Part 1

VICTORIA & ALBERT MUSEUM

DEPARTMENT OF TEXTILES

GUIDE TO THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY

BY F. F. L. BIRRELL

LONDON: PRINTED UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF HIS MAJESTY’S STATIONERY OFFICE, 1921

PUBLICATION NO. 100T.

_Crown Copyright Reserved._

_First printed, October, 1914._ _Reprinted-April, 1921._

_This Guide may be obtained directly from the Victoria & Albert Museum, price 1s. 0d. net (by post 1s. 2d. net). It may also be obtained either through any bookseller or directly from H.M. Stationery Office at the following addresses: Imperial House, Kingsway, London (W.C. 2.), and 28, Abingdon Street (S.W. 1); 37, Peter Street, Manchester; 1, St. Andrew’s Crescent, Cardiff; 23, Forth Street, Edinburgh; or from E. Ponsonby, Ltd., 116, Grafton Street, Dublin._

C81 (7614) Wt. 30446/AM2362/637 6/21 2M Harrow (Gp. 51)

PREFATORY NOTE.

Although the Bayeux Tapestry is not itself included among the collections of the Museum, its surpassing interest to English students and the existence of two copies here amply justify the appearance of this guide. A full-size photographic reproduction, coloured by hand, is exhibited on the walls of the gallery numbered 79 on the first floor.

Another full-size photograph has been mounted on rollers for the convenience of studenmay be seen on application at the Students’ Room of the Department of Textiles, adjoining Room 123 on the first floor.

_May, 1921._ CECIL H. SMITH.

NOTE TO THE FIRST EDITION.

The preparation of this guide has been entrusted to Mr. F. F. L. Birrell. Its chief aim is to present in a handy form the most important of the ascertained facts regarding the Tapestry. Matters which belong to the realm of conjecture, and even of controversy, have also been touched upon. Students wishing to pursue these further are recommended to consult the authorities quoted in the guide. I have read through the proofs, and must accept responsibility for such errors as may be found.

_October, 1914._ A. F. K.

NOTE TO THE SECOND EDITION.

When this guide-book was first printed in 1914, its author, Mr. Francis Birrell, was for the time being a member of the staff of the Department of Textiles. On the publication of a second edition, they wish to express their regret that circumstances should have frustrated their hopes that he would remain as a colleague on the permanent staff.

_April, 1921._

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAGE

THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY 1

THE SCENES DESCRIBED 4

HISTORY OF THE TAPESTRY 11

THE LATIN INSCRIPTIONS WITH A TRANSLATION 14

THE PHOTOGRAPHIC COPY OF THE ORIGINAL 19

NOTES ON THE ILLUSTRATIONS 20

BIBLIOGRAPHY 28

INDEX 29

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

_Frontispiece_:--Harold Enthroned

PLATE I. King Edward the Confessor and Harold.

” II. The Oath of Harold.

” III. King Edward in his Palace.

” IV. The Church of S. Peter at Westminster.

” V. The Coronation of Harold. Stigand.

” VI. The Comet.

” VII. Building Ships.

” VIII. A Feast.

” IX. Odo. William. Robert.

” X. Burning a House.

” XI. The Battle of Hastings.

” XII. The Death of Harold.

FIG. 1. A Lion p. 1

“ 2. Ploughing p. 9

“ 3. Harrowing p. 14

“ 4. Fowling p. 18

I.--THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY.

The Bayeux Tapestry is probably the most famous and the most remarkable of mediæval embroideries. In it is given the complete story of a great exploit and one that must always be of particular interest to the English and French peoples--the story of the Norman Conquest. None of the main incidents leading up to the Conquest itself are omitted. The arrival of Harold in Normandy, his stay with William, his swearing of loyalty, his return to England, the death of Edward the Confessor, the subsequent election of Harold to the throne of England, with the expedition itself culminating in the Battle of Hastings, are all shown in the course of the story. It is as much a defence of William’s conduct as a history of his triumph.

