses graces, et faveurs aux occasions qui se presenteront. Ce que j'estim[~ea]y parmy les autres obligations particulieres que jay a V.S. Et sur ce je prie Dieu Tressaint Père quil conserve V.S. longues années pour le bien et utilité de son Esglise.

De S. Germain-en-Laye ce 7 Septembre 1646.

V[~re] tres devotte fille

HENRIETTE MARIE R.

VIII

ARCHIVES OF THE SEE OF WESTMINSTER

Upon the Ground given in the 12th Proposall, printed August the first 1647, by authoritie from his Excellence Sir Thomas Fayrfax, that All the Penall statutes in force against Roman Catholickes shall be repealed.

And further that they shall enjoy the liberty of theyr consciencés, by Grant from the Parliament; It may bee enacted that it shall not be lawfull for any person or persons beeinge subiects to the Crowne of England to professe or acknowledge for truth, or perswade others to beeleive these ensuinge Propositions.

1

That the Pope or church, hath powre to absolve any person or persons whatsoeuer, from his or theyr obedience to the Civill Government established in this Nation.

2

That it is lawfull in it selfe or by the Popes dispensation to break eyther word or oath with any Heretickes.

3

That it is lawfull by the Pope, or churches command or dispensation to kill, destroy, or otherwise to iniure or offende any person or persons whatsoever because hee or they are accused, or condemned, censured, or exco[~m]unicated for Error, Schisme or Heresy.

The premises considered wee on the other side sett our hands that every one of these three propositions may bee lawfully answered unto in the Negative.

INDEX

Abercorn, James Hamilton, Earl of, 121

Aiguillon, Duchess of, 268

Alexander, Sir William, Earl of Stirling, 116

Andrewes, Lancelot, Bishop of Winchester, 109

Angus, William Douglas, Earl of, 114

Anne of Austria, Queen of France-- Wife of Louis XIII, 3; disliked by Richelieu, 15; relations with Buckingham, 15, 16, 22-4, 66-8; intrigues against France, 131; falls under Mazarin's influence, 207; receives Henrietta in Paris, 219; death of, 309, 310; mentioned, 12, 34, 49, 208, 220, 225, 252, 260, 266, 273, 280, 283, 284, 286, 289, 293, 314

Ashburnham, John, 131

Aubert, Maurice, 56 _n._

Ayton, Sir Robert, 69, 160

Banbury, Elizabeth, Countess of, 222

Barberini, Cardinal Francesco-- His interest in England, 110, 118; Henrietta's letters to, 175-7; policy with regard to Ireland, 231; men., 121, 122, 124, 125, 136, 160, 163, 164, 178, 231, 243

Bassompierre, Marshal de-- His mission to England, 57-60; men., 286, 287

Bellièvre, M. de, 143

Berkeley, Sir John, 240, 241

Bernini, 111

Berthaud, Eugénie Madeline, 290

Bérulle, Cardinal-- Sent to Rome to procure dispensation, 6; friend of Mary de' Medici, 169; Henrietta's confessor, 23; character of, 21-2; death of, 81; men., 11, 23, 34, 38, 40, 45, 60, 76, 95, 96, 98, 103, 109, 110, 112, 169, 277

Blainville, Marquis de, 39-46

Bossuet, Jacques Bénigne-- Preaches Henrietta's funeral sermon at Chaillot, 316; men., 31, 202

Bouillon, Duke of, 232

Bristol, John Digby, 1st Earl of, 212

Bristol, George Digby, 2nd Earl of, 190, 196, 212, 224, 251

Brook, Sir Basil, 173

Browne, Sir Richard, 266, 292

Buckingham, George Villiers, Duke of-- Relations with Anne of Austria, 15, 16, 22, 23, 66-8; his conduct to Henrietta and her household, 35 _sqq._; death of, 62; men., 5, 7, 67, 130, 135, 137, 221, 310

Buckingham, Mary, Countess of, 25, 42, 79

Buckingham, Katherine, Duchess of, 139

Cary, Patrick, 249

Carlisle, James Hay, Earl of-- Ambassador at Henrietta's marriage, 5 _sqq._; men., 46, 50, 51, 57, 66

