Part 10

It would appear that it was intended by the author to be a parody on the manner in which Rabbis generally conducted discussions and debates on trivial questions, as described in the Talmud, with special reference to the rites and usages connected with the Feast of Purim. It was obviously a harmless Purim prank, yet some ultra-orthodox Rabbis^[111-1] took it seriously, and declared it to be an heretical work. Its want of popularity among Jewish readers in past centuries, and the limited number of its editions, must be attributed to this. It has only been printed three times altogether, first at Pesaro in 1507, then at Venice in 1552, and lastly at Vienna in 1871.

The Rabbis may have had yet another reason for their objections to the work, as the author advocates therein some slight reforms in the ritual of Purim. He puts, for instance, in the mouth of one of the disputants the question: Why should it be forbidden to read the _Megillah_ on Purim in the vernacular, being a language that is generally better understood, by Jews and Jewesses alike, than Hebrew? Should an objection (he goes on to say) be made to such a procedure on the plea that the Book of Esther contains the word ‪ככתבם‬, which means “according to their (the Jews’) own writing,” this obstacle could easily be removed by having the vernacular translation written in Hebrew characters.

Incidentally we learn from the _Massecheth Purim_ that the Jews then living in Palestine were well-to-do farmers, and that those living in France and Italy frequently indulged in a certain game called ‪סקקרי‬, which, according to Steinschneider, is equivalent to the Italian term _il schachiere_, and means the chess board^[111-2]. We likewise gather from the book that the Rabbis of that time allowed dancing, provided that the dancers chose their partners from their own sex. It is interesting to notice, in passing, the variety of dishes which the Jewish ladies of those times were in the habit of preparing for the festivals. Kalonymos mentions, by way of example, the wife of the president of a certain Italian Jewish community, called Kardinalith ‪קרדינלית‬, who used to begin making the preparations at least a fortnight before the advent of any Jewish festival. Graetz's supposition^[112-1], that the lady in question was a Cardinal's daughter, is not supported by any historical evidence.

The third original work of Kalonymos is entitled _The Letter of Response_ (‪אגרת התשובה‬), addressed to the well-known Jewish philosopher Don Bonafoux Ibn Caspi (1280–1340), in which the latter's commentary on the Bible is critically reviewed, and especially his leaning to what is now called “the higher criticism”. Kalonymos expresses the opinion that it is unwise and even dangerous to meddle with the ideas which people may have formed in early life regarding the sacred volume, and that Ibn Caspi's commentary on it was therefore doing more harm than good. Incidentally we learn from _The Letter of Response_ that the writer was at the time of penning it a struggling youth, while Caspi was a man of affluence and position. It should, perhaps, also be mentioned that it existed at Munich in manuscript form till 1879, and that it was then published for the first time by the late Dr. Perles of Munich, under the title of _Kalonymos' Sendschreiben an Josef Caspi_.

The fourth and last original work of Kalonymos is entitled _The Book of Kings_ (‪ספר מלכים‬), and deals chiefly with arithmetic, geometry, and astrology. It has hardly any intrinsic value at the present time as a scientific book, but deserves to be noticed because it was one of the few books which, as its title seems to indicate, was expressly written for the use of King Robert of Naples. It has never been printed, but exists as a MS. in Munich, where it was discovered some little time ago by Steinschneider^[112-2].

Kalonymos also made translations of works in various languages, the titles of some of which will be quoted at the end of this essay. One of these, however, deserves special mention. That is the ‪אגרת בעלי חיים‬, which consists of a free Hebrew translation of part of an Arabic work then in circulation under the title of _The Treatises of the Righteous Brethren_, and was edited by a certain Abalzapha^[113-1]. It is a fairy tale, containing a dialogue between men and beasts, in the presence of the king of birds, in which the question is discussed, whether man has a right to dominate over the world or not^[113-2]. Kalonymos invests this theme with a Jewish colouring by giving the chief part of the discussion to a Hebrew from the East, who is determined to prove by argument that the confessors of his own creed, at least, occupy a higher rank in the world than the animals. The former, he says, are the progeny of a noble line, and Moses and the other prophets have furnished them with numerous wise laws and regulations as to their proper conduct in life. They have, besides, temples and synagogues to pray in, as well as preachers and precentors to listen to, and their feasts and fasts afford them recreation for body and mind. In these advantages and pleasures, says the Hebrew in conclusion, the winged creatures do not participate, and it is therefore evident that they were destined by their Creator to be ruled by his chosen race.