The Tapestry is generally considered to be contemporary, or almost contemporary, with the events it portrays, and it is evident that if such be the case it is an historical document of the very first importance. Certain archæologists have indeed maintained that it was not made till 50 or even 200 years after the Conquest, but their arguments have not generally been found convincing, and the claims of those who consider the Tapestry a contemporary document may be said to have held their ground. Historians like Freeman, Mr. J. H. Round, and Professor Oman have not hesitated to draw their conclusions from it, and it remains an inexhaustible storehouse of information regarding the social life of England and Normandy during the 11th century.

The interest of the Tapestry is still further increased when it is realised how much care seems to have been spent on giving an accurate rendering of the subjects shown. The representations of Edward and William, for instance, agree with their likenesses as shown to us on their seals and coins. In accordance with the fashion, Harold and his Saxons are given moustaches, while the Normans go clean-shaven. But while Harold and his men are in Normandy they follow the Norman fashion and also go clean-shaven. Again, the English “packed shield” formation, which so much impressed the Conqueror at Hastings, is shown with great clearness. Indeed, the Tapestry corrects many of the errors of mediæval historians, while Mr. Round believes that with its aid he has cleared up the mystery that hangs round early Norman “Castles.” But though the Tapestry has these uses for archæologists and historians, it will have a wider appeal for those who are attracted by sound workmanship. Indeed, it combines beauty with an attention to correctness of detail and fashion to an extent unsurpassed in the memorials of the time.

A word may be added about technique. The “Bayeux Tapestry” always has been, and probably always will be, known under this name. It should, however, be recognised that, properly speaking, it is not a tapestry at all but an embroidery.[1] The figures are worked on linen, probably unbleached, in wool of eight different shades: dark and light blue, red, yellow, dark and light green, black and dove colour. The Latin inscriptions that are placed over most of the scenes are also stitched in wool, and are about an inch in height. It is noticeable that no attempt has been made to give the objects the colours they have in nature, while a difference of colour is the method employed for such effects as perspective. For instance, we see in the case of the horses the difference of the plane of their right and left legs is often suggested by a difference of colour.[2]

The tradition that the embroidery was carried out by Matilda and her ladies is a late tradition and need not be considered too seriously. William would have been more indisputably the hero if this were true, and it is not likely that the work, when completed, would have been sent to Bayeux to adorn Odo’s cathedral. It is more probable that it was commanded by Odo for the decoration of his church. The design would be made by some competent artist in possession of the facts and this design would be worked out by the inhabitants of Bayeux and its neighbourhood. It should be remembered that it was very rare for the same persons to be concerned in the designing and the working out of the design.

II--THE SCENES DESCRIBED.

NOTE.--_In the following paragraphs the figures represent the number of the scene. Corresponding numbers will be found on the copy of the Tapestry above the scene described, and in Part IV._ (_p._ 14).

It may be noticed, generally, that the story is presented with a strong bias in favour of the Normans, and there are large discrepancies between the account given here and that which, descending through Freeman from Florence of Worcester, is served up to English readers, whose sympathies are still supposed to be enlisted on behalf of Harold. It has been usually taught in England, for instance, that Harold only landed in France by mistake through being caught in a storm, and that this advantage was seized by William to the undoing of the man who was his guest. The story told in the Tapestry is very different.

In the first scene (PLATE I.) King Edward the Confessor is giving instructions to Harold, who immediately, with a large cavalcade of men, horses, dogs and falcons (2), sets off in the direction of the coast. He passes Bosham, where he enters the church and prays (3), conduct that is, perhaps, intended to appear hypocritical in the light of future events. After these religious exercises Harold and his company repair to a neighbouring house and refresh themselves with food before setting out again on their journey. They then cross the sea (4, 5, 6). No storm is shown and the Tapestry has the inscription “HIC HAROLD MARE NAVIGAVIT ET VELIS VENTO PLENIS VENIT IN TERRA WIDONIS COMITIS” (“Here Harold set sail upon the sea and with sails full of wind came to the land of Count Guy”). This cannot well mean a storm but a favourable voyage. Harold had always intended to come in to France. He had in the first scene had an interview with Edward in which he is presumably intrusted with a message to William, which he crosses the sea to deliver. If this message were to state Edward’s wish that William should succeed him on the Throne of England, how treacherous becomes Harold’s conduct. Yet this is what the Tapestry silently suggests. On landing he is immediately seized (7) by Count Guy of Ponthieu, into whose territory he is come, and is carried off by him to his castle of Beaurain (8, 9).