Carlisle, Lucy, Countess of, 66-8, 152, 157, 186, 191

Carter, Master, 205

Casimir, King of Poland, 314

Catherine of Braganza, wife of Charles II, 307-9

Caussin, Father, 282, 283

Chantal, Jeanne, Mother, 279, 285

Charles I, King of England-- His marriage, 4 _sqq._; harshness of, to his wife, 28 _sqq._; subserviency of, to Buckingham, 5, 38 _sqq._; gentleness of, to Catholics, 107 _sqq._; signs Strafford's death-warrant, 185; final parting of, from his wife, 213; takes refuge with Scotch, 238; sold to English, 239; in hands of Independents, 240; execution of, 254; men., _passim_

Charles II, King of England-- Birth of, 64, 65; men., 147, 180, 219, 257, 261, 264, 265, 268, 269, 270, 272, 275, 302, 303, 304, 307, 308, 316, 317

Chateauneuf, Marquis of-- His mission to England, 78 _sqq._; enemy of Richelieu, 80; men., 84, 85, 89, 99, 221, 225

Chaulnes, Duchess of, 22

Chaulnes, Duke of, 19

Chevreuse, Mme de, 5, 16, 18, 21, 22, 30, 36, 49, 66, 80, 82, 85, 146, 147, 152, 158-60, 218, 219, 224, 225, 319

Chevreuse, Duke of-- Proxy for Charles at his marriage, 8 _sqq._; men., 159

Christine, of France, Duchess of Savoy, 2, 3, 135, 188, 267, 280, 303

Cholmondley, Sir Hugh, 205

Clarendon, Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of, 235, 261, 265, 305

Clifford, William, 318

Con, George-- Arrives at Court, 122; death of, 125; men., 114-16, 123, 124, 129, 136-8, 149, 150, 160, 161, 164, 173

Cosin, John, Bishop of Durham, 137, 266

Cowley, Abraham, 221, 222

Crashaw, Richard, 221, 222, 249

Cromwell, Oliver, 239, 273-5

Culpepper, John Culpepper, Lord, 240, 241, 261

Cyprien de Gamache, Father, 100, 107, 254, 255, 306, 308

D'Avenant, Sir William, 154, 222, 238

Denbigh, Susan, Countess of, 68, 137, 181, 194, 200, 220, 222

Denbigh, William Fielding, Earl of, 181, 220

Denham, Sir John, 240

Des Anges, Mother, 133

D'Ewes, Sir Simonds, 74

Digby, Sir Kenelm-- Goes to Rome as Henrietta's ambassador, 231; his conduct there, 233 _sqq._; men., 144, 145, 150, 164, 172, 173, 178, 180, 250 _n._

Dorset, Frances, Countess of, 65

Douglas, Sir Robert, 114-17

Du Perron, Jacques Nowell-- Arrives in England, 100; death of, 259; men., 101, 128, 136, 197, 226-8, 266

Elizabeth of England, daughter of Charles I, 267

Elizabeth of England, Queen of Bohemia, 195, 212

Elizabeth of France, Queen of Spain, 2, 3, 230

Estrades, Count of, 143

Evelyn, John, 132, 266, 287

Fairfax, Sir Thomas, 245

Falkland, Lucius Cary, Viscount, 132, 249

Faure, Francis, Bishop of Amiens, 314

Fayette, Louise de la-- Relations with Louis XIII, 280-5; Superior of Chaillot, 295, 296; friendship with Henrietta, 297; death of, 299; men., 286, 290, 293, 294, 298, 303

Fayette, Mme de la, 293

Felton, John, 62

FitzWilliams, Colonel, 229

Fontenay-Mareuil, Marquis of, 83, 84, 102

Ford, Sir Edward, 240

Gaston of France, Duke of Orleans, 8, 12, 17, 24-6, 49, 51, 81, 82, 219, 309

Goffe, Stephen, 223

Gondi, Jean François de, Archbishop of Paris, 9, 10, 286, 289, 295

Goodman, Godfrey, Bishop of Gloucester, 109, 171

Goring, George Goring, Lord, 181-3

Grebner, Paul, 192

Gressy, M. de, 208, 223

Habington, William, 63

Hamilton, James Hamilton, Duke of, 64

Hamilton, Anne, Marchioness of, 137

Hamilton, Mary, 290

Hamilton, Sir William, 121, 163, 164

Hatton, of Kirby-- Christopher Hatton, Baron, 263, 271

Harcourt, Count of, 208, 209

Hobbes, Thomas, 222, 267

Holden, Henry, 248

Holland, Henry Rich, Earl of, 5, 6, 9 _sqq._, 61, 73, 83, 85-7, 117, 147, 162, 186, 212