The king of the birds replies that the Hebrew's arguments prove the reverse of what they were intended to prove. For the very fact that the confessors of the Jewish creed need laws and preachers, penitential and fast-days, shows clearly enough that they are not free from sin; and this being so, they have certainly no right to claim superiority over the winged creatures whose life is distinguished by simplicity and innocence. To them the whole universe is one gigantic temple wherein they sing daily praises to their Creator with a pure heart and clear conscience. They need no preachers to admonish them, nor do they require fasts to obtain absolution for their transgressions. Finding, as they do, food and shelter in the fields and gardens, on mountains and in the valleys, they are always cheerful and happy without the aid of prescribed festivals, but their happiness is often disturbed by the wickedness of man, who has no right whatever to treat them as inferior to his own species.

In the introduction to the ‪אגרת בעלי חיים‬ and elsewhere Kalonymos censures the extravagant mode of living which prevailed among his wealthy Jewish contemporaries. He stigmatizes their intense fondness for display, which asserted itself so strongly as to arouse the envy and hatred of the general population, and frequently with lamentable results.

Kalonymos was therefore not merely a laughing philosopher like Democritus, but a stern moralist who ridiculed certain objectionable characteristics of the Jews, indicating thereby the way to self-restraint and good taste. There is also an interesting remark to be found in the ‪אגרת בעלי חיים‬, which is to the effect that in Kalonymos's time the Greek philosophers were reputed to have made frequent use of the books on philosophy composed by Jewish writers^[114-1].

A few remarks have still to be made on Kalonymos's style. He writes partly in plain and partly in rhymed prose, without, however, much elegance in either. His excessive fondness for idiomatic phrases taken from the Talmud, which he misapplies with extraordinary ingenuity, results in puns, plays on words, especially on proper names. The following example will give an idea of the nature of the whole. It does not, however, bear translation, as the idiomatic point of the Hebrew cannot be reproduced in English. In the _Eben Bochan_ there is a chapter wherein Kalonymos ridicules the way in which the Hebrew grammarians of his time quarrelled in regard to the importance which should be assigned to the accents (‪טעמים‬) attached to the Hebrew text of the Bible. Some of them were regarded in the light of the cabbala, and were believed to contain the most profound secrets regarding the present and future world. Kalonymos writes about these disputants as follows:—

אני ראיתי מחלוקה גדולה בענין _קדמא ואזלא_ וריב גדול עד שהדם נשפך בענין _שופר מהפך_ ומהם אומרים מעת משה ספרא רבא בישראל קביר לא נהיה סוד עמוק כמו לפני _דרגא תביר_.

An instance of his plays on words may be given. He noticed that some of his neighbours did not abstain from drinking great quantities of wine during the so-called ten penitential days. He therefore gives them two Hebrew names by which some of Haman's sons are known, viz. ‪פרשנדתא‬ and ‪המדתא‬. These names are composed of the words ‪פרש־דתא‬ and ‪המם־דתא‬, which mean respectively “to be separated from, and, to distort, the law,” and they thus depict epigrammatically and wittily the religious character of the objects of Kalonymos's satire.

In addition to the ‪אגרת בעלי חיים‬ Kalonymos also translated several other works and treatises composed by other authors in the Arabic, Greek, and Latin languages, which deal chiefly with medicine, mathematics, and astronomy. A detailed description of them will be found in the interesting book entitled _Les Écrivains Juifs français du XIV^e siècle_, p. 424, by Neubauer. One of these translations, entitled ‪אגרת בסדור קריאת החכמות‬, contains the significant remark that it was made by Kalonymos by command of King Robert of Naples. The king is there designated by the curious name of “The New Solomon.”