Harold and Guy then converse together (10), Harold presumably explaining the reasons for his arrival in the latter’s territories. The messengers of William arrive at Guy’s castle (11), one of them, Turold, being mentioned by name. He is portrayed as a dwarf, either in an attempt at perspective or merely owing to the exigencies of space.[3] The story here becomes somewhat obscure, but the envoys go back to William (12, 13) and in 14, 15 Harold is brought to him by Guy in person. William’s treatment of Harold is here surely intended to bring out the excellence of the Duke’s character, for he behaves towards Harold with magnificent urbanity and takes him to his palace at Rouen (16, 17). In 18 appears the mysterious incident of “a certain clerk and Ælfgyva,” which will be mentioned later. After this interval Harold and William, now apparently on the best of terms, start off together for a warlike expedition. They reach Mont Saint Michel (19), cross the River Couesnon (20), where Harold drags some Norman soldiers out of a quicksand (21) into which they had fallen. In 22 they arrive at Dol, and Conan[4] evacuates the town. They then pass Rechnes (Rennes), which is stitched small, and is only there to show the course of their march. A strenuous fight takes place at Dinan till Conan gives up the keys (23, 24), and in (25) William presents Harold with arms as a sign of gratitude for his services. In this high amity with each other they repair to Bayeux (26), where takes place the crucial incident in the history of Harold (27). Here there is again a great discrepancy between the Norman version and that usually taught in England. According to the English story Harold was tricked into swearing fealty to William on a box, in which, unknown to him, were concealed the bones of saints. This fact, if true, is suppressed in the Tapestry. Here, Harold’s two hands are resting on altars supporting chests of the kind used expressly for containing relics (PLATE II.). The oath is made as ostentatiously solemn as possible. Perhaps Harold might be able to urge compulsion as invalidating this oath; his whole position had been from the beginning little better than that of a prisoner. The plea of trickery was out of the question, and his future conduct makes him appear, to Norman eyes, a perjurer and a blasphemer.

After this Harold returns to England (28) and proceeds at once to Edward the Confessor (29), with whom he has an interview (PLATE III.).

We are next shown (30, 31) the coffin of Edward the Confessor being carried in mourning to its interment in the Church of St. Peter at Westminster (PLATE IV.). The order of events has been here slightly transposed, as in 32 we see Edward still alive though on his death-bed addressing his “fideles” or vassals. The reason for the transposition of scenes will soon become clear; Harold is present, with Edward’s wife, Queen Eadgyth, an ecclesiastic, and two other persons. What may have been the nature of the communications passing between Edward and his “fideles” at this solemn moment cannot be said with certainty, but it is likely that even then the question of the succession was being agitated. Immediately below Edward has fallen into the sleep of death (ET HIC DEFUNCTUS EST), and the crown is offered to Harold, who sits enthroned, with Archbishop Stigand by his side (33) (PLATE V. and FRONTISPIECE). The reason why the funeral of the Confessor was represented before his death has now become apparent. The swift change from the death-bed of the saintly Edward to the triumph of his unscrupulous successor leaves behind it a feeling which must have been highly agreeable to Norman admirers of the Tapestry. In 34 (PLATE VI.) is recorded an interesting event. The inscription reads: “ISTI MIRANT STELLA” (“They,” _i.e._ the English, “wonder at a star”), and this unusual star is portrayed curiously in the border. The English are right to be afraid. The heavens themselves blaze forth their disapproval at the conduct of Harold. A messenger is seen bringing tidings to the King, which he seems to hear with great agitation. It is likely that this message is connected with the strange apparition of the preceding scene. In 35 an English ship is shown on its way to France, bearing to William news of events in England.