Henrietta Maria, Queen of England-- Birth and early years, 1 _sqq._; her personal appearance, 4, 5, 74; betrothal, 8; marriage, 9 _sqq_; departure for England, 17; at Amiens, 19-23; at Boulogne, 23-5; sails for England, 26; early relations with her husband, 28 _sqq._; her household, 30-3; conduct of Buckingham to, 35 _sqq._; Charles' unkindness to, 41-5; goes to Tyburn, 47; her household expelled, 51-5; her letter to Bishop of Mende, 53, 54; her married happiness, 60-2, 91; her children, 63, 65; her friendships, 65, 66, 73; her theatricals, 69-72; her wardrobe, 74-6; intrigues with Jars and Chateauneuf against Richelieu and Portland, 88; development of her character, 88, 89; her relations with English Catholics, 95 _sqq._; receives Capuchins, 99; builds chapel at Somerset House, 101-3; pleads with Charles for Catholics, 105; sends Douglas to Rome, 114-17; receives Panzani, 118; sends Hamilton to Rome, 121; her affection for Con, 123; writes to Christine on Montagu's behalf, 135; scene in her chapel, 140; procures Jars' release, 144, 145; writes urging Catholics to contribute to expenses of Scotch war, 150; further development of her character, 152; acts in _Salmacida Spolia_: relations with her mother, 158; attempts to gain Cardinal's hat for Montagu, 160; counsels calling of Parliament, 165; relations with Richelieu, 169; submits to Parliament, 174; her letter to Barberini, 175-7; efforts to keep open communications with Rome, 178; refused a refuge in France, 180; efforts to save Strafford, 181; her share in army plot, 182; last interview with Rosetti, 187; accused of complicity in Irish rebellion, 190; urges Charles to arrest five members, 191; change in her character, 193; goes to Holland, 194; her activity there, 196; letters to Charles, 198, 199; shipwrecked, 200, 201; reception at Burlington Bay, 203; her military career, 204; at Oxford, 205-13; at Exeter, 214; escapes to France, 215; reception of, in Paris, 219; asks for money from French clergy, 226; intrigues with Confederate Catholics, 229 _sqq._; sends Digby to Rome, 231; refuses to receive Rinuccini, 236; weakness of her policy, 251; grief on Charles' death, 255-7; counsels Anne of Austria, 260; head of "Louvre party," 261, 262; attempts to convert Gloucester, 267-72; claims her dowry, 273; goes to convent in Rue S. Antoine, 279; founds Chaillot, 286 _sqq._; her life there, 292, 296, 297; her letter to nuns on death of Mother de la Fayette, 299; her joy at the Restoration, 303; returns to England, 305; returns again to France, 306; her last visit to England, 307; last journey to France, 309; her last years, 309; death of, 311; funeral of, 313-16; her estate, 316, 317; supposed marriage with Jermyn, 317 _n._

Henrietta of England, Duchess of Orleans-- Birth of, 214; marriage of, 307; death of, 317; men., 215, 253, 268, 272, 293, 296, 304, 309, 312, 315, 316

Henry IV, King of France, 1-3, 65, 92, 96, 105, 126, 128, 142, 174, 180, 194, 204, 211, 216, 253, 257, 272, 273, 280, 285, 308, 309, 312, 315

Henry of England, Duke of Gloucester-- Henrietta's attempt to convert him, 267-72; death of, 304; men., 169

Innocent X-- His refusal to help Henrietta, 249, 250; men., 222, 231, 234, 235, 241, 248

James I, King of England, 6, 7, 48, 108, 127, 128

James, Duke of York (James II), 198, 261, 272, 301, 305, 307, 317

Jars, Chevalier de, 78, 83, 84, 85, 87, 89, 90, 144, 145, 219

Jones, Inigo, 154

Jonson, Ben, 69, 154

Killigrew, Thomas, 132, 134

Lambert, Father, 315 _n._

Laud, William, Archbishop of Canterbury, 69, 88, 108-10, 127, 138, 139, 141, 166, 171