There are likewise some few books and treatises in existence, treating of various subjects, the authorship of which is attributed to Kalonymos. Among these may specially be mentioned a Hebrew translation of a circular letter sent by the above-named king to the Jewish community of Aix, containing the intelligence of his son's death.

Footnotes:

[103-1] Cp. Anibert, _Mémoires historiques_, II, 201, 397.

[103-2] Cp. Kalonymos's letter, entitled ‪אגרת התשובה‬, which he addressed to Ibn Caspi, and to which reference will be made later on.

[107-1] Cp. The Daily Morning Prayer for the Israelite, in which the well-known blessing occurs:

ברוך • • • שלא עשני אשה•

[109-1] Cp. _Choboth Ha-lebaboth_, by Bachya ben Joseph Ibn Bakoda, and ‪בחינת עולם‬ by Yedaya Bedaresi, in which a similar metaphor is used.

[111-1] One of them was Moses ben Isaiah Wengrow, author of a book called ‪ברית משה‬, in which the _Massecheth Purim_ is declared to be a most dangerous book.

[111-2] Cp. Steinschneider, _Schach bei den Juden_, Berlin, 1873. See also I. Abrahams's _Jewish Life in the Middle Ages_, chap. XXII, p. 388.

[112-1] Cp. Graetz, _Geschichte der Juden_, VII, p. 306.

[112-2] Cp. Geiger, _Zeitschrift_, VIII, p. 118.

[113-1] According to Steinschneider (ibid.) his correct name is ‪אבואן‬ ‪אלצפא‬.

[113-2] The book under review is also mentioned by Joseph Albo in his work ‪עקרים‬, III, 2.

[114-1] Cp. Dukes, _Philosophisches aus dem zehnten Jahrhundert_, p. 21.

XI

ABRAHAM IBN CHASDAI

AND HIS BOOK “THE PRINCE AND THE DERVISH”

Among the minor Hebrew poets who lived at Barcelona in the early part of the thirteenth century there is, perhaps, none more remarkable than Abraham Ibn Chasdai. Little is known of him beyond what may be gathered from a letter addressed by him to his friend Alfakar. From it we learn that the writer was a native of Barcelona and a contemporary of the famous Hebrew grammarian David Kimchi (1160–1232), who is referred to there as _Hazakan_ (“the old man”).

According to some historians^[117-1] Abraham Ibn Chasdai was the spiritual head of the Barcelona Jewish community, but it is not impossible that he also may have been somewhat intimately connected with the medical profession. In his book _The Prince and the Dervish_ there are several references to the healing art and its many intricacies, which suggest more than a superficial acquaintance with the subject. But there is no doubt whatever that Ibn Chasdai was an eminent Hebrew and Talmudical scholar, and that he had a considerable knowledge of Arabic and Greek, which enabled him to translate into Hebrew some books written in these two languages^[117-2].

His only book, however, which has a permanent literary and ethical value is _The Prince and the Dervish_. Though it is only a free Hebrew translation of an Arabic book, which was in itself a mere version of a volume that had originally been composed in Greek, it has always enjoyed much popularity among readers of neo-Hebrew literature. It has not only been repeatedly published^[118-1], but it has also been translated into several languages, including Latin^[118-2], Spanish, and Jewish German.

_The Prince and the Dervish_ possesses in an eminent degree the qualities which make any book attractive, viz. a pleasing style and interesting subject-matter. In style it is a happy imitation of that found in the Bible, and is remarkable for the ingenuity with which certain verses thereof are used in a somewhat different sense from that which they have in it.