At this point the story as told in the Tapestry falls quite naturally into two parts. So far the unscrupulous conduct of Harold has been crowned with success. His ambitions are realised, and he sits on the throne of England. Omens, however, are not wanting to foreshadow the shortness of his reign. The second part of the story will show how William came into his own.

In 36 William has heard the news and promptly determines on revenge. With Bishop Odo at his side, he gives orders that a fleet shall be made ready; the trees are hewn (37, 38), and the ships built (PLATE VII.); they are dragged down to the sea (39), arms are carried on board (40), carts with wine and arms are dragged down to the beach, William crosses in a great ship (41, 42, 43), he arrives at Pevensey (44, 45), the horses are disembarked (46), and the knights push on to Hastings (47). The whole story moves along with admirable speed, till the spectator seems to partake in the hurry and bustle of the great expedition. William’s determination is as sure as Harold’s. The difference is that his cause is just. After the arrival at Hastings, the story continues more slowly to its appointed end. That other side of military life is now shown, as necessary as, if less dignified than, the former glimpses. We see the victualling of William’s army. In 47 the soldiers are seizing the neighbouring cattle for food. In 48 is a knight on horseback bearing the name Wadard. He is thought by the designer to be well enough known to need no explanation, but at this distance of time his appearance seems irrelevant. 49, however, carries on the story from 47. The food taken then is now being cooked, the servants serve up the meats which they lay before the soldiery, and Bishop Odo blesses the meat (50). This scene is worked in with real humour; the soldiers are hardly able to restrain their appetite till grace has been said (PLATE VIII.). Immediately afterwards (51) are seen Bishop Odo, the Conqueror and his eldest son, Count Robert, the three most distinguished ornaments of the war, seated together in a tent (PLATE IX.).

In (52) it is ordered that a rampart be thrown up: the camp is shown. A messenger arrives giving news of Harold, and a house is burned (53). Then the army leaves Hastings (54) to go in to battle against Harold (55, 56), and Duke William questions one Vital (57, 58) concerning Harold and his army. Not till 59 is news of William brought to Harold. That Harold should not have been kept more fully informed of his opponent’s movements and only have heard particulars when the enemy were at his very gates seems to suggest a certain incompetence or, at any rate, to show that he had been completely surprised by the rapidity of William’s movements. His other difficulties, caused by rivals to his throne and foreign enemies, which had only just been relieved by the glorious victory of Stamford Bridge, and the deaths of Tostig and Harold Hardrada, are omitted by the Norman chronicler. In 60 William exhorts his men to be brave and prudent, and they advance gaily into battle (61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66), the whole course of events being splendidly exhibited. At last full justice is done to the English enemy. They fight valiantly, and the celebrated “packed-shield” formation is clearly shown (PLATE XI.). Bad luck, however, pursues the English; Leofwyne and Gyrth, brothers of the King, are slain (67, 68, 69), but the fighting still remains even, Normans and English falling together (70, 71). The Normans are being pressed hard when Bishop Odo, armed with a club, exhorts the young recruits and saves a panic (72). A cry then goes up that Duke William has been killed; he shows himself, however (73), and confidence is restored. On the left of the Duke is seen Eustace (E ... TIUS is all that remains of the inscription) carrying a standard. According to the mediæval historian Benoît de Saint Maur[5] the Duke’s standard-bearer Eustace, Count of Boulogne, had urged the Duke to leave the field, believing the day to be lost. This moment proves to be the turning point of the battle; the French fight with renewed vigour (73, 74, 75), and beat their way up to Harold, who is killed by an arrow (76) (PLATE XII.). The English army is discouraged and flies (77, 78, 79).

Here the Tapestry ends, and it is not quite clear if it had been intended to pursue the subject further. According to Dr. Ducarel the tapestry, when hung, exactly filled the nave of the Cathedral; so that very likely no more was ever designed.