Leander de S. Martino, Father, 33 _n._

Leicester, Robert Sidney, Earl of, 168

Lennox, James Stuart, Duke of, 64

Lewknor, Sir Lewis, 34 _n._

Leybourn, George, 247

Lhulier, Mother, 286, 288, 290, 295

Lilly, William, 106, 192 _n._

Louis XIII, King of France-- At Henrietta's wedding, 8 _sqq._; relations with his wife, 15; death of, 207; relations with Louise de la Fayette, 281-5; men., 3, 16, 17, 19, 27, 38, 45, 49, 50, 54, 55, 60, 67, 95, 102, 145, 157, 197, 221

Louis XIV, King of France, 153, 219, 252, 259, 266, 274, 293, 303, 304, 311, 312, 315-17

Louise of the Palatine, 294, 295

Magdeleine of S. Joseph, Mother, 11

Manchester, Edward Montagu, Baron Montagu of Kimbolton, afterwards 2nd Earl of, 190, 211, 262

Manchester, Henry Montagu, 1st Earl of, 72, 131

Mary of England, daughter of Charles I, 181, 194-6

Mary de' Medici, Queen of France-- Satisfaction of, at Henrietta's marriage, 6; anger at dismissal of her household, 56; takes refuge in England, 145-8; death of, 197; men., 1, 2, 4, 12, 16, 17, 22, 23, 31, 40, 48, 75, 79, 80, 98, 103, 143, 158, 161, 162

Mary, Queen of Scotland, 10, 26, 115, 260

Matthew, Sir Tobie-- His character of Henrietta, 25; men., 24, 138, 166, 180

Mayerne, Sir Theodore, 63, 104, 123, 179, 214, 215, 311

Mazarin, Cardinal-- His friendship with Montagu, 197, 206; successor of Richelieu, 207; his policy, 208; his distrust of Henrietta, 224, 225; his alliance with Cromwell, 273; death of, 309; men., 206, 209, 216, 223, 224, 228, 230, 232, 238, 239, 252, 253, 259, 260, 274, 275, 302, 305, 309

Mende, Daniel du Plessis, Bishop of, 31-4, 36, 37, 40, 41, 46-8, 50, 51, 53, 54, 59-61, 96, 101, 220, 221

Montagu, Ralph Montagu, Duke of, 311, 312

Montagu, Viscount, Francis Brown, 222

Montagu, Walter-- Friendship of, with Henrietta, 7 and _passim_; with Anne of Austria, 49, 131, 207, 209, 262, 263, 310; with Mazarin, 197; conversion of, 130-6; imprisonment of, 209; takes orders, 263; death of, 318; men., 48, 71, 72, 82, 83, 85, 138, 144, 145, 148, 150, 159, 160, 163, 164, 172, 173, 178, 180, 182, 197, 201, 219, 246, 262, 265-7, 269-72, 291, 292, 305, 306, 313

Montague, Richard, Bishop of Chichester, 109

Montglas, Mme de, 331

Montpensier, Mlle de (later Duchess of Orleans), 12, 51, 221, 272

Montpensier, Mlle de (daughter of Gaston, Duke of Orleans), 219, 257

Montreuil, Jean de, 166, 169

Montrose, James Graham, Marquis of, 205, 238

Motteville, Mme de, 28, 35, 61, 196, 143, 203, 221, 279, 281, 285, 293, 294, 298, 309, 310

Newcastle, William Cavendish, Earl of (later Marquis and Duke), 202, 205

Newport, Anne, Countess of, 137, 138

Newport, Mountjoy Blount, Earl of, 138, 159

Nicholas, Sir Edward, 261, 238

Northumberland, Algernon Percy, Earl of, 154

Norwich, George Goring, Earl of, 13, 162, 194, 223, 224

Orange, Frederick Henry, Prince of, 194, 201, 218, 223

Orange, William, Prince of, 181, 196

Orange, William, Prince of (William III), 317

O'Hartegan, Father, 229-31, 236

Ormonde, James Butler, Marquis of, 237, 247, 261, 265

Panzani, Gregorio, 120, 129, 137, 188, 189

Patin, Gui, 314

Pendrick, Robert, 178

Percy, Henry, 73, 183, 220, 244

Peters, Hugh, 240

Philip of France, Duke of Anjou, later of Orleans, 219, 304, 315, 317

Philip, Father Robert-- Henrietta's confessor, 55; enemy of Richelieu, 82, 99; sent to Tower, 186; death of, 265; men., 113, 117, 150, 182, 194, 215, 244