It consists of thirty-five chapters, full of charming tales and fables, together with many valuable maxims and proverbs. Rhymed prose intermingled with verse is generally used. The subject-matter is derived chiefly from the Talmud and the Midrash, but partly also from other Oriental sources. It is curious to note that several of the stories have been reproduced in a somewhat modified form by Boccaccio, Lafontaine, and other writers belonging to more modern times. But they possess a special characteristic of their own—they invariably end with a moral.

Passing now to a more detailed account of its contents, it is necessary to give the story, which is the framework within which the subordinate episodes are included. It runs as follows:—

“Once upon a time there lived in a certain state in India a cruel and despotic king, who only lived for his own enjoyment. He hated, in consequence, every kind of religious restriction, and even persecuted those of his subjects who, like the members belonging to the sect of the so-called Dervishes, led a retiring and ascetic life. His hatred of them acquired additional intensity when the chief of his courtiers disappeared one day from the palace, and was reported to have become a Dervish himself. A royal decree was issued, which forbade the Dervishes to remain in any part of the king's dominions, and which at the same time fixed a severe penalty for any disregard of the proclamation.

“Now it so happened that soon after this event a son and heir to the throne was born to the king. He summoned his astrologers to tell him of the future destiny of the newborn prince, and was informed that the prince would in the future become a great friend of the Dervishes, and favour and promote their cause. Thereupon the king ordered that the infant prince should be taken to a secluded castle, which stood upon a solitary island, and that he should be kept there under the closest surveillance until the time when he should ascend the throne. This order was strictly observed and carried out for a number of years by the king's servants. But when the prince had grown up, he was allowed by them to walk about the island by himself. Now on one of his walks the prince came across a strange looking man, who was sitting and meditating in a lonely spot near the sea. This man was the former chief courtier of the king who, as already stated, had joined the sect of Dervishes, and afterwards led a vagrant life. The strange appearance and peculiar attire of the Dervish attracted the attention of the prince, who, having engaged him in conversation, was so greatly charmed with it that he expressed a desire to have this interesting meeting repeated. The Dervish consented, and in their subsequent meetings many topics, including chiefly theology, ethics, and philosophy, were discussed. The Dervish, according to the Eastern fashion, wove tales, fables, and maxims into his discourses, which interested the prince so much that he offered the Dervish his life-long friendship as a mark of his sincere attachment to him. He also assured him that he would extend his favour to the whole sect of Dervishes as soon as he should succeed to his father's throne.”

Before proceeding to give some extracts from _The Prince and the Dervish_ it should be observed that, as already stated before, it is written in rhymed prose, intermixed with rather heavy verse, it is impossible to translate them literally or fully. The few passages, however, that are here rendered will no doubt be sufficient to enable the reader to form some notion of the most interesting portion of the book.

One of the best moral stories that occur in _The Prince and the Dervish_ is the following^[120-1]. It runs thus:—

“In the far East there was a little island, the inhabitants of which had some strange customs, notably in regard to their selection of a king to rule over them. Being averse to an hereditary monarchy, they used to go once every year to the sea-shore, and choose the first poor and shipwrecked stranger whom they happened to meet there as their king. As such, he was driven in a state coach to a magnificent palace, and there he was permitted to enjoy for a whole year all the rights and privileges possessed by an Eastern potentate. But, as soon as the year of his reign was over, the king was stripped of his royal garments, brought back to the very spot where he had been found, and there left to himself.

“Once, however, it so happened that the stranger, whom they had selected as their king, was a prudent man and experienced in worldly matters. Astonished at his sudden elevation, he made inquiries of one of the islanders whose confidence he had gained, and learned from him the real reason. He accordingly devised a plan, from which he hoped that he and his friend would derive some lasting advantage. They were simply to go on a dark night to the state treasury, and to take away from thence a quantity of jewels (which by right were the king's property for the time being), and hide them in a cave near the sea; they would thus have some means of subsistence when the year of the king's reign ended. The plan was speedily carried into effect. After his year's reign was over, he was taken back to the place whence he had come. He and his friend took possession of their hidden treasure, and with it they went on board a passing ship, which brought them to a foreign country, where the sale of their valuables enabled them to live a life of comfort and happiness.”