The borders that run above and below well repay study. They not only make an admirable framework for the main narrative, but have an object of their own in keeping up a kind of running commentary on the events portrayed within their boundaries; strange birds and beasts, the subjects of fable, hybrids, and human forms, sometimes pursuing their ordinary avocations, sometimes engaged in battle or lying dead, form these borders, teaching by their actions, attitudes or expressions, the import of each scene. They express the hopes and fears of the rival factions and perform almost the functions of a Greek Chorus. They are delightful, too, in themselves, and there is in them something truly expressive of the mediæval mind.

There are several interesting features to be observed in connection with the Tapestry besides that of its evident bias. There runs throughout the assumption that the story will be familiar not only in outline, but also in detail to the examiners of the Tapestry--a fact which is in itself strong evidence of a contemporary date.

For instance, in 17 occurs the mysterious subject “UBI UNUS CLERICUS ET ÆLFGYVA” (“where a certain clerk and Ælfgyva”). Who Ælfgyva was permits of the widest conjecture; who a certain clerk may have been no one even pretends to know. But it is evident that the subject was sufficiently well known at the time to be inserted quite naturally and without any further explanation. At this distance of time it is impossible to explain the allusion. Again, who were Turold (12), Wadard (49), Vital (62)? They are honoured in the Tapestry with their names above them, and so were evidently thought to be persons of importance. But few can have heard of them to-day. The archæologist Amyot, indeed, discovered that there were three vassals of Bishop Odo called by these names. If these are the people shown in the Tapestry, their appearance would be a compliment to the Bishop as well as themselves. In fact, throughout the story Bishop Odo appears with a prominence that can hardly have been attractive to his illustrious brother. Not only do his three servants appear in this way, but in 54 he is seated in state with the Conqueror and the Conqueror’s eldest son, Count Robert, while in the crisis of the battle it was Odo, not William, who rallied the troops and turned into victory what had seemed certain defeat. Again, when William was giving his orders for the preparation of the Expedition (41) Odo stood by his side ever ready with advice. It may be remembered what William thought later of the ambition of his brother, and how some time after the Conquest was over he sent him packing back to his Bishopric. Odo was certainly a great benefactor to his Cathedral of Bayeux, and the prominence given to him has been used as an argument that the Tapestry was ordered by him and the design made by an artist intent on the gratification of his lord.

III--HISTORY OF THE TAPESTRY.

The “Bayeux Tapestry” has had an adventurous career since its first mention in the Inventory of Bayeux Cathedral in 1476, when it was hung round the nave during the season of the Feast of Relics. It is even possible that its adventures may have begun before this, if the assumption of an early date be correct, for the cathedral was burnt to the ground in 1106.

However that may be, in 1562 the town was sacked by Calvinists: but, fortunately, the Tapestry was handed over to the civil authority to guard, and it escaped destruction, though a tapestry “de grande valeur” that used to hang in the choir perished during the troubles. When these disturbances were over, it was once more in the hands of the ecclesiastical authorities, hung in the nave on appointed days, and forgotten for close on 200 years.

In the year 1724 an archæologist, M. Launcelot, read a paper before the French Academy on this subject. He had, however, only seen a drawing of a portion of the whole, and was only able to conjecture that the original was a fresco or an embroidery. He was strongly of the opinion that the original was made in the time of the Conqueror or his immediate successors. Better results, however, attended the efforts of Père Montfaucon, a Benedictine of St. Maur, who ran the original to earth after much search. It was published in engraving on a reduced scale in his second volume of “Monuments de la Monarchie Française (1730).” Kept in the repositories of the cathedral and only exhibited on feast days, the Tapestry survived in peace the early days of the Revolution, but when the Revolutionaries were going out to scatter their foreign enemies it was turned to account and made to cover an army waggon. It had been laid in position and was on the point of being taken off to the front, when M. le Forestier, the Commissioner of Police, seized on it and hid it in his study. In 1794 it was again about to be cut to pieces, when it was rescued by a self-appointed committee for guarding works of art in the neighbourhood.