Portland, Richard Weston, Earl of, 81, 85, 87, 88, 123

Prynne, William, 72

Pym, John, 66, 161, 171, 177, 183, 186, 191

Retz, Cardinal de, 9, 220, 252

Richelieu, Cardinal-- Arranges Henrietta's marriage, 4 _sqq._; his spies, 33; intrigues against him, 80 _sqq._; relations of, with English Catholics, 94, 95; dislike of, to Henrietta, 142, 143; releases Jars, 144, 145; relations of, with England, 167, 168; refuses to receive Henrietta in France, 179; friend of Puritans, 191; death of, 206; relations of, with Louise de la Fayette, 181-3; men., 1, 30, 33, 34, 40, 49, 56, 59, 67, 78, 80, 85, 86, 88, 89, 104, 113, 117, 127, 134, 135, 152, 160, 169, 191, 197, 218

Richmond, Frances, Duchess of, 64

Rinuccini, Giovanni Battista-- His embassy in Ireland, 255 _sqq._

Rochefoucault, Cardinal de, 9, 13

Rosetti, Count-- His first impressions of England, 161; leaves England, 187, 188; men., 129, 162, 164, 170, 173, 174, 176-8

Roxburgh, Jane, Countess of, 65, 194

Rubens, Peter Paul, 70, 103, 111, 211

Rupert, Prince, 212

Rutland, Cecily, dowager Countess of, 151

Sabran, M. de, 215, 223

St. Albans, Henry Jermyn, Earl of-- His friendship with Henrietta, 73; concerned in army plot, 182 _sqq._; with Henrietta in France, 220; his influence over her, 238; reported marriage with, 317 _n._; death of, 318; men., 82, 86, 87, 196, 198, 203, 214-16, 230, 237, 243, 251, 254, 261, 265, 274, 305, 306, 312

S. Georges, Mme, 9, 31, 38, 44, 52, 53, 54, 58, 60, 61, 65, 80, 199, 221

Sancta Clara, Father, 120, 124

Sales, S. Francis de, 280, 286, 314

Salvetti, 142, 185

Saucy, Father, 39, 58

Scarampi, 235 _n._

Séguier, Mother Jeanne, 197, 319

Senault, Father, 315

Smith, William, Bishop of Chalcedon, 95, 112-14, 117, 232

Soissons, Count of, 3, 12

Strafford, Thomas Wentworth, Earl of-- Thrown into prison, 171; his trial, 180; execution, 185; men., 66, 88, 138, 156, 157, 159, 161, 162, 184, 190, 252

Suckling, Sir John, 72, 183

Surin, Father, 133

Tillières, Count Leveneur de, 29, 30, 35, 38, 39, 51, 57, 125, 287, 288

Tillières, Mme de, 31, 52

Tomkins, Master, 211

Urban VIII, 6, 14, 33, 57, 110, 113-18, 121-4, 136, 172, 175-7, 187, 230, 231, 235

Valette, Duke of, 159, 179

Vane, Sir Henry, 170

Vantelet, Mme de, 55, 57, 82, 87

Van Dyck, Anthony, 25, 62, 111, 155

Velada, Marquis of, 159

Vendôme, Duchess of, 255

Viette, Father, 55 _n._, 315 _n._

Ville-aux-clercs, M. de (Comte du Brienne), 6 _n._, 27, 39, 64

Wadding, Father Luke, 234, 235

Waller, Edmund, 69, 211, 306

White, Thomas, 243, 244, 248

Williams, John, Bishop of Lincoln, later Archbishop of York, 32

Winchester, William Paulet, Marquis of, 97, 246

Windbank, Francis, 90, 120, 121, 163, 164, 168, 170, 182