This tale was related by the Dervish to the prince, in the course of one of their conversations, as an illustration of human life. When we come into existence, the Dervish said, we are, every one of us, helpless and poor, but after we have grown up we have at our disposal all the wealth and delights which this beautiful world of ours offers to all men. But we must never ignore the fact that our stay on earth is but brief, and that we are thus, as it were, kings for one year only. It therefore behoves man to devote his brief existence to the performance of noble deeds which will, when his life is ended in this world, procure him in the world to come God's everlasting favour and grace.

All the tales contained in _The Prince and the Dervish_ are not, however, of this character; there are several of a purely diverting nature. To the latter class of tales belongs the one which treats of a large doll (chap. 31), and resembles in several respects some of the frivolous stories that occur in Boccaccio's _Decameron_. This tale, which the curious will have to read in the Hebrew original, shows up the fickleness of will and the infidelity of women generally. The author here follows the example set by several mediaeval Hebrew satirists, such as Bedaresi, Immanuel, Alcharizi, Sabbatai, Zabara, and others, who made womankind the butt of their wit. In the same volume a whole chapter (the 18th) is devoted to love. One of the principal virtues of this passion, the author says, is that it often brings into prominence certain good qualities in the lover which might otherwise have remained concealed. To win his lady's affection he would become courageous, active, liberal, and fond of jovial society. But love, the author goes on to say in true Eastern fashion, has also its demerits, for it often brings its devotees to destruction. It not seldom happens that he who has been captivated by the charms of a fair woman gets indolent, and spends much of his time in the pursuit of distractions. He thus squanders his possessions, and is reduced to poverty. As a poor man he has many cares, which weaken him both in mind and body, and throw him on the bed of sickness. His illness is frequently fatal, and he thus pays the penalty of unrestrained passion with his life.

In the same chapter several charming love poems occur, which resemble in form and style those of Judah Halevy, Ibn Ezra, and Alcharizi. One of these pieces, supposed to have been addressed by a lover to a maiden, who had ignored his avowed affection for her, runs as follows:—

Thrice cruel maid, may Heaven frown on thee, For that by day thou hidest thyself from me, And yet thou robbest me of my nightly rest, For that thy face is in my eyes impressed.

Another instance, showing how a subject is treated by the author in two different ways, is found in chapter 17. There the question of travelling is discussed by the prince and the Dervish, and they arrive at the conclusion that travelling, which affords recreation for body and mind, is specially commendable to a man who is worn out with cares and troubles, as the change of scenery and climate cannot but be beneficial to him. And indeed, says the author, were travelling not conducive to health and happiness, God would surely not have commanded his faithful servant Abraham, saying, “Get thee out of thy birthplace, and rove through the country” (Gen. xii. 1). Elsewhere in the same chapter travelling is depicted in different colours. It is, he says, fatiguing and by no means pleasant; for it deprives man of his home comforts, and causes him to renounce the society of dear and devoted friends, who make his life happy for him. That travelling is not a boon the author proves by the fact that Cain of the Bible was told by God to expiate the sin of his crime by being a restless wanderer over the earth (cp. Gen. iv. 12).

A special feature of _The Prince and the Dervish_ is the fable, which often serves as an illustration of the subject under discussion. The following^[123-1] is a specimen:—

“King Solomon, to whom legend ascribes the knowledge of all languages, including those supposed to be spoken by animals, once gave an audience to a wealthy Jewish farmer, and received from him a costly present. To show his appreciation of the gift, the king offered to bestow upon the farmer any favour he might ask. But, to the king's surprise, the farmer asked the favour of being initiated by the king into the secret of understanding the language spoken by farm-yard animals. After some hesitation the king granted the farmer's request, impressing him, however, with the necessity of not divulging the secret to anybody else under penalty of immediate